House of Commons
Thursday, July 11, 1912
Private Business
Private Bills [Lords'] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, and which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:—
Ericht Water and Electric Power Bill [ Lords ].
Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time.
Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:—
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 15) Bill.
Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time To-morrow.
Brighton Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
Great Central Railway Bill [ Lords ],
Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.
Ericht Water and Electric Power Bill [ Lords ],
Ordered, That Standing Order 73 be suspended, and that the Examiner have leave to sit and proceed forthwith.—[ The Deputy-Chairman. ]
Local Government Provisional Order (No. 5) Bill,
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 11) Bill,
Local Government Provisional Orders(No. 12) Bill,
Read the third time, and passed.
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 9) Bill,
Local Government Provisional Order (No. 13) Bill,
As amended, considered; to be read the third time To-morrow.
Norfolk Fisheries Provisional Order Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Tomorrow.
Swansea Corporation Bill,
Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee (Section B) [Title amended]; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Sheffield Corporation Bill,
Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee (Section A); Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to—
Bradford Corporation Trolley Vehicles Provisional Order Bill,
Metropolitan District Railway Bill,
London United Tramways Bill,
Ivybridge Urban District Water Bill,
Fleetwood Gas Bill, with Amendments.
Amendments to—
North Ormesby, South Bank, Normanby, and Grangetown Railless Traction Bill [ Lords ],
Tendring Hundred Water and Gas Bill [ Lords ],
Brodsworth and District Gas Bill [ Lords ],
Wandsworth, Wimbledon, and Epsom District Gas Bill [ Lords ],
Australian Agricultural Company Bill [ Lords ],
Stepney Borough Council (Spitalfields Market) Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under The Gas and Water Works Facilities Act, 1870, relating to Conisbrough Gas, Elham Valley Gas, Knottingley Gas, and Thurles Gas." [Gas Orders Confirmation (No. 1) Bill [ Lords. ]
And, also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under The Gas and Water Works Facilities Act, 1870, relating to Chiddingfold and District Water, East Surrey Water, Henley-on-Thames Water, and Wimborne Minster Water." [Water Orders Confirmation Bill [ Lords. ]
Bishop's Divorce Bill [ Lords ],
That they communicate the Minutes of Evidence taken upon the Second Reading of Bishop's Divorce Bill [ Lords ], as desired by this House, with a, request that the same may be returned.
Gas Orders Confirmation (No. 1) Bill [ Lords ],
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 275.]
Water Orders Confirmation Bill [ Lords ],
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 276.]
Liquor Licence Duties
Return presented relative thereto [Address 16th May; Mr. Austen Chamberlain]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Trade Reports (Annual Series)
Copies presented of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 4888, 4931, and 4940 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
National Insurance Act
Copy presented of Report of Sir William Plender to the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the result of his Investigations into existing conditions in respect of medical attendance and remuneration in certain towns [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Copy presented of Provisional Regulations made by the Joint Committee and the Irish Insurance Commissioners as to the payment and collection of contributions in respect of persons exempt from Insurance, being Irish Migratory Labourers [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 218.]
Copy presented of Provisional Regulations made by the Joint Committee and the Irish Insurance Commissioners as to the payment and collection of contributions payable by an employer in respect of persons other than Irish Migratory Labourers [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 219.]
Copy presented of Provisional Regulations made by the Joint Committee and the Irish Insurance Commissioners, acting jointly, as to Employed Contributors working under the general control and management of some person other than their immediate Employer [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 220.]
Copy presented of Regulations of the National Health Insurance Joint Committee and the Scottish Insurance Commissioners, acting jointly, as to payment and collection of Contributions [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 221.]
Copy presented of Provisional Regulations made by the Irish Insurance Commissioners as to the Proceedings of Insurance Committees [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 222.]
Copy presented of Provisional Regulations, dated 11th July, 1912, of the National Insurance Joint Committee and the Insurance Commissioners, acting jointly, as to the Contributions to be paid in respect of Outworkers [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 223.]
Copy presented of Provisional Regulations, dated 11th July, 1912, as to Notices by Employers under Section 47 (2) of The National Insurance Act, 1911 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 224.]
Copy presented of the Inspectors' (Unemployment Insurance) Regulations, 1912, dated 10th July, 1912, made by the Board of Trade under Part II. of The National Insurance Act, 1911 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Copy presented of Regulations made by the Board of Trade as to the form of the-Certificate of Appointment to be furnished to an Inspector appointed for the purposes of Part II. of the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Order [9th July] that the Paper presented 9th July, relative to National Health Insurance Commission (Joint Committee) Regulations, do lie upon the Table, and be printed, read, and discharged. Paper withdrawn.—[ Mr. Masterman. ]
Caledonian Canal
Paper laid upon the Table by the Clerk of the House:—Copy of One hundred and Seventh Report of the Commissioners of the Caledonian Canal [by Act]; to be printed. [No. 225.]
Established Church (Wales) Bill
Petitions praying that the House would not proceed further with the Established Church (Wales) Bill, were presented as follows:—
—Signed by 64,764 adult persons in the counties of Flint and Denbigh.
—Signed by 74,100 adult persons in Cardiff and Glamorgan, East.
—Signed by 77,210 adult persons in Swansea and Glamorgan, West.
—138 Petitions from the County Pembroke, containing 30,871 signatures, and 71 from the county Cardigan, containing 17,824 signatures.
—From the county of Carnarvon, containing 33,755 signatures, and from the county of Angle-sea, containing 14,432 signatures.
—Signed by 40,088 adult persons in the county of Carmarthen.
—Signed by 23,401 adult persons in the counties Montgomery and Merioneth.
—From the county Brecknock, containing 19,315 signatures, and Petition from the county Radnor, containing 9,724 signatures.
—115 Petitions from the county of Monmouth, containing 61,391 signatures, and sixty Petitions from Glamorgan, South, containing 35,182 signatures.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Turkish Government (British Officers)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what are the conditions on which the British Government would lend military officers to the Turkish Government; and whether they will include the condition that the officers shall have executive authority?
The conditions, including that relating to the executive authority of the officers, are still under consideration.
Will the conditions be laid before the House before the appointments are made?
I could not say that. The House might not be sitting at the time the appointments are made. But I will make known the conditions.
Ex-Shah of Persia
asked whether the British Consul at Odessa has been in structed to keep a watch on the movements-of the ex-Shah of Persia; whether the Government has recently received any reports from the British Consul at Odessa, as to the proceedings of the ex-Shah; and whether the British Government adhere to their often repeated declaration that under no circumstances will they recognize the ex-Shah as ruler of Persia?
The answer to the first point is in the negative; a report has been received from His Majesty's Consulate that the Shah was preparing to leave for Carlsbad, but there has been no confirmation of it from other sources; as to the third point, His Majesty's Government have seen no reason for modifying their attitude.
Shuja-ed-Dowleh
asked whether Shuja-ed-Dowleh is still acting as Governor of Tabriz; and, if so, why the pledge contained in the dispatch of Sir G. Buchanan, dated 14th February, 1912, has not been carried out?
The answer to the first, point in the hon. Member's question is in the affirmative. As regards the second point, the telegram to which he refers mentions no pledge, but merely intimates the acquiescence of the Russian Government in the transfer of Shuja-ed-Dowleh to another post and the appointment of Sipahdar as Governor-General at Tabriz. Though Sipahdar's departure for his post has been postponed, his appointment has not been cancelled, and it is hoped that he will soon leave Teheran.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give any indication when Shuja-ed-Dowleh can be removed from the Governorship of Tabriz?
No, I have no more definite information than is given in the answer.
Crete
asked the nature of the guarantees of this country to support the status quo in the island of Crete, and if such guarantee has on more than one occasion in recent years compelled the presence in Cretan waters of a force of His Majesty's warships; and if the force in the Eastern Mediterranean at the present time is sufficient to ensure the carrying out of this country's obligations there?
The nature of the engagements undertaken by the Powers in respect of Crete are to be found in the Blue Books issued in 1897–98–99, on pages 118, 110, and 57, respectively. The presence of more than one of His Majesty's ships in Cretan "waters has been necessitated on three occasions since those undertakings were given. The naval forces of His Majesty in the Mediterranean are amply sufficient for any purposes connected with the maintenance of existing obligations.
Are any British warships in Cretan waters at the present moment?
I am not quite sure "whether there are one or two.
Have we got the three ships that might be required to act in the Mediterranean?
I do not think I said three ships were required. I said that more than one was required on three occasions since 1895. I think that that there were only two at a time. The ships required in connection with Crete are not necessarily ships of a high fighting value as against modern ships.
King's County Assize
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been drawn to the charge delivered by the Judge of Assize to the Grand Jury of King's County, on Monday last, the 1st instant, with reference to the state of a portion of King's County; whether he is aware that the number of specially reported outrages in this county have risen from ten in the period between the Spring and Summer Assizes of 1911 to twenty-six in the corresponding period of this year; and whether any special steps have been taken to deal with this disturbed area and to protect law-abiding people therein?
I have seen a newspaper report of the charge delivered by the learned judge. The police authorities inform me that the increase in the number of offences reported is almost entirely due to a dispute about one farm near Ferbane, and that the sixteen additional cases referred to in the question include a number of threatening letters and notices in connection with the matter. The people of the district, other than those immediately concerned, are not taking any part in the dispute. The necessary protection is being afforded to the occupiers of the farm.
Is the Chief Secretary aware that these charges which are made by the judges in Ireland on the state of the country have no parallel in England, and are not known, and that the judge is only speaking on information supplied to him by the police authorities?
What has that got to do with the question which my hon. Friend has put upon the Paper?
It has long been the practice in Ireland for judges in Ireland before commencing their proceedings to receive a report from the police in the district as to the general state of affairs. There is, pi course, no corresponding practice to that in England, and, whatever value belongs to the Report, it is made by the persons responsible in regard to the state of affairs in the county.
Disturbance at Innisrush (Ireland)
asked whether the Chief Secretary is aware that on Friday evening, 28th June, when the Protestant rector and the Sunday school children and teachers connected with his church were returning from the rectory at Glenone to Innisrush, several shots were fired at them when passing Harrystown, a hamlet inhabited by Roman Catholics; whether any arrest have been made; and what means are being taken to prevent a recurrence of outrages of this kind?
The police authorities inform me that on the 28th June, when the Innisrush Protestant Temperance Band was returning through Harrystown from a Sunday school fete, a woman struck one of the drummers with a stick. She was at once removed by the police, and the person assaulted refused to prosecute. Soon afterwards five shots were fired from near her house, which is about a hundred yards from the road and surrounded by trees, but the police could not see who fired them, or whether they were fired at anyone. Some stones were also thrown from a neighbouring shrubbery, but no one except this one woman attempted to attack the band. The police were present in sufficient number to prevent any disturbance, and the necessary precautions will be taken on other occasions of the kind.
Castledawson Riot (Attack on Sunday School Children)
asked what steps the Chief Secretary has taken to institute a full and searching inquiry into the facts connected with the late attack on Whitehouse Presbyterian Sunday School children by members of a procession of the Ancient Order of Hibernians at Castledawson?
The facts will be fully investigated in a Court of Justice. Proceedings have been taken against thirty-six persons, some belonging to one party and some to the other, and the cases came before the magistrates at Magherafelt Petty Sessions yesterday, when the defendants' solicitors applied for an adjournment on the ground that they had not had time to prepare their defence. On this application the cases were adjourned to the 22nd instant, the defendants being admitted to bail.
May I ask the Chief Secretary whether, in view of the fact that he has already promised the fullest and most careful investigation by an independent person, he will do more than simply give the result of the proceedings about to be taken in a Court of Law?
I am in the hands of people generally in this matter. Being a member of the legal profession myself, I have always thought that nothing was more satisfactory than an inquiry in a Court of Law. I do not know whether the hon. Member quarrels at all with that view, but for my own part I think my promise is fulfilled by these proceedings.
In view of the fact that any inquiry which may take place in a Court of Law will only be on the facts as affecting the parties to the dispute in Court; in view of the fact that there cannot possibly be a proper report of the whole occurrence; and in view of the fact that he has already promised us a full inquiry, may I press him to institute such inquiry?
I prefer to wait to see the result of this legal inquiry. It was the kind of investigation I had in my mind when I made the promise.
Will the right hon. Gentleman also consider what has been going on in the Belfast shipyards, where Orangemen have made brutal attacks on trade unionists, Catholics, and Socialists.
County Court Procedure (Ireland)
asked whether the Lord Chancellor has yet considered the Report of the County Court judges on County Court Procedure; and, if so, when will action be taken on the Report, and when will the Report be made public?
I am informed by the Lord Chancellor that owing to his engagements it has not been possible for him as yet to fully consider the Report referred to, but he will take the first opportunity of doing so.
In view of the fact that it is a month since I asked this question and no action has been taken, will the right hon. Gentleman ask the Lord Chancellor to deal with this matter as quickly as possible, as the legal profession are very much interested in it?
I, too, am very much interested, and I will convey to the Lord Chancellor the desire of the hon. Gentleman.
Agrarian Outrages (Ireland)
asked if the Chief Secretary will state what progress has been made in the preparation of the Return promised by him some time ago as to the number of agrarian outrages in Ireland?
The Return which the hon. Member asked for on 15th April was published with the Votes on that date. I am forwarding a copy to the hon. Member, as he does not appear to have seen it.
India
Indian Students (Secretary)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the India Council has created a new appointment of secretary for Indian students; if so, what is the salary attached to the office, and what are the duties connected with it; and whether the status of the educational advisor to Indian students is in any way affected thereby?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave yesterday to the hon. Member for East Nottingham.
South-Eastern Persia (British Indian Mission)
asked whether the attention of the Under-Secretary for India has been drawn to the fact that an application was made more than a year ago to have a copy of the Report of the British-Indian Commercial Mission to South-Eastern Persia, by Mr. Glendowe Newcommen, placed in the Library; whether, up to the present, this Report has not been placed in the Library; and whether he will see that a copy is furnished to the Library without delay?
So far as I am aware no such application has ever been made before, but the Secretary of State will cause a copy of Mr. Newcommen's Report (which is now six years old) to be placed in the Library. I may add that the Report is not in any sense an Official Paper.
Questions
Tobin v. Gardiner (Singapore)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been called to the case of Tobin v. Gardiner, in the Supreme Court at Singapore; whether he is aware that Mr. Tobin alleges that when he was a prisoner in gaol his wife, who was left destitute with her children, was taken advantage of by Mr. E. A. Gardiner, assistant superintendent of police; whether he is aware that Chief Detective Inspector Nolan gave evidence that in July or August last he was instructed by Mr. Gardiner to watch Mrs. Tobin, and on his failing to find anything against her he was then asked by Mr. Gardiner to get some body to take her out for a rikisha ride or to come forward and say that he had had relations with her; whether he is aware that in the action which Mr. Tobin brought against Mr. Gardiner for criminal conver- sation with his wife, the Chief Justice, Sir William Hyndman Jones, stated that he was satisfied that Chief Detective Inspector Nolan was a true witness, and awarded $1,000 damages against Mr. Gardiner; and whether the Colonial Office has taken or proposes to take any action?
I have seen a report of the case in a local newspaper, which confirms the statements in the second, third, and fourth parts of my hon. Friend's question. It also appears from that newspaper that the officer in question has been suspended from duty. I am awaiting a report from the Governor.
Straits Settlements (English Education)
asked whether the Report of the Commission appointed to inquire into the state of English education in the Straits Settlements, referred to by the Secretary of State for the Colonies in his dispatch of 29th January, 1903, and also the Report of the Committee of which Sir Cecil Smith was chairman, referred to in the same dispatch, have been published or are available for the information of Members of this House?
Copies of the two-Reports to which my hon. Friend refers-will be placed in the Library of the House.
Public Offices (Sites) Bill
asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he will consider the desirability of deferring the proposals for new Government buildings under the Post Offices (Sites) Bill, in view of the extent of public offices recently erected and the dissatisfaction with their architectural features?
In view of the fact that these new offices are urgently required, the First Commissioner regrets that he cannot accede to the suggestion of my hon. Friend and postpone the Bill. He hopes that the architectural features of the new buildings will meet with general approval.
May I ask whether it is the fact that nearly the whole of the architectural work of the Board is now carried out by the Board's own architect, and whether, as regards these new buildings, designs from outside architects will be invited?
As regards the plans for the new buildings, the proposition put forward by the hon. Member as to a competition is under the consideration of the First Commissioner.
General Valuation Office (Ireland)
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether a memorial to the Treasury from the whole body of permanent valuers and surveyors of the General Valuation Office, Ireland, asking for an inquiry into their salaries and the administration of the Department, was presented to Sir John Barton, the Commissioner of Valuation in Ireland, on 3rd June, 1912; whether the memorial has yet reached the Treasury, and, if so, why has no reply or acknowledgment of any kind been given to the memorialists; and whether, if the memorial has not reached the Treasury, will investigation be made into the cause of its delay in reaching them?
The memorial has been presented to the head of the Department as required by the rules of the public service and has been forwarded by him to the Treasury, where it is now receiving consideration. No direct communications pass in such cases between the Treasury and memorialists.
asked what extra remuneration the permanent valuers and surveyors of the General Valuation Office, Ireland, are receiving for having fixed, by Sir John Barton's directions, over 17,000 gross and full-site values and made over2,000 complete provisional valuations under the Finance (1909–10) Act, 1910, which work is outside the scope of their duties under the Irish Valuation Acts; whether they have been furnished with warrants entitling them to enter premises for other purposes than valuation for rating; what proportion, if any, of the cost of the above valuations has been charged against the Vote for the rating side of the General Valuation Office; and, if any, why the whole was not charged against the Finance Act side of the Department?
No extra remuneration has been paid for the valuing work in question which has not involved extra hours' work and is not outside the scope of the valuers' duties. No special warrants were considered necessary. The work is required both for valuations under the Finance (1909–10) Act, 1910, and for rating valuations, and the cost has been divided and charged accordingly, as shown in Class II., Vote 43, of the Civil Service Estimates.
Government of Ireland Bill
Financial Arrangements
asked the Prime Minister how many Members it is estimated will be summoned under Clause 26 (3) of the Government of Ireland Bill to this House?
It is impossible to form an estimate of the number of Members to be summoned from Ireland to this House in the events referred to in Clause 26 of the Bill, as the number will depend on the relative population of Great Britain and Ireland at the time.
Questions
Railway Rates (Legislation)
asked the Prime Minister in what manner and when it is proposed to redeem the pledges given by him to the railway companies in August, 1911, with regard to the increase of rates; and if, in view of the extent to which the interests of railway employés are affected, precedence will be given to the necessary legislation to ensure its passage before Parliament rises for the Summer Recess?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. It is proposed in the Railways Bill, which has been introduced, to give effect to the undertaking given to the railway companies in August last, but it is not possible for the Bill to become law before Parliament rises for the Recess.
Is that in consequence of the general dissatisfaction felt in regard to sundry Clauses in the Bill?
I have not the least idea to what the hon. Member is referring.
Clause 2.
Education (Scotland) Sill
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether his attention has been drawn to the Education (Scotland) Bill introduced by the Member for Banffshire; whether he is willing to grant facilities for its passage into law, and, if not, whether he can hold out any hope of the whole subject of school board areas being dealt with by legislation at an early date?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative; to the second and third parts in the negative.
Amalgamation of School Districts (Reports)
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he is aware that, owing to the Report of the Commissioner who inquires into the matter of amalgamations of school districts, held by order of the Scottish Education Department, being held as confidential, the school boards concerned have no means of knowing what relation the Report bears to the evidence adduced at the inquiry, and are, in consequence debarred from making further representations to the Department, as provided for by the rules of procedure; and whether he will consider the possibility of modifying the Regulation which forbids the Report being made available to the school boards interested?
I would point out that before the making of any Order following upon an inquiry of the kind referred to, the terms of the proposed Order are communicated to the school boards, and are otherwise made known precisely in accordance with the rules of procedure laid down in the Act. A period of not less than forty days is then allowed to elapse for the receiving of representations, and I am unable to admit that the fact that the Report is treated as confidential in any way debars school boards from making representations respecting the proposed Order, as provided for in the said rules of procedure.
Post Office
Deferred Cable Rates
asked the Postmaster-General whether, in view of the number of people who have friends in Australia and who cannot afford expensive messages, he will consider the advisability of extending the deferred delivery cable rate so that it may be possible to send a message to Australia of ten words for 5s. with a condition that the message may, if necessary, be delayed in its delivery for 48 or 72 hours or even longer?
I am engaged in negotiations on the subject of the extension to Australia and New Zealand of the system of week-end cable letters which is now in successful operation between the United Kingdom on the one hand and Canada and the United States on the other. The negotiations are not yet concluded.
Retrenched Civil Servants (South Africa)
asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that the Select Committee appointed to inquire into postal questions has declined to consider the case of the retrenched Civil servants from South Africa on the basis that they do not constitute a separate class in the postal service; and, in the circumstances, will he take into personal consideration the case of men who are doing highly skilled work at a learner's salary?
I understand that the Select Committee are unable to consider specially the case of the retrenched officers. That case is only a part of the wider question of starting pay in the Post Office service. There is a general rule, applicable to retrenched South African Civil servants as to others, that officers entering the class of sorting clerk and telegraphist above the age of twenty-one must enter at the age pay fixed for officers of twenty-one. I am unable to reconsider this general question until the Committee has reported. In no case at present do qualified officers receive only learner's salary.
Is it the case that the Committee will inquire into the case of these retrenched Civil servants?
I cannot in any way control the proceedings of the Select Committee, but the matter is certainly within their terms of reference, and I should imagine it would be difficult for them to arrive at a conclusion on the question of wages scales without entering into the matter.
Will the right hon. Gentleman personally communicate with the Committee asking their special attention to this class, who have suffered greatly?
I have already communicated with the Chairman of the Committee in reference to the hon. Member's question, so that he is cognisant of the matter.
Coal Strike (Protracted Duties)
asked the Postmaster-General whether his attention has been called to the fact that many London postmen were called upon to perform protracted duties owing to interrupted mails during the recent coal strike, and that payment for the extra time performed has been refused; and will he reconsider the matter with a view to these men receiving proper compensation?
My attention has been called to this matter and I am inquiring into the circumstances with the view of ascertaining whether I should be justified in this case in departing from the rule which prohibits overtime payments to postmen for prolongation of delivery.
Port of London (Strike)
Free Labour Ship "Lady Jocelyn" (Telegrams)
asked whether the Post Office has declined to deliver telegrams to the "Lady Jocelyn"; and whether this is in accordance with the practice obtaining or arises from apprehension of the pickets who have been told off to watch the vessel and to interfere with operations in connection therewith?
The answer is in the negative.
Number of Men Employed
asked what was the number of men employed in the London docks in the week ended 6th July, 1912, and the number in the corresponding week of 1911?
I am not in a position to give the figures asked for in the question now, but I will endeavour to obtain the information and send it to the hon. Member.
Railway Strike, 1911
asked the Home Secretary if he will state the total number of charges for assault arising out of the railway strike in 1911, and the number which have taken place in connection with the present dock strike?
I am unable to give the number of charges for assault arising out of the railway strike in 1911. As regards the present dock strike, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave on the 8th instant to a question by the Noble Marquess, the Member for the West Division of Perthshire.
Will the right hon. Gentleman take the necessary steps in order that this information shall be placed before the House?
It has been placed before the House.
The right hon. Gentleman has just stated that he was not in a position to give the number.
The hon. Member is not entitled to argue the matter.
Protection of Life and Property
asked the Home Secretary whether it is the practice of the Home Office to adopt the advice of those in, charge of the police in regard to the steps to be taken to preserve order and protect life and property; and if that practice has been followed as regards the present dock strike?
The steps to be taken for the preservation of order and the protection of life and property are primarily matters for the magistrates and the police authority in the district concerned. As regards the present dock strike, the steps taken by the Metropolitan Police have been taken upon the authority of the Commissioner, and have had my entire approval.
Picketing
asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been called to the statement of Judge Rentoul, at the Old Bailey, on 6th July, in connection with a charge arising out of the dock strike, to the effect that picketing had been practised in a manner and to an ex-text not allowed by the Trade Disputes Act; and whether, in view of the way in which this criticism is borne out by what has occurred in connection with the dock strike and other industrial disputes, legislation will be introduced to place picketing on a proper basis and to lighten the burdens of the Home Secretary?
As the hon. Member's question mentions that the statement of the judge was that picketing has been practised in a manner and to an extent not allowed by the Trade Disputes Act, I have no sufficient indication of the legislation which the hon. Member desires to see introduced.
Arising out of that, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether his reply now is in accordance with the reply he previously gave, which was, first of all, that there was no intimidation, and later in the dispute that the intimidation Was not more than might have been expected under the circumstances?
If the hon. Member will be so good as to refer me to the exact passage in which he alleges that I said there was no intimidation, I shall be happy to answer him.
I shall have very great pleasure in giving it.
Questions
Firth of Clyde (Navigation Regulations)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that small yachts frequently anchor in the Firth of Clyde and lochs at night without displaying a light, in contravention of the Regulations, and not in the shallow water of unfrequented bays; that they are encouraged to do so by the recent decision of the Glasgow Sheriff Court, awarding damages against a steamer which ran down a yacht which exhibited no light; and that the danger of a collision with such yacht constitutes a serious risk to Glasgow passenger steamers; and whether, in view of the near approach of the Glasgow holiday season, he will take immediate steps to obviate these risks?
My right hon. Friend is, as was stated in answer to my hon. Friend's question on Monday last, making inquiries as to whether any action is necessary in this matter.
Will the Board of Trade consider that the water where the steamers are going is shallow water?
Pilotage Bill
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can promise that the Second Reading of the Pilotage Bill will not be taken before the Autumn Recess?
I cannot yet say if the Second Reading will be taken before the Recess.
In view of the great opposition that this Bill evokes can it not be put off till a later part of the Session?
I have just said that we cannot say exactly what course will be taken.
Does the hon. Gentleman know that the Prime Minister stated that small contentious Bills would not be taken?
This is not highly contentious.
May I ask whether when the Pilotage Bill comes before the House sufficient time will be given for it to be fully and freely debated?
That may be taken as certain.
Coronation Medals (Provincial Police)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he can inform the House the reason why he is unable to keep his promise to issue the Coronation Medals for the provincial police in five weeks from the 25th April last?
I expressed the hope that the Mint would be able to supply the medals in five weeks from the 25th April last. I am now informed that owing to an unusual pressure of work the Mint has been unable to get all the medals struck in the time. It is hoped that all the medals will be issued early next week.
Would it not add to the prestige of His Majesty's Government if they sometimes tried to keep their promises?
Will the hon. Gentleman refer me to any promise that he alleges has been made?
I shall certainly do so, Sir.
No, Sir; the hon. Gentleman would be unable to do so.
Suffragist Prisoners
asked the Home Secretary if he will state the number of suffragists still in prison; and how many of them are being forcibly fed?
Two suffragists are in prison, both convicted during the present month. Neither is being artificially fed.
asked whether Elsie Rachel Helsby, a prisoner in Shrewsbury Gaol, is receiving prison treatment under Rule 243a; whether this includes the sending in of food from outside; and what are the rules with respect tovisits to her?
Elsie Rachel Helsby is being treated under Rule 243a. The Regulations under this rule permit a parcel of food, not exceeding 11 lbs., to be sent in once a week, and she may be visited once a month by not more than three friends or relations at the same time for a quarter of an hour if her conduct continues to be good.
Milborne St. Andrew's, Dorset (Fever)
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he has received two letters from the vicar of Milborne St. Andrew's, Dorset, stating that fever had broken out in the village; that some of the cottages there were shamefully insanitary; that the village stream was fouled with sewage, and that neither landlords nor farmers would stir in the matter; and whether he intends to rest satisfied with the local sanitary inspector's report to the rural district council that the draining of the cottages was perfect, and no alteration was necessary?
I have received the letters in question alleging that typhoid fever had broken out in the village, and complaining of various insanitary conditions, and I am still in communication with the district council on the subject. I learn that one case of scarlet fever has occurred, which was promptly removed to hospital. The district council do not at present admit the accuracy of all the allegations. I propose to send an inspector to visit this village.
Poor Law Institutions (Care of Feeble-Minded)
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he has issued any Order or other communication to boards of guardians in England and Wales requiring or advising them to separate feeble-minded persons from those of sound mind in Poor Law institutions?
The Regulations in force provide for the classification and subdivision of inmates of workhouses with reference to the moral character or behaviour or to the previous habits of the inmates, or to such other grounds as may seem expedient. The Local Government Board have frequently drawn the attention of boards of guardians to the necessity of separating the feeble-minded from other inmates of workhouses, and their inspectors, when necessary, press this point.
Agricultural Technical Instruction
asked the President of the Board of Education if he will state what was the maximum amount of the Grants received under Article 34 by local education authorities in respect of technical instruction in agricultural subjects and in connection with other industries respectively; and whether, under the recent arrangement with the Board of Agriculture, any larger amount than the above maximum can be paid by that Department in respect of such subjects?
Separate Grants for particular technical subjects are not paid by the Board of Education under Article 34, and I cannot, therefore, state the amount paid in respect of agricultural instruction. It has been estimated, however, that about £6,000 of the Grants paid for the year ending 31st July, 1911, represents the Grants for agricultural instruction of the kind to be aided in future by the Board of Agriculture. There will be transferred from the Estimates of the Board of Education to those of the Board of Agriculture for the financial year 1913–14 an amount based upon a similar estimate in respect of the year ending 31st July, 1912.
Is there any reason why in the arrangement made with the Board of Agriculture the Grants for agricultural technical instruction should not be increased?
I am not aware that there is any reason why the Grants should be increased, decreased, or changed. There is nothing against the arrangements one way or the other being taken into consideration.
Mentally Defective School Children
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he will state how many of the children attending elementary, secondary, and special schools, respectively, are mentally defective?
I can only give figures relating to children in special schools recognised by the Board of Education for mentally defective. In such schools there were in average attendance for the year 1910–11 10,337 children in England and Wales.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any information as to whether either or both of the parents of the children are mentally defective?
I have some particulars, but I think I should prefer to have notice before I give a definite answer.
Birmingham Education Authority (Navy League)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been called to the action of the Birmingham education authority in allowing the Navy League access to the council schools for the purpose of establishing branches of the league amongst the school children; and whether he proposes to take any action?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, but I understand that the proposal to establish branches of the Navy League related only to secondary schools. I do not myself think that the local education authority were well advised, and I strongly deprecate the introduction into schools maintained out of public funds of any kind of political propaganda, whether of a party or non-party character, and it is obviously undesirable that any persons or associations should be allowed to exercise inside the school any influence over the minds of the scholars to which their parents could reasonably object. I do not think, however, that I should have any power to intervene except on the ground that the formation of such associations among the scholars in schools aided by the Board's Grants prejudice their education or their school life in general.
Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether these visits were not paid during school hours, and in that way interfered with the time-table, and has not that time-table to receive the approval of the inspector?
At present I have no information. I do not think that any of the branches have commenced their work in the secondary schools up to the present moment.
Was not this recent visit to the schools in the nature of an educational one and in working hours?
Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiries as to whether these visits of the Navy League emissaries were undertaken during school hours, and will he not make some representations in this connection?
I am trying to obtain the facts with regard to the establishment of these branches, but at the present moment I have not got any definite information. I am sending a copy of the question and the replies to the education authorities, drawing their attention to the views of the Board.
Will the right hon. Gentleman send copies of the supplementary questions as well?
May I ask if the time-table of any school is so rigidly fixed that interruption in case of special emergency cannot be permitted at the discretion of the manager of the school and not the Board of Education?
The Board of Education have taken the view that the curriculum has already enough subjects without increasing the number.
May I ask whether this was a special emergency?
Tuesday! It was.
Board of Agriculture (Assistant Secretary for Fisheries)
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether the post of assistant secretary for Fisheries in the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries has been filled; if so, who has been appointed to the vacancy and what are his technical and professional qualifications for the appointment; and, if not, what fishery qualifications, if any, are expected from a person who, as assistant secretary, will be responsible for advising the Board on fishery subjects?
