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Commons Chamber

Volume 59: debated on Monday 16 March 1914

House of Commons

Monday, March 16, 1914

Private Business

Private Bills (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),— Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, referred on the Second Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, and which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:—

Taff Vale Railway Bill.

Rhondda and Swansea Bay Railway Bill.

Deal and Walmer Gas and Electricity Bill.

Ordered, That the Bills be committed.

Provisional Order Bills (No Standing Orders applicable),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:—

Land Drainage Provisional Order Bill.

Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time To-morrow.

London Electric Supply Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Monday, 30th March.

Oxford and District Tramways Bill (by Order),

Read a second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Northern Junction Railway Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Monday next.

Middlesex County Council (Western Road and Improvements and Finance) Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Thursday.

Lurgan Gas and Electricity Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Monday next.

Northwich Urban District Council Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Thursday.

Norwich Electric Tramways Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Monday next.

Army

Copy presented of Statistics relating tot the Strength of the Regular Army, Special Reserve, Territorial Force, and Territorial Training and Musketry [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Shops Act, 1912

Copy presented of Order made by the Council of the borough of Barnsley, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home1 Department, under the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Navy (Victualling Yard Manufacturing Accounts, 1912–13.)

Annual Accounts presented of the Cost of Manufacturing Provisions, Victualling Stores, etc., at' the Home Victualling Yards and Malta Yard for 1912–13, with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 149.]

Steamship Subsidies

Return ordered of all sums payable out of the Exchequer of the United Kingdom in the year 1912–13, in respect of Steamship Subsidies for Foreign and Colonial services.— [Mr. W. Thorne. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Persia

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is aware that the Governor-General of Fars is organising a force, independent of the Swedish gendarmerie, to be commanded by American officers; and if it is the policy of His Majesty's Government to encourage in Persia the multiplication of separate military organisations, under officers of particular but differing nationalities, in view of the possibility of professional military jealousies being thereby engendered?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. In reply to the second part, we should not encourage such action in cases where there was reason to apprehend the danger anticipated by the hon. Member, but in this instance so far as our opinion is required the step has the full concurrence of His Majesty's Minister.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say anything as to the present situation?

I do not think we have heard anything since the date of the last statement to the House.

Mexico

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any representations have been made to the United States Government in favour of Messrs. Snyman and Roy, whose property is reported to have been confiscated by the forces of Generals Villa and Carranza?

The British Vice-Consul at Chihuahua who was instructed to make representations in the matter, reported by telegraph on the 10th instant that the Snyman case had been satisfactorily settled. I have received no information as to the case of Mr. Roy beyond what has appeared in the Press, and no request for assistance has been made to me.

Will the right hon. Gentleman make representations on behalf Mr. Roy?

I think he would have been able to make representations through our representative on the spot, and our representative has not apparently been complained to by him.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is now in a position to give any information as to the progress of investigations into the murder of Mr. Benton in Mexico?

Owing to the refusal of facilities for the Commission of Inquiry to cross the Mexican frontier it has been found necessary, on the advice of His Majesty's Consul at El Paso, to drop the question of an examination of the body of the late Mr. Benton, which would more- over now serve no useful purpose. Mr. Consul Perceval is still at El Paso, where he has been conducting such inquiries as he can on United States territory.

Mongolia

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the cruelties that are apparently practised on political prisoners at Urga, Mongolia, by shutting them up in iron boxes for life; and whether he has considered the possibility of making any protest in conjunction with the other great Powers?

I have no information and no means of obtaining any through official sources and the matter is not one in which His Majesty's Government could properly take an initiative.

National Food Supplies

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture what is the estimated proportion now grown in the United Kingdom of wheat and of the entire food supply, respectively, consumed in the United Kingdom; and whether the proportion of either is tending to increase?

The proportion of wheat grown and consumed in the United Kingdom to the total consumption of wheat is estimated at 16 per