I propose to appoint to the vacant assistant secretary-ship of the Fisheries Division of the Board, Mr. H. G. Maurice, who is at present acting as my private secretary—a post which he has filled for nearly three years. I hope it may be possible for him to take up the duties of the post at an early date. I have selected Mr. Maurice solely for his administrative qualifications, which I have had exceptional opportunities of judging. As I have already stated in this House, I believe that the work of the division can best be carried out under an administrative head supported by an expert staff. I have obtained the authority of the Treasury for a modest increase of the strength of the technical and scientific staff of the division, by means of which I hope to be able to give it a more effective organisation.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not consider that the person appointed to such a post should have technical as well as administrative qualifications?
I discussed that point when the Board of Agriculture Estimates were taken in this House, and I said my intentions were to provide a man of administrative capacity who would have the experts under him.
Foot-And-Mouth Disease
asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland), whether on one of the farms at Swords, in county Dublin, where the recent outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease occurred, the land had recently been dressed with manure taken from the Government remount farm at Lusk, about nine miles distant, in the same county; and, if so, whether the straw or peat moss contained in such manure had been previously imported into Ireland from any and, if any, what foreign country?
The Department have already instituted inquiries in this matter. These inquiries have not yet been completed, and I am not, therefore, in a position to make any further statement on the subject at present.
Have the inspectors of the right hon. Gentleman's Department realised the infectivity of manure as well as of foodstuffs of this kind?
Is it not clear that this manure or the straw connected with it must have been imported into Ireland before the right hon. Gentleman put a stop to the importation of hay and straw under the Hay and Straw Order?
The hon. Gentleman had better wait until we find whether the hay and straw have been there.
asked whether, in view of the admitted inefficacy of spent lime as a disinfectant against the germs of foot-and-mouth and other contagious animal diseases, he will, during the prevalence of the above disease, order the disinfection of cattle trucks and cattle boats with formalin, mercuric chloride, or other more powerful disinfectant?
Article 18 (1) of the Animals (Transit and General) Order, 1912, which deals with the cleansing and disinfection of vessels, prescribes the use of quicklime as a disinfectant, not spent lime. As regards cattle trucks, I have asked the railway companies to arrange for the present for the sides and floors of trucks and pens to be scraped and thoroughly soaked with a solution of crude carbolic acid (5 oz.), soft soap (1 lb.), and water (1 gallon), in addition to the disinfection prescribed by the Order, and for all dung, litter, scrapings, and sweepings to be removed and immediately burnt. I shall be glad to confer with the veterinary officers of the Board with regard to the suggestion made by the hon. Member.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that quicklime soon after application becomes spent lime under atmospheric influences?
I have discussed the whole of these points with my expert advisers.
asked whether any further outbreaks of foot-and-mouth disease have occurred in Great Britain; how many outbreaks have now occurred since the reappearance of the disease in England; whether the source of all of them, with the exception of the Surrey outbreak, has been traced to Ireland; and whether the cause of the Surrey outbreak has been discovered?
A fresh centre of disease was brought to light yesterday at Knedlington, near Howden, in the East Biding of Yorks, disease having been found to be present in a cow which had been purchased by a dealer, named Wild, in Selby market on 1st inst., and sold to the occupier of the premises on which the disease was discovered. A second cow was found to be affected. An Order was at once issued prohibiting the movement of animals over, along, or across a highway within a radius of approximately 15 miles of Howden. The Order also prohibits the movement of animals out of, or the holding of markets within, the Petty Sessional Divisions of Tadcaster and East Ainsty, and, the City of York, in the West Riding of Yorks; the Petty Sessional Divisions of East Bulmer and Malton, in the North Riding of Yorks; and the whole of the remainder of the East Biding of Yorks not covered by the Prohibition of Movement Order. This morning disease has also been found to exist on the premises of the same dealer, Wild, at Dyke Road, Howden, making two outbreaks already confirmed in this area, which must be regarded as an extension of the "West Biding of Yorkshire area. The slaughter of the, animals in immediate contact on both these premises has been authorised this morning, and will be carried out forthwith.
No further outbreaks have occurred in any of the Scheduled areas. The total number of outbreaks is now 43. The information which we have so far obtained clearly suggests that except in the Surrey case, and possibly in the original case in Cumberland, all the outbreaks were directly or indirectly of Irish origin. The evidence, of course, varies considerably in each individual case, but in none of them have any facts as yet been elicited which suggest any other source of infection. The cause of the Surrey outbreak has not so far been discovered.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman where the infected cow bought in Selby market came from?
I am afraid I cannot give that information at present, but we tracked the purchase of the animal back as far as we possibly could.
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture a question, of which I have given him private notice, whether he will permit, by special movement licences, cattle within the restricted areas that have been under supervision for fourteen days to be sold privately and transferred, as has been done in other countries?
The Order modifying the restrictions in the Surrey district so as to allow movement of animals into the Metropolis for slaughter, was issued last night, as well as the Order prohibiting the holding of a market or the movement of animals out of the borough of Preston. Orders have been issued modifying the restrictions in the outer zone of the Lancashire (Salford) district, and the Lancashire (Liverpool) district, so as to allow of the movement of animals, by licence, within such zones for necessary purposes, and for the movement of animals by railway into the zone for slaughter. In view of the substantial improvement in the position in Cumberland, an Order has also been issued modifying the restrictions in those parts of the area most remote from the outbreaks, so as to allow of free movement of animals within the zone, and the holding of licensed markets for fat stock, and permitting the movement of animals by licence for necessary purposes within the remainder of the area, excepting substantial zones round Penrith and Carlisle, which are the two centres in which disease has declared itself.
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture when the Order against exporting hay from Ireland was made; what notice exporters got of it; did it apply to hay at sea when made, and what is the necessity for enforcing such an Order at all ports in Ireland, because of disease localised in one Irish parish, and if the Department of Agriculture in Ireland was consulted.
The Order to which the hon. Member refers was made on the 5th instant, and came into operation on the 8th instant. No special notice was given or could be given to exporters, nor was the Irish Department consulted prior to the issue of the Order. No representations have reached me with regard to cargoes at sea, and I should suppose that the interval which elapsed between the making of the Order and its coming into operation was sufficient to prevent any inconvenience arising under this head. As regards the necessity of the Order, I would say that, in view of the special danger of the conveyance of infection by hay owing to its use as fodder, it is the well-established practice both of the Board and of the Irish Department to prohibit its importation altogether from any country in which foot-and-mouth disease exists. The course adopted by me on the present occasion has been repeatedly adopted by the Irish Department with regard to Great Britain whenever an outbreak of the disease in this country has occurred.
With regard to the shipments of hay now at sea, is there any reason why they should not be allowed to be landed? Also with regard to chopped hay from the South of Ireland, may I ask is there any objection to that being landed in Wales? It comes from places in the South of Ireland 150 miles away from Swords.
I am afraid I cannot agree to allow chopped hay to be landed in Wales at the present time. I am doing no more than the Board of Agriculture in Ireland have done over and over again with regard to England. As to the cargoes of hay at sea the Order was issued on the 5th, so that three days elapsed before it came into operation, and, therefore, I think the shippers had ample notice that they could not land it.
Will the right hon. Gentleman extend the modified restrictions to this extent to Ireland, so as to enable fat cattle to be sent by the breeders to the market of destination and slaughtered here in England?
Yes, I have extended the facilities in respect of two ports—Westport and Sligo. At the moment I do not see my way to further extend them. I am watching them day by day.
Would it not have been reasonable to have given the shippers of hay more notice, because they will be at great expense and loss?
They had three days' notice, which is more than is usually given. Of course I cannot undertake to communicate with every shipowner in the United Kingdom. Notice was given in every possible way, and it was announced here in this House.
I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question, of which I have given him private notice: Whether he is aware that about seventy-six head of cattle sent from Derry to Glasgow, and shipped back again during the period the port was closed, are now stabled in Derry by the order of his officials, and the owners are refused permission to remove them; that the cattle are being fed on hay only, whereby their value is depreciated; and will the right hon. Gentleman give orders that the cattle be at once handed over to their owners?
I have telegraphed to Dublin for information, and when I receive it I will communicate with the hon. Member.
National Insurance Act
Sanatoria
asked the Secretary to the Treasury (24) how many beds are available in sanatoria for consumption throughout the country; how many are now vacant; (25) how many new buildings for consumptive sanatoria have been started since 1st January, 1912; how many schemes are now known to be in existence for the supply of consumptive sanatoria; how many beds will be available in these buildings when completed; (26) how much money has been actually expended during the past six months in the provision of consumptive sanatoria?
asked how many, and where, sanatoria and tuberculin dispensaries have been, or will have been provided by the 15th July, 1912; and how many beds in existing institutions will on that date be available for insured persons entitled to sanatoria benefit as from that date?
It is not possible to state with accuracy the number of sanatoria and dispensaries which will be available by 15th July for the local Insurance Committees. According to the latest information, however, there are some seventy-six institutions designated as sanatoria in England with about 2,500 beds, while accommodation for tuberculosis cases also exists in a very large number of hospitals, in addition to some fifty-seven tuberculosis dispensaries. Local authorities have for some time past been preparing schemes for the provision of institutions for the treatment of tuberculosis, and with the co-operation of the Insurance Committees which have now been constituted these schemes are now being proceeded with. In Scotland the Local Government Board are proceeding with the inspection of the sanatoria with a view to their approval. In Ireland there are about 700 beds available in sanatoria, and the provision of the dispensaries is being rapidly pushed on in the several counties. In Wales a few sanatoria are available and negotiations are now proceeding with a view to increasing the number. The provision of dispensaries is being undertaken to a great extent by the Welsh National Memorial Fund. The Commissioners have no information as to the number of these institutions which have been started since the 1st of January in the present year, nor as to the total amount expended in this period. The scheme for dealing immediately with Sanatorium Benefit (which is not confined to treatment institutions) is before the Local Insurance Committee and Local Authorities and has been published in the official Memoranda No. 112/lc, 102/lc, and a Circular issued by the Local Government Board dated 6th July.
Would the right hon. Gentleman kindly answer the last part of the question. I do not think he has stated how many beds there are in England and Scotland?
That cannot be stated until we get information from the local Insurance Committees, who are making arrangements.
In view of the fact that open-air treatment is largely resorted to for tuberculosis, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will not think it inadvisable to make any very great expenditure in the way of buildings?
That, no doubt, will be one of the subjects which is now being considered by the Local Government Board in connection with the local authorities.
Might I ask an answer to the last part of Question No. 27?
That is the question which I was asked just now, and I said it could not be answered until the local committees inform us how many.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say how much of the million and a half put aside by the Chancellor of the Exchequer has been expended in finding sanatoria?
That is a question for the Local Government Board. It is under the Regulation of the Local Government Board. It is not left to the Insurance Commissioners.
Is any of it being spent?
Better ask the President of the Local Government Board.
asked if it is proposed to commence sanatoria benefits under the National Insurance Act on and after 15th July; and if it is possible to give sanatoria benefits without the co-operation of the medical profession?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. I have no reason to suppose that sanatoria will reject cases, or that medical practitioners will refuse to attend their ordinary patients, merely because they are insured under the Act.
Medical Attendance
asked what justification there is for the statement on the leaflet announcing that the National Insurance Act will come into operation on 15th July, that as regards working men the first benefit to be conferred by the Act is doctor and medicine or, in special circumstances, money payment instead, seeing that until arrangements shall have been made with the doctor the Commissioners are unable in any circumstances at present known to offer to the insured working man medical attendance and medicine in consideration of his payment of 4d. a week?
I have nothing to add to my answer of the 4th July. The statement made by the leaflet is entirely correct. The Commissioners will give, as provided in the Act, medical benefit, or the alternative of money payment.
Married Women Outworkers
asked whether, under Part I. of the National Insurance Act, an employer of married women outworkers the wives of insured persons must pay contributions for the week commencing 15th July, and whether the employer is liable for a penalty up to £10 if he fails to do so; whether pamphlet B (outworkers) is correct in so stating; when the draft special order including such married women outworkers was published; and whether objection can be taken to it for forty days from the date of publication, and whether it is in force during such forty days?
A draft special order under Section 1 (2), bringing married women outworkers under the operations of the Act was issued on 5th July. The proceedings upon this special order will follow the ordinary provisions of Section 113 and the IXth Schedule. Under the Special Orders Acceleration Order made under Clause 78, a provisional order will be made identical with the draft special order which will bring its provisions into operation from the commencement of the Act, and will remain in force until the substantive Order is made unless previously annulled. If, and so far as any class of these outworkers is after inquiry excluded in the substantive order, any contributions which have been paid in respect of that class before the substantive order comes into force will be refunded.
May I ask whether I understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that those outworkers had been put in, notwithstanding that the inquiries have not been held?
There is a general Order under Clause 78 of the Acceleration Order which brings in all the special orders as from the commencement of the Act.
Isle of Wight (Provisional Committee)
asked (32)why the Insurance Commissioners have not appointed to the provisional insurance committee of the Isle of Wight a single representative for the western district of that island 1(33) If the Insurance Commissioners have appointed Mr. L. C. Hudson, of Portsmouth, as a representative on the Provisional Insurance Committee for the Isle of Wight; and, if so, if he will state why a representative was selected from Portsmouth and not from the Isle of Wight? (34) If the Insurance Commissioners have appointed to the Provisional Insurance Committee of the Isle of Wight eight representatives for the Cowes district, and amongst this number not a single representative for the friendly societies of that district; and if the Insurance Commissioners can see their way to rectify this state of affairs? (35) Why it is that the National Insurance Commissioners have only appointed to the Provisional Insurance Committee of the Isle of Wight one representative for the north-eastern district of that island, seeing that this district includes Ryde, St. Helen's, Seaview, Bembridge, Lake, San-down, Brading, Binstead, and Wootton, containing between 6,000 and 8,000 insured persons; if he is aware that the representative appointed is an agent to a collecting society; and what steps the Government propose to take in the matter with a view to securing a more fair distribution of representation 1 (36) Whether he is aware that the representative of the National Insurance Commissioners who attended the first meeting of the Provisional Insurance Committee for the Isle of Wight stated that the Commissioners had not had time to make local inquiries before appointing members of the committee, and also stated that it was impossible to verify local recommendations received and make detailed inquiries respecting the different individuals appointed in the time at their disposal; and if he will explain why the Act is being administered in this way? (37) Why the Insurance Commissioners have not appointed to the Provisional Insurance Committee for the Isle of Wight a representative for the Ventnor district of that island, in which district there are over 3,000 insured persons; and if the Government propose to take any further steps in the matter?
I propose to take Questions 32, 33, 34, 35, 36 and 37 together. The steps which have been taken by the Insurance Commissioners to secure the formation of these Committees, the methods of obtaining the representation of insured persons in each area, and the reasons for adopting these methods are fully explained in the Memorandum, of which I am sending a copy to the hon. Member. The same methods of securing representation have been adopted in the case of the Isle of Wight as elsewhere in the country. The object of the Commissioners has been the inclusion on the Committee of persons who could bring various kinds of experience to bear upon the questions with which the Committee will have to deal, rather than the representation of particular interests or localities. I may, however, add that, as the Committee for the Isle of Wight is not yet complete, there is no reason why in the further appointments members should not be drawn from residents in districts in which no members at present appointed reside; and if the hon. Member has any points which he wishes to place before the Commissioners I shall be glad if he will communicate with me on the subject.
It seems perfectly useless for me to ask any questions. The right hon. Gentleman has not answered one of my questions.
Send him a lecturer.
Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will answer one of the questions?
I think the hon. Gentleman, if he consults the Memorandum to which I have referred, will see that I have answered every one of these questions.
May I ask why the representatives of the National Insurance Commissioners did not take steps to ascertain who were the people to put on this committee, and why, at the first meeting of the provisional committee of the Isle of Wight he said he had not had time to make proper inquiries, and if the right hon. Gentleman considers that an appropriate way to carry on public duties?
The hon. Member is labouring under a misapprehension. Exactly the same steps were taken in the case of the Isle of Wight as in the case of other county councils and boroughs. I have here a list of members selected by the county council of the Isle of Wight, and representatives who are nominated by the approved societies to represent insured persons, and some appointed by the Insurance Commissioners, as well as the medical practitioners selected by the county councils. That is exactly the same as in the case of every other council in the country. A certain number remain to be personally appointed by the Insurance Commissioners, and as to those names I shall be very willing to listen to any representations.
Does the right hon. Gentleman deny the statement reported to have been made by the representative of the National Insurance Commissioners, that he had not had time to adequately consider the nominations before he made them?
I have no proof at all of that statement.
Have these difficulties arisen in connection with the other counties?
Not as far as I am aware. There is always some difficulty in appointing a Provisional Committee. There are some who think they ought to be represented and some not represented. I am sure a little patience will solve this difficulty.
Why is it necessary to appoint a representative from Portsmouth, or is the Isle of Wight not capable of producing suitable representatives?
Probably the representative from Portsmouth represents one of the approved societies largely represented in the Isle of Wight.
Whole-Time Service
asked whether a man employed by his father at 24s. a week for part of his time, whether ill or well, paying in return a small sum per week for board, and who himself employs men, will be an employed person under Part I. of the National Insurance Act?
On the assumption that the rate of remuneration is not equivalent to more than £160 a year for whole-time service, the answer is in the affirmative.
Approved Societies and Politics
asked whether a society that advocates the policy of a particular political party can be an approved society under the National Insurance Act?
The answer is in the affirmative. The Commissioners are-not concerned with the political opinions of any groups of persons which desire to join together for purposes of insurance. Many of the societies which have been approved bear in their titles evidence of certain political opinion.
Will the right hon. Gentleman state whether the Ancient Order of Hibernians has been already recognised, and whether it is the fact or not that that society has not been a non-political society for the last 300 years?
The Ancient Order of Hibernians is an approved society, as-well as the Orange and Protestant Friendly Society, the Gloucester Conservative Society, the Wiltshire Working Men's Conservative Society, and very many others.
Why does not the-right hon. Gentleman give the names of very many Liberal societies, both in Gloucestershire and Wiltshire, similarly approved?
I did not say there were no Liberal societies. My statement was that we took no account of political opinion at all.
Casual Labour (Glasgow)
asked the Secretary to the Treasury, with reference to the Glasgow lodging-house keepers who may have to pay insurance contributions the rate of 3d. a day per person, or 1s. 9d.per week, for the casual labour which they employ, whether he has considered the adoption in such cases of the method of determining contributions by units of work, with reference to the work actually done, as the Commissioners have already agreed to do in the case of outworkers?
The power of the Insurance Commissioners to provide for determining the contribution payable by reference to the work actually done is specifically confined by the terms of paragraph 10 of the Third Schedule to the case of outworkers. Schemes for dealing with the contributions of persons casually employed can, however, be made, as explained in Circulars Nos. 22 and 42, of which I am sending copies to my hon. Friend, and I shall be glad if he will confer with me as to whether any schemes suitable to the particular persons mentioned in the question can be arranged.
If a scheme somewhat similar to that referred to in the question is adopted, is that a scheme which can be dealt with by the Commissioners under their powers to remove difficulties?
No; I do not think you could deal with anything in the nature of casual labour by units of work. There is a large number of excellent schemes dealing with casual labour which have been approved, and about which I should like to confer with the hon. Member.
Postal Packets
asked the Postmaster-General if his attention has been drawn to the attitude adopted by the Post Office with reference to the halfpenny packets relating to the National Insurance Act issued in connection with the Manchester Unity of Oddfellows, New port, Isle of Wight Branch, which have been surcharged as being liable to the letter rate of postage on return to the secretary of this body on the plea that the packets did not come within the scope of the halfpenny regulations; if he is aware that the packets so surcharged only contained the official form issued in accordance with the instructions of the Insurance Commissioners, sent out to members of the above society by their secretary and returned filled up and signed; and if in future the Post Office can see their way to forego such surcharges, even if legally due, so as to facilitate the smooth working of the Act?
I have decided that printed forms of the kind referred to by the hon. Member shall, when filled up in writing, be admitted to the privileges of the halfpenny packet post. The surcharges will be refunded in the case cited.
Domestic Servants
asked the Post master-General whether he will give instructions to all post offices to allow domestic servants and others to receive insurance cards without requiring their employers to sign an application form?
The original instructions should certainly not have been read as prohibiting any employed contributor from obtaining a card for himself or herself. It is possible that the special provision enabling employers to obtain cards for domestic servants may have been misread at some post offices as a requirement that employers should obtain the cards, but steps were taken some little time ago to prevent any possibility of misunderstanding.
Have the post offices now got instructions to give cards out to employers who are about to establish funds?
I should like notice of that question.
Post Offices (Extra Work)
asked what arrangements-have been made to augment the staff of the post offices to cope with the work thrown on them by the National Insurance Act?
I am not at present in a position to state whether any, or, if any, what augmentation of staff may be necessary at the larger post offices to cope with the work under the National Health Insurance Act. Should increase of staff be found to be necessary steps will be taken accordingly. At sub-post offices the question does not arise. The sub-postmaster is paid for the work done at his office, and he provides the necessary staff to do it. He will receive additional remuneration for the insurance work.
Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake that in no circumstances will the mail service of ordinary letters be interfered with by this work; that is, that the postal work will come first and the insurance work second?
Certainly every effort will be made to prevent any disturbance whatever with the ordinary work of the Post Office. Of course it is impossible for me to give a pledge that if two people come into a post office, one on insurance business and the other to buy a postage stamp, in every case the person who needs a postage stamp shall be served first.
Free Conveyance of Postal Matter
asked the Postmaster-General on what Vote the loss occasioned to the Post Office by the free conveyance of matter under the National Insurance Act will fall; and what does he estimate will be this loss, and was it taken into account when the Estimates were framed?
The cost for the current year was estimated at £10,000 and is included in the amounts shown in Appendix B to the Post Office Estimates for 1912–13.
Casual Labourers
asked what steps an employer has to take who engages a man for a casual day's work on one of the later days in the week; has he to satisfy himself by evidence that the man has already paid his contribution for the week on one of the earlier days in the week when probably the earlier employer has retained the stamped card?
It is the duty of every employer either to pay a contribution or to satisfy himself that an employed contributor has been previously employed during the week within the meaning of the Act. The production by the employed person of his stamped card will be conclusive evidence of this fact, and no further contributions are payable.
If the employé has not his card in his possession, would the second employer be entitled to accept the man's word?
The second employer must satisfy himself that the man has been employed within the meaning of the Act.
How can he satisfy himself?
Is it the duty of a casual labourer to carry his card about with him?
I do not know about its being a duty; it would be a very useful thing for him to do so.
Would not the employer as a rule keep the card?
I should not think that in the case of a casual labourer employed by several employers during the week any one of the employers would keep the card.
Societies Refused Approval
asked whether a State section of one of the societies affiliated to the South-West Lancashire Associaion of Dividing Societies, namely, the St. Leonard's Tontine Society, has been approved under the National Insurance Act; whether several other societies of the same association applied for approval with precisely the same rules; whether these societies have been refused approval until numerous alterations have been made in their rules; and, if so, why the rules were accepted for one society and refused for the others?
The St. Leonard's Tontine Society (Separate Section) is approved. Several other societies of the same association have applied for approval. It is not a fact that alterations were required in the case of the other societies which were not required in the case of the St. Leonard's Tontine. The delay in granting approval to some of the societies in the association is due to the fact that some of the societies have not passed the necessary resolution to establish a separate section, and others have not met the requirements of the Commissioners as to the necessary alteration in their rules. Out of the twenty-seven societies in the association which applied before 11th June, twenty-three have been approved and one has withdrawn its application.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a large number of small societies which have passed the necessary resolutions and adopted similar rules to those of the approved societies have not been able to get an answer from the Insurance Commissioners, and have not been approved yet?
That statement has been made, and I have invited communications about it. In every case where communication has been made I have found that the society which has not been approved has not complied with the necessary formalities. I shall be glad to listen to any other representations.
How can we ensure getting an answer to any letters we write to the Insurance Commissioners?
Shipbuilding Office Staff
asked whether the office staff employed in a shipbuilding yard are insured persons for the purposes of the National Insurance Act, Part II.?
By Section 107, Subsection (1), of the National Insurance Act the expression "workman" is for the purposes of Part II. of the Act confined to persons employed wholly or mainly byway of manual labour; an office staff would not, therefore, appear to be included within the scope of the Unemployment Insurance scheme.
Estate Carpenter's Status
asked whether it is necessary to insure, under Part II. of the Insurance Act, a carpenter working on an estate whose principal work is the making and repairing of fences and gates and who is only occasionally employed for the repair of wagons and small repairs in farm-buildings and cottages?
No, Sir. The point raised appears to be covered by decision No. 316 of the Umpire published in the "Board of Trade Journal" for 4th July, of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Journal is not in the Library of the House of Commons?
I will consider that point at once.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that when I asked him a similar question last week that his answer to me was "Yes"; to-day it is "No"?
I think the hon. Member's question was not specifically the same as this.
Was not my question that if a man was employed as anestate carpenter and—
By looking up the question the hon. Gentleman and the Parliamentary Secretary can see what it was.
I have no doubt, Mr. Speaker.
Stamps (Cancellation)
I wish to ask the Financial Secretary to the Treasury a question of which I have given him private notice, namely: Why the National Health Commissioners refuse to allow insurance stamps to be cancelled with a rubber stamp using indelible ink, and insist on a metal stamp using the same ink; and whether, as this metal stamp cannot now be procured for over a month owing to the great demand for the same, and to suit the convenience of large employers of labour, he will give instructions to allow a rubber stamp to be used at any rate for the first three months?
I have only just had this question put into my hands while sitting on this bench, but so far as I can gather, the sole demand of the Commissioners is for the effective cancellation of the stamps. Large employers of labour can, of course, by making a deposit with the Commissioners, stamp the cards of all their regular employés together at the end of the quarter instead of week by week, and a large number of employers are making arrangements to do so. If the hon. Member has evidence to show that employers are unable to procure the mechanism necessary for effective cancellation of the stamps, perhaps he will communicate with me, and I will see if anything can be done in the matter.
Motion for Adjournment
I ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House in order to call attention to a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the inability of the Government to fulfil its pledge to provide sanatoria benefit during the course of the next week to every insured person entitled thereto.
The pleasure of the House not having been signified, Mr. SPEAKER called on those Members who supported the Motion to rise in their places, and not less than forty Members having accordingly risen, the Motion stood over, under Standing Order No. 10, until a Quarter past Eight o'clock this evening.
May I claim a Division?
A Division can only be claimed when leave is refused. Obviously the hon. Member has more than forty Members to support his Motion.
On a previous occasion when leave was asked for and forty Members failed to rise in their places, a Division was claimed and allowed. The point of Order I wish to put is, when leave is asked to raise a question of urgency, and when forty Members or more rise in their places, can a Division then be claimed in a similar fashion to that which is allowed when forty Members fail to rise in their places?
If the hon. Member will look at the Standing Order he will see that if an hon. Member has forty Members to support him, then he obtains leave of the House within the meaning of the Standing Order. If he does not have forty Members to support, then he has a right to claim a Division.
Interpretation (No. 2) Bill
asked whether the Government will give facilities for the Second Reading of the Interpretation (No. 2) Bill, with a view to the Bill being sent to a joint Select Committee.
My right hon. and learned Friend the Attorney-General has asked me to reply to this question. He desires me to say that he cannot hold out any hope that the facilities asked for can be given.
Cadeby Colliery Explosion
I wish to ask the Home Secretary a question, of which I have given him private notice, whether the Cadeby Colliery had been recently inspected prior to the explosion; whether the requirements of the mines inspectors had been met; what progress has been made with the appointment of additional inspectors, and how many are still to be appointed?
I only received notice of this question since I came to the House, and I am not able of my own knowledge to answer the first part of the hon. Member's question. As regards the second part, I believe the results of the examination recently held for mines inspectors have just come into the Office, and I have every hope that a sufficient number of candidates will be qualified to fill up all these vacancies.
Can he say how many of those inspectors have already been appointed?
I could not say how many there are. I have not had sufficient notice of this question, but I will make inquiries. Whatever vacancies there are will be filled up within the course of the next few days as a result of the examination that has just been held.
Is it not a fact that the Government promised two years ago to appoint twenty or thirty additional inspectors, and is it a fact that not one of them has yet been appointed?
All this took place before I came to the Home Office, and therefore I am unable to answer the question from my own knowledge, but I will make inquiries.
The right hon. Gentleman told me less than three weeks ago-that none of those appointments had been made.
I do not know how many appointments will be filled up as a result of the examination which has just been held, and I do not know how many of them relate to the appointments to which my hon. Friend has referred.
Business of the House
Ordered, "That the Proceedings on the Second Reading of the Franchise and Registration Bill have precedence this day of the Business of Supply."—[ The Prime Minister. ]
Franchise and Registration Bill
Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Amendment to Question [ 8th July ] "That the Bill be now read a second time."
Which Amendment was to leave out from the word "That," to the end of the Question, in order to add the words "this House declines to proceed with a measure on the most important aspect of which the Government responsible for its introduction is admittedly not agreed, which leaves the most glaring inequalities of our representative system unremedied, and which is framed solely in the electoral interest of one political party."—[ Mr. Pretyman. ]
Question again proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." Debate resumed.
4.0 P.M.
The Prime Minister was appealed to yesterday to take a Division on this Bill at a time which would not be profoundly inconvenient to this House, and he urged as a reason for refusing to do so the small interest which appeared to be taken in the Bill by the attendance during the discussion in the House. Might we not fairly adduce from the fact which the Prime Minister alludes to, not that there was any lack of strong feeling against this Bill, but that there was a singular lack of unanimous feeling or enthusiastic feeling in its support from the state of the benches behind the right hon. Gentleman. Lack of interest is not generally adduced as a strong reason for showing that there is a great and unanimous feeling behind a Bill. I intervene now partly because what I have said with regard to this Bill has been very considerably misapprehended, and therefore misrepresented; but much more, because I have listened to some strange accounts of those constituencies, one of which I have the honour to represent in this House, those constituencies which the Government wish to consign to the happy dispatch. There are many points about the Bill, and it may surprise right hon. and hon. Members opposite that I do not attach any exaggerated interest, either of a personal or a general character, to that part which relates to the university seat. I do not feel so very nervous on the point or that my dissolution is so imminent that I need excite myself very largely on the subject. Threatened men live long, and I think possibly university constituencies may continue to send Members to this House after some of those who sit on the other side of the House have disappeared from those benches. The Bill has four principal objects, and I want to call attention to a very remarkable feature, a feature which is all the more striking because it shows a general lack of humour on the part of a Government many Members of which are, as we know, individually possessed of abundant gifts in this kind. The lack of humour is shown in this fact. The Bill proposes certain enormous changes. The first part of the Bill is to alter entirely the whole of the registration which has prevailed in the past and to alter it so profoundly as really to lead to an entirely new system. Secondly, the Bill proposes to abolish plural voting and, thereby, end an important property qualification which has hitherto prevailed. Thirdly, it proposes to add no less than three million voters to an already large electorate. And, fourthly, it proposes the expulsion from this House of nine harmless Members of mature age. I never before felt myself of so much importance. Perhaps it is a compliment of a subtle kind the right hon. Gentleman intends to pay to us university Members. We are so desperate an impediment to the onward march of democracy that our abolition is to be co-ordinated with the addition of 3.000,000 men to the electorate. The chariots of democracy, driven by the inspiring guidance of the right hon. Gentleman, are to be blocked in their course by nine Members from the universities. Perhaps we make up for the lack in our numbers by the heinousness of the crime which is the real reason of the blow which is to be dealt against us. We happen not to be supporters of the views of the right hon. Gentlemen opposite. To that crime I and the rest of us must plead guilty. I would only say it has not always been the case. The Liberal party did at one time have the support of the educated constituencies, but I do not think they are going about in a wise way to continue to get that support if they threaten to abolish the constituencies altogether. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman intended to give me an additional assurance when I next go before my Constituency. I shall not be the less moved to confidence because my opponent will have to pledge himself to the abolition of my Constituency.
The Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Harcourt) asked us, and rather besought us, to deal with the Bill in that spirit of humble and discriminating criticism which the curate showed to the egg, and to find that some parts of it were good. I am sorry I cannot emulate that discriminating criticism. There are parts of the Bill which might have been made good but are thoroughly bad, and there are parts of it which could never be anything else but bad. You are changing the registration, and you are changing it in precisely the way—I appeal to the very adepts on Registration Law on the right hon. Gentleman's own side of the House—that will give rise to the greatest doubt, and will give opportunities for the most easy and most prolific gerrymandering of the list. I myself, in the course of my experience, have had to deal with seven or eight school board elections in Scotland with much larger constituencies than the Parliamentary constituency. I know the doubts that then arose and were referred to me. I am sorry to say they weigh heavy on my conscience. They had to be settled somehow or other, and they were often settled in an extremely haphazard way. It was almost necessary it should be so and it will be so under your new Bill. The overseer hitherto has taken a very keen and necessary interest in the making up of the list, because he knew it formed the list of ratepayers to whom he had to look for the means of raising rates. You abolish that; you thus take away entirely the interest of the overseer in the correctness of this return. I object to your system of registration, because I think it will give opportunities for gerrymandering and opportunities that will be most used by the longest purse and the acutest electioneering agent. That is a view which I think everyone who has had much experience in electoral law will support.
You are adding 3,000,000 people to the register. Some Members from my own country objected to my criticisms of this proposal because I said it is adding a doubtful element to the constituencies. This question has nothing whatever to do with university representation, though hon. Members, in some subtle way, seem to think it is connected with my views on that point. I tried to show that, if this addition to the electorate followed the course that history has always shown has been the course of previous additions to the electorate, it would be made at the expense chiefly of the most recently enfranchised, and it would be the respectable working man, the working man who has obtained some stake in the country, however humble, and who has taken upon himself some part of the responsibilities of citizenship, who would be chiefly injured, and whose influence would be chiefly lessened by the addition of these street-corner men. A great many of this 3,000,000 will undoubtedly be street-corner men, but surely, to speak of such a view—it may be right or wrong—as reactionary is utterly absurd. What have we spent all our money upon education for, what have we tried to raise the idea of citizenship for, if we are to say that the man who has taken no responsibility and who has not even put his foot upon the lowest rung of the ladder is to be equal in all respects to the man who has struggled and has obtained a position of citizenship and responsibility? Really, with all desire to speak respectfully, to talk in that way of some mystic idea of the equalities of man, as if it made it necessary for us to abrogate our common-sense judgment is to talk stuff which it is very difficult to discriminate from unmitigated nonsense and unadulterated cant. My objection to the addition of this 3,000,000 is not only that at this moment and at the next election it will be a doubtful quantity in our electorate, but I say it is distinctly characteristic that it will remain doubtful and absolutely incalculable in every election. It will be moved and manipulated by the man who has the adroitest skill in advertising and who has the longest purse. However high and however estimable may be the character of many of the 3,000,000, it is inevitable the loafer and the less respectable man will be included amongst them, and we know by experience that he is the man most easily moved by a crafty and deceitful advertisement picturing a, lie which it is desired that he should take as solemn truth.
The next point in the Bill is plural voting. Again the right hon. Gentleman will be surprised to learn I do not myself attach the enormous importance to this which hon. Members appear to think I do. I am myself in favour of plural voting, and I think very strong reasons may be adduced for it. I think there are enormous exaggerations as to the advantages it gives to one party over the other, and I was never more surprised than when I heard the Colonial Secretary adduce the Midlothian Election as an instance where votes were manufactured in order to lessen the majority of Mr. Gladstone. If he knew as much about the Midlothian Election as I do, he would know these Midlothian faggot votes were very largely used on the part of Mr. Gladstone himself. I think I can recall many who have been his colleagues who were very well aware of the processes which were then gone through for adding by means of the faggot votes to the Liberal majority in Midlothian. I think plural voting might very well be regulated. It ought to represent, not a mere accidental piece of property, but a real abiding interest which a man has in a particular locality. With that restriction, I am not at all opposed to your interfering with plural voting, but I would call the right hon. Gentleman's attention to the fact that plural voting, in the mere property sense, will inevitably lessen as you increase peasant proprietorship. We hear of estates being sold on every side. One has only to look at the advertisement sheets to see how enormous quantities of property are now coming into the market. Does not that indicate a wish on the part of proprietors to get rid of land and to get rid of that very thing which gives them the qualification of a plural voter? On the other hand, I think it is more than likely that you will have people having a real vital industrial interest in different parts of the country. They may increase, and for my part I think that in their case plural voting is perfectly right, and ought to be an operative element in our elections. But if plural voting is to be abolished, why has the Government changed its proposals so completely in the short space of time that has elapsed since the right hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary introduced his proposal? That Bill gave an option. Why do you abolish that option and give only a possible residential qualification? See how absurdly this will act. Take a man who may be a director of the Bank of England, who may have an enormous industrial interest in London, who may be an employer of hundreds or thousands of people, whose whole day is spent in London, and who occupies a suite of rooms at a Brighton Hotel, coming to town every morning and returning at night. He will have a vote in Brighton, a place he probably never sees during the daytime, and in which he has no interest, while he will have no vote in London, where the whole of his interests and influence are centred. Is not that an absurd result to bring about?
You are also proposing to abolish the university Member. I am perfectly certain, if my twelve thousand Constituents were polled to-day, a vast proportion of them would choose their university vote where they have more than one, and they have a perfect right to do so. I have something like 3,000 Constituents spread over the different Colonies. There is a large percentage of these in the country at the time of every election. Probably 10 or 15 per cent. are then able to record their votes. These men, wherever they are, know they have a Member in this House, and at this moment I am in communication with the Foreign Office on behalf of a Constituent of mine in North China. I have had quite recently communications with the War Office, the Colonial Office, and the India Office on behalf of such Constituents, who naturally look to their university Member in these matters; if they had no such representative they would have no means of making their grievances known. Again, take the case of the 5,000 doctors scattered throughout England. They do not, in many cases, wish to be mixed up with the politics of the little towns in which they live. Some hon. Members seem to think that that is an absurd statement. But I would ask if they think it would be a great advantage for a doctor, a schoolmaster, or a clergyman to air his political convictions in a small town where party feeling runs very high? Might it not prejudice his influence? I would also like to ask hon. Members whether they would not, in certain of their constituencies, be very glad to have a safety valve such as this for inconvenient voters? In view of the differences of opinion surrounding the National Insurance Act, are they likely to welcome into the fold of their own constituencies the doctors of this country? Would they find in them a powerful accession of support at this moment? I hold to the opinion that in the university you have co-ordinated society with solidarity of aim, and with a common object, linked together by common associations and resting upon a common basis of work and sympathy; and this influence can be exercised in no other way except through the university Member.
Is this a time to limit the representation in this House of the diverse elements in the nation? There is such a thing as a superstitious worship of monotony, and a most extraordinarily superstitious jealousy of any infringement of that monotony. But is monotony always the best way of obtaining freedom; is it not best secured by the variety of aim and object to be found in the constituent elements of this House? Is this the time to lower and to place a stigma on the advance of university education in this country? There, again, one's sense of humour is moved by the picture presented by the Liberal party. Over and over again I have seen powerful magnates of that party come down to these universities, and, at some festive board, swelling with eloquence and enthusiasm, propose the toast of "Prosperity to the University." It has been my task not infrequently to attempt to reply to their eloquence. On those occasions they sound the praises of the universities. They tell us that the progress of the age is measured by the growth of university education. University education is being based on-democratic principles, especially in Scotland. These gentlemen sometimes go so far as to accept honorary degrees from these universities, and go about bedecked with all the symbols of learning while comfortably free from its burdens and incumbrances. And having sung the praise of university education, having told the students that this is the way in which they may be raised to be true, solid and responsible citizens of the State; having told them how the State itself will in the long run benefit by this great advance, they come to this House and cry, "Why is the university man to be considered better than the 3,000,000 we propose to rake up from the street corners and add to the electorate? Why should they have a fancy representation?" I will tell the House why. The interests they represent are scattered all over the country, but they are unified, solid in their aims, objects, and methods; and why should they not have representation in this House? Why should we think that a citizen is not the better for university education? The other day an hon. Member opposite said it was absurd that any university man should have any special privilege of this sort or be reckoned any better than his fellows. We were told that a man had no greater value for his university education, because he was enabled to go to a university by the exertions of his family who often subjected themselves to privations and hardships in order that he might have the advantage of a university education and to whom the whole merit belonged. By parity of reasoning I suppose we ought to confer the university degree upon all the members of this student's family. If they are on the same level intellectually they too should have the degree conferred on them. For forty years there has been no march of progress more distinctive than the advance and democratising of the universities; and that period coincides with the time during which the universities in my own country and the University of London have obtained the right of Parliamentary representation. Can any one who knew the universities as I did before that came about deny that they have since advanced in numbers, equipment, unity, definiteness of aim, and in influence all over the country, and indeed in every corner of the world? What was London University before it had Parliamentary representation? Nothing but a shadow, and even as such it was always being nearly wiped out. But it has now definiteness of aim; it has a sense of its own importance; and its very large amount of influence is greatly due to its having been represented in this House by Lord Avebury, Sir Michael Foster, Lord Sherbrook, and men of that kind.
I am prepared to carry the war into the enemy's camp. It is rash to prophesy as a rule, but I do not think I shall be rash in prophesying that this Bill is not going to have a very vigorous and healthy life. I think it is a very ricketty child in health; and to use the reverse of the simile which was adduced by the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for the Colonies, I think it is an addled, rotten and tainted egg which would be rejected by every wholesome gullet and by every sound stomach. I am inclined to say that after this Bill is forgotten, Parliament, in a, wiser mood, will be extending the university representation. Do you think that a strong democratic demand for university representation will not come from the new infant universities you have established throughout the Midlands, when they once come to recognise their solidarity of view and definiteness of aim? Do you think that such a demand will not come from Liverpool, Manchester, Leeds, Sheffield, Birmingham, and Bristol? And do you think that the intellectual value and dignity of this House would be lowered and not raised if you had representatives here of the graduates of those great universities? They have been established on the model of the universities of my own country. They are now entering on a great career. They will gather adherents and supporters in increased numbers, and I am convinced that, before very long, those adherents will feel that they ought to have Parliamentary representatives as part of an educated constituency. One cannot look forward to the result of what we have done and spent on education without coming to the conclusion that, sooner or later, in some form or other, there must be some educational qualification introduced into the electorate of this country. If it is not, what are we working for? What are we trying to educate people for, if you are not coming any nearer to that, after eighty years of public education? I contend that university representation does—and here I am not speaking of the personal element—I gladly recognised the generous way in which hon. Members opposite have spoken from that point of view—but apart from the personal element, I contend that university representation does give some educational qualification, and that, even if you abolish plural voting, you have no right to say that under no circumstances will you allow the 12,000 of my Constituents to choose their university vote in preference to any other?
You say, "We will disfranchise those of you who have no residential vote in this country. We will break the bond which holds a strong element on the borders of our Empire to this House. We will deprive you of interest in the doings of this House. We will have none of your interference, because of our objection to what we call fancy franchises." I think your change in registration, however good it might have been, however unanimously wise proposals might have been accepted in every part of the House, is unworkable, dangerous, doubtful, and likely to lead to confusion and gerrymandering. I think the abolition of plural voting is a dangerous and a far too sweeping move to make just now, however wise it may be later. I think your addition of 3,000,000 to the electorate is uncalled for by anything in the state of the country. There is no demand from the 3,000,000 themselves, who probably will be surprised by it, and to whom it will be very difficult to explain what you intend by this Bill. That part is clearly bad. With regard to the abolition of the university representation, which you put in the proud position of being coordinated with these three other great schemes, I am content to oppose that, not on the merits of the representatives themselves, but on the merits and on the strong and unanimous feeling of the constituencies which elect them.
It is perhaps poetic justice that the fine flower of university representation in this House to whom we have just listened should be followed in this Debate by a man of the people, and an artisan like myself, who has been honoured by recognition by one of the universities that he himself represents in this House. I propose to deal with university representation a little later on in my speech, and I trust I may show I am a worthy son of an Aberdeen woman, the university of which city the hon. Gentleman represents in this House. He will therefore pardon me if I take the Bill as it has been received by the House and by the public, and if, in supporting the Second Reading, I deal with several of the criticisms that have been made against it. The Bill has received some criticism but not much opposition. The only opposition on principle which it has received is of the character we have just listened to, that comes from that class of public man who is rather distrustful of democracy, who is suspicious of the on-coming power of the people, who is fearful that they should use the Parliamentary franchise and political power and occupy the seats of the mighty in Parliament to the same extent that other classes have shown him how to do, and that their monopoly in some cases, their privilege in many cases, and their abuse occasionally of their Parliamentary power, may be imitated by the people to whom this Bill extends the franchise. I have no such fear as those critics or those opponents. On the contrary, I believe that the danger to this country will not spring from the further enfranchisement of the people, but that its safety lies in that direction. I believe that much of the social unrest, the economic discontent, and the industrial grievances of which we have heard so much in recent years, is to a great extent due to the fact that the common people, so-called, have not in the Parliamentary institution and in political life their equitable proportion of representative power in this the Mother of Parliaments. Hon. Members will be well advised if they were to read Tennyson's lines and apply them to political power in this country. Tennyson said that England was not to listen to those Parliamentary Bourbons who oppose it; who learn nothing and forget nothing.
A few forget that, in the matter of franchise, this country is behind nearly all the countries of the world, although it has the oldest political constitution, and has had a Parliament for many centuries longer than any other country. Everyone will admit that its register of voters is absurd. The conditions of our voting qualifications have been admitted by everybody to be ridiculous, and in the matter of simplicity of the franchise and directness of political action the Mother-country is generations, and almost centuries behind her children, the Dominions in other parts of the world. It is enough for us to say that our registrations laws are based upon eleven franchises and twenty variations of franchise, and that no less than seventy Acts of Parliament deal with it in an irregular, archaic, and anomalous fashion. This Bill, which I commend to the House, reduces them in number, simplifies their procedure, more or less repeals some fifty or sixty out of the seventy Acts of Parliament, and it attaches, I trust for the last time, political responsibility and Parliamentary power to the residential elector, who alone ought to possess the vote. It abolishes value as the basis for a man having a vote, whether in his rent or his rates. It gives one elector one vote for Parliament, and in so doing it incidentally gets rid of 500,000 plural voters, whom the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down wants to regulate, and who, I think, can only be properly regulated by being entirely abolished. This Bill does not, very properly, touch the local government franchise at all. It would be contrary to precedent that in one Session and concurrently with a Parliamentary Franchise Bill we should grapple with a very great measure such as the amendment of the local government franchise would be. It is contrary to precedent; it has never been done. There is no demand for the moment for an alteration in the local government franchise, and for the moment it is an unnecessary task. The only way in which the Bill touches the local government franchise is to apply the simple machinery of a continuous register, which is possible and practicable, and in regard to which in the Committee stage I hope various Members in different parts of the House may take a hand in improving. It substitutes a six months' for the twelve months' qualification, and it attaches residence in both cases.
The Government intend, when this Bill passes—it is material that the House should know this, although I only emphasise what my right hon. Friend has said—to introduce and pass a Redistribution Bill, so that the next General Election will be held on the basis of the franchise in this Bill, and the revised conditions of this Bill will work conjointly with a redistribution scheme. We welcome the attitude of the Opposition in regard to redistribution, because in the light of the history of the subject I think I am right in saying that redistribution is almost impossible unless both sides practically accept it and agree to the Report of the Boundary Commissions that are appointed in advance, confirmed by Parliament and supported by the Government. If an election were to take place, say in 1915—I do not apprehend one sooner than that date—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh! oh,"]—I remember once being severely lectured because five or six years ago I ventured to say that this Government would remain in office for six years, and it is now six and a-half years—I see no reason why, if an election is held in 1915, and I do not anticipate one before that date, a Boundary Commission could not be appointed in 1914. Until the General Election of 1915 is in sight, there is no need for the appointment of a Boundary Commission. It is only right that the House should, at as early an opportunity as possible, be in possession of a large number of facts and figures relating to the law of franchise which my right hon. Friend proposes to circulate in a White Paper supplementary to the Annual Parliamentary Constituency Report, which, with the White Paper about to be circulated, will be beneficial to those Members who-intend to follow this Bill in Committee.
I said a little while ago that the British Parliament was far behind all the twelve Dominions, which regard our deliberative Assembly as the Mother of Parliaments. We are the oldest settled people with a continuous Parliament, yet so far as the political power of the people is concerned we are really the youngest and newest nation, speaking of the people as a whole, to come into political freedom. America, got its Parliament placed on a simple, broad franchise, 130 years ago; France, 120; the Colonies, variously 100; eighty, sixty, fifty years; and the United Kingdom really only began to think of the enfranchisement of the people in 1867, and there were not many general labourers enfranchised by the 1867 Reform Act, nor were there a great number enfranchised by the 1884 Act. It was said of both of them that they were leaps in the dark, and were dangerous revolutionary experiments which ought to be postponed. The 1832 Act enfranchised the middle class; the 1867 Act enfranchised the lower middle class, and the pink of the artisan population; and the 1884 Act gave a wider instalment. Will anyone, looking back upon the predictions which were then made, say that to any serious extent they have been realised? On the contrary, the result of this enfranchisement has been that the people have used those Parliamentary institutions in a way that is creditable to the common people as a whole. By their inclusion into the governing classes and by means of the education, which I doubt whether we should have got but for 1867, and against which similar predictions were made, we have seen the working classes of this country grow from power to power and from strength to strength in the most extraordinary way imaginable in the development of a free people. Ought we to wait until the people, who are to a great extent still barred out from Parliament, become more articulate and more determined to have even greater power than this Bill gives them? I often think of that fact in connection with another, which is, that in the period when the world was agitated by the social and political convulsions of the French Revolution, the Duke of Richmond and Gordon in another place proposed a Resolution, intending to make it a Bill, in favour of manhood suffrage. No one can say that we have journeyed with indecent haste along the road of political enfranchisement since the Duke of Richmond and Gordon first proposed manhood suffrage over 100 years ago.
That brings me to another objection to this Bill, which is that the age is too low. I do not think so. That criticism has not yet attained any intensity inside the House. We have no right to disable those who now have the vote at twenty-one. We have no right to disfranchise, and we have no right to attempt to raise the age. It is material to know what other countries have done in this regard. Only one country, Denmark, has thirty years; six have twenty-five—Germany, Belgium, Japan, the Netherlands, Norway, and Spain; two only have twenty-four. The United Kingdom and its twelve Dominions have twenty-one, as have America, Greece, Italy, and Switzerland, and Hungary alone has twenty. The self-governing Dominions supplement their franchise, which on the whole has worked very well, by having one man one vote, and in some cases universal adult suffrage. The next objection is that if we have twenty-one, and have one man one vote, we ought to accompany such a franchise with some educational test. I sincerely trust that that will not be instituted. What is the test to be? Is it to be reading and writing? If so, there is little need for it now, though there was in 1867, when from 300 to 400 per 1,000 of men and women who got married had to sign their marriage certificates with a cross. The enfranchisement of the people has led to an extension of education which has gone on very carefully. With Parliamentary responsibility the working classes have used their power to secure this result, that we have only 1 per cent. now under the disability of illiteracy. I have met very intelligent men who were not able to read and write, but who in other ways were men of fine character and had all the qualities of great citizenship. Very frequently the intellectual superman is a great degenerate, and I would advise hon. Members who want to impose an education test to be very careful as to what it is to be. If hon. Members were asked to parse these two lines: our working class life in this country is that in 1870 there were not more than half a dozen labour representatives or men of the working classes either in Parliament or on any of the thousands of public governing bodies. As a result of education and the experience of municipal enfranchisement, which has always followed political enfranchisement, we have this very creditable political record. At this moment over a thousand Members of Parliament. Aldermen, Councillors, Magistrates, and Privy Councillors, are men who have either been artisans or labourers in their early days. In the matter of Parliamentary ability and capacity, if you like to put it punctiliously in the matter of political and Parliamentary deportment, I am quite willing to contrast the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Burt), whom we all know and esteem, with any university Member, however distinguished he may be. In fact, a very distinguished man, who I regret is not in the House, but who, I am pleased to know, is better in health than he was a year or two ago, the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Joseph Chamberlain), stated, in January, 1885, when defending One Man One Vote—
He meant by that that the workman was disabled in many ways from voting, and on him the lot of industry fell to a greater extent. To what extent? Not only do workmen now not possess the vote, but to a great extent they are disfranchised in the most extraordinary way. Here let me join issue with the hon. Gentleman who represents the Universities of Glasgow and Aberdeen, Too frequently in his speech he spoke about this Bill being one for enfranchising the street-corner man, the loafer, the ne'er-do-well, and so forth. This Bill will do less for that type of person than he imagines. The loafer, the street-corner man, and the ne'er-do-well represent a permanent institution at the street corner which they know so well, and they will never leave it. The street-corner man is a stationary animal; he is a corner-man because he is stationary. The man who is now disabled from exercising the vote where otherwise qualified is the man who will more frequently get the benefit of this measure. It will enable to exercise the franchise the artisan, the carpenter, the engineer, and the commercial traveller, among others, who are compelled by their industries and by the mobility of labour to move after their work. It is good for the individual and excellent for the community, that they should be able to move about, but politically their conditions are disfranchising to an extent hon. Members can hardly conceive. I have taken the trouble to ascertain the extent to which this prevails, and I put this forward in answer to the suggestion that this Bill will give facilities to the street-corner man. I belong to a very large friendly society known as the Hearts of Oak. If there is a body of men of whom it can be said, equally with the Oddfellows and the Foresters, that they are a worthy section of the community, it can be said of these people. In 1899 155,000 out of 220,000 in that society alone moved from the houses in which they were. What that represents no one can conceive unless one has gone through an election. The man who has to move after his work is under a disability which the proposed continuous register will prevent. In five years for which I have the figures as to my own trade union, the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, I find 40 to 50 per cent. of the members moved. Here is perhaps a more striking fact. Twenty per cent. of the people at Ilford who bought their houses under the Small Dwellings Act had to sell the houses in a very short time, although it was assumed by them when they bought the houses that they were anchored there for life. More remarkable still, I find that in the dwellings and cottages erected by the county council, in thirty different parts of London out of 8,947 there were 3,170, or 35 per cent., who moved every year. I would point out that in moving they lighten the rates, and they frequently, apart from other reasons, move for the improvement of the health of their wives and families. In the majority of cases they move in order to follow their work.
It is an advantage, socially and politically, that this mobility should continue, but it ought not to be accompanied as it is at present by the regrettable disability that the man has to wait seventeen and a half months before he has an effective vote, and in some instances it is twenty-nine and a half months. When we know how the mobility of labour disfranchises a man, and when we know of the liability to greater sickness and of the way in which in latter years pauperism also causes further disability and disfranchisement, it seems to me that society through the House of Commons owes it to say to the men who have to move after their work or for better conditions, that this ought not to be accompanied by the loss of the vote.
The next point which I wish to deal with is the university vote. I was sorry to hear the hon. Gentleman (Sir H. Craik) say that he had no special interest in university representation, because he thought, as threatened men live long, this Bill would not secure the abolition of university representation. If he will allow me to say so, he gave some of the strongest arguments in favour of its being abolished. He says he represents 12,000 university electors in this House. I should be sorry to lose him personally, but I believe his claims for sitting here would be equally strong if he were to go through the ordeal of a democratic election for some other constituency, and, if he did not survive it, he ought not to be here as a university Member. That is my view. When he said that 3,000 of the 12,000 were scattered over the Colonies and other places, some in Shanghai, and that 10 to 15 percent. only were in the country, it seemed to me that he was giving the strongest reason why the British Parliament dealing with national and Imperial affairs—
I think the right hon. Gentleman has misunderstood me. What I said was that at an election there were only 10 to 15 per cent. of the 3,000 who were able to take part in it.
I take the hon. Gentleman's own figures. It seems to me that whether they are scattered over the world in our Overseas Dominions or scattered throughout England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales, it is their business to identify themselves with the local, political, and Parliamentary life of their districts rather than to have special representation here.
Some are in China.
I hope every Aberdeen student is trying to get to China to be a model and exemplar to the Chinese people. This argument can be carried, in my judgment, too far. The hon. Gentleman himself did not give any special reason why we should have nine Members representing universities in this House when in a number of instances the voters returning them are fewer than in several constituencies, and especially in one, namely, Romford. They are plural voters mainly, and I do not think that the university don, with all respect, has a greater claim to special representation in this House—
What does the right hon. Gentleman mean by a university don?
I do not think the university graduate has a greater claim on any side to representation than the law, the Army, the Navy, shipping, or any of the great special industries. We all know Cecil Rhodes's opinion of university dons. I can say that the tendency is rather for universities, in the political and Parliamentary sphere, to create caste rather than class, but, whether it be caste or class, the House of Commons has no right to say that only university men should have this special representation. Is there any reason to assume that universities and university life will be ignored in this House or that education will be neglected? You have only got to look around. Forty per cent. of the Members of the House of Commons are university men, and if there is added to that great representation of the universities special representation of their own, that is going further than either justice or the circumstances warrant. In another place we find that 70 to 80 per cent. of the Peers are men who have been educated at Oxford, Cambridge, or other universities. What we want to do is to make the House of Commons a Parliamentary microscopism of the political nation, free from the entanglements of plural voting. It has no right to be a chapel-of-ease for Oxford, Cambridge, London, Glasgow, and Aberdeen. No argument has been advanced to show that this special claim should be maintained. On the contrary, I believe that so far as the franchise has gone, so far as political extension has proceeded, we find that the people this House ought to represent have the right to no more and no less representation than one vote gives to them. The extent to which property is endowed with social power, influence, and privilege ought to be the standard of its willingness to renounce its claim for any other advantage or privilege, and the extent to which men are better educated than their less better-off fellows ought to be the measure of their willingness not to ask those special privileges which have been insisted upon by the hon. Gentleman (Sir H. Craik) and others who have spoken against this Bill.
The hon. Gentleman said that the Liberals once had the support of the educated classes, and that they have now lost it. If that be so, it is the misfortune of the educated classes, because it shows that culture divorced from sympathy may be reactionary. It is bad for the educated classes if they, either out of self-interest or prejudice, put themselves athwart the evolution of a great democracy. It is education's loss and it is democracy's gain. We intend that this Bill shall diminish the loss and in crease the gain which this House has had by too close a monopoly in the past of what were miscalled "the educated classes." It would be a mistake, above all, from a man like myself to say anything that would be derogatory of great universities as centres of learning. They are here in large numbers, and they will remain here. Anything that this or any Bill will do will not handicap them. It will not disfranchise them or disable them to any extent. On the contrary, to the extent to which young men in the universities who leave the Liberal party attach themselves to the ideals, the proper aims, and the sentiments of the poorer people, I believe that on balance the university men will always have an advantage over the Labour leaders. If the universities in future honour themselves, as Cambridge did, by electing men like Oliver Cromwell—and he only got in by one vote because the university was against him—
Where are you to find them?
If you do not get Bills like this you may not find them. When we find that a man like Oliver Cromwell became Member for Cambridge by only one vote, mainly because of the University interest against him, when we find universities producing great peaks of intellect like Bacon, Milton, More, and Cromwell, who have had tremendous influence in our national life, no one wishes, in speaking against university representation, to detract from the high quality of the continuous stream of men that have never for a thousand years ceased to come out of Oxford and Cambridge, and for a shorter period from other universities.
I now ask the House for a moment to deal with one or two other points in the Bill. Apart from the abolition of the plural voter, this Bill, simplifying the registration, giving a continuous register, improving the machinery and shortening the procedure, does a thing that, I think, should have been done long ago, gets rid of an absurdity like the Fittall decision, which, roughly, is this, that a decent man who lives in the same house with his landlord and pays his rent to him downstairs is not to have a continuance of that representation to which, before that particular decision, he was entitled, but if a man lives in someone else's house over the road, and the landlord lives elsewhere and he does not pay any rent, that man is entitled to vote until his landlord evicts him. That is a condition of things that only a Bill like this can get rid of. I would like myself to deal with the registration officer whom this Bill sets up. I personally think that registration agents are a very necessary evil. I hope that the day is not far distant when both parties will do with registration, and everything connected with municipal and Parliamentary voting, what they have done in other things, remit them to the town clerk or the clerk of county council as a social and civil duty imposed upon them without interference, which very frequently means the dictation of outside people. We propose that the registration officer, responsible for the tabulation of the voters as he is for the collection of rates should give a guarantee of that voter being on the electoral list without the voter running the risk that he now does. The part of the Bill dealing with revising barristers is a necessary improvement and change in the right direction. I do not believe much in the criticism directed against it. Everybody so far who has written about or spoken on this Bill says that the twelve months' qualification, which means very often seventeen or eighteen months, and sometimes means twenty-nine months, is an intolerable condition of things, but they say that a continuous register is impossible. I believe that if town clerks can, as in London they now do, collect the rates, know the empties, and every three weeks generally, roughly, inform us as to the number of people who have moved, there is no reason why under a continuous register it is impossible for them to know where the ratepayers have gone and where the people who occupy the empty houses have moved. If it is possible for them to do this, it is possible for them to have a continuous register and to follow out what this Bill imposes upon them.
There has been this afternoon and on previous occasions very little defence of the property vote—in fact, singularly little defence of it. It does seem to me preposterous that a man who owns 10,000 acres, who is satisfied with one vote because his residence is there, should be in an unfavourable position as compared with a man who probably owns only a thousand acres of land but may have seven or eight votes because the land happens to be in different parts of the district or the country. If you are to have a property vote there is only one way to do it. It is to convert it into a cash standard and have a graduated or sliding scale, and to say so many acres so many votes, so many thousand or million pounds so many more votes. The fact is it is a ridiculous standard for electoral and registration matters, and as we have now only one Income Tax, wherever a man lives, with a small local Property Tax, that ought to be followed by one vote one electoral value, and one elector one vote. The fact is there is less reason for a property or a plural vote for Parliamentary affairs than there is for municipal purposes, though I am against it in that respect also. The Parliamentary vote is Imperial; it is based on the man as a citizen, as a resident, as a head of a family, or as a head of a house-bold, and a man ought not to be in possession of a vote for any other reason than those which I have mentioned. If it is attached to a name only he has not got the power which he now enjoys of having a business very often in the centre of a big city and finding a vote there, and also having a vote where he lives. One of the disabilities of that form of political life was very distinctly pointed out by the Bishop of Barking the other day, who thought that a great deal of the dissatisfaction with life and industrial discontent in West Ham, East Ham, Barking, and similar places was due to the fact that the mobility of capital as well as the mobility of labour had created an absenteeism that this Bill will diminish, and in diminishing which I think it must lead to a diminution of some of the evils of absenteeism.
One or two of the small details have been referred to. Under this Bill the overseers, as at present, will be able to help the town clerk and do a great deal of the work in a much better way than he now does for registration purposes. I know no argument except as to small points in machinery, which can be met in Committee. Registration now costs the rates £270,000, and revising barristers cost about £13,000 in England and Wales. As we now must have registration, I do not promise any economy in this particular matter, but I do not think that there will be any material increase in expense, as I believe that the town clerk, through the machinery that this Bill confers upon him, will be able to give a better value for the work through this Bill and with a better staff and direct supervision and control than he now does. So far as the main principles of this Bill are concerned, it is only for me to say that it establishes one man one vote, based on residence, and it gives one vote one value, subject to redistribution. Payment of Members has been secured; official registration of electors will have to be extended further than it now is; and these and subsequent reforms are the complement of Bills that have gone before. It is because this Bill is a desirable and necessary change in the development of previous franchise Bills that I ask the House to support its Second Reading. I shall probably be asked why it is that in this matter we have not dealt with one thing connected with this discussion, namely, how this Bill affects the great City of London. It seems to me when challenged, as we have been outside, we ought to deal with the City. The City of London difficulty is not so great as some hon. Members think. What is more, the difficulty is settling itself. It is not due to 1867, to 1884, nor will it be particularly to this Bill. It is essential that we should give the facts with regard to the City of London. There are 10,064 houses in the City. They have under 20,000 residents by night, and they have 364,000 people employed there by day. With 20,000 residents they have 30,000 voters. It is interesting for us to know how these Gentlemen who are threatened with extinction will regard this particular matter, and it is remarkable that where 67 per cent. of the people voted in the City at the last and the 1906 elections, 84 and 74 per cent. respectively of people voted in other parts of London, and therefore there is no evidence of the City being in a fine frenzy, as politicians exercising the Parliamentary franchise, over this Bill. Oddly enough the City is gradually becoming disfranchised, so far as individuals are concerned, by the law of limited liability, because there are 3,000 fewer voters in the City of London through the development of limited liabilities than there were in 1904, and that will go on at an accelerated rate. Of the 20,000 who are residents by night nearly 15,000 are caretakers, licensed victuallers, hotel keepers, porters, policemen, shopkeepers, and such like, and of the day population only 8 per cent. have votes, whilst to 20,000 residents there are 30,000 Parliamentary votes.
It is no longer true that the City is the centre and the homes of merchant princes as it used to be thirty, forty, or a hundred years ago, and the interest of the City is not so well sustained as it used to be, because I noticed the other day that at a meeting of the corporation which took place at the Guildhall they were so indignant at this Bill that they postponed the consideration of it for two months on the ground that their holidays intervened. The idea that the City is a place to which it is necessary to give special representation in this House on the basis of the City's past traditions is answered by a few simple facts. Limited liability companies have reduced the great bankers down to 277 firms and the commercial firms down to 4,362 out of the 30,000. So that there is not the claim that some hon. Members set up for the City as a place entitled to special representation. Why should it get it? Take a City merchant of to-day, say one of the 277 bankers, or one of the heads of firms in the City. He can vote now for the City Corporation for municipal purposes; he can vote for the county council, because of the City's interest in the county council as a whole; he can vote not only for one borough council but any single borough council if he has a factory or workshop there; and under this Bill he can vote for Parliament if he resides there. The only thing that this Bill says is, that if he does not live in the City of London he should not have the Parliamentary vote for that City, and he must vote at Wimbledon, Hampstead, Taplow, or wherever he may happen to live; in a word, that he should have no greater advantage than the rest of his fellow citizens. We have no right to specially exclude the City of London from this Bill, because large cities like Manchester, Birmingham, Leeds and Glasgow have similar disabilities to those of London. I do not think there is much claim either for university representation; and I do not think there is any claim for either Birmingham, Glasgow or any other large city which commercial and industrial evolutions have affected as they have affected the City of London. There is no reason for their having privileged representation in this House or elsewhere; and this Bill seeks to remove it, and in removing that privilege it incidentally removes a disability from other people. I could go on, but it is not necessary for me to go further than make this quotation. The late Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Balfour), speaking on this subject in 1892, said:—
I observed that the right hon. Gentleman made some reference to redistribution. I could not but feel inclined to ask myself why it is that the Registration Bill is promised us only after the passing of the Home Rule Bill? It would have been much more just and more statesmanlike, and much more judicious from every point of view if the Government had set themselves to work out a redistribution scheme and thus done justice to the whole of the United Kingdom, and had afterwards brought forward their Home Rule Bill. That has not been their policy. They prefer to pass the: Home Rule Bill before bringing in a Redistribution Bill. The right hon. Gentleman, has said that there is no great objection to this Bill, and that all the points that have been raised are Committee points. I do not think that that is wholly accurate. I think there is a general feeling that this-Bill is introduced as a matter of gerry- mandering for the party now in power; and that it is not going on the principle of balancing one constituency against another, but that they should be able to disfranchise a certain number of electors who are supposed to habitually oppose the policy of the party opposite. That is a very serious objection to the Bill. I do not want to speak from the party point of view, but it seems to me that any Bill which is introduced with the obvious effect of damaging one party as against another is not fair, is not just, and is a Bill which ought to be opposed on general principles. For myself I cannot but feel that though possibly in certain cases the plural vote may become something of an abuse, it is not by any means wholly an abuse. I speak plainly as representing a Constituency largely consisting of small employers and of artisans, and I can deliberately say that where small employers have their residence in one place and their place of business in another, it would be perfectly fair that they should have the vote for both places. I think there is a good deal to be said for that contention. They have interests in both places; they pay rates in both places; they know the conditions of both places; they are subject to certain responsibilities in both places, and such being the case it does appear to me that men in that position ought to be allowed to vote in both places.
I notice that in the first Clause of the Bill it is laid down that a person shall not be registered or vote for more than one constituency. I have a very strong objection from the point of view of the Bill as a whole to a person not being allowed to register in more than one constituency. What is the point? If there is a by-election why is a person, who under normal circumstances would have the vote in two places, to be disfranchised just because it happens that at the by-election in one of those places he is registered, and is not registered in the other place. That is not a fair proposal. Suppose he is registered, we will say in London, and he has his vote in London; and suppose he has also a cottage or a place of business in the country; and suppose, further, there happens to be a by-election in the country constituency, why is he to be disfranchised? He is disfranchised because he is not allowed to be on the register there; he is registered in London, where he can exercise his vote during the General Election; but it is quite impossible for him to have any voice in the by-election, where he happens to have an equal right to vote, though he does not happen to be on the register in consequence of this Bill. That is a piece of gerrymandering; it is an unfair and biassed proposal which does not treat all electors equally fairly. I object to it still more because, as the right hon. Gentleman has said, many cases arise in the City, and to some extent elsewhere, of voters losing their vote in consequence of their businesses being turned into limited liability companies. I have always thought—I do not know how far the opinion may be-shared by other Members of the House—that these limited liability companies are-at a very unfair disadvantage. They are liable both to Imperial taxation and to local rates. Many of these large businesses and large companies of all sorts and kinds are the mainstay of British commerce, and have done much to increase the prosperity of the country, yet they confer no right to vote.
The vast commercial and industrial importance of those companies is entirely disregarded in our electoral system. Certainly this Bill will not improve it. The whole tendency of the Bill is to disfranchise the industries and the interests which lead to our great commercial successes, and to give the vote to youthful people, often ignorant, and who are really not half so reliable for electing Members of this. House. They are very often to my mind voters who are much more interested about any extremely local concern than about larger matters, and they do not take a broad and Imperial view of any question at a General Election. I am anxious that while we give fair justice to every citizen so far as his individual vote is concerned, we should not disregard and put at a disadvantage Imperial interests, which, after all, are the most important and broadest interest in the country. Then we come to the question of the universities. My hon. Friend behind me who spoke earlier emphasised some of the disabilities and disadvantages. The universities are to be disfranchised. The President of the Local Government Board suggested that my hon. Friend could easily find some democratic constituency and that his services would be rendered equally available to the House. I cannot but believe that this House derives advantage from the presence of university Members, who, through their special qualifications, perhaps in one direction, are less qualified to seek election in other constituencies. I do not say that would be the case with my hon. Friend, but let us take a case to which no objection can be raised. A late hon. Member of this House, very widely respected, well known in all parts of the Empire—I mean the late Mr. Lecky—was available as a university Member in this House, and he was especially representative of learning, but, to those who knew him personally, he was not the sort of man, perhaps, who would have commended himself to a great constituency. Take, again, another case which occurs to me at the moment, that of Lord Davey, who sat on the opposite side. He was an extremely eminent man. It is true he was not a university Member, but it will be generally admitted that he had great difficulty in ever recommending himself to a democratic constituency.
What I desire to urge is that we ought not to make it unduly difficult for men who have special intellectual qualifications and ability and who are in rather a disjointed position, and whose intellectual experience is extremely valuable in this House, to get into this House. I think therefore that it is desirable to retain university constituencies for the very reason that it is there that eminent men can sometimes find a place who would I think not find a place in other constituencies throughout the United Kingdom. The case of Sir Michael Foster has also been referred to. I therefore seriously regret that the tendency of this Bill should be so entirely in the other direction. The right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board said it was observed that Liberals had lost the votes of the educated classes, but he remarked that that was a misfortune for the educated classes. That is scarcely a legitimate observation. Really we want education in this House. I think it is much more typical of modern Liberalism to say that because the educated classes and education in general does not follow so closely to the lines of the present Liberal policy, that it is therefore merely a loss to the educated classes and not a loss to the Liberalism of the country. I do urge most strongly that the lines of this Bill ought to be entirely different from what are. They ought not to be covertly or overtly intended to disfranchise the more intellectual of the electorate, and all those of the electorate who have the larger business and commercial stakes in the country, and simply set itself to give one man one vote. I believe if our position among the nations of the world is to be maintained we do want to have representation in this House of great commercial interests and high intellectual ability. The whole tendency of this Bill is directed to discountenancing that and countenancing the least intellectual, and on the whole, though I do not mean it to apply universally, the more ignorant elector. It is for that reason on principle I object to this Bill, which I think is largely directed towards gerrymandering and not towards the best interests of the community.
It has been alleged in the course of this Debate that there is no popular demand behind this Reform Bill, and certainly the state of the House throughout the Debate might tend to show that there was no demand for it among Members of the House, but I venture to think that the condition of the House is perhaps due to other causes than the Bill. [An HON. MEMBER: "What are they?"] I think the hon. Member is aware of the cause of absence. There is in the country, and there has been for a considerable time, a large demand for a Reform Bill of this character. The truth is that this Bill is a part, and a necessary part, of the scheme of Parliamentary reform which was put before the country at the two General Elections of 1910. I regard the Bill we are now discussing as the absolutely necessary sequel of the Parliament Act. For my own part, and I think I am speaking the views of a great many hon. Members on this side, I personally never advocated the limitation of the powers of the House of Lords and the reform of the House of Lords without at the same time advocating, both in my election address and speeches, the necessity for making this House more truly representative than it is at present of the people of this country. To my mind, the supreme test of whether or not this Bill should be passed is how far it accomplishes that object of making this House truly representative of the people of the country. Will it bring in classes who are not at present represented in this House, or will it enable individuals who, though Parliament intended them as it were to have votes, and who belong to classes which are supposed to be enfranchised, nevertheless, from circumstances in their lives, do not get the vote which I believe it was the intention of Parliament to confer on them. Trying the Bill by that standard so far as men are concerned, I think it will achieve the purpose which we aim at. I do not think it is going to bring in any new class of voters who are not at present represented in this House, but a large number of whom, owing to various circumstances, are not now able to exercise the vote and get on the register in the course of any Parliament.
I disagree very much with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Edinburgh (Sir E. Finlay), who seemed to think that we were going to enfranchise a number of loafers and people of that kind. I really do not think that those are the people who are disfranchised by the registration laws. I think, on the contrary, that those disfranchised are really among the most respectable and desirable people in the country, who, because of the peripatetic nature of their work, or because of the necessary changes of occupation, fail to get on the register owing to the very long time which is necessary at present to qualify. The Amendment which we are discussing of the hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman) complains a great deal more of what is left out of the Bill than of what is in the Bill. If I may say so, that is rather characteristic of a great deal of the criticism which is addressed from the other side in regard to Liberal legislation. It is a very easy form of criticism to point to a Bill and say it does not thoroughly solve the problems which are confronting the country and this House. It has been a very favourite method of criticism with the Opposition during the last few years. I noticed that the hon. and gallant Member for Chelmsford became very eloquent in pointing out to the House how the Government had done just so much in the case of old age pensions, and just so much in the case of workmen's compensation, and so on. No doubt there is another course possible, and that is the course adopted by the Opposition in regard to old age pensions, and that is delay and delay until we can do it perfectly. I do submit it is better to solve that part of the problem which it is possible to do at any moment than to refrain altogether from dealing with the question until you are able to deal with it quite perfectly and in a manner to satisfy all critics.
The first objection raised by the Amendment is that the Bill is framed solely in the electoral interests of one political party. I am inclined to agree that we on this side of the House shall profit more as the result of the passing of this Bill than hon. Members on the other side of the House, but I think we are suffering under greater grievances than hon. Members opposite, and that with an electorate freely selected from all the population we shall necessarily gain more because we have been suffering from greater grievances in regard to the condition of the electorate. I do not believe for a moment that in shaping this Bill there has been present to the minds of those who are bringing it in, that they should bring in a Bill which will benefit one side of the House more than another. I do not want to overstate the case, but naturally we press on our own Government the grievances under which we suffer, and it would be absurd for me to claim that I am as sensitive of the grievances of hon. Members opposite as those which press on myself. I do maintain that is merely incidental to the fact that the particular grievances which are to be remedied are more felt on our side than the other, but that that has not been the motive in shaping the Bill. Indeed, it is almost useless for the Government to try to deal with Bills in that way, because there is no man so wise as to be able to read the signs of the times in these matters. There was a Conservative Bill in 1867, and the result was that Mr. Gladstone's Ministry was returned to power! There was a Liberal Reform Bill in 1884, and the result was twenty years of Tory Parliament in this country, so that I am thankful to think, in the interests of the purity of public life, that there is no politician so wise that he can tell what is going to be the effect of a Reform Bill. He had better set himself, as far as he can, to remedy the grievances with an impartial eye, and not to expect to get party advantage out of them.
6.0 P.M.
This Bill will remove grievances from which we have been long suffering. What the result of subsequent elections will be I do not think the wisest among us can tell. We have been suffering, as I think, a very great grievance from plural voting, which I regard as the greatest anomaly left nearly in our political system, and the one which is most necessary to be remedied. I want hon. Members of this House to ask themselves what they represent in this House. Are we here representing interests, or property, or universities, or land, or are we here representing persons? I believe that we are here representing people, and I approach this whole question from that standard, that we are here to represent persons. If that is indeed the case, and if we are not here to represent those diverse interests which have been referred to, then I think one man one vote becomes a necessary reform. There is no danger that the diverse elements will not be represented in this House. Look around the House, and is there any assembly in the world where there are more diverse interests represented? Is there any question which comes up for discussion on which you cannot find somebody who is really an expert in the question? Is it not one of the great difficulties to making a speech here that there is always listening to you, when anybody condescends to listen, somebody who knows more about the subject than you do yourself? I do not know of any House in which the interests are more diverse, the experience more varied, or the knowledge greater, than is to be found in the House of Commons. Another hon. Member opposite supported the view of the right hon. Member for Edinburgh University and pleaded for retaining the plural vote. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Edinburgh read a very interesting quotation from Mr. Lecky which I will venture to read again to the House. In his last book, which I do not think is his best, he says:— that argument. I cannot for a moment admit that, as a man's property increases, his stake in the good government of the country increases. It is not men with property who need the protection of law in this country. Property can take care of itself. I do not wish to say one word against property. I would as soon think of abusing fire or electricity. Property is a great power in the hands of a man who possesses it. Its value to any man is the power which it confers upon him. Power needs to be regulated, but power can take care of itself. Who need to be protected are those who have not the means for self-protection. The poor need the protection of the vote far more than the well-to-do. Who suffer from bad legislation and bad administration? Not the man of property. It is the poor who always suffer. If your public education system is bad, who will suffer? If a rich man is not satisfied with his son's education, he takes him away from one school and sends him to another. By payment he can remedy his grievance, but the poor man has no such remedy. If the educational system is bad, the poor man's son suffers all his days. The same is true in all departments of public administration. Take the sanitary laws. If sanitation is bad, Members of this House can call in experts, and by expenditure—heavy expenditure in my experience—they can get their drains put right and their houses made sanitary. The poor have no-such remedy. If the public drainage system is bad, the poor suffer. I challenge contradiction on this point. Right throughout our public life it is the poor, and not the rich, who suffer from bad legislation and bad administration, because the rich can take care of themselves. Therefore, there is not the slightest need to add to the already great power which property possesses by giving it additional votes for Members in this House.
The same applies to what I think is a necessary corollary to the abolition of the plural vote, namely, the abolition of university representation in this House. The-theory put forward to-day and also by the hon. Member for Glasgow University (Sir H. Craik) with great force and eloquence, is that learning ought to be represented in this House. Learning will always be represented here if it does not altogether lose its popular sympathies. Learning, like property, is a great power, and power makes itself felt. You have no need to add to the power which learning already has. Learning will take care of itself. It will always give a man power over his fellows. Is there anything that tells in this House like knowledge or learning? Are there any men who carry more respect among Members of the House than those who speak with great learning behind them? Members opposite seem very nervous. There is no fear that learning will not carry its due weight. It is bound to have its power and force. It makes itself felt. No society of men can prevent it from making itself felt. The prerogative of learning is that all the kings and all the constitutions in the world cannot take away from a man the learning which he has, on deprive him of the influence among his fellows which his learning confers upon him. I cannot admit that our system of university representation has succeeded in giving us the sort of representative described by the hon. Member opposite (Mr. E. Cecil). He quoted the instance of Lord Davey, who was a Member of this House for a short time. Everybody will agree that while he was one of the best Members, he was the worst candidate to be found in the United Kingdom. But no university opened its arms to Lord Davey. He was a distinguished member of a university, but the university did not offer him membership in order that it might secure his special representation here. We cannot say other than that the representatives of universities who come here have been, as a rule, very good party men, but they have not been in the least detached from the general life.
Nobody can altogether represent all the graduates in a university. I cannot speak for the Scotch universities, as I do not know the system there; but I know the system in my own university. I have never had a university Member to represent my views in this House in any sense. I believe I have a vote for the university of Oxford, but I have never been at the pains to go to Oxford to register that vote at a General Election, because I knew the system there. The great majority of Members of my university take their names off the books when they have taken their Master's Degree. A good many do not even do that. The representation is not in the hands of all the graduates of Oxford University. I should not be so afraid of it if they all voted. The intellect of the university in my day was Liberal, and I well remember the joy of the Conservatives when the present Archbishop of York a year or two before I went down came up to Oxford to speak upon the Conservative side of the Union, to which he brought an eloquence and force which had hitherto been lacking in the Debates on that side. But we Liberals of Oxford have never secured a Liberal representative in this House. I cannot for a moment admit that the system of university representation has resulted in the selection, which we all desire, of people of great eminence, detached from our ordinary public life, and who bring to bear upon our proceedings here a suavity and sanity of judgment which are lacking in ordinary party Members of Parliament. So far as I have observed the distinguished Members for universities who sit in this House now, they are just as good party men as other Members of their party. The most acrimonious speech in this Debate, the speech most full of party spirit and most lacking in kindly toleration of all bodies of opinion, was the speech delivered by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh University (Sir R. Finlay). I challenge Members to read the whole of the Debate and see whether it has not been left to a university representative to attribute the worst motives to opponents and to show the least suavity in our proceedings.
The second reason given for the Amendment is that the Bill does not contain any proposals for redistribution. I entirely agree that redistribution is a necessary accompaniment of a reform of the franchise such as we are proposing. But I submit that you cannot really have a redistribution of voters until you know who the voters are going to be. If you brought in a Redistribution Bill and carried it through before you knew who the voters were, you would probably have to have a new redistribution to get things right. It is better to know who will be enfranchised by this Bill before we tackle the problem of redistribution. I should like to enter a small protest against the charge that in this Bill the Government are gerrymandering. Gerrymandering is a process which can only be carried out in connection with a Redistribution Bill. I think hon. Members would do well to consult Murray's dictionary on this point. They will find that the word "gerrymander" is derived from the name of a democratic governor of Massachusetts, who, in 1812, used a Redistribution Bill to secure the State of Massachusetts for his own party. The charge of gerrymandering is the last charge to be brought against the Govern- ment. You can gerrymander only in connection with a Redistribution Bill, and perhaps hon. Members opposite will help us to prevent the Government from indulging in any tricks of that kind when redistribution comes before the House. In deferring redistribution until they have dealt with the franchise the Government have acted logically, and, from an historical point of view, in the natural and proper order.
The third criticism in the Amendment is that the Bill is a measure "on the most important aspect of which the Government responsible for its introduction is admittedly not agreed." I do not complain of the hon. Member (Mr. Pretyman) calling it a most important aspect of the question. If hon. Members have followed my argument they will see that, as I hold that this House should represent persons and not interests, property, or classes, it is impossible for me to resist the claim of women to be enfranchised and to vote for Members of this House. The hon. Member complains of the action of the Government in regard to woman suffrage. He is an opponent of woman suffrage, and therefore one is entitled to question whether, in putting forward that objection, he is considering the interests of that movement. I am a supporter of woman suffrage, and, for my part, I want to thank the Government for having devised a way out of the impossible position in which this House has found itself in regard to this question for so many years. For many years, long before I entered Parliament, this House had a majority in favour of woman suffrage, and yet, because of our party system, the House was absolutely unable to give expression to its views on that subject. If the hon. Member had his way we should apparently be for ever unable to express our view, for I can see no early prospect of a Government drawn from either this or that side of the House being unanimous in their view upon this subject. I think those of us who believe in woman suffrage owe a great debt of gratitude to the Prime Minister for having put on one side his own personal predilections in this matter. We know that he is against our view, and it would have been very easy for him to have said that no Government could deal with this until it had made up its mind upon that question. I do not know that anyone could have very severely criticised him if he had adhered to traditional methods. But nothing is worse for the authority of the House than that we shall have a majority of Members in favour of a particular course, and then because of our party system, party arrangement, or Governmental precedents that we should be unable to give expression to the will of the majority of this House. Whatever hon. Members may think upon this question, I do say that the House of Commons as a whole owes a debt of gratitude to the Prime Minister for having hit upon a solution—it is the Prime Minister's solution—when bringing in this Reform Bill to say to the House of Commons: "Now, if it is indeed your wish to enfranchise women, I give you the opportunity to do it in the Reform Bill; if you do your proposal becomes an integral part of the Government measure, and the Government, as a whole, will lend its support, so far as the Government is able to do so, to carrying the Reform Bill, shaped by the House, into law."
The Prime Minister has been attacked by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh University for taking that course. I think the House, as a whole, should really thank him for having got them out of what is an impossible position. The House will, on the Committee stage of this Bill be free to give expression to its will, and to do what it thinks well in this matter, On woman suffrage, I am bound to say that I am afraid our prospects are not so bright as they were some years ago. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I regret that. I remember well the beginning of the militant movement in this House. I remember Sir Samuel Evans, one of the strongest opponents of woman suffrage in this House, standing here close upon eleven o'clock at night absolutely gravelled for lack of argument, putting forward nothing new, no new facts, putting forward no argument to make any impression upon the House, when there was a disturbance in the Gallery. From that day to this these militant outrages have gradually lost us, one by one, votes that were ready to be given to the cause of woman suffrage. If hon. Members against woman suffrage make use of these militant outrages as an argument against it, I can only say that we who support woman suffrage have suffered more from this militancy than any other class in this House. The Prime Minister hit upon this course out of the difficulty. To a deputation of Liberal Members in 1908 he promised to introduce his Reform Bill, and promised that in the Bill there should be an opportunity for a woman suffrage Amendment. On the Committee stage we shall get our opportunity. We have now to decide whether women shall be enfranchised, and if so, how many, or what class in the community.
I hope the House is not going back upon its decisions of many years past, and that at any rate we shall say what enfranchisement of women shall take place in this Bill. It will be open to us to enfranchise the whole body of women, as we are now enfranchising the whole body of men. That is a logical proceeding in this matter. On the other hand I doubt whether it is practicable. I doubt if the majority of the House will vote for it. The Amendment undoubtedly will be moved, and Members will have the opportunity of voting. That is the beauty of this procedure. We shall have a fair opportunity of testing exactly what the House wishes to do on this question. If it wishes to enfranchise the whole body of women I shall not stand in the way of what I think is a logical proceeding. I am not afraid of the vote of any grown-up person, but I doubt whether the House will go so far. The House already this Session has decided against the admission of merely the local government vote, but they may reverse that decision. I cannot say. I think it is unlikely. It is open to us to use some middle course between the extremes which I think will commend itself to most Members of the House who are in favour of woman suffrage. There is the Norwegian system where the householder is enfranchised, and practically also the wife of the householder. That is a system which is working quite well in Norway, and which has not been found to inflict any grave hardship upon the women who are not enfranchised. At any rate I hope this House is seriously going to direct its attention to this problem, and, having decided before that they were going to enfranchise women, that they will not now shrink because of the militant outrages. I trust they will decide the question on first principles and on sound principles, apart from the momentary aberrations of certain of the women; that they will give a reasoned decision consonant with their decisions of the past. This, at any rate, I will say: that this House will never be properly representative of the people of this country until women as well as men are enfranchised.
I would like to say that we on this side of the House quite recognise that the present franchise laws and our present electoral system are neither defensible in theory nor satisfac- tory in practice. I think on all sides of the House we are ready for reform of our electoral laws, but we say that we do not approve of the measure at present before us, which we regard merely as a gerrymandering measure in the interests of one political party. The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has disputed the applicability of the term "gerrymandering" to any Bill that did not deal with redistribution. He said it was a term that applied only to a Redistribution Bill. I can remind him that it applies quite as strongly to the lack of redistribution. That is why we say that this Bill is a gerrymandering Bill. The present distribution of seats is one which is neither just nor reasonable, and this Bill, while professing to be an electoral reform Bill, makes no attempt to redress that grievance. It is because this Bill selects anomalies in our present system which the Government consider are detrimental to Liberal interests, while leaving untouched anomalies detrimental to Conservative interests that we on this side are opposing the present Bill. What is it, after all, that is wrong with our electoral system at present? Surely it is that the House of Commons does not really represent the opinion of the people of this country? It is not, as the President of the Local Government Board says it ought to be, a microcosm of the public opinion in this country. I think the hon. Gentleman the Member for Rushcliffe, when he was arguing as to-whether our present electoral system offered an advantage to this party or that party was really rather arguing, if I may say so, somewhat beside the point. It is surely not a party question.
The whole of our country is not entirely split up into two political camps. It is not a representation of public opinion in this country that you should have a House of Commons composed entirely of men of two or three political parties. When the hon. Member says that this Bill is going to redress the grievance under which the Liberal party has suffered for the past thirty or forty years, and that therefore it is going to make the House of Commons more representative of public opinion, I entirely dispute his argument, because I do not think public opinion in this country is divided up into party camps in the same way as is the House of Commons. We shall never get a really efficient, a really just, reform of our electoral system until this House of Commons is representative of those different interests and classes which go to make up the community as we know it, but which finds no representation or a very inadequate representation in the House of Commons now. In the first place you have the great question of woman suffrage. I am not arguing upon the admission of women to the franchise, but it is obvious that so long as women are excluded from the franchise the House of Commons cannot in any sense be held to be representative of the public opinion of this country. That great anomaly emerges first.
You have also great and powerful interests in our community which find themselves inadequately represented in this House under our present electoral system, and this is, I think, an aspect of the question which affects the Labour party, for it is very much easier for the Labour party to get a representative of, say, a coal miner's trade union into the House of Commons than it is for them to get into the House the representative of a trade union like that of the shop assistants, whose membership is scattered all over the country. That surely is not just, and that surely is a defect in our present electoral system; and you will find, I think, that there are large and many interests which by reason of the fact that they are diffused all over the country and are not able to concentrate in any particular constituency find themselves inadequately represented in this House. The hon. Gentleman opposite said that the effect of our present electoral system was that persons were represented in the House of Commons. I do not think that that is really a correct view of the situation.
What I thought I had made clear was that that is what the House of Commons ought to be—the representative of persons—and that is why I support this Bill.
But surely the basis of our representation in the House to-day is representation by districts, and not the representation of persons?
Of what district is a university representative?
The university is not a district in the geographical sense of the term. It is a particular interest which has grown up from historical reasons. I am one of those who would very much like to see the system of the representation of interests extended in order that the House of Commons should become what the President of the Local Government Board said it ought to be, a microcosm of the public opinion of the country. The system under which we are working to-day is not really democratic because the opinion of the democracy is not accurately represented. There is another feature of this question which is not touched in this Bill, but which is germane to the subject, and that is the representation of the people by poor men in the House of Commons. In these democratic days that surely is a very important question indeed.
Hear, hear.
The Government claim to have enabled, or to have made it easier, for men who have not got means of their own to enter this House by introducing the payment of Members. Although I opposed the payment of Members, and especially the method by which it was carried, I think there is a great deal to be said for men who cannot afford to come into the House of Commons on their own resources being paid by the State instead of being paid by some political caucus. I hold that opinion very strongly. But the Government really have done nothing to make it easier for poor men to enter the House of Commons. Under the system as we know it to-day a man so long as he keeps his seat in this House receives a salary of £400 per year. Directly a General Election comes he is fined £l,000. The result is that no man who has not means of his own, or the backing of some political party, can possibly face a General Election, and I think if the Government really wanted to make the House of Commons more accessible to poor men they should have started by paying election expenses instead of paying salaries. I mention this subject because it is very germane to efficient representation in the House of Commons of public opinion. But I think something more is needed if the House of Commons is to be made really representative of public opinion than any of the palliatives that have hitherto been tried. I, for one, feel that this House will never become the free and independent assembly that it ought to be, or really representative of public opinion in this country, until some system of proportionate representation is introduced to enable different sections to be adequately represented in this House; and all those interests which cut much deeper than party ties in ordinary life and count for much more to the vast majority of our citizens than political colours.
I think these different interests should be represented in the House of Commons, and my criticism of the attitude of the Government is that in this Bill they leave absolutely untouched the most glaring anomaly of our present electoral laws, and the greatest vice from which we are suffering at the present moment, namely, that the country is governed by three or four political caucuses, and that the House of Commons does not contain the free and independent men that it used to, and is therefore largely become less and less representative of public opinion in this country. If the Government were going to deal with the electoral question, if they were really going to make a reform, they ought not, in the first place, to have introduced a partial measure like this in the tail end of a Session; but they ought to have set out to put our electoral system on an easier and satisfactory basis. I do not believe that as long as single-Member constituencies are retained you can ever get a House of Commons that accurately represents public opinion in this country; you will always have it in the power of an organised minority in any constituency to turn any Member of Parliament out of its seat, and surely, now that the House of Commons has increased so much in power, it is, above all things, necessary that there should be independent Members in the House who can snap their fingers at political organisations and party caucuses, and who do represent a definite section of public opinion indifferent to all party ties. It is for that reason that I urge upon the House that the real reform which is necessary in our electoral laws is the introduction of some system of proportional representation on the lines of the Bill which has lately been introduced rather than this tinkering, and as we think gerrymandering measure which we are now discussing.
A great deal has been said about university representation. I should like to keep university representation for the reasons I have just mentioned, that I should like to see all the different interests and shades of opinion properly represented in this House; but I am quite prepared to admit that the present basis of university representation is not a satisfactory one. Take my own university of Oxford. I think it is an absurd thing that a man who has taken an honours school and become a bachelor of arts, should not be entitled to vote, while a man who has only taken a pass degree and pays the necessary £30 to become a master of arts should have a vote. I think it is a perfectly ridiculous system and one I should like to see abolished, but that does not mean that I should like to abolish university representation. On the contrary, I should like to see it extended, and I should like to see all the great universities and academies of learning, and all those who gained a degree by learning and not by payment of fees represented, and on these terms I should be prepared to support university representation; and I hope it would give us a succession of Members who were distinct from party ties, and who were really on the Cross Benches as they would say in another place, and who would really bring to this House a disinterested and very helpful interest. I feel that this Bill therefore makes no attempt to deal with the great faults from which our democracy is suffering in England at the present moment. In order that democracy may have free play, and a fair chance, all the elements that go to make up democracy must be represented. The greatest enemy of democracy is the party caucus. I think the history of every democracy proves that, and it is to the elimination of the party caucus and the selection of the free and independent member who used to sit in this House, that I think a Reform Bill should be directed. I hope that this Bill will not be read a second time, and that it certainly will not pass into law; but that before long a new and more comprehensive measure will be passed which will redress the anomalies of distribution and franchise, and which will give us a House of Commons which does contain in it men representative of all the elements of our community, and men who are capable of acting above the ties of party and of party caucus.
In the interesting speech to which we have listened the Noble Lord who has just sat down directed a stream of mild criticism against the Bill we are now discussing. I do not think, however, the Noble Lord brought forward any novel argument against the Bill. Indeed, I do not think any very novel arguments have been brought forward against it by anyone in to-day's Debate. Perhaps there was one exception in the ingenuous, if not ingenious, arguments of the hon. Member for Aston Manor (Mr. Evelyn Cecil) in regard to what I may call plural voting at by-elections. The hon. Gentleman, although he did not think there was any great objection apparently to being debarred from voting in more than one constituency during a General Election, thought a man ought to be allowed to register in as many constituencies as he is entitled to register in order that at a by-election he could vote in a constituency where he would not have voted at a General Election. That is what I call an ingenuous argument. It is perfectly obvious that one of the objects of the abolition of plural voting is to prevent any constituency from being swamped from outside, and that object would be absolutely defeated at by-elections if all the outvoters were allowed to come in and vote. The hon. Member's idea of a single vote seems to be one vote, which may be used anywhere at different times; and there arises a picture of a sort of cohort of millionaires ready for service, not on the occasion of a General Election, but who would go down at the by-elections and outvote the residents of that district. If we are going seriously to discuss the question from that point of view, a constituency like Willesden might be Liberal at a General Election; but if it was so unfortunate as to have a by-election it would become Tory by a large majority. That would be the result of having one vote to be used in any constituency at a bye-election by gentlemen qualified to use that vote there.
After two days' Debate the criticisms from both sides of the House have more or less crystallised, and, in my opinion at least, the Bill stood the test very well. Indeed, any criticism that has been violent has not been valid, and any criticism that has been valid has not been violent. There have been two classes of criticism, one from the friends of the Bill and the other from the opponents of the Bill. The opponents of the Bill criticise its nature, the friends of the Bill criticise its scope. The arguments of the opponents of the Bill might be summed up, first, as a complaint against the time of its introduction; second, that the Government have not included a scheme of redistribution in their franchise proposal; third, that university representation is abolished; fourth, that plural voting is to be taken away; fifth, the large accession of voters to the register; and, lastly, there is the general accusation that the Bill is only constructed with a view to party advantage. As to the argument directed against the time of the introduction of the Bill, I think we must make up our mind that under the Parliament Act the first two years of any Liberal administration will be more or less crowded. The remedy is to make the period of the operations of the Parliament Act shorter. If you make it one year, we will have the first three years to operate in in this House, and therefore you will have a corresponding lightening of the burden of legislation in the first two years. We on this side of the House are by no means unwilling to see such a remedy carried into effect. As regards the point that redistribution is not part of the Bill, it is partly answered by the argument I have already quoted, that we have already burdened the Session with too great a load of legislation. What would be said if redistribution was included? We should be accused with all the greater vehemence of overloading. To me it seems to be very clear and natural to defer legislation with regard to redistribution, while pushing forward this Bill. What about the attitude of the House of Lords? They will oppose this Franchise Bill, but will they oppose a Redistribution Bill if it is in the interests of the Tory party? They will not oppose it, and therefore there is no need to hurry forward with it within the scope of time to which the operations of the Parliament Act apply.
Personally, I confess I never could understand the argument that redistribution will be a party advantage to hon. Members opposite, supposing you put Ireland out of the scope of the proposal. We are proposing a redistribution scheme in regard to Ireland which is far more drastic than any proposed by hon. Gentlemen opposite; and if you remove Ireland from the purview of redistribution you get a state of affairs in which redistribution would be likely to act even in favour of the party which sits upon this side of the House. I have here an admirable chart and table compiled by the hon. Member for Honiton, in which he estimates such and such gains under a scheme of redistribution on coming into effect. Looking down that, it is quite obvious that nearly all the more populous districts would gain—and it is in the populous districts that the party to which I have the honour to belong holds itself to be strong—and that the more scantily peopled districts would lose. I think from that list anyone will see that the party advantage to be gained by redistribution to either party would be comparatively nil. I have never understood why we should be accused of any reluctance to have redistribution, and I trust it will be carried before very long. With regard to university representation it is not on account of the smallness of the constituencies that we on this side of the House oppose university representation, but it is because it is a form of special representation which to my mind falls in the same category as plural voting. Personally I do not believe in special representation of any class or interest, because I do not think you would get a proper result in representative government through that species of representation. The case has been put very strongly for university representation by the Noble Lord who has just sat down and the hon. Member for Hitchin, who quite frankly said he not only wished to see universities represented, but he would also like to see the Civil Service represented, and he was in favour of the representation of property. I gather that the Noble Lord who has just sat down would like to see the principle of special representation widely extended; but I entirely disagree with that view. I do not think that special interests lack representation at the present moment. All measures of special representation, and even those included in proportional representation advocated by the Noble Lord, are to my mind open to very great objection.
We have in this House to-day experts on many subjects, and we have a few fanatics; and I am very glad that they have occasionally to go down to their constituencies and offer themselves before a plain body of men to seek their suffrages. If instead of doing this they had to go down to those of their own opinions, matters would be much worse than they are to-day. If you are going to have special representation you must have men coming forward for one purpose and one purpose alone. You might have the spectacle of the anti-Vivisectionist trying to make up his mind on the fiscal question, and that would have a touch of pathos as well as humour. We should have here men who come for one purpose and one purpose alone, and not necessarily having any opinions at all upon the great number of subjects we have to discuss here. If you are a specialist on any subject and go before specialists for your election, you do not consider it necessary to have any pronounced opinions on any subjects except those which will gain you your election. With regard to plural voting you have there again a special representation—of property; and, as the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman) said, it is in effect, a defence of vested interests. As an hon. Friend of mine said, we think vested interests already have a sufficient representation and power in this House without being given any special representation. As the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board has put it, and as was stated by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham, if anyone needs defence it is the poor man and not the rich man. The hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) brought forward a rather alluring analogy in support of the special representation of property. He said that if a man invests a certain amount of money in shares he gets so many votes and if he invests a larger sum he gets more votes; and he stated that that principle works very well, and he asked why it should not apply under this Bill. That argument presents two fallacies. It the first place, it is only applicable to financial business and that alone. As regards finance, there is something to be said why those who pay the piper should call the tune. [An HON. MEMBER: "Hear, hear."] An hon. Member opposite says "Hear, hear," but on this side we have a recollection of the time when those calling the tune refused to pay the piper when the bill was presented to them. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no," and "When?"] It was when the Navy scare was raised a few years ago by the "Daily Mail" and the Tory Press, and when we came to pay the bill with the Land Taxes hon. Gentlemen opposite were very reluctant to put their hands into their pockets.
The second fallacy contained in the argument of the hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London is that, after all, any public company is a voluntary business. You can go into it when you like or get out of it—or, at least, you generally can get out of it. Unfortunately, or fortunately, this life is what we have all to come into, and the only capital we have to start with is our own life. We say that the life of an ordinary man is as great a stake as anyone can have, and the poor man has as much right to an equal voting power as the rich man. This question of the plural vote is a question of a point of view as to whether property or human life is the greater thing. In my opinion human life has greater claims than property. There is one argument which has been used, although not to the same extent as in previous Debates, and it is the accusation that the addition of new voters to the register will be a bad thing. It is an old argument, and various suggestions have been made to mitigate the supposed evil. First there is the suggestion of the education test, and I was glad to hear the President of the Local Government Board resent that test. An education test presents practical difficulties and disadvantages. I remember hearing my father, who was a Member for ten years of this House, say he would often rather consult a miner in the Rhondda Valley who could not write his own name, and get his opinion than have the opinion of any lawyer on the Treasury Bench. Although that may not apply now with literal force, it is a principle which has a certain amount of force, and any educational test a man could devise would not prevent men being ruled out who ought to be allowed to express their opinion on the affairs of the nation. Then there is the suggestion that the age limit should be raised to twenty-five. On this point, I would say that you cannot disfranchise people who have votes already, and it is a backward step when we are all going forward in the direction of broadening the register to make a suggestion that would narrow it. I think there is something to be said for the argument that in extending the franchise to women you might have a higher age limit for them. In that way you would get rid of the argument that the granting of the suffrage to women on the same terms as to men would result in your getting a majority of women voters.
It is said that this Bill will be an electoral advantage to our party. If that is so then it must be an advantage to our opponents to keep matters as they are, and therefore we had better say very little on that point and enter into these questions from the point of view of their merits and nothing else. We defend these proposals on their merits, we have no fear of their being approached on their merits, and it is on that ground that I am ready to go into the Lobby to support them. Some friendly criticism has been directed as to certain omissions in this Bill. We are told that we ought to have inserted a number of most important reforms. I sincerely regret that we shall not be able in this Bill to carry into effect the recom- mendations of the Royal Commission on electoral systems which reported in 1910. One specific recommendation they made was the introduction of the system of the alternative vote into this country. If we were to introduce that now we should be accused of attempting to gain a certain party advantage, and I regret that at the time that general Report was issued some steps were not taken to carry those recommendations into effect. With regard to the advisability of paying the returning officer's expenses, I think we shall all agree with what the Noble Lord who has just sat down said on that point. The closing of public-houses on election days, the holding of all polls on one or two days are reforms which many hon. Members on this side of the House support, and we regret that there is no room for them in this Bill. We quite understand that to burden this Bill by more than is at present contained in it, would be to risk the whole cargo and therefore we are content to get what is offered by the Government without asking for more than can be properly carried.
7.0 P.M.
A great many of us regret that there is no mention of woman suffrage in this Bill, although I do not think anybody expected that any mention of it would be made. We all recognise that this Bill fulfils to the letter the pledge made by the Prime Minister last year. I notice that one hon. Member on this side of the House voted against the Bill on its First Reading. I do not think that showed very great foresight, because to vote against this Bill on the first or second reading, is putting an end to any idea of women gaining the vote in this Parliament. The question of woman suffrage has been discussed, I admit not at great length, by two or three hon. Members who have preceded me. I only wish to say a word or two on this subject. I trust that all in favour of any democratic suffrage for women will come together and concentrate upon it in the Debates which will follow the Second Reading of this Bill. It is a mistake I am convinced to imagine that the narrower you make the Woman Suffrage Amendment to this Bill the more support you will get for it. I do not believe that is the case, but if by any tactical manœuvres the narrower Amendment can be placed at the end and left as an ultimate choice between that or nothing, I do not deny it is possible that it might get more support than a democratic Amendment. We, who support that democratic Amendment, are the majority of suffragists in this House, and if we concentrate on one Amendment and see that we are not out-manœuvred, we have every prospect of carrying it, and it would be right to carry it because it would be the opinion of the greatest number of suffragists. I wish to make a protest which I feel sure will be endorsed by a great many of the Liberals of the country at large against the alternative of an occupation franchise to a residence franchise. I know there are hard cases, but I do not think there are many hard cases which could not be met by a residential qualification. I know in the country at large there is a great feeling that some trickery and manœuvring is intended by this complication of a purely residential qualification. After all, what the ordinary man in the street wants is a franchise by which every man of adult age and of sound mind shall have one vote and one vote only, which he will be able to exercise where he lives. That is what he wants, and anything but that will undoubtedly arouse his suspicion and not fulfil his desires. Therefore, I hope it may not be too late to appeal to the Government to simplify the Bill and make it more welcome by taking out any alternative to the simple residential qualification. The right hon. Gentleman who spoke from the Front Bench late the other night (Sir R. Finlay) told us this was a revolution in the matter of the franchise. I wish I thought it were, because we desire and we need a revolution in the matter of the franchise. It is because, at all events, it is a great step forward in the direction of the ideal, one man one vote, and one vote only, that I believe this Bill will continue to be warmly supported by every democrat in the country, and I myself will support it with the greatest pleasure in the Division Lobby.
I hope the Government will not close their mind to the possibility of fixing the age limit at twenty-five instead of twenty-one for the new electors. It would be perfectly possible to safeguard all those on the register and to ensure that the new electors are not put on until they arrive at the age of twenty-five. If you are going to make this enormous extension of the franchise, putting 10,000,000 electors on the register, twenty-five is not too old an age. The President of the Board of Education said the Government could not introduce Re-distribution at the same time as this alteration in the franchise, because it was necessary to find out where the electors would be before cutting up the seats into the necessary divisions. The right hon. Gentleman could get that information to-morrow from the Registrar-General quite as accurately as he ever will be able, for the voters' register will never be in such a perfect state that you can always say where the electors are. It varies from day to day, and an estimate by the Registrar-General would be quite as accurate as the voters' register. The excuse therefore is one that does not for a moment hold water. We have been promised by the Government that they intend to carry out redistribution, but it is not so easy to learn when. I would not give sixpence for redistribution if it has to be carried out after Home Rule has become law. When dealing with this subject hon. Members opposite always say, "We will cut out Ireland altogether. Ireland does not come into the problem." Ireland is the very crux of the problem, because you intend to carry legislation both despoiling the Welsh Church and dismembering the United Kingdom by these very votes which you say you are not going to count. You have at the present moment the use of about forty votes from Ireland on these very two subjects, the capital subjects of your Session, Home Rule and Welsh Disestablishment. If those seats were given to England, where by population they belong, you would have forty votes against you, counting as many as eighty in the Lobby. Yet you mean to carry these Bills by this over-representation of Ireland. It is a most fraudulent proposal, and, if there is to be any redistribution, it must be before Home Rule is put on the Statute Book.
What is the argument against it? It is that you cannot touch these seats on account of the Act of Union. I am going to deal with that from the point of view of the Nationalist, the Liberal, and the Unionist party. In the first place, you say you cannot alter the Act of Union. The Act of Union has already been altered; and, curiously enough, it was altered in the very Section in which the words "for ever" occurred. When it suits your purpose you can alter the Act, and it is the highest form of statesmanship to do so; but, when you quote the Act to keep seats to which you are not entitled, then it is some form of treachery. It is only when it suits you that you can do it. Let me deal with the matter from the point of view of the Nationalist Members. They use the Act of Union to keep the forty seats. That is the only possible chance they have of breaking the Act of Union. If you had redistribution those forty seats, everybody knows, would go to England, and, broadly speaking, England is in favour of maintaining the Act of Union. They keep those seats in order that they may smash the Act of Union. The Liberals are no better off, because, whether they wish it or not, they are forced to go into the Lobby with the Irish Members in their endeavour to smash the Act of Union. It was not always so. The hon. Member for North Somerset (Mr. King), wrote a book, to which there was a preface by the Colonial Secretary, some six years ago, when the Government had a very large majority, and could have given Home Rule if they had wanted. The hon. Member in that book said:— It was the policy of the Unionist party, and am I, seven years later, in 1912, to apologise for what was the Unionist policy in 1905? They have never repudiated that policy and never will. It was not only the policy of the Unionist Cabinet, but it was practically the policy of the majority of the Unionist party. May I give just one small quotation which will show exactly what the feeling of the Unionist party was on that occasion? I quote from the "Annual Register":— That was addressed to us by the Under-Secretary. He has a perfect right to address the same thing to the Irish Members, who control practically the whole of the Debates in this House. Redistribution before Home Rule is the policy for which I, for one, intend to press. Although at the present moment it may look like an impossible policy, yet if one could look forward to a period about three months in advance of the time when civil war may be expected to break out in Ireland, it will be seen that it is not so impossible a policy as hon. Gentlemen opposite appear to imagine. We have no justification for suggesting that the hon. Members for Ulster will not carry out their declared intentions when the time comes, and then hon. Members may look with a rather more favourable eye on a scheme which gives nothing more or less than equality all round. It strikes me that that would be a very cheap and honourable way of getting out of the difficulty you may then find yourselves in. The hon. Member for Lincoln (Mr. C. Roberts) quoted some figures which he did me the honour to take from myself. Of course, he quoted them all wrong. I wish he was in his place, but he carried out in a very characteristic way the policy which Liberals nowadays adopt. They invariably quote figures against the Unionist party and leave out the Irish figures altogether. The hon. Member said that if you took all the seats in this House representing constituencies of under 7,000, it would be found that the Unionists held more of the small seats than the Liberals. But the proper way to look at these things is to see how many of the holders of these seats go into the one Lobby and how many go into the other. The Welsh Church Disestablishment and other Bills, which the country does not want and which are being forced on this House, will be voted on by the Irish Members as well as by the Liberal Members. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why not?"] I did not say that they should not, but let me quote the figures affecting seats under 7,000 and show how they are divided between the Lobbies. From this the hon. Member will see that we have nothing to fear from redistribution if it is carried out fairly. Into the Government Lobby there will go ninety-five Members representing places with a population of under 7,000, while into the Unionist Lobby will go forty-three. I think, if there is any grievance at all, we have it on our side.
:: How many of these are Irish seats?
The hon. Member for Lincoln included Ireland.
I challenged him at the time as to whether he had included Irish Members, and he said he had not.
He said "Certainly."
He said he did not include Irish Members, but he was misreported.
I will give the hon. Member for North Somerset (Mr. King) the Irish figures. It must be remembered that Irish votes are carrying the Welsh Disestablishment Bill, and, in this connection, of course you must count everybody. Sixty out of 138 seats come from Ireland, and fifty-five are Nationalist. In dealing with a big measure of this kind it is not fair to take the Members who suit you and leave the others out of the calculation. You must take Members in all parts of this House; they all go into one of two Lobbies; and I say that that gives the Government at this moment a very unfair advantage in regard to all these Bills. It is an advantage which, for the sake of equality, should be done away with and remedied before these Bills are passed behind the backs of the people and added to the Statute Book of the realm.
The arguments which have been raised against this measure on its Second Reading are four in number. First, it is said that it does not redistribute the seats in this House or deal with anomalies of local franchise; secondly, it is said, in the terms of the Amendment moved by the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Chelmsford (Captain Pretyman) that it paves the way for woman suffrage at a time when the Government is not united on that subject; thirdly, it is said that it gets rid of university representation and plural voting; and, lastly, it is objected that it adds to the expense of registration. In the seven years in which I have sat in the House of Commons I have detected one favourite argument on the part of the Opposition. It is to complain of a Bill because of something which is out of it. When the Bill was introduced for limiting the Veto of the House of Lords, the first arguments of the Opposition were devoted not so much to the proposal for limiting the Veto, but because it did not seek to reconstitute the Upper Chamber. When the Home Rule Bill was brought forward a large part of the attack upon it was devoted not to arguing whether Home Rule was good or not for Ireland, but as to whether it was not proper that Home Rule should be given to Scotland, Wales and Ireland in one and the same measure. On the same principle, the gentleman who first discovered that Brooks's Soap would not wash clothes might have thought it necessary to discard that article for all purposes whatsoever. If you cannot do everything at once, apparently you must do nothing. The Government redress one anomaly, but omits others and leaves them to be redressed afterwards. The Government is not thanked for redressing the one anomaly, but it receives execrations and curses because it does not attempt to redress the others, and that at a time when admittedly the Session is overcrowded and Members are overworked. If this Bill had contained proposals not only for one man one vote, but also for one vote one value, the complaints of too much legislation coming from the other side of the House would have been doubled in strength, and one of the first Motions that would have been made when the Bill got into Committee would be that it be divided into two parts.
I do not understand the argument that this Government does not deal with redistribution because it would not be to our political advantage. As I understand it, it has been said often in the course of the Debate, it is quite clear to my mind that the redistribution of seats in this country—I am leaving out Ireland—would be very much to the advantage of this party. As a general rule, small seats that disappear are old, decaying towns, often with a cathedral in them, architecturally beautiful, but with the unpleasant habit of returning Conservative Members. The seats that will be sub-divided are large progressive growing towns, the sub-division of which, in my opinion, would lead to an increase of the Liberal or Labour Members in this House; and it is because we are so anxious to deal with redistribution that we are taking, I venture to think, one step in that direction this Session, not in this Bill, but in pressing forward the Bill for the better government of Ireland. The hon. Member who last spoke made light of the argument that you cannot redistribute seats while the Act of Union is unmodified or unrepealed. The Act of Union, as its Preamble sets out, was a treaty between two nations and made by the representatives of those two nations. You got the representatives of Ireland to agree to take an amount of representation in this House which was far lower than their population justified. It would, I conceive, be a policy which no honourable man ought to endorse, that while you refused to the majority of the representatives of Ireland a modification of the Act of Union which they had sought for generations, you endeavoured, now that the bargain you made when you united the two Parliaments is to your disadvantage, to alter it because it suits your convenience. The hon. Member referred to the Disestablishment of the Church in Ireland, but that was the result of an agreement between the two parties to that treaty.
According to my reading, it was about as much an agreement between the two parties as would be the act of a traveller who gives up all his money to a highwayman who is holding a pistol to his head.
Does the hon. Member suggest that the Disestablishment of the Church in Ireland was not welcomed by the majority of the representatives of both countries in this House? If he does, I cannot but think that his historical information is very inadequate. At the time the Act of Union was passed Ireland ought to have had not 100, but something like 300 Members here. There is one Member of the Conservative party, one Gentleman who sits on the Front Opposition Bench, who is so impressed by this Home Rule argument that he actually made the suggestion in his speech in moving this Amendment, that, instead of reducing the representation of Ireland, if you wanted redistribution, you could get over the difficulty of the treaty which exists by increasing the number of Members representing Scotland, England, and Wales. If that were done you, Sir, would have, if I may say so respectfully, the difficult honour of regulating Debates and presiding over the destinies of a House consisting not of 670, but of something like 925 Members. I venture to urge that that is not a practical suggestion. But it does show the pitiable spectacle of an honest man bound by treaties he does not wish to repudiate who is so prejudiced against Home Rule that he is endeavouring to find some way, any way, at any cost, out of the difficulty in which he finds himself. I want to put to this House one other difficulty in the way of redistribution this Session. Hon. Members opposite—I do not think they are quite clear what they mean by it—are anxious for one vote one value. Redistribution Bills proceed on a population basis, and if you redistribute the seats in this country now without first doing away with plural voting on the population basis in those constituencies in which plural voters are most numerous, you will have the vote of far less value than in the seat in which the plural voters are not so numerous. You cannot have one vote one value, strictly speaking, if you redistribute seats according to population before you deal with these anomalies. I suggest there are three perfectly unanswerable reasons why redistribution should not have been included in this Bill. First, there is the admitted congestion of the work of the Session; secondly, there is the Act of Union and the treaty obligations; and, lastly, there is the fact that an alteration of the franchise ought to precede any redistribution of seats.
I want to say a word about the second matter in which we are charged: that we have no business to tackle franchise questions at all, because the Government of the day is not agreed upon its subject of woman suffrage. I am one of those who believe in the cause of women's enfranchisement, and am prepared to support an Amendment for their inclusion in this Bill, and hope that women will be enfranchised before the Bill reaches its Third Beading. Without going into the merits of women's enfranchisement, let me just say, as an expression of my own opinion, that I think the results of this alteration in our franchise system are very much exaggerated. I do not believe that the advantages of woman suffrage are so great as those who attach considerable importance to them believe, nor—if I may say so with respect to my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister—do I think that we need anticipate any great disaster from their enfranchisement. In my humble opinion, they will continue to be as they have been in the past, as men have been, and will continue to be in the future, divided in their political opinions, and the enfranchisement of women who do not take an active, and an increasingly active, part in our political life will not lead to much alteration in the political life and destinies of this country. Therefore it seems to me a mischievous thing to say that you should wait for that of all the franchise-questions until you get a Government that is agreed upon that subject. It will not suit the hon. and gallant Member's purpose or the purposes of the party of which he was the spokesman, that the subject should wait until they are translated to these seats, because it is well known that they would be no more agreed upon woman suffrage than we are. Hon. Members say that until you have a redistribution of parties merely on the question of women's enfranchisement you ought to delay any alteration in our franchise system: in other words, hon. Members opposite join hands with the dissatisfied on this side, and say you are not to do justice to men voters, however frankly you admit the evil, because you cannot persuade your fellow Members to deal in a particular way with them. It seems to me that is an illogical reason which seems to take a permanent place in the Motion for the rejection of this Bill, but it is one to which the House need not attach much importance.
I now come to the argument that this Bill abolishes university representation. I think that is a matter for great congratulation, although I earnestly trust that the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir William Anson) will find another seat, so that we shall not be deprived of his services. The first vote I cast for the election of a Member to this House was cast as a university voter. I literally purchased the vote I cast by paying those fees which every Member of a university knows are the necessary qualification. It seems to me that the university franchise is a very poor fancy franchise. It is not an educational franchise, because men can buy it.
That does not apply to the Scottish Universities.
Can men, even at Cambridge, buy the university franchise who have not taken a degree, and received the education required for them to take a degree?
No; men cannot buy it unless they have taken a degree. I can assure the hon. Member that a degree at Cambridge is a very easy thing to take. I took it myself. I dispute altogether that a man's right to help to make the laws and to control the administration under which he lives should depend upon his education. The, best way of fitting a man to exercise the vote is to give it to him, because, whether he likes it or not, as soon as he gets it he is so pestered and persuaded by both sides that he soon gets a magnificent political education. I think that a man's experience of life, of the effect of the laws that are made, and the effect of their administration, qualify him far more certainly than any fancy franchise. We might have proceeded another way in this Bill. We might have passed the plural voting part of the Bill, and left the university representation untouched. If we had done that the result would have been practically to destroy the university constituencies.
No.
Because the man would have to choose whether he would vote where he lived, or whether he would vote for the university. I can almost hear the charges that would have been brought against that proposal from the other side of the House, and hear hon. Members saying that we had not the courage to abolish university representation, but we were making it valueless by abolishing the plural vote. With regard to plural voting, it has again and again been pointed out to those righteous men on the other side who have been accusing the Government of abolishing the plural vote for, party purposes, that it is no worse to abolish plural voting because it suits you than to stick to plural voting because it suits you. Between the two immoralities—if immoralities they be—our consciences ought to be better than yours, because you cannot justify your system of plural voting. None of you are prepared to say it is a good system for producing the effect you desire; whereas the abolition of plural voting is in harmony with our theory and practice. If you think that plural voting is right, it is because you believe that if a man distributes his rights between geographically separated places he duplicates or triplicates his interests in the laws of the country. We say that a man's interest in the laws of his country are one whole amount which he cannot increase, and the only effect of his living in different places is that he sub-divides his interests but cannot possibly increase them. If you think plural voting is a good thing, why in all your proposals have you never suggested working the electorate in the interests of property?
I can assure hon. Members from my experience of electioneering that there is no man so deserving of the sympathy of those interested in politics as the man who, believing in one set of political principles, does his best to persuade his neighbours to agree with him, and works his hardest in order to get a political representation for the constituency in which he lives in accordance with his principles, and then finds, although he firmly believes that the majority of his fellow-men agree with him, their votes are swamped by the votes of a mass of people who come in from the outside, who have no sort of connection or interest in the life of the constituency. When one thinks how the electoral machinery is weighted on the side of one kind of wealth, it is a matter for astonishment that the system should be tolerated. At this particular moment, when some forms of property are being called upon to justify their distribution, and are being challenged in public Debate more frequently year by year, it seems to me that the proper thing for that kind of property to do is to enter the political arena fairly and honestly; to claim no advantage for land which is not claimed for those who have no land; to discard the loaded dice to which the Conservative party has clung so long, and to determine to play the electoral game on terms of equality with those who own no land. It is for this reason that I think plural voting is the most glaring and most ripe electoral anomaly that exists to-day; it is for this reason that the abolition of plural voting, which is the main feature of this Bill, ought to come before the case of the other electoral anomalies which the Government admit, and with which The Government are pledged to deal; it is for that reason that I welcome those other subsidiary alterations in our electoral system which will make it easy for men to get equally upon the register, so that this House, and the constituents of those who sit in it, will be more truly representative of the men of the country and I, for one, hope, for the women of the country, after this Bill becomes law.
This Bill is difficult to deal with, because on the face of it two of its main objects meet with general approval—the simplification of the process by which a man gets on the register, and the simplification of our extremely complicated laws respecting the franchise. This process of simplification is not to be attained without a certain amount of difficulty. One of the minor complaints I would urge against the Bill is, that in a crowded Session, in which we are dealing with a Bill for the Government of Ireland which sets up a constitution unknown at present to the civilised world—if you can compare it with any other existing form of constitution—and when we are encountering a Bill for the Disestablishment of a Church, and a Bill altering the conditions of trade unions, together with all the minor legislative and administrative programme of the Session, it is really bard that we should be called upon to discuss a Bill which contains a repealing Clause covering seven pages of the Bill. No doubt our Statute law in respect of the franchise is in need of a great quantity of repealing and a great deal of simplification, but one would like to have time to work through these Schedules, and to ascertain what is being repealed, before we accept the charming simplicity of the Government's programme. The Under-Secretary for India said we complained of the Government Bills not for what they did, but for what they did not do. I complain of this Bill for what it does not do, and for a reason which goes to the principle of a great deal of the Government's measure. Where they deal with the redistribution of political power in the country, they deal with it not from a national, but from a party point of view.
In the Parliament Bill we had in black and white, in the Preamble, a promise of the reorganisation of the House of Lords and a further definition of its power; but the performance was to cripple the House of Lords, so that the Government can, with the assistance of its miscellaneous allies, carry a group of Statutes upon which the country has had no opportunity of being consulted. It is the same thing with this Franchise Bill. I admit that it lacks that engaging Preamble which preceded the Parliament Bill, but I think the right hon. Gentleman who introduced the Bill reminded us that there was no time for adding a measure of redistribution, and in fact redistribution was promised. What is the performance? The performance is that you couple your simplification with the disfranchisement of opponents. You postpone redistribution until after a General Election has given you the full benefit of your disfranchising measure. I have no doubt the main attraction of the Bill in the eyes both of the Government and of their supporters is the abolition of the plural voter. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Montagu) expressed himself very strongly on the subject of the plural voter. He expressed astonishment that a man who had any interest in a locality of such a character that he is now challenged to contribute more than he has hitherto done to the resources of the community should take advantage of possessing this particular and obnoxious form of property to go and vote in the locality in which that property is situated and in which he is interested; but our representative system has, up till now, been based not upon the numbers but upon localities—upon local representation—and it is so at this very moment. Else what is the meaning of the dispute which is going on as to whether a particular constituency is a Liberal constituency or a Labour constituency—whether the interests of Labour predominate or the interests of the Liberal party? And if that is so, so long as our representative system is based upon local representation, the man who has an interest in the locality and who may have been a benefactor to the locality and may have taken part in its local affairs but may also have a business which equally interests him elsewhere, is surely entitled, if he possesses the qualification, to vote for the two localities in which he has an interest, which he has most probably shown for the advantage in some form of the locality.
I should like to point out another objection which I see in this Bill. We are adding, I think on the admission of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. J. A. Pease), at least 2,000,000 voters to the electorate. My right hon. Friend (Mr. F. E. Smith) said from statistics supplied to him he thought, even allowing for deductions in respect to the plural voter, who is put at about 500,000, something like 3,000,000 voters would be added to the electorate. It is within the bounds of possibility that about 10,000,000 women may be also added to the electorate. Has the country ever been consulted 1 Has it ever expressed any great desire for this immense addition to the electoral force in the community—this immense redistribution of political power without any attempt to readjust it in fairness to the various possessors of it? I am not aware that it has. I am very well aware that hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite have earned applause at public meetings by announcing the abolition of the plural vote, and I have no doubt that applause was well earned because it promised to those who applauded better security for the carrying into effect of their political opinion at the next General Election after the plural voting was abolished. But I saw nothing and heard nothing throughout the country of a demand such as existed in 1832, 1867, and 1884 for a great addition to the electorate by an extension of the franchise. Here is a matter in which the country is profoundly interested, on which it has expressed no definite opinion, and on which it will not be consulted before this Bill becomes law under the Parliament Act. If there was no other objection to this Bill, this is a very serious objection. But if we are to have this immense addition to the numbers of the electorate, and if you will not allow the interest which I possess in two localities to give me a right to vote in both, and yet you take no steps to ensure that my vote which is left to me is of the same value as other people's votes, it seems to me that I am entitled to ask that wherever my vote is given it ought to be numerically equal to anyone else's vote. You are doing away now with the local character of our representation; you are doing away with the plural voter; you are getting the representation of mere numbers, but you are not getting a fair representation of numbers, because at the next General Election, as has happened in many elections in the past, the vote in one constituency is not worth anything like so much as the vote in another constituency.
But even if you can readjust constituencies and establish numerical equality in the voting, have you really come to an end of the problems which arise in this immense addition to the electorate? Are you satisfied that mere numbers are to settle every question which may arise? Is the man who is too illiterate to read his ballot-paper, who is too improvident to support his children, to be placed on the same footing as the man who by industry and capacity has acquired a substantial interest in more than one constituency? That is unjust, and if you look to other countries you find that some importance is attached to education and to that higher education which the right hon. Gentleman has spoken of so slightingly and regards as purchasable. In Italy there is an education qualification and the illiterate voter cannot vote at all. In Belgium an additional vote is given to the despised possessor of a university degree. I do not suggest that the Government should enter upon the question of these fancy franchises, but I suggest that the representation of mere numbers needs some qualification. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Harcourt) the other day, commenting on the speech of my right hon. Friend (Mr. F. E. Smith), remarked that he had said that political science justified the existence of the plural voter, and the Colonial Secretary asked for some authority from some political text-book. I was rather surprised that Government legislation of this nature should be based upon text-books dealing with political science. I should rather think that they were based upon registers, poll books and reports from election agencies. But however that is, I think I can supply the right hon. Gentleman with an authority which is always treated with respect by the Liberal party—that of John Stuart Mill. He says:—
8.0 P.M.
The right hon. Gentleman said he hoped when university representation was abolished that I should find a seat elsewhere. I assure him that nothing but the fact that I am a representative of a university would ever have brought me into these honoured precincts. I should not have alluded to that if it were not that the right hon. Gentleman made a pointed reference to myself. I should like to refer to four persons, now no more, with whom I am proud to have been associated in university representation. I refer to Mr. Lecky, Sir Michael Foster, Sir Richard Jebb, and Mr. Henry Butcher. I do not believe that any of these men would have dreamt of coming into Parliament if it had not been that they were sent there by their university under the belief that they would do some good as representatives of higher education, and under these conditions and under no others they took their seats in this House. Can it be said for a moment that these Gentlemen did not contribute anything to the House which it was not the better for having enjoyed? Can it be said that they brought no new element? Did their learning disqualify them from taking part in the practical business of the House? I think I hear an hon. Member say that university Members have a limited range of interest and have no business to take part in the general affairs of the House. I do not think it can be asserted of any of those Gentlemen that they were representatives of special interests which in any way disqualified them or disinclined them to take part in the ordinary life and Debates of the House.
I was replying to the speech of the hon. Member opposite.
If nobody can deny that the contributions which these distinguished men made to our Debates were in the direction of generally raising the character of the House, I say the loss which the House would suffer if university representation were abolished would be such that it would require some serious argument to entitle us to incur it. Let me say this further. There are interests represented by the university Members which are not, and cannot be, represented in any other way. Higher education, the interests of science, and the interests of the higher professional studies have no means of getting representation in this House except through university representation. I believe that almost every other interest is capable of getting representation. Labour, land, money, wealth of all sorts, and elementary education, through the Union of Teachers, are represented; but the university Members are sent specially to support interests and to represent views which are not represented directly and deliberately by any other Members of this House, who are sent for different purposes and who come with distinctly different interests and objects. I say you are not merely depriving the House of an element which is of considerable value, but you are depriving learning and the higher education of its only opportunity of representation in this House. I come back again to the question whether the real representation of numbers does not lead to some disadvantages. This argument was not only used by John Stuart Mill, but it was used with some force in 1885 by Sir Stafford Northcote when he and Mr. Gladstone were on one side in maintaining the existence of university representation. He said:—
"You are enormously increasing the power of the numerical majority; you are seriously increasing the representation of mere numbers. Ought you not to have some kind of reservation, however small, some kind of counterbalance. Property, to a certain extent, under any system, will find a way of obtaining some amount of representation, but this is a question of the representation of learning."
Although no doubt Sir Stafford Northcote was an opponent of the views held by hon. Gentlemen opposite, he was a Member of this House with great length of experience and with Parliamentary knowledge, and I think you may take it, at any rate, that he did not consider learning would be represented directly if it were not for university representation. I say that before driving out of the House this class of men, who, I venture to submit, are of some value, as forming a representation of learning, you should ask if it is not worth while to consider whether you cannot make university representation a means of trying an experiment to which the Prime Minister I think has shown some favour when speaking to a deputation from Ireland. If you say that the English universities are not fairly and fully represented by the representation of Oxford, Cambridge, and London, and no doubt they are not, you might, at any rate, apply proportional representation to the English and Scotch universities, giving a certain number of Members to each as representing the extent of their electoral power; and then take the machinery of the proportional representation advocates and apply it to university representation. I say that it is an experiment which is worth making, and which should be made before taking a step which I think would be unfortunate for itself and the country. I must say that this proposal to abolish university representation is wholly unnecessary, and it is not justified by anything that was said by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Montagu). That brings me back to what I complained of in the first instance, namely, that this is a party measure, and that under the guise of simplification, with which we could all sympathise, it is designed to inflict great injury on electors who have no chance of expressing an opinion, and to secure for the party opposite another tenure of power.
I rise to oppose the official Opposition Amendment and to support the Second Reading of the Bill. The first phrase used in this Amendment wanders somewhat astray from the actual facts. It says:—
"This House declines to proceed with a measure on the most important aspect of which the Government responsible for its introduction is admittedly not agreed."
To put it rather bluntly, that is not true, for the Government are not only agreed on the most important aspect of this measure, but, as introduced, they are undoubtedly unanimous upon all its aspects. No one will deny that franchise reform and registration are long overdue, and not even the most daring of the young bloods on the Opposition Benches would venture to assert that we have not got any mandate for introducing a measure like this. We have all had a specific mandate for this in 1906, and that was twice confirmed in 1910. Few and far between were the election addresses of Members on this side of the House which did not have some reference to franchise reform. My own election address in 1906 said this with regard to franchise reform:— Bill will have my enthusiastic support through all its stages. You will notice a reference in my election address to redistribution. Those of us who were prospective candidates in 1905 were made acquainted with Mr. Gerald Balfour's proposals, which were then on the Table. Those proposals, we feared, were going to receive priority to franchise reform. They, as barefaced gerrymandering, easily take first prize. I recommend my hon. Friends to get these proposals out of the Library, and to get also the illustrations of their constituencies. I have consulted the proposals with regard to the constituency of Skipton, which I have the honour to represent. That Division has an average population of 64,000, but under these proposals it was intended to reduce that population to 52,000, and to lop off the Radical branches of Silsden, Kildwick, Bradley, and Skipton Town itself, and to engraft them on the neighbouring Radical constituency of Keighley. By that arrangement they would have converted the Skipton Division into a permanently safe Tory seat. The normal majority in the Skipton Division on either side varies between 50 and 250. Consequently, if you took 2,000 electors from the most Radical part, and put them into the Keighley Division, you would make Skipton permanently a Tory constituency, and, of course, it would not make any difference to the Tory party to throw a few more Radical votes into Keighley, because the late Sir John Brigg's majority was 3,636. Consequently the transfer of a few hundreds to Keighley would enable the Tories to capture Skipton until another redistribution scheme comes along. I recommend my hon. Friends on this side of the House, and particularly if they represent county constituencies, to consult these plans in the Library. If they do so, they will get some eye-openers and illustrations how to do a little gerrymandering when you have redistribution schemes afoot.
When had Sir John Brigg that majority?
At the last contested election, when Sir John Brigg was Liberal candidate, was in January, 1910. I said that Sir John Brigg had that majority when there was a straight fight. At the last election it was a three-cornered fight, and the Tories did not poll one-third of the votes. More than two-thirds were divided between the Liberal and Labour candidates.
It being a Quarter past Eight of the clock, and leave having been given to move the Adjournment of the House, under Standing Order No. 10, further proceeding was postponed, without Question put.
National Insurance Act — Sanatoria
Motion for Adjournment
I beg to move, "That this House do now adjourn."
Every Member of this House will agree with me that when the House passed the National Insurance Bill last year it passed it in the firm belief that the vast schemes of taxation which come into operation under that Act would produce certain specified benefits. The House would not have passed that Bill if it had any doubt whatever that the smallest of these benefits would be abundantly assured. The two chief benefits under that Act were free doctoring and weekly financial assistance for those who are assured. No doubt these affect by far the largest number of people to be insured under this Act. There are other benefits no less important which do not affect so many people. I refer principally to what is commonly known as sanatorium benefits. Compared with some of the other benefits it has this peculiarity, that it comes into operation the same day as the Act itself—that is to say, we were given to understand that the sanatorium benefits are to come into operation on Monday of next week. No effort has been spared by the Government to make it quite clear to the country that on the first day of the Act coming into operation those entitled to the sanatorium benefit should get it at once. I have here a leaflet which I understand was issued in hundreds of thousands by the Liberal Insurance Committee, signed by Mr. L. Chiozza Money, and I believe that this Committee was presided over by the Patronage Secretary. This leaflet says:— will rob them of it next week? Will it be the Tory party or the Chancellor and his confederates on the other side of the House? These benefits have been solemnly promised. No pains have been spared to make it plain to everybody in the country and especially at by-elections to let every elector know that these great boons were coming on the 15th July. Possibly the Government will tell us tonight that they have these benefits ready, and I move this Motion to endeavour to extract the information from the Government as to whether these benefits are or are not in being. I asked the question this afternoon, if it is proposed to commence sanatorium benefit on Monday, and also if it is possible to give sanatorium benefit without the co-operation of the medical profession. The answer is that there is no reason to suppose that sanatoria will reject cases or that medical practitioners will refuse to attend their ordinary patients merely because they are insured under the Act. That does not answer my question. I want to know if it remains beyond a shadow of doubt that sanatorium benefit can be given next week as promised by the Government, and where are the sanatoria which are to house the two or three hundred thousand consumptive workers whose hearts were cheered and whose hopes were raised by the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer last October in the Tabernacle? How many of these sanatoria are there? How many beds are there for these two or three hundred thousand people, and arc they ready to receive them? The House has a right to learn all this information which must be in the hands of the Government. The Financial Secretary this afternoon, in answer to a question, referred to a letter from the Local Government Board dealing with this very question. I managed to secure a copy of that letter, and it says the approval of the Local Government Board is necessary for any sanatoria which are to receive patients. They have to know every detail about them, they have to know the area of the site, the number of beds, and the amount charged per week per patient. All this information has already been in the hands of the Government as to these sanatoria which are to be ready next week, and we have a right to have it made known to us.
There is another matter of perhaps more importance; who are the doctors who are going to say which patients are to go into sanatoria and are going to look after these patients, and who are, and where are, the doctors who are going to look after these sanatoria? In this interesting document from the Local Government Board certain conditions are laid down as to the doctors. They have rightly laid down that these men are to be men of experience, men who are respected in the neighbourhood, men who have worked with other doctors and who are held in respect by the whole profession. It is not only necessary for them to know their work but they are to be men who will command the confidence and cooperation of the medical practitioners within the area. I do not know whether the Government have managed to get a certain number of medical men to endeavour to work these sanatoria, but it is also necessary that these men should be respected in the neighbourhood and should work with the whole medical profession. We know enough about the medical profession at the present moment to be aware that they have been driven into a position, by the practices of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, in which they will not cooperate with anyone who works this Act. This is entirely owing to the tactlessness of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Financial Secretary. The other day in regard to this point the Financial Secretary said that it was quite all right if the doctors were not on strike.
No.
I beg pardon—I am in the recollection of the House—the words were "if the doctors were not on strike."
Quote the words I used.
I will quote no further than that. The right hon. Gentleman did refer to the doctors on strike. [HON. MEMBERS: "Quote."] The doctors cannot be referred to in that sort of way, and that is not the manner in which the right hon. Gentleman should take up a matter of this kind. What we want to know is, and what we have a right to demand is, are the sanatorium benefits forthcoming, and are the doctors forthcoming to work for the benefit of these 200,000 or 300,000 workers to whom the Chancellor of the Exchequer made such fulsome reference in October last at the Tabernacle? I do not believe that the Government have either sanatoria or doctors to work this Act.
You hope they have not.
What right has the right hon. Gentleman to say that?
I have every right to say it.
On what ground does the right hon. Gentleman say it? What he says is not correct. I tell the right hon. Gentleman that he has no right to say such a thing. It is absolutely false, and I tell him so to his face.
That is not a Parliamentary expression, and I am sure the hon. Member will withdraw it.
If I have said anything to offend the Chair, I certainly withdraw it. I want to know on what ground of morality the Government will tax the population of this country for benefits which they will not be in a position on Monday next to give. I say that any private individual who ventured to do such a thing would be accused of an endeavour to obtain money by false pretences. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] Undoubtedly he would. I am not concerned with the reputation of the Government or of the right hon. Gentleman. I am quite ignorant whether they have got any reputation to lose. But I am concerned, with every other Member of this House, for the reputation of the House of Commons, and the reputation of the House of Commons is tied up to a certain extent in this discreditable action. The House of Commons passed the National Insurance Act. [An HON. MEMBER: "You voted for it."] We did that in the firm belief that the Government would carry out what they promised; but they have not done so, and until the Government do and can carry out that promise to the people of this country, I say it is iniquitous to go on with this scheme of taxation. I brought my Motion forward to-night in the hope that even at the eleventh hour at the last moment the Government would reconsider their position, and reconsider the advisability of commencing this vast scheme of taxation, in view of the fact that they have not got the benefits to give which they most undoubtedly promised. While regretting any heat into which I was led in the course of my argument, though not my own fault, I beg to move.
I am very glad to second the Motion now before the House, because I would like to discuss the method of treatment which is going to be offered to insured persons in sanatorium benefit during the next few weeks. Sanatorium benefit is a term which includes "treatment in sanatoria, or other institutions, or Otherwise"; a very vague definition, a definition which includes six months in first class sanatoria, or a dose of cod-liver oil twice a day. In the month of February the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer appointed a Committee to advise the Government at an early date upon the whole problem of tuberculosis. He did me the honour of making me a Member of that Committee. I think it was early in May we produced an interim report. That report was the result of much hard work on the part of every Member of the Committee. I say with no feeling of egotism or conceit that the machinery which we recommended in that report was well received. I made a point of consulting experts, of getting from nearly every newspaper cuttings dealing with our report in order to be able to benefit by the advice and criticism when we came to deal with the final report, and I can only say that it must have been exceedingly gratifying to every Member of the Committee, as it was to me, to find how well that report was received, and how well the machinery which was suggested was also received. The Committee consisted roughly of twenty, most of them medical men. The House knows that where a large number of doctors, representing different theories, are brought together it is not always easy to get them to agree; so it was with real pleasure that every single Member of that Committee at the end was able to put his name to the report, which came out as a unanimous report. The point I want to put before the House is that the machinery which the Committee recommended was machinery accepted both by experts on the Committee and by experts outside. The report recommended two units—the second unit being sanatoria and other residential institutions, and the first unit consisted of the dispensary. The functions of the dispensary, which is the centre of each area, was to act as a sieve through which all consumptives were to pass in order to be provided for, some in a sanatorium, or some in a hospital for advanced cases, or some in a shelter, or some at home. The dispensary was to be the centre for diagnosis. We tried to show in our report that it was absolutely necessary to get the right men in charge of the dispensary, because unless they did get the right men the results that would be shown to the country two, three, or five years later would be inadequate. Many a time I have discussed the whole question, not merely with experts but with general practitioners. A large number of general practitioners have told me how they required an expert to diagnose early tubercule. The general practitioner generally acts in consultation with the expert, but when it comes to early cases what I call the essentially curable consumptives, you want an absolutely skilled and trained expert, not merely a general practitioner, but a man who has devoted several months to specialising in this disease, to be able to diagnose early tubercle. Two years ago I came across a practical example to show the need for skilful diagnosis. It was a case of a young friend of mine who went to an expert and the expert diagnosed early tubercle in one lung. My friend, as is often the case, was not satisfied, and was told to consult somebody else. He went and consulted another doctor, who said, "You are only run down; you ought to take a trip on the sea." Within eighteen months that boy was dead. When you get a practical example like that it impresses on one the absolute need of getting in charge of your dispensary, and of what is your first line of defence, an expert. Unless you get experts in charge of your dispensaries you are not going to show satisfactory results to the insured person in a few months or in a few years. I confess that when we issued our Report I had certain misgivings as to the sort of sanatorium benefit which would be available during the course of the summer and the autumn. I had no knowledge of the provisional arrangements until a few days ago I ran across the memoranda recently issued. I do not propose to make a party speech here to-night. It is far too serious a question. National health and tuberculosis is a question that I have far too much at heart to make party capital out of it. If I wished, I am afraid that the memoranda would give me ample opportunity of making a really strong party speech. Let me just put two points before the House. In one of those memoranda there is a paragraph dealing with home or domiciliary treatment. It is admitted that the dispensaries and the sanatoria to a very great extent will not be ready next week or for some weeks or for some months, therefore it will be necessary to send many insured persons to be treated in their homes. In the Memorandum it says:— of squaring the doctors by putting those fees of 5s. into their pockets, but it does, seem to me that an arrangement like that is not really worthy of being connected with a big measure like this insurance scheme.
We are told, and I read it in the papers, that there will not be many consumptives or tuberculous persons among the insured during the first few weeks or few months. On what grounds do you put forward that statement? Do you know-how many consumptives there are among the people at the present day? How do you know how many insured persons will be consumptive during the summer or autumn? No person can come forward and say definitely the number of persons who-are going to be consumptive during the summer and autumn, and therefore no one-has any right to come forward and say that there are going to be few calls on the sanatorium benefit during the next few months. In the Memorandum there are frequent allusions to the negotiations between the local authorities and the local insurance committees. The local authorities, and one does not blame them, do not quite like to go ahead and build sanatoria and other institutions until they know what money is coming to them. They can only know this when they have negotiated with the local insurance committees. The local authorities have the power of putting up the building, but the local insurance committees have the money. They have got the one-and-threepences, what is described as the million income for maintenance. Until the local authorities have negotiated for several weeks, and possibly for several months, one cannot expect them to go ahead, and engage those experts they ought to have in charge of the institutions. That is to say, this scheme really cannot begin to develop until these negotiations have gone on for some weeks or months between those two bodies.
There is considerable fear among local authorities, and among the ratepayers, as to what this is going to cost them, and quite naturally. I say quite candidly that I believe that the money coming under the Insurance Act is going to be a relief to the ratepayers. I believe the ratepayers do not realise that. They do not realise that there is already very great expense falling on the ratepayer and the taxpayer on account of consumption. They do not realise that they have to spend a great deal every year in maintaining a large army of consumptives without any real hope of curing them. I think they will realise later that it is to their advantage to put their hands in their pockets to find money to combat and to try and sweep away this disease. Not only is this million and a half capital and the million income coming to the ratepayers, but, in addition, under Clause 17, the dependents, who otherwise would often come entirely on the rates, can have sanatorium benefit extended to them, and can be included in this benefit on the payment of one-half out of the rates and the other half by the Treasury. It is going to be a real relief to the ratepayers, but you must make the ratepayer realise that, and you must give the ratepayer time to realise it by the machinery you put before him. Until you do that you are not going to be able to give adequate sanatorium benefit to insured persons. There are many dangers in bringing forward a scheme which has makeshift stamped all over it. There is the very real danger of having reaction and disappointment that may, perhaps, sweep away far more than Members of this House imagine. I do not wish the House to imagine that I advocate the postponement of the Act as a whole. I do not believe that is possible. I do not think that anybody can stop the Act from coming into force next week. The ball is rolling; you cannot stop it now. I do not wish anybody in any part of the House to imagine that I advocate the killing of the Act. What I do wish to put before the House is that you ought to postpone sanatorium benefit until you can give a real, first-class sanatorium benefit. It is no good offering to insured persons a sanatorium benefit which is not what they have paid for. It is no good telling a man to go to the doctor who has treated him and have a bottle of cod-liver oil. That is not the sort of sanatorium benefit that insured persons are expecting, will pay for, and have been led to believe they will receive.
I am not going to discuss the good points or the bad points of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I have never accused him of lacking or imagined that he lacked courage. I will not say so much for the Government as a whole. I think that the Government as a whole, during the last few weeks and months, has shown the country that it does lack courage, and that it will not face situations. I say to the House, to the Government, to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and I would say to the Prime Minister if he were here, this is a moment to be bold and courageous. Englishmen always like a candid apology. Come forward to the people and say to them, "We find on examination that we cannot give you the sanatorium benefit that we have promised"; say that boldly, and that you propose to postpone sanatorium benefit for six months. If you do that, I believe the country will respect you far more than if you disappoint them by giving them a second-class sanatorium benefit. I have not come here merely to criticise. If my only object were to destroy or criticise I do not think I would have come at all. There is an alternative proposal that I wish to put before the Government, a proposal which, I believe, if they accept it, will satisfy the insured persons far more than this makeshift sanatorium benefit. The sanatorium benefit contribution from each insured person amounts to a little more than ½d. per week—7½d. in six months. It is quite evident that if you postpone sanatorium benefit for six months, if you impose a waiting period the same as you have for sickness benefit, you cannot return to your ten million insured persons their 7½d. in January next. That would be ridiculous. But just as probably every family in the country has suffered from the ravages of consumption, so also there is one other benefit that affects practically every family, and that is maternity benefit. Nearly every family has babies, and I am sure that those who do not would be only too pleased to assist those who do. Here you have a benefit which does not require elaborate machinery or special buildings. You cannot suggest that there will be any—I will not call it malingering, but if you offer this bait, the maternity benefit, in December, or November, or October, it is evident that whatever you do now cannot in any way change the number of babies that will then appear.
I put this constructive policy before the Government. Do not offer the insured persons a second-class makeshift sanatorium benefit. Tell them quite candidly that you wish to give them a real sanatorium benefit, that you wish to provide the very best machinery and the best treatment; that you find you cannot do it in July, but that you will probably be able to a very great extent to give it in January; and that instead of giving a second-class sanatorium benefit, you will postpone sanatorium benefit and bring forward maternity benefit. In a few weeks your actuaries will be able to tell you by how much you can bring it forward. They will be able to tell you roughly the number of maternity cases there will be among the insured persons in the autumn. If you make that offer to insured persons, they will realise that you are offering them a real instead of a makeshift benefit. I have tried to deal with this question as fairly as I could. It is a question on which I feel very strongly. During the last few months the House of Commons has, I believe, to a great extent lowered its reputation and discredited itself in the country. If to-night you insist on going forward—as I am afraid the House proposes to do—and offering insured persons only a makeshift benefit when by this alteration you could offer them real benefits in return you will still further lower the prestige of this assembly. There is a very great risk in regard to sanatorium benefit that if the treatment of consumptives gets into the wrong hands you may find the very greatest difficulty in eventually getting it into the right hands. If both sides of the House agree that the machinery recommended by the Departmental Committee is the best or right machinery, surely it is far better to wait six months—better for the insured persons, better for the promoters of the Act, better for this House, and better for the Nation as a whole.
Four days from today the country is going to bring into operation one of the greatest schemes of social reform—on the confession of Gentlemen opposite—ever devised in any country in the world. I can imagine no more desirable course than that this House should spend three or four hours of its time in offering suggestions, advice, or helpful criticism, that might be devoted to making that scheme more efficient; but I must confess that all hope of this particular Motion producing such a result very speedily vanished from my mind on hearing a few words from the mover (Mr. Grant). The same old vague charges without substantiation, the same old attempts to make trivial party scores, the same brilliant facetious and original allusions to the "Tabernacle," which we have never heard before, convinced me that so far from this being a Motion promoted by the minority who wish well to this Act, among whom I gladly include the hon. Member for Plymouth (Mr. Astor), it is merely the same trivial and contemptible attempt to score in the party game, at the expense of the consumptive patients. I should like, in as frank a manner as possible, to distinguish that distressing performance from the speech of the hon. Member for Plymouth. The hon. Member has a right to speak on this matter. I only wonder and regret that he should have chosen the opportunity of seconding a Motion such as this, rather than have made the criticism which he has made, either in less polemical circumstances, or in such opportunities as he knows are always freely afforded to him to give his advice upon the matter of tuberculous treatment in connection with this Act. I must confess also, knowing and freely recognising his great services in connection with the production of the Reports, which I am not sure will not have a historic position in this movement, that I was surprised to hear his appeal—which the House recognised was frank, generous, and perfectly sincere—that we should make no attempt to deal with any case of tuberculosis during the next six months because we could not immediately produce a permanent system. The House will notice the accusations—I think the hon. Member for Plymouth did not make any accusations, but the arguments of the Mover and Seconder were totally different. The argument of the Mover was that we had deceived the public, because we had not immediately brought into operation some gigantic system of tubercular treatment, while the argument of the hon. Member for Plymouth, who knows something about the matter, was that circumstances of necessity had led him to think, not that we should bring into operation any large system, but that we should delay even the system we are bringing in.
I must confess, in spite of the arguments coming from so weighty a source, I still think we were right in the decision of last autumn, and the reasons we gave for that decision, to make an exception of these benefits from all the other benefits in the Act, in bringing what we could into force as speedily as possible. What were the arguments used by us last autumn in this House? My right hon. Friend and myself freely confessed that it was idle to suppose that full machinery to deal with every tuberculous patient could be produced by this July. But we made an exception in this case, as apart from all other benefits under the Act, for this reason: that although we realised we could not produce a clear and full scheme at the moment it was our duty at the earliest possible opportunity to bring in the Governmental forces to the help of those engaged in fighting what is called the "white plague." The arrangements which are being made at the present time for the next six months will involve an expenditure of something like £200,000. If we should only save 100 lives, or even ten lives, if we should stop any infection which otherwise would have infected lives hitherto clean, I should think we would be able to come down to the House next January and ask the House unanimously to agree that we have taken a right and not a wrong course. Because we cannot do all that we wish is no reason we should do nothing at all! [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I am glad to see that is agreed to by certain men of good will on the other side.
Let me ask the hon. Member for Plymouth, whose serious argument needs, and I hope will receive, so far as I am able, a serious answer, in what way will the attempts to give immediate provision to those insured persons who will be found during the next six months suffering from this hideous disease, conflict with what will be known in future as the Astor Report? The sole object of the Memorandum issued by the Provisional Insurance Committee and the Memorandum issued by the Local Government Board was to urge the adoption in its entirety of the Report which the hon. Member and his experts presented to the House. In so far as we can bring in immediately the recommendations that he and his Committee made, we shall bring them in immediately. In so far as we are unable to bring in immediately what he desires, we are providing provisional arrangements which at least can do no harm to the full scheme when completed.
I do not wish to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman, but the great danger that I see is in getting this into the wrong hands. If you do not get your expert or skilled man in charge, and if you try to put anybody you can find into the dispensaries, merely because you have to do something for the next few days, or weeks, or months, you will be much longer in getting your full scheme into working order.
9.0 P.M.
Cod liver oil may be given, and I should like to remind the hon. Member that even if cod liver oil is given to consumptive patients who are not receiving it at present that those patients will be better off than if we were to postpone the matter. Cod liver oil is of course only a symbol of all domicilary treatment in connection with the Act. I venture to ask the hon. Gentleman to consider what the actual situation is in connection with the Report of his Committee. This Committee recommended, following out suggestions which were impressed upon my right hon. Friend in the Debate upon this Bill, and which were embodied in an Amendment, that a much larger definition should be given to sanatorium benefit as a remedy for tuberculosis than mere institutional treatment in large sanatoria all over the country. In fact I am not sure whether the Committee did not say that they regarded with a greater hopefulness the treatment in dispensaries and domiciliary treatment even than the treatment which can be given in sanatoria. We set aside for this work over £900,000 a year, and if that is not sufficient the Bill allows it to be supplemented, half from the local authorities and half from the Treasury. As so many local authorities have already taken upon themselves the work of the campaign against tuberculosis we are not without hope that they will challenge the Treasury to respond to their half of the expenditure. It is no part of the duty laid upon the Insurance Commissioners to provide institutions of any sort whatever. That, I think, is a fact well known to the hon. Gentleman who moved this Motion. The duty of providing institutions is laid upon the local authorities in conjunction with the Local Government Board, and any private, patriotic and philanthropic persons or combination, such as the Welsh Memorial Fund, who care to make provision and to assist in the national campaign against this disease.
How far are we able to carry out the suggestions of the Astor Committee from 15th July onwards? First, all the local insurance committees, upon whom the duty is laid of considering the subject of dealing with tuberculous patients, have held meetings. Over one hundred committees have been formally constituted, and the other twenty-one will be formally constituted before this week is over. In the great bulk of them seventy to eighty representatives of the Insurance Commissioners have attended their first meetings in order to explain to them the system of the Astor Report and to show how they can take immediate action in connection with sanatorium benefits. The great bulk of these have constituted subcommittees immediately to deal with any tubercular patients who happen to be insured persons after 15th July. What, on the other hand, has been the work of the local authorities? I say quite frankly that the work of the local authorities in connection with the Local Government Board has been delayed by the sittings of the Astor Committee. It would have been quite easy on their part to proceed hastily with putting up buildings without that expert advice which that Committee provides, and if we have been wrong in delaying matters it has been owing to the advice and work done—and very well done—by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Plymouth. In a subject which is still full of controversy it would have been folly on their part to make preparations until they had the result of such a Committee as that which the hon. Gentleman presided over. What is their position now? A large number, including most of the county boroughs, have prepared schemes for dealing with tuberculosis under the Act and are only waiting for the formation of the insurance committees which will have authority to negotiate from Monday next in order that their schemes may be carried into actual realisation. A substantial number of these schemes have been presented to the Local Government Board. All the available institutions at present for dealing with tuberculous patients will be immediately utilised by the local insurance committees, and some of them have already been promised beds in such institutions. Temporary accommodation is also being devised and will be established in a few weeks from this date. Vacant hospital accommodation at present unused is being pushed forward by the local authorities in conjunction with the Local Government Board in order to provide temporary accommodation until more permanent sanatoria can be created. The voluntary associations which are engaged in this work are multiplying the accommodation they possess and are seeking a grant in help for that multiplication. Many movable temporary shelters such as those recommended, I think, by the hon. Gentleman's Report as better than permanent buildings, are possessed by local authorities and will be at the disposal of patients recommended by the insurance committees, and many local authorities are asserting their intention accordingly to increase the number of these movable shelters. Immediately that they can get into touch with the local insurance committees they will increase that accommodation.
We did not say the movable shelters were better.
I do not mean in the least degree to misrepresent what the Report recommends, but I think the Report agrees they might be very useful at all events as a temporary measure. Other local authorities are designing to take private country houses which may be used for temporary shelter and the whole bulk of the local authorities engaged in this work are pushing forward the matter in every way in their power, and in a few weeks will be able to dispose of as many patients as the local insurance committees are able to send them. The second point the hon. Member made was the undesirability of forcing forward dispensary arrangements. There, I can assure him, the Insurance Commissioners are entirely in accord with his own view. There are at present a large number of dispensaries existing and these will be fully used by the local authorities and the local insurance committees. It is not the difficulty of building and getting accommodation; it is the difficulty of getting trained tuberculosis attendants, and we have no intention of forcing forward the adoption of officers who are not trained experts in order to get the Act into operation in these particular districts. New dispensaries will be opened every week and officers and especially the younger members of the medical profession who are filled with enthusiasm for this work, and who are prepared to take on these dispensaries will be engaged in the Local Government service from time to time, and I have no doubt that long before January comes we shall be able to announce the complete work of the dispensaries over the whole country. The third point is the question of temporary treatment, and there also the hon. Gentleman will correct me if I am wrong. I think the Astor Report somewhat surprised those who over-emphasised sanatorium benefit by the very considerable emphasis it laid on the very great good which could be done by temporary treatment in the home. The fact is without a shadow of a doubt that temporary treatment for insured persons suffering from tuberculosis can begin immediately the disease is diagnosed from Saturday onward. An immediate system is devised for systematic treatment in the home, with payment to the doctor of the patient. Here there is no controversy. The hon. Member for Cumberland, Egremont, told us the doctor would not undertake the treatment of tuberculous men, women, and children until the medical benefits were settled. That is a libel upon a great profession.
I said nothing of the sort.
The hon. Member said something very much like it. There is no doubt at all that quite apart from any difference that exists with respect to medical benefit which I hope will be satisfactorily settled, I am perfectly certain home treatment will be put into force immediately the tuberculous patient is diagnosed. I cannot conceive why the hon. Member should wish to postpone this treatment for six months rather than do what they can to give perfectly sound medical treatment as far as it goes and do what we can to cure tuberculosis. [HON. MEMBERS: "For party motives."] No, I cannot agree that the hon. Member for Plymouth is actuated by party motives. I wish more hon. Gentlemen opposite would have taken the same action as he has. The hon. Member challenged and argued upon the matter of figures. I agree it is impossible to say how many employed persons will be suffering from tuberculosis during the next six months. We have estimated an expenditure of £220,000 for the next six months for the treatment and cure of consumption. Hon. Members of this House know that the abandonment and postponement of that and the placing of that £220,000 to the ordinary Insurance Fund must inevitably mean great quantities of suffering unalleviated, and numbers of lives unsaved. I cannot understand anyone who is not blinded by party prejudice who would offer what is practically a Vote of Censure against us for endeavouring to do what is possible at the earliest possible moment to combat one of the worst ills that human flesh is heir to.
I listened with great interest to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, and I confess that the middle portion of his speech, in which he devoted some measure of attention to what the Insurance Commissioners and others entrusted with the administration of this Act were really doing interested me rather more than the concluding portion of the remarks. The right hon. Gentleman displayed some degree of heat in commenting upon the speeches which had been delivered in moving and seconding this Motion.
On the speech delivered in moving the Motion.
"Trivial and contemptible" were the words he used.
May I, in justification to myself, say I never dreamt of using such words in connection with the speech of the hon. Member for Plymouth?
:Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will allow me to remind him of the words he did use. He referred to my hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth as associating himself with "the trivial and contemptible Motion" which was moved by the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Grant). If that was not the comment of heat, I should like to know what reserve the right hon. Gentleman claims for himself. The right hon. Gentleman accused my hon. Friends of putting forward this Motion at the expense of the consumptive patients. How is it put forward at the expense of the consumptive patients? I can well understand if we were to take a Division and defeat the Government it might be carried at the expense of the Government, but how the right hon. Gentleman can say this Motion is brought forward at the expense of the consumptive patient passes my comprehension. He regretted the reference which my hon. Friend who moved this Motion made to the speech which was delivered by the Chancellor of the Exchequer last autumn at the Tabernacle. I do not in the least wonder that the right hon. Genleman regretted that reference, more especially when he let fall, in the course of his observations, a remark to the effect that last autumn the Government realised that they could not bring the complete scheme into force in July. Was that thought present in the mind of the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he delivered his speech at Whitefield's Tabernacle? Did he then know that he could not bring into force the complete scheme in the middle of July? If he realised it then, all I can say is that the description which he gave of the sanatorium benefit which the Act provides is something very different from the benefit which will be available for consumptive patients on Monday next. The Government are not in a position, and they confess it, to carry out the obligation to give the benefits which they themselves have laid down in the Act of Parliament. Why cannot they give it? What is the reason that the benefit which the Act prescribes cannot be given in its entirety, or anything like its entirety? Simply because there has not been sufficient time to organise the necessary service. The very bodies created by the Act to administer the sanatorium benefit has not been formed. The provisional committees, which are not the bodies contemplated by the Act, have been appointed in some places, and in some places they have met.
May I ask whether the acts of these provisional committees will bind the committees originally contemplated, which I understand will be constituted at the earliest possible moment? The provisional committees have hardly yet had time to meet. After all, the circulars sent out by the Insurance Commissioners explaining the way in which the sanatorium benefit was to be administered was only issued on the 6th of this month, ten days before the date on which the sanatorium benefit was to commence, when everyone who contributes 4d., we are told, has a citizen right to receive sanatorium benefit. The provisional committees have not had time to meet. The local authorities have not been organised, and the sanatoria and the dispensaries have not been built, and, as the right hon. Gentleman has stated, the tuberculosis officer has not been trained, and he is the hinge on which the whole scheme turns, and yet the right hon. Gentleman has not got him. There is a vast amount of work to be done before this scheme can be put into any sort of operation. In many places no arrangements at all have been made, and in other places the arrangements are absolutely chaotic. It is not the fault of the local authorities or the officers, or the provisional insurance committees, because they cannot have had time to frame arrangements or consult anybody else. The fault of this chaotic condition is the fault of those who deliberately forced this Act into operation without regard to whether or not it was in proper working order. I have noticed the significant sentence in the circular issued by the Insurance Commissioners, and also in the circular issued by the Local Government Board, in which it is pointed out that no one has any right to receive sanatorium benefit under the Act. It is pointed out that the duty of the insurance committee is to make those selections from the number of those who come to ask for the sanatorium benefit, and they are not obliged to give it to anybody. I think that sentence ought, in fairness to the Act and to the insurance committees, and to the people themselves, to be more fully explained.
Everybody who followed our Debates in the House while the Bill was before this House knows perfectly well that the proviso which was put into the Act specifically excluded the right of everyone suffering from tuberculosis from receiving sanatorium benefit was only put in to guard against the giving of sanatorium benefit to those people who would not best be served by the receipt of it. There are cases of tuberculosis which would not be best treated either in the sanatorium or dispensary, or in the way laid down in the Act. The House understood that it was undesirable that everybody should feel that they had the right to receive this treatment, even though it might not be the best treatment for them. It is not fair to the committees or the people to give the idea that the committees have the right, if they so choose, to withhold proper treatment from the people who ought to receive it. I hope the insurance committees, as is pointed out in the Memorandum of the Insurance Commissioners, will be guided very largely, if not wholly, by the medical authorities whom they will feel necessarily bound to consult. After the general body of medical opinion says that such and such a case ought to receive treatment in a sanatorium the insurance committee ought not, and will not, withhold treatment in a sanatorium if it is possible to give it. I hope that some printed explanation of the rather peculiar statement in the Insurance Commissioners' circular may be forthcoming. One unsatisfactory aspect of our position which the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken did not deal with at all, is that thousands of tuberculous people will not be able to get a particular kind of sanatorium benefit that most suits their casse. I shall be very glad if the right hon. Gentleman can assure me that that is the case. There will be a large number of people who, owing to the disease from which they suffer, will be entitled to sanatorium benefit, and they will not be able to get that form of sanatorium benefit which they ought to receive, and all the time they will be paying for it.
The right hon. Gentleman said: "Why put this thing off? How can you ask us to put this thing off? Is it not worth while to bring in the scheme in an imperfect condition if between now and January we can save even ten lives?" Well, an appeal like that goes right to the heart of anybody, but you have got to remember this is not a scheme of charity. All these people, the consumptives themselves, are paying the contributions which are demanded from everybody by the Act, and, having paid their contributions, they are entitled to the benefits the Act confers. That is, to my mind, one of the unsatisfactory aspects of the present position. I am bound to say it seems to me almost indefensible to take contributions from consumptives and from the other contributors the very moment you know you cannot give them the benefit for which they contribute. There is one further omission from the speech of the right hon. Gentleman which struck me. He did not, as far as I was able to gather, justify the temporary financial arrangements which have been suggested, at all events, in the Memorandum dated 6th July, and numbered 112. In the concluding portion of that Memorandum it is said:— under your present financial proposals. If you are going to treat the insurance committees in that way you are going, at any rate, to make it very difficult for them to make suitable arrangements for giving full sanatorium benefit to all those who would be entitled to them on Monday next.
The reason why only something like half the normal amount was taken was because it was not anticipated that insured persons under the Act at the beginning would show more than half the normal amount of tubercular patients. It is only gradually that people who are insured will develop tuberculosis.
There are in Wiltshire at the present time 402 notified cases of pulmonary tuberculosis, and it is estimated that out of those 402 cases 200 will become insured persons, and certainly entitled to benefit on Monday next. There is no waiting period in respect of sanatorium benefit; therefore the moment the Act comes in force they are entitled to benefit. As far as I can see, the insurance committees in Wiltshire will not be able to give them any better benefit on and after Monday next, or, at any rate, for some little time, than they are able to get now, and yet those very consumptive people themselves will have to pay their contributions. I think that, at any rate, is very hard. No suitable arrangements for the provision of sanatorium benefit has yet been made. It is not for want of trying, but, as a matter of fact, no suitable arrangements for the provision of sanatorium benefit in Wiltshire have as yet been made, although the benefit is due on Monday. Even if they were in a position to deal with the matter, even if the financial proposals of the Government were adequate, they have not the accommodation at their command, and apparently they cannot get the accommodation at their command for anything more than something like fifteen or sixteen people. They are able to control six beds at a new sanatorium at Ipswich at a cost of 30s. per week, and they have twelve beds at the Westbury Sanatorium in Wiltshire; but none of these beds will be available for at least three months. The point I want to make here is that, although you are compelling these consumptive people themselves to pay their contributions, there is practically no sanatorium accommodation in Wiltshire to which you can send them.
One of the recommendations of the able Report of my hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth (Mr. Astor) is connected with the hospital accommodation for advanced cases, and in Wiltshire, with the exception of four beds in Salisbury Hospital, there is no bed available for the reception of advanced cases of tuberculosis, so I am informed. None of the cottage hospitals will take consumptive patients, and there is no prospect of any additional accommodation being forthcoming, however temporary and however quickly constructed, for several months to come, because, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, there is the long process of securing sites, of laying out drainage, of securing a water supply, and of getting the consent of the Treasury and of the Local Government Board before you are able even to put up a wooden building. In view of the lamentable lack of accommodation throughout this county, efforts have been made to secure accommodation somehow and somewhere. Infirmaries and cottage hospitals have been approached, the county medical officer has sent circulars to all these bodies suggesting terms of £10,000 down and £5,000 a year if they can work the Act, but, as I understand, they have declared that they cannot, and that the provision for sanatorium benefit must be made in addition to the accommodation which is now available in these institutions. To start with, they are full. They have long lists of people waiting for treatment, and therefore you cannot count on your cottage hospitals for sanatoria to take the place of the sanatoria which the people have been led to believe will be produced out of the money to be provided by the Government. But even if the accommodation were available in the infirmary, that would not be the sort of place to which to send a tuberculosis patient to get sanatorium benefit. A building situated in a narrow street, in a low-lying town, is not the place where you can give curative treatment to a consumptive patient. What use is going to be made of the million and a half sterling of which the right hon. Gentleman has spoken with so much satisfaction on many occasions? As yet none of it has been spent. No steps have been taken to provide sanatoria in those districts where you cannot get accommodation in existing hospitals. What has been done, what is going to be done, with this great sum of money which has been set aside?
My hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth (Mr. Astor), risking the charge of murder that might be brought against him, urged the Government to put off the provision of this particular benefit until the scheme had been got into better working order, and until they were really in a position to give the benefit which people had been led to expect. He suggested, in its place, they should give another benefit in substitution for it. He did not want them to run the risk of unpopularity by not giving them any benefit at all for the first six months, and he therefore suggested the substitution of another benefit on broad grounds with which, I think, the right hon. Gentleman himself sympathised. He pointed out that if you make a false start in this great curative scheme you may find it difficult, if not impossible, to overtake any mistake that may be made at the beginning. Surely it were better to delay putting this part of the Act into immediate operation; surely it were better to defer it for a few months; so that when you do bring it into force it may be brought into operation as a perfect whole, and not as an imperfect part. I can only say that the sanatorium benefit, as we are able to judge it from the circulars that have been sent out, and from the prospects of administering it as we forsee in the near future, the sanatorium benefit that we shall come to know within the next few weeks differs materially and profoundly from the sanatorium benefit which occupied so large a portion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speeches on public platforms. At the risk of wounding the feelings of the Secretary to the Treasury, and of the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, I cannot forbear reading a few extracts from the famous speech to which allusion has already been made. I will ask the right hon. Gentleman to compare this description of the sanatorium benefit with what is going to happen on Monday next. These were the right hon. Gentleman's words:—
The Wellington Hotel.
The right hon. Gentleman goes on, in an eloquent passage in the latter portion of his speech, to refer to the advantages to the families. He takes the case of a little chap who, under the old system, would be languishing away amid the terror of his parents, a source of peril to himself and to them. And this is what he says will occur:—
"He will go to a sanatorium, and in three months he will return full of life and energy, to the joy of his relatives. I ask you frankly, if you read anything in the newspapers which criticises this Bill, that gives you any notion the measure is going to do all these beneficent things…"
I will only say, in conclusion, that it was cruel to extend these false hopes, and it is still more cruel, something more than cruel, if you levy a tax for benefits that you cannot give.
I should like to reply to some observations which have fallen from the hon. Member opposite. He quoted an extract from the famous speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer about the patient being provided under this Act with the best doctoring, the best nursing, the best food, and the best air. He said that these things were some of the things which the Act was going to provide. Surely the hon. Gentleman does not wish this House to believe, I am quite sure nobody outside believes, that that must be the state of affairs the very first day of the commencement of the Act! The very fact that the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that the Act was going to provide these things proves that the right hon. Gentleman was speaking of the scheme which was embodied in the Act and which I have no doubt will be carried out. You cannot expect these institutions to spring up like mushrooms in the night, and I am sure I never addressed an audience that did expect anything of the kind. I cannot imagine any sensible man from Land's End to John o' Groats who thought that such a state of affairs would come about. Let me examine for a few minutes the figures quoted by the hon. Gentleman. He said there were 402 notified cases in Yorkshire. Who are they? Notification came into force a short time ago, and there was therefore time for a considerable number of notifications of well-established cases—that is to say, a large number of these cases would be advanced cases. They will not be insured persons at all, therefore will not be required to make any contribution, and therefore they will not be robbed. Of these, however, it is said that 200 will become insured. That is, of course, an estimate. I have no doubt it is a fair and careful estimate, but it must necessarily be a guess. I should very gravely doubt myself whether as many as 200 of these 402 notified cases will become insured persons on Monday next.
That is the estimate of the medical officer of health of the county.
The right hon. Gentleman will remember that I stated I had no doubt it was a moderate and fair estimate as far as it could be made by the medical officer of health. That is not the point. The point here is who will and who will not become an insured person, and who will be received into societies and so forth on Monday next. This is the criticism I have to make on the right hon. Gentleman's complaint in respect of these 200 persons: On Monday next they will not have paid a contribution. If therefore the best and most approved form of treatment is not available, they will not have been cheated in the way suggested; they will not have paid for something they have not got, for they will not be paying anything. It is not at all fair to say that these 200 persons, who have not yet made a contribution, are to be cheated on Monday next of something for which they are paying, because they have not paid for it at all. Then the right hon. Gentleman says that in Wiltshire there are only four beds available for advanced cases. Let us look at that. Will the advanced cases be insured persons on Monday next? It is not in the least likely that they will be advanced cases who will be insured. Who are the advanced cases? They are persons who have been suffering for a year or two years. Those who will enter insurance on Monday next will not be advanced cases of tuberculosis. They will not be advanced cases for many months after Monday next, in the majority of cases. So far as they are concerned there is no complaint against the Insurance Act in Wiltshire that there are no beds provided for advanced cases on Monday next, when no advanced cases will be insured persons. Any insured person on Monday next who is unfortunate enough to contract tuberculosis will not be an advanced case for a considerable length of time, and before that time has arrived there will be abundance of opportunity to provide the necessary accommodation for them.
Again, what is the accommodation that the right hon. Gentleman criticises? First, that there were four beds available at the Salisbury Hospital. What is the institutional accommodation that is required by an advanced case? I take it that an advanced case is in the main a hopeless case. The Opposition asked us in Committee never to separate the hopeless cases from their friends and segregate them in some institution a long way off from their friends. That is not the kind of thing you want to do for hopeless cases, except in special instances. What you want to do for a hopeless case is, as far as possible, to prevent the spreading of the infection to other persons, and to make their last days as comfortable as possible. You do not want to make their last days as comfortable by trundling them off to some institution erected specially for their reception. We want to make them comfortable, but we want to prevent them, so far as possible, from spreading the infection to the other members of their family. I am quite aware that on Monday next in Wiltshire—according to the statement of the right hon. Gentleman—there will not be the kind of accommodation that is wanted in institutions suitable for those cases, but there will be plenty of time to provide the necessary accommodation for them so far as they are insured persons. So far as they are not insured persons, I have no doubt that a good proportion of the advanced cases are already in the Poor Law infirmaries. The existing Poor Law infirmaries now provide in various institutions some 8,000 to 9,000 beds for advanced cases. At all events, so far as the commencement of the Insurance Act is concerned, that is neither here nor there, for the people who pay contributions on Monday will not be advanced cases. One quite recognises the force and the contention of the hon. Member for Plymouth (Mr. Astor). I am one of those who supported him throughout the sitting of the Astor Committee. As the right hon. Gentleman says, the tuberculosis officer is essentially the pivot of the whole system, and unless you employ in that capacity suitable and well-trained officers the thing will not be efficiently and economically conducted. That is quite clear. But it does not necessarily follow, because you cannot supply tuberculosis officers all over the country, that therefore you cannot do anything. Supposing you begin in six months' time, as was suggested by the hon. Member for Plymouth—say November.
I said January.
Suppose you begin in January. We have three hundred dispensaries in prospect. Shall we be able to provide 300 sufficiently trained tuberculosis officers by January? I do not think we shall be able to provide a sufficient number of properly trained and experienced tuberculosis officers under at least from twelve to eighteen months; so that we should not get out of that particular difficulty if we began in January. I admit that we could get out of a great deal of it. We should have a great number of them in the large centres of population, but we should not have staffed our dispensaries. We can, of course, have several dispensaries within the next three months in many centres, and I daresay a good many of them will be staffed. It is no complaint against the commencement of the sanatorium benefit on Monday next as against January next that you cannot staff all these institutions with trained men. It will take a considerable length of time to staff first the dispensaries and then the sanatoria. If we are going to wait until that happy day arrives when we have them all efficiently staffed, before we commence sanatorium benefit, I think we should be dealing very hardly with the tuberculosis patients, much more hardly than we should be dealing with them if we make an imperfect start on Monday next, for they will have to wait a very long time. Who are the people who are coming in on Monday next? What will really happen? Persons will become insured and will pay their contribution I suppose towards the end of the week. They will go to a doctor, and if he thinks they have tuberculosis he will fill up a certificate. I do not know what the hon. Member (Mr. Astor) means when he talks about ten millions.
Any insured person may apply.
I do not think it is very likely that ten million persons will want sanatorium treatment; they will be much more anxious to remain at work. A certain number will think they have tuberculosis, and with a very few exceptions they will not go to a doctor to be examined unless they really think they have it. Some of them will go and be examined, and the doctor will perhaps come to the conclusion that they have tuberculosis. What then? It is an early case. Is that early case best treated necessarily by sending him to a sanatorium? The idea that everyone who has tuberculosis ought to go to a sanatorium is not the kind of idea which we wish to encourage. The best kind of treatment for a large number of cases is treatment that is possible in their own homes whilst they are carrying on their own occupation. In country districts large numbers of people can be treated by erecting shelters in back gardens, and you can erect shelters for 3,000 persons in six weeks at the cost of £15 or £20 a shelter. It can easily be done. You can provide shelters sufficient to accommodate the number of persons who will really require such treatment before the autumn.
:Does that include drainage and water supply?
Certainly. For a large number of cases that is a very excellent mode of treatment, and for a good many an ideal form of treatment during the next three months. Again, large numbers of cases can be treated in their own homes with shelters in the garden and so on, and in some parts of the country, even with backward conditions, some medical officers of health have achieved a considerable amount of success with this form of treatment. After all, a good many of these cases will not be clearly diagnosed until the middle of October. Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that the local authority is to put up a sanatorium or a number of shelter colonies before they have any persons in sight who are likely to require them? From the nature of the case this thing must be built up. The right hon. Gentleman himself deplored any unnecessary expenditure on bricks and mortar.
Unnecessary?
10.0 P.M.
And it is unnecessary until you have shown that there is a necessity for the expenditure, and you cannot show necessity for the expenditure until you have your patients at all events in sight. I quite admit we could make a very shrewd guess as to the probable requirements of a considerable number of districts, but, after all, the local authorities, I am sure, have been doing their very best, and I know the Local Government Board has been helping them to the utmost of their power. You cannot blame the local authority, certainly, because they have not provided accommodation for persons who are not yet forthcoming. The whole case simply rests on this: Are we to postpone the commencement of sanatorium benefit until you have got your series of buildings and your dispensaries and the whole apparatus in full going order or are you to begin in a small way and grow? You begin everything gradually in the ordinary state of affairs, and this thing will grow. What is necessary is that it should grow on the right lines. That is very essential. Let us see who will be really concerned during the next six months. We have about 40,000 deaths from pulmonary tuberculosis annually. We will say, for rough purposes, that represents the number of cases beginning. If that be so, there will be 20,000 cases beginning between the end of June and the end of December.
The hon. Gentleman's argument is based on the assumption that everyone who contracts tuberculosis dies, which is not the case. He says there are 40,000 deaths, therefore 40,000 people contract it.
That does not make any difference to my argument. Supposing I have understated it by half. A large number of persons contract pulminary tuberculosis and get better, fortunately, but supposing there are 40,000, or 50,000 if you will. It is all the better for my argument. If you postpone sanatorium benefit for six months you let six months go by without doing anything for the people. The more there are of them the graver is our responsibility. I was inclined to take a moderate figure—the lowest practicable figure. If my figure is only a quarter of what it ought to be the more force there is in the argument. The institutions have to be provided by the local authorities, and naturally the local authorities will look to the Insurance Committees to find a slice of their annual cost of maintenance, and the local authority is naturally indisposed to provide dispensaries and so forth until the Local Insurance Committees have got into being. It must be so in any case, and no local Insurance Committee will be willing to commit itself to an expenditure in the maintenance of sanatoria or dispensaries until they know, roughly at all events, the number of those for whom they will have to provide. A great many local authorities are very rightly hanging back in the erection of their dispensaries because they want to know how much the local Insurance Committee will contribute towards the annual cost, therefore a large number of them must wait until they ascertain what is the intention of the local Insurance Committee. It follows from that that this thing can only be built up gradually as agreements are come to between the local Insurance Committees and the local authorites. You cannot bring it into being as a whole. It is not a complaint against the Act that we do not begin the whole thing with spick and span machinery. We could not if we wanted. It would be an absolute impossibility under the terms of the Act.
Begin the contributions gradually.
That is one of those observations which it is easy to make but difficult to carry into practice. You must of necessity begin the creation of your machine gradually, and it will take at least three years to build it up. In any speech I have ever read of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or of any other responsible Member of the Government, he has never led anybody to suppose anything different. Really, I must say, it seems to me a small criticism after all, that we are not to begin sanatorium benefit out of which a large number will get material assistance in the next six months because we cannot begin the whole thing altogether. As a matter of fact, if people had been guided by arguments of that kind we should still be living in caves. We should be Troglodytes. There are some, I believe. The fact is that those people who are unfortunate enough to suffer from tuberculosis during the next six months will get a great amount of assistance. Take the case mentioned by the hon. Member opposite. A man has tuberculosis, and in his case a doctor will go to make sure that it is tuberculosis. Necessarily the medical officers of health, through the committees, will be compelled to make inquiry. But in any case a man who would have paid for treatment out of his own pocket will now get the treatment paid for by the Insurance Committee. That, at all events, is some benefit, and it is not robbery of any man who has not made any contribution. If a man is found to have tuberculosis, he has some treatment, not of the best kind I admit, but at any rate he is substantially better off than he was before, and by October we shall have machinery for making a diagnosis in a large number of cases. Gradually we shall benefit those people by bringing them under treatment in a form which will be provided at the expense of the insurance fund, and not at the expense of the meals of their children. It will be a material assistance to them and their families as well. We fully recognise how important it is that the thing should develop on right lines. I was only too glad to hear the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Masterman) say that the Insurance Commissioners will insist that properly trained men shall be appointed, and that they shall make that a condition of the approval of any permanent arrangement. The considerations stated by hon. Members opposite are no reason why we should put off 20,000, 30,000, or 40,000 sufferers for the next six months, or why, because we cannot do everything at first, we should not lift a finger to do something.
I do not know whether the House will consider that the hon. Gentleman (Dr. Addison) who speaks with expert professional knowledge, has made out a good case for the Government, but for my own part I think he has failed to satisfy the House that there is any good reason for putting this. Act immediately into operation. I understood him to say that it would be unwise to begin to put the Act into operation until you knew you could treat the cases brought under it efficiently. With that, I think, we will all agree. That really was the case of my hon. Friends who moved and seconded the Motion. I would like, in passing, to say that the Financial Secretary to the Treasury must be a little sorry that he prepared the exordium of his speech before hearing the speeches of the Mover and Seconder. Otherwise I am sure he would not have charged those on this side of the House with attempting to make party capital out of the proposal to postpone for a time, at any rate, the bringing of this part of the Act into operation, I want to refer to another phase of the question. It is one to which the hon. Member gave his attention. I notice that a Memorandum issued only a few days since states that the matters which will require the attention of the insurance committees is the administration of sanatorium benefit. It says that the first is to make arrangements for the medical examination of insured persons applying for sanatorium benefit; to obtain expert advice in order that the committee may be satisfied that such persons are suffering; and, if so, to decide on the treatment most suitable in each particular case.
Having regard to the importance of expert medical advice in the treatment of tuberculosis, surely it might have been expected that the Government, before attempting to put the Act into operation would have made themselves quite sure that they had secured the assistance of those medical practitioners without whom it would be impossible to put it into operation. Nearly everyone who has spoken on the question has pointed out the importance of having thorough expert advice on this matter, and has recognised that if in the early stages of the treatment of this dreadful disease, a patient comes under the direction of a young practitioner who knows very little about the, treatment of the case that practitioner will possibly be doing more harm than good if the matter is left in his hands. It is because the Insurance Commissioners are not yet in a position to say that they have secured the best medical treatment, and because these unfortunate patients, if insured, may, under the direction of the Insurance Commissioners, come into the hands, not of the best medical men, but of young men who are really incapable or not so well qualified to understand their case that my hon. Friends on this side have thought that, on the whole, it would be better to postpone the bringing into operation even of sanatorium treatment until the Commissioners can be sure that they can obtain the assistance of expert advice. I do not see how any answer can be given to that. I know that it is said in one of these documents that the medical officer of health will be required to undertake these duties. What does that mean 1 First, you have to diagnose the case to see whether the patient is suffering from tuberculosis. That in itself is not always an easy matter. Afterwards you have to determine the best kind of treatment which he is to receive. It is not always an ordinary sanatorium treatment which may be the best thing for the patient. It is for the expert medical adviser to say what kind of treatment the patient should receive. Even when that is decided more is required. For some patients would be treated in their own homes or hospitals or dispensaries, or other places, and it is necessary for the medical man in possession of a full knowledge of this particular disease to visit the patient from time to time, and treat him in accordance with the particular phase of it from which he is suffering.
The Insurance Commissioners are not in the position at present to say that they can command the services of the best doctors. I cannot help thinking, and I am speaking in no party spirit, that some amount of blame attaches to the Chancellor of the Exchequer and to the Secretary to the Treasury and his advisers for not having yet succeeded in making arrangements with the members of the medical profession to cooperate in giving effect to this Act. Medical benefit was always placed foremost among the benefits conferred by this Act I have endeavoured to derive answers from the Secretary to the Treasury during the last week or ten days to questions which I have put, and I am sure that every one who has heard the answers given to those questions will realise the extreme and singular ability with which the Secretary to the Treasury succeeds in evading the point of the question. The opportunity of obtaining a more distinct reply will be given to us in the course of this discussion. I wish to point out that the Government have not done their best to obtain the assistance of the medical profession. I am quite certain that all members of the medical profession desire sincerely to co-operate with the Government in giving effect to this Act. [Laughter.] Hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway laugh, and I shall be glad if they can give the reason, for I cannot certainly conceive any. I say distinctly and authoritatively that the Members of the medical profession are desirous of giving their best services to the Government in carrying out this Act; but everyone will admit that they have not been treated in such a manner as to make it easy for them to give those services. Unless you can obtain the services of the medical profession it is quite impossible to put into force even that portion of the Act relating to sanatoria. Only a few days ago the members of the medical profession received from the Joint Committee of the Insurance Commissioners a reply to a letter which they addressed to them on 29th February. Of course, we shall be told that medical treatment does not come on for six months; but what expectation is there that the Commissioners or the Government will be in a better position to secure the services of expert medical advisers six months hence than they were six months ago, since they have taken nearly five months to answer a letter addressed to them?
The hon. Member is going beyond the-scope of the Motion before the House.
I am sure the House will agree with me that, unless the members of the medical profession consent to-work and are able to work the sanatorium benefit, that is good reason for postponing the sanatorium benefit until arrangements have been made with the medical profession for working it. The right hon. Member opposite (Mr. Master-man) knows perfectly well that the members of the medical profession have decided that they will not work even the sanatorium benefit under this particular Act.
I think it is due to the House that the hon. Member should substantiate the extraordinary statement that medical men have refused to give to insured persons or persons suffering from tuberculosis the benefit of their treatment. No medical man and no member of the British Medical Association that I know of, by any recommendation direct or indirect, ever recommended any practitioner in any part of the country to declare that he will not attend any tuberculous patient until he is paid for it.
The hon. Member has quite misrepresented me, with great respect. No medical man would refuse to give the best of his advice and the best of his services to any sick person whether suffering from tuberculosis or any disease. What I did say was that the medical man was refusing to give his services under this particular Act; and the hon. Gentleman—who must have read the letters which appeared only this week in the "British Medical Journal"—must have been fully aware of the truth of what I stated when he got up and interrupted. I only wanted to point out that the Government have not done their best, as they might have done, to secure the services of the medical profession. Even in the letter which they wrote only a few days ago, they declined to make any real concession to any one of the demands which the medical profession have made. Therefore, I take it, that the whole of the blame for this Act not being ready to come into operation, or that portion of it dealing with sanatorium treatment not being ready to come into operation on Monday—and on Monday week the first payments are due—lies in the hands of the Commissioners and more particularly of the right hon. Gentleman opposite, who has not done all he ought to have done to accede to the requirements, the very legitimate requirements, of the members of the medical profession generally. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give some satisfactory answer to what is really the charge I feel compelled to bring against him.
I am sure that the hon. Gentleman who has made a very moderate speech, which hardly supports the Motion before the House, does not desire to be unjust to the medical pro- fession. He was, I think, unfortunately a little unjust, and rather led the House to believe, perhaps not wittingly, that the medical profession will not perform their functions under the Act in regard to the sanatorium benefit. That is not the case. There is a differentiation to be made between the position of the medical profession as regards the medical benefit and as regards the sanatorium benefit. [HON. MEMBERS: "None at all."] It is a fact, I am informed at least that it is the fact, that the medical profession of this country, the members of the medical profession, will not refuse to treat patients, will not refuse, for example, to give domiciliary treatment, such as was indicated by my hon. Friend, for ordinary payment, and receive that payment from the insurance committees. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no."]
May I correct the hon. Member, as this is important? At a meeting of the Brighton Division held a few days ago, it was resolved among other things:—
"Until the seven cardinal principles of the British Medical Association are granted to the satisfaction of the Representative Meeting, no registered medical practitioner shall give any assistance whatever towards bringing sanatorium or any other benefits of the Act into operation."
That is not the present attitude of the medical profession of this country. [HON. MEMBERS: "It is."] It is only due to the medical profession that that should be stated in the clearest possible terms. It is because I am right in making that statement—[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no"]—that my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury was justified in saying to the House to-night that as and from Monday next domiciliary treatment, the value of which is recognised by the valuable report of the hon. Member for Plymouth (Mr. Astor), can be given to every insured person. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no"; and an HON. MEMBER: "YOU are wrong."] That statement is on record, and a few hon. Members opposite who still venture to doubt it will be glad to learn that it is correct. [An HON. MEMBER: "It is incorrect."] As I understand, the Motion before the House, which technically is to Adjourn, amounts to a charge against the Government of neglect of their duty, and is really a charge against the Insurance Commissioners for neglect of their duty in not providing sanatorium benefit and making it available as from Monday next, when the Act happily begins. Many hon. Members opposite in their speeches to-night have disassociated themselves from any party spirit in the speeches which they have made, and I am bound to say all their speeches, with one single exception, have been speeches in which the party spirit has not been displayed. That one exception is one to which I will not further allude. I think, if they speak in that spirit, and I am glad to accept their utterances, one must really make allowances for the fact that perhaps not themselves and not institutions for which they are responsible, but certainly institutions connected with their party, have done everything they possibly could do to make the work of the Insurance Commissioners difficult or impossible. [HON. MEMBERS: "Question."] Why, it is a matter of common knowledge that within the last week or ten days those efforts have been multiplied, even extending to the mean and despicable policy of endeavouring to flood the Insurance Commissioners with unnecessary correspondence, no doubt to break them down—
The hon. Member is not confining himself to the Motion before the House.
On a point of Order. Is the hon. Member permitted to make an insinuation against the Opposition without giving proof?
I have already said that I thought the hon. Member was dealing with matter which was extraneous.
I made no charge against His Majesty's Opposition, but I did point out that institutions connected with them were making efforts to which, in view of your ruling, I will not further refer. In spite of those efforts, the Insurance Commissioners are prepared, as and from Monday next, to administer sanatorium benefit. Under all the circumstances, I think the House will acquit them and the Government of any negligence of duty. Indeed I could wish nothing better than that this Debate could be heard by the constituents of hon. Members. Take, for example, the interesting speech of the hon. Member for Sevenoaks (Mr. Forster) and the remarkable testimonial that he gave to the virtues of the National Insurance Act. What did he tell us? I am sure that the facts that he put before the House came as a revelation to me. He told us that in Wiltshire 400 con- sumptives have been notified; that 200 of these are in employment, and therefore will be compulsorily insured under the Act, and therefore will be entitled to sanatorium treatment as from Monday next. Suppose that only half the 200 get the domiciliary treatment, which can so easily be given by the Insurance Commissioners. I ask the House to consider whether that is not one of the most remarkable testimonials to the Act. I go further and say that if only ten out of the 200 receive the full and proper domiciliary treatment the National Insurance Act will have been fully justified. Take the possible case of a man, say in Wiltshire, who after three months of contributions suspects that he is consumptive and receives the benefit of the Act? What will he have paid under the Act? Four shillings and sixpence. Suppose that nothing is ready for that man except the domiciliary treatment. Even in that case I suggest that the National Insurance Act will have done a very great deal for him.
This is not the first time in the history of the world that sanatorium benefit has been given. Let us consider the great exemplar that we have of this kind of social reform, namely, Germany. If hon. Members opposite will refer—as probably many of them have—to a most interesting book just written by Mr. William H. Dawson, describing social insurance in Germany, they will note the wonderful photographs given in that book showing the kind of sanatoria that have been erected in suitable districts by the various local institutions which adminster the German law. Those institutions, like Rome, were not built in a day. They were built up as experience ripened in the working of the law. If we refer to the history of social insurance in Germany we shall not find that any such efforts as have been made in this country were made to wreck the law in Germany. As far as I know, there was never any suggestion there that a man was defrauded because sanatoria were not fully equipped on the first day the law came into operation. It seems to me impossible that any suggestion could be made except out of party spirit. The Mover of the Motion (Mr. Grant) in a speech of considerable heat, suggested that I had no right to say in a certain article that there was a citizen right to sanatorium treatment. The hon. Member for Sevenoaks, and I thank him for doing so, sufficiently answered that. He pointed out that the words of the Act did not mean that a person has not a citizen right, but that they were put in for a very obvious reason which he stated to the House, and which I need not repeat. It is a fact that as and from Monday of next week insured persons under this Act have a citizen right to sanatorium benefit, and they will get it, as has been stated so clearly by my right hon. Friend. [HON. MEMBERS: "When?"]
The one further point I desire to make is this: The hon. Member for Plymouth—and all of us respect and honour him, not only for his work in connection with this Act, but for his previous work and the solicitude that he has exercised in connection with this particular subject—referred to the fact that this Act will be a splendid spur to the local authorities. That is very true. It is so true that I cannot understand the argument with which the hon. Member succeeded it. If he sees so clearly that the National Insurance Act will be a saving to the local authorities in respect of rates, and that every penny that they spend in conjunction with the Treasury on sanatorium benefit will save the rates for the people of this country; if he sees that the Act is a spur to their efforts, I cannot understand why he argues that we should postpone by six months the beginning of the Act. If we want this splendid spur to have effect we should desire to bring the benefit, if it is merely domiciliary treatment and no more, into action at the earliest possible moment. That is the greatest spur we can bring in connection with the subject. I end by saying this: I earnestly hope that what the hon. Gentleman said so truly as to the effects of that impulse upon the local authorities, and therefore upon the treatment of tuberculosis in this country, will be well reported in the newspapers, and that it will lead supporters of hon. Gentlemen opposite to see—so little have hon. Gentlemen alluded to its benefits—that the Insurance Act is not only a matter of saving health and life: it is also a matter of economy for the local authorities.
The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken seemed to think that the Opposition, or those who are supporting this Motion, were bringing some charge against the Insurance Commissioners. He said that that was a very unjust charge to bring. We have brought no charge at all against the Insurance Commissioners. We have brought a charge against the Government. The hon. Gentleman purported to reply for the Insurance Commissioners and said that they were ready now to administer sanatorium benefit. Luckily for them the administration of sanatorium benefit does not lie with them. It lies with the insurance committees in the various parts of the country to administer sanatorium benefit and they are most undoubtedly not ready to commence the administration of this benefit on Monday. This Motion has been met by the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury in this way: "We know we cannot give all at once what the Act promised; we know that sanatoria have not been built, but we think we can give some treatment for certain of the cases." He has therefore argued that anything is better than nothing; that even if ten people are benefited and saved from getting worse between now and January, it is wise to go on with this sanatorium benefit as from Monday next, and not to postpone it." If that were the only alternative I for one should say, "Yes, we will go on with the sanatorium benefit at once and muddle through somehow." But that is not the only alternative. That is not the spirit in which this Motion has been brought before the House. The spirit in which this Motion has been brought before the House is this: £220,000 are going to be spent on sanatorium treatment which could be better spent in extending maternity benefits, and not in being spent; on sanatorium treatment before the country really sees its way. The real question is, are you ready in the end to give sanatorium benefit, and to administer it. I ask the House to consider what the Act provides with regard to the administration of the sanatorium benefit, and to ask themselves if they have knowledge of their own localities, whether these localities are ready to deal with their duties. The duties rest primarily with the Insurance Committees. The Insurance Committees have not been appointed; there are provisional Insurance Committees it is true; some of them have met, some of them certainly are not complete, and I venture to say none of them have yet adopted any scheme for the administration of sanatorium benefit. These Insurance Committees have the duty put upon them, not of providing the sanatorium, not of providing the units for dispensary treatment, but of finding local authorities and philanthropic bodies ready to give that treatment under the direction of the Insurance Committees.
I have got in my pocket a scheme of one county which has been most carefully prepared and will in time, I hope, be a very complete scheme and will do an immense amount of good in the county and when it has time to get on its legs properly we may expect very good results. Let us see what is to be done. The local authority has first of all to decide what areas are to be set up for the purpose of dispensing treatment. The county itself is to be divided into areas. The particular county I have in mind is to divide itself into seven areas. There is an immense amount of negotiation wanted at once to agree to those areas. The minor local authorities have to be consulted in the matter, because they become liable to certain financial responsibilities in their various areas. Having got your units for dispensing treatment, you have got to decide how you are going to provide the sanatorium. There are several ways of providing the sanatorium. You may do it through the county councils and charge the expense which is not met out of the Government Grant as capital expenditure to the county, or you may attempt to apportion it amongst the various areas in the county who are going to send patients to that sanatorium, and similarly with the annual expenses of maintaining that sanitorium. You may either pay for it out of the county rate or by attempting to apportion it pro rata according to the number of ratepayers in a particular area amongst the various ratepaying sub-divisions of local government. I ask the House to consider how it is possible, seeing that the Insurance Committees who have got to make contracts with the county councils or local authorities, have not yet met in some cases for the purpose of considering any proposition, for them at the present moment to arrive at any form of sanitorium treatment contemplated under the Act, and which has been promised over and over again by the Government. That there will be real harm to the future administration of the Act I do not doubt if things are hurried. If things are hurried you will get the sanitoria of the wrong class; you will get friction between local authorities, because there will be a feeling that the cost is not properly apportioned between one part of a county and another, and the moment you get that class of friction you will get a sort of stone-walling on the part of one authority or another, and the administration of the benefits will be permanently hindered in the future.
So far as I have been able to ascertain the amount allowed to the insurance committees for the purpose of sanatoria out of the contributions of the Act, it will not pay one-half of the charges which will be thrown upon the local authorities if they properly look after the insured and the uninsured people. The calculations I have seen show quite clearly that there will be a good deal more than one-half which will fall upon the rates, or upon the rates and the Treasury if the Treasury agrees to contribute. If both the insured and the uninsured people suffering from tuberculosis are properly looked after, either in the sanatorium or in the dispensaries which are to be set up, it is most important that from the commencement the local authorities should decide to look after both the insured and the uninsured alike. Consider for a moment what is the qualification for treatment in a sanatorium or dispensary. Is it the fact that you have paid 1s. 3d. a year through insurance contributions, or the fact that you have tuberculosis, and there is a chance of curing you and preventing the spread of the disease? Surely it is the disease that is the qualification and not the fact that Is. 3d. a year has been paid. It is important that the local authorities from the beginning should extend their plan of provision to include all people, and if they do that they will take the risk of a considerable expenditure themselves or in conjunction with the Treasury. Before any of these insurance committees who are responsible for the administration of these benefits can tell what provision they are able to make and what contracts they are willing to enter into, they must make up their minds whether they are going to take that risk or whether they can get assistance from the Treasury to enable them to start on the wide basis proposed. Is it not absurd for the hon. Member for Northampton (Mr. Money) to come down here and pretend that a domiciliary treatment, even if it can be given, is the sort of treatment he referred to in his leaflet, "Killing no Murder." That is not the class of treatment which the people of this country have been led to expect from the speeches of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the speech of the Financial Secretary to the Treasury this afternoon. It does seem to me, so far as the Insurance Commissioners have to do with the administration of sanatorium benefit, that they also must be of opinion that nothing more than a temporary and provisional scheme can be put into operation now, because in their last circular, and in the circular of the Local Government Board—more particularly with respect to the latter—it is recognised that the present insurance committees have been unable to do more, quite naturally, for the reasons I have stated. Referring to the local committees, the Local Government Board say in their circular:—
Hanley.
The hon. Member cannot keep his eyes off elections for one moment. I was talking not from a vote-catching point of view. We have, in supporting the Motion, risked a repetition of the sort of leaflets for which the hon. Member for Northampton (Mr. Chiozza Money) is responsible. We have risked that, and I risk it now, because I believe it is in the best interests of sanatorium treatment, and of national insurance itself, that people should not, during the early days of this next month or so, find the benefits which they have been pro- mised, and for which they are paying are benefits which the Government is not able to give them. It seems to me the Government would be wise for once to put their pride in their pocket—[An HON. MEMBER: "They have not got any."]—well, what they have, and to say, "While we would have liked to have been forward and ready enough to give the sanatorium benefit without any postponement, we do realise that there is a real risk of permanently damaging the insurance scheme, that there is a real risk of starting that benefit on a wrong basis, that there is a real risk of appointing men who, if more time had been given, would not have been finally chosen to diagnose the cases that will come before them. We do not wish the contributors to lose anything of it; so therefore out of the £220,000 we will set that aside to give maternity benefit two or three months earlier than otherwise would have been given." It is for that reason I support the Motion before the House.
A charge has been brought against the Government that it is not prepared to carry out a pledge which has been made. Did the Government ever pledge itself to bring into operation the organisation which was the outcome of the Astor Report? What the Government pledged itself to do was to bring into operation sanatorium treatment as described in the Act itself. If we are dealing with technicalities, we had better look at it and see what the Government are pledged to do on Monday next. To provide—
"Treatment in sanatoria or other institutions or otherwise when suffering from tuberculosis."
If you are to bind the Government down to its strict pledge, then the Government fulfils its pledge if it is prepared to provide from Monday next onwards treatment for tuberculosis. I am speaking as chairman of the insurance committee for the county of Middlesex, and if you ask me whether that committee will be prepared to provide sanatorium treatment as defined in the Act of Parliament next week, I say at once, "Yes." And the reason for that is that about £800 has been placed at the disposal of the committee for administrative expenses, as well as between £4,000 and £5,000 to be immediately spent in providing treatment for tuberculosis in the patient's own house by the patient's own doctor, the money to be handed to the patients to pay their own doctors as private patients. Is that an impossibility? We are told that doctors will not work under the Act. What is the suggestion? That in order to find out if persons are suffering from tuberculosis they are to go to their own doctor and ask him to fill up a certificate, for which they are prepared to pay him 5s. Is it now to be suggested that the medical profession will refuse to take 5s. from a working man for examining him and saying whether or not he has tuberculosis. I think the doctors in Middlesex will not refuse. When we are told that there are 200 persons in Wiltshire to-day suffering from tuberculosis actually in employment, what are we asked by hon. Members to do 1 To allow them to remain in employment for another six months before they can get any kind of treatment. If you are coming to strict obligations, the only persons who would be entitled to tuberculosis treatment of any kind would be people in approved societies, which your Press are trying to keep people from joining. As to the deposit contributor, it is only at the option of the insurance committee whether he shall have tuberculosis treatment. Will there be any deposit contributors next week with money enough to their credit to demand tuberculosis treatment? I suggest that these remarks do not come well from a party who have done all they could through their Press to make it impossible to bring the Act into operation.
Question put, "That this House do now adjourn."
The House divided: Ayes, 148; Noes, 259.
Division No.145.] AYES. [11.0 p.m. Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Fleming, Valentine Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas Aitken, Sir William Max Forster, Henry William Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton) Amery, L. C. M. S. Foster, Philip Staveley Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton) Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R. Gastrell, Major W. H. Mount, William Arthur Anstruther-Gray, Major William Gibbs, G. A. Neville, Reginald J. N. Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J. Gilmour, Captain John Newdegate, F. A. Baird, J. L. Glazebrook, Capt. Philip K. Newton, Harry Kottingham Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.) Goldman, C. S. Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A. Balcarres, Lord Goldsmith, Frank Paget, Almeric Hugh Baldwin, Stanley Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton) Peel, Captain R. F. (Woodbridge) Banbury, Sir Frederick George Gretton, John Perkins, Walter F. Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester) Guinness, Hon. Rupert (Essex, S.E.) Pollock, Ernest Murray Bathurst, Hon. A. B. (Glouc, E.) Gwynne, R. s. (Sussex, Eastbourne) Pretyman, Ernest George Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton) Haddock, George Bahr Pryce-Jones, Col. E. Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight) Quilter, William Eley C. Beckett, Hon. Gervase Hall, Fred (Dulwich) Rawlinson, John Frederick Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) Hall, Marshall (E. Toxteth) Rees, Sir J. D. Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich) Hambro, Angus Valdemar Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Bigland, Alfred Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry) Royds, Edmund Bird, A. Hardy, Rt. Hon. Laurence Salter, Arthur Clavell Boles, Lieut.-Col. Denis Fortescue Henderson, Major H. (Berks, Abingdon) Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood) Boscawen, Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith- Hewins, William Albert Samuel Sanders, Robert A. Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid) Hoare, S. J. G. Sanderson, Lancelot Boyton, James Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Spear, Sir John Ward Bridgeman, William Clive Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield) Stanley, Hon. Arthur (Ormsklrk) Bull, Sir William James Horne, E. (Surrey, Guildford) Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston) Burn, Colonel C. R. Hume-Williams, William Ellis Staveley-Hill, Henry (Staffordshire) Campbell, Duncan F. (Ayr, N.) Hunt, Rowland Steel-Maitland, A D. Campion, W. R. Hunter, Sir C. R. (Bath) Stewart, Gershom Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred Jackson, Sir John Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, North) Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H. Joynson-Hicks, William Sykes, Alan John (Ches., Knutsford) Cator, John Kerry, Earl of Talbot, Lord E. Cautley, H. S. Keswick, Henry Touche, George Alexander Cave, George Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Tullibardine, Marquess of Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Knight, Capt. E. A. Valentia, Viscount Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin) Larmor, sir J. Ward, Arnold S. (Herts, Watford) Chaloner, Col. R. G. W. Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle) Weigall, Capt. A. G. Clive, Captain Percy Archer Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'm'ts, Mile End) Wheler, Granville C. H. Coates, Major, Sir Edward Feetham Lee, Arthur Hamilton Williams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.) Courthope, G. Loyd Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury) Wilson, A. Stanley (Yorks, E.R.) Criak, Sir Henry Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey) Wolmer, Viscount Croft, H. P. Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R. Wood, John (Stalybridge) Dalziel, D. (Brixton) Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston) Worthington-Evans, L. Denniss, E. R. B. Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich) Wright, Henry Fitzherbert Duke, Henry Edward Mackinder, H. J. Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Eyres-Monsell, B. M. Maclean, Donald Yate, Col. C. E. Faber, George Denison (Clapham) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's) Fell, Arthur Magnus, Sir Philip TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Grant and Mr. Astor. Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Malcolm, Ian Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes Middlemore, John Throgmorton
NOES. Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour) Agnew, Sir George William Allen, Arthur A. (Dumbarton) Addison, Dr. Christopher Ainsworth, John Stirling Allen, Rt. Hon. Charles P. (Stroud) Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R. Alden, Percy Arnold, Sydney Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.) O'Doherty, Philip Atherley-Jones, Lieweliyn A. Harwood, George O'Donnell, Thomas Baker, H. T. (Accrington) Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.) Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.) Hayden, John Patrick O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.) Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark) Hayward, Evan O'Malley, William Barnes, G. N. Helme, Sir Norval Watson O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) Barran, Sir J. N. (Hawick Burghs) Hemmerde, Edward George O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Barran, Rowland Hurst (Leeds, N.) Henderson, Arthur (Durham) O'Sullivan, Timothy Barton, William Henry, Sir Charles S. Palmer, Godfrey Mark Beale, Sir William Phipson Higham, John Sharp Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek) Beauchamp, Sir Edward Hinds, John Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham) Benn, W. W. (Tower Hamlets, S. Geo.) Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H. Philippe, Col. Ivor (Southampton) Bentham, G. J. Hodge, John Phillips, John (Longford, S.) Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine Holmes, Daniel Turner Pirie, Duncan V. Boland, W. B. Holt, Richard Durning Pollard, Sir George H. Bowerman, C. W. Hope, John Deans (Haddington) Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. Brady, P. J. Howard, Hon. Geoffrey Power, Patrick Joseph Brunner, J. F. L. Hudson, Walter Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) Bryce, J. Annan Hughes, Spencer Leigh Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.) Buckmaster, Stanley O. Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus Pringle, William M. R. Burke, E. Haviland- John, Edward Thomas Radford, George Heynes Burns, Rt. Hon. John Jones, Rt. Hon. Sir D. Brynmor (Sw'nsea) Raphael, Sir Herbert H. Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Reddy, Michael Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar) Jones, Leif Stratten (Rushcliffe) Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Byles, Sir William Pollard Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) Redmond, William (Clare, E.) Cameron, Robert Jones. W. S. Glyn- (T. H'mts., Stepney) Rendall, Athelstan Carr-Gomm, H. W. Joyce, Michael Richardson, Albion (Peckham) Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich) Keating, Matthew Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood) Kellaway, Frederick George Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs) Chancellor, H. G. Kelly, Edward Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) Clancy, John Joseph Kennedy, Vincent Paul Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke) Clough, William King, J. (Somerset, North) Roche, Augustine (Louth) Collins, G. P. (Greenock) Lamb, Ernest Henry Roche, John (Galway, E.) Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Molton) Roe, Sir Thomas Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) Rowlands, James Condon, Thomas Joseph Lardner, James Carrige Rushe Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West) Russell, Rt. Hon. Thomas W. Cory, Sir Clifford John Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th) Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) Cowan, W. H. Leach, Charles Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees) Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth) Levy, Sir Maurice Scanlan, Thomas Crawshay-Williams, Eliot Lewis, John Herbert Schwann, Rt. Hon. Sir C. E. Cullinan, J. Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas Scott, A. MacCallum (Bridgeton) Dalziel, Rt. Hon. Sir J. H. (Kirkcaldy) Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich) Seely, Col. Rt. Hon. J. E. B. Davies, Timothy (Lines., Louth) Lundon, Thomas Sheeny, David Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) Lyell, Charles Henry Shortt, Edward Dawes, James Arthur Lynch, A. A. Simon, Sir John Allsebrook De Forest, Baron Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs) Smith, Albert (Lanes., Clitheroe) Delany, William Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Soames, Arthur Wellesley Denman, Hon. R. D. MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South) Spicer, Rt. Hon. Sir Albert Dewar, Sir J. A. Macpherson, James Ian Strauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West) Dickinson, W H. MacVeagh, Jeremiah Summers, James Woolley Dillon, John McCallum, Sir John M. Taylor, John W. (Durham) Donelan, Captain A. McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) Doris, W. M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.) Tennant, Harold John Duffy, William J. M'Laren, Hon. F.W.S. (Lincs., Spalding) Thorne, G. (Wolverhampton) Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) Manfield, Harry Toulmin, Sir George Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid) Martin, J. Trevelyan, Charles Philips Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master of Mason, David M. (Coventry) Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander Elverston, Sir Harold Masterman, Rt. Hon. C. F. G. Verney, Sir Harry Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.) Meagher, Michael Walters, Sir John Tudor Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.) Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) Walton, Sir Joseph Esslemont, Geeorge Birnie Menzies, Sir Walter Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent) Falconer, James Middlebrook, William Waring, Walter Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles Millar, James Duncan Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay Ffrench, Peter Molloy, M. Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan) Fitzglbbon, John Molteno, Percy Alport Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) Flavin, Michael Joseph Mond, Sir Alfred M. White, J. Dundas (Glasgow, Tradeston) France, G. A. Money, L. G. Chiozza White, Patrick (Meath, North) Furness, Stephen Montagu, Hon E. S. Whitehouse, John Howard George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd Mooney, John J. Whyte, A. F. (Perth) Gill, Alfred Henry Morgan, George Hay Wiles, Thomas Gladstone, W. G. C. Morrell, Philip Williams, J. (Glamorgan) Glanville, H. J. Morison, Hector Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough) Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.) Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough) Muldoon, John Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Worcs., N.) Greenwood, Hamar (Sunderland) Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C. Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) Greig, Colonel J. W. Nannetti, Joseph P. Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glas.) Griffith, Ellis J. Needham, Christopher Young, Samuel (Cavan, East) Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway) Nolan, Joseph Young, W. (Perthshire, E.) Hackett, J. Norman, Sir Henry Yoxall, Sir James Henry Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) Norton, Captain Cecil W. Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds) Nuttall, Harry Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire) O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Gulland and Mr. Webb. Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, W.) O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)
Franchise and Registration Bill
Postponed proceeding resumed on Amendment to Question, "That the Bill be now read a second time."
Which Amendment was, to leave out from the word "That," to the end of the Question, in order to add the words "this House declines to proceed with a measure on the most important aspect of which the Government responsible for its introduction is admittedly not agreed, which leaves the most glaring inequalities of our representative system unremedied, and is framed solely in the electoral interest of one political party.—[ Mr. Pretyman. ]
Question again proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
And, it being after Eleven o'clock, and objection being taken to further proceeding the Debate stood adjourned. Debate to be resumed To-morrow (Friday).
Cadeby Colliery Disaster
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Gulland. ]
I wish to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department for the latest information he can give with regard to the colliery explosion at Denaby; and, further, I wish to ask whether he proposes to set up a Committee of inquiry with regard to collieries where explosions may occur through spontaneous combustion on account of the inflammable state of the workings in the mine?
I have no later information than the House has already received as to the extent of the explosions. In regard to the number of casualties, they are now estimated at eighty-six. I am afraid that represents a larger number than had already been stated. In regard to my hon. Friend's second question, I have to say that after consultation with my advisers I have come to the conclusion that a full inquiry by an expert Committee into the whole question of the circumstances in which spontaneous combustion of coal occurs, its causes and the means of preventing it, or dealing with it when it has arisen, would be desirable, and I propose to appoint such a Committee at an early date.
Port of London (Strike)
I must apologise to the House for rising at this late hour to call attention to a matter of importance, namely, the question of the present position of the dock strike in London. I presume that hon. Members have read the reports which have appeared in the evening papers affecting the men themselves, who have now got out of hand, and showing that the position is assuming a dangerous character. I only want to say that, after all, this is not concerted action on the part of the men. It is an expression of their sheer hopelessness and despair at having to give up what they consider very dear, that is their honour. These men having yielded every possible claim that they made at the start of this strike now have made suggestions to the employers and find there is going to be no honourable settlement and in sheer despair they are acting as they are. I deprecate violence of any kind, but this House ought to know the fact that there is one man simply standing in the way of a settlement. I express the matter in my own way when I say that a single sheet of paper is dividing both sides. If that man does stand in the way of a settlement which will restore the Port of London to the old position which it had prior to the strike, then I think the House ought to take cognizance of the fact, and ought to do something in the way of coercing him. It may be said that coercion is a bad power to use. I remember on one occasion when hon. Members opposite did what the Government of the day considered to be lawless, that they passed a Coercion Act in twenty-four hours. That was done to a political party, but this one man is doing more damage than any political party has ever done.
This is not only a humanitarian matter, though I feel that on this account the House ought to take action to stop the course of conduct which has been pursued by the Port Authority under Lord Devon-port. But I also want to point out that material interests are being damaged. If an anarchist goes into the street to destroy life and property by a bomb, there is no hesitation on the part of the authorities as to what they do. The man is put into penal servitude or hanged. I want to say that lives are being destroyed in connection with this matter in the East End of London. Children and women are being done to death and property is being destroyed. Small business men are falling like sheaves in the East End of London. They are being ruined, never to recover again, and large businesses connected with the Port of London are also being ruined or damaged to such an extent that it would be impossible to repair the damage done. Who is this man who is standing in the way? I do not want to reflect upon tradesmen, but it is only this grocer, this man who got his money out of the pennies of the very people whom he is now trying to starve into submission simply in order that his own particular vanity might be preserved. I have held my tongue up to now on this matter. I have done everything that one man can do who has been connected with the men out on strike to try by conciliation and negotiation to bring about the settlement, but I want to submit the intolerable position in which this House is placed. Every notable man in public life, of every school and thought and social activity, has been to Lord Devonport and been snubbed and insulted because he went on an errand of mercy and humanity. Whatever may have been the merits or demerits of the strike, whether the men were wrong or right, the time has come when this thing should be settled. The House ought to know that in effect he said: "Not only do I mean to crush the men, but I mean to rub their faces in the mud before I have done with them." If that was only a statement of my own opinion the House might object. But I am stating a fact. [HON. MEMBERS: "Prove it."] I have never yet made a statement in this House or in the country without pretty well knowing what I was saying, and that it was fairly well accurate. That is the position.
This man has been put into authority by the present Government; put over one of the largest business concerns probably in the world. One of the points of the Act which constitutes the Port Authority and places the docks of London under that Authority declares that they should do everything they can in the interests of the public welfare, and, above all, that they should make it their business to decasualise the labour employed at the docks. What has been done? Why this vindictiveness and spleen that has been shown so far? Lord Devonport has publicly declared that the permanent men who came out at the beginning of this strike, and who had prospective pensions and regular work shall, when they go back, be classed as casual labourers. That is the position, because of the obstinacy of this one man or his antipathy to the men, and simply because these men considered it to be their duty to stand by what is known as the "Federation ticket." I do not say that they stand by that now, but let us assume that they do. Because these men have been forced by economic and industrial circumstances into forming an organisation, and have been compelled to support their organisation. Lord Devonport, forsooth, thinks that is a dangerous form of organisation, and therefore must be crushed, and he has declared, "I am the only man that can crush it, and I am crushing this form of organisation in the interests of the country itself." A man who takes up that position, a man in public life who does that, I think ought to be very frankly told of it by this House, and not only that, but action ought to be taken by this House to prevent conduct of that kind. In all of us there is a sense of fair play; there is a love of British justice.
As has been so graphically described by one Member of the House, "You have got your man beaten, and when he goes to get through the ropes you begin to kick him." I hope that this House will express its view on the matter. I only want to say this, that if the House does not do something I dread the consequences. I should advise all of you, as far as I am personally concerned, and I think I speak for every Member on these benches, that something should be done. The men still stand by peacefully, and still watch events. But you cannot talk to men who are hungry, who know that their honour is being besmirched, who know that a deliberate attempt is being made to crush them and to smash their organisation, and for one fell purpose, to reduce them back to the bestial position from which they were rescued since 1889 by the very organisation that Lord Devonport supported. I think the Government ought to move in this direction. The Port of London Authority are not carrying out the spirit of the Act. They are now casualising labour instead of decasualising it. The policy of the Port of London is represented by eighteen out of twenty-eight Members, and the Port of London Authority is being captured, I submit, by the Shipping Federation in particular. That is the position, and I ask the Government whether they cannot do anything in the matter of Lord Devonport. Let us simply take a commonsense and humane view of the situation. Now we have had the fight let both sides shake hands, and then alter the position of the Port of London Authority by increasing the number of employers' representatives, and supplement these by people who represent the public interest and the public welfare. I do trust that to-night something may be said which will any way ease the minds of the country that something will be done to indicate that this thing is going to be stopped.
My right hon. Friend the Home Secretary, who has already addressed the House on the Motion for the Adjournment, has asked me to say that the Government were not aware that this question was going to be raised on this occasion, but, speaking for myself, and, I believe, for my colleagues, I may express the Government's sincere sympathy with all those who are suffering in the East End of London owing to the fact that there is no settlement arrived at in connection with this strike. We believe the time has come, and the House has also expressed its own view in regard to this matter, that a settlement ought to have been arrived at before this. All I can say at the present moment is that my colleague and I will be glad to communicate with the Prime Minister and the President of the Board of Trade in the morning, and I will also express to the Prime Minister exactly the opinion that has been expressed by the hon. Member.
I have some interest in the question raised to-night. I suppose there is no constituency suffering so much as my constituency at the present time, and I desire, so far as words can, to urge on the Government that something ought to be done in connection with this issue. It is not a question alone of the strike or of the morals of the strike; it is a question affecting the whole of the great industries belonging to the Port of London, and by that I mean along the whole of the Thames, and not merely the East End. We are in this position at the present time, that rightly or wrongly we have a number of men who are concerned in the strike, and a number of men who are out otherwise. We have paralysed industries, the whole of our great works being shut down on account of the strike. We know, those of us who are conversant with our constituencies, the great amount of suffering which is taking place amongst the women and children. I sweep the men aside for a moment. I think the time has come when something ought to be done to see whether the power of this House cannot be utilised to put an end to a struggle of this kind. What are the facts of the case? Up here or in any other part of London outside the strike area, we do not realise what is taking place. It does not strike us. In any provincial town it would be centered in the heart of the town. But in this great Metropolis, of which I am one of the children, you do not realise what is taking place in another part of the town. If you have a difficulty in one portion it does not reach the centre. I ask the Government with all the earnestness I can, whether the time has not come when some supreme effort should be made to bring about some negotiations. I believe with the hon. Member for East Leeds (Mr. O'Grady) that the difference between the two parties is a bagatelle. Can we not get over the vanity of certain individuals, whether on the one side or the other, I do not care which, and bring about a truce of peace.
And, it being half-past Eleven of the clock, Mr. Speaker adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Half after Eleven o'clock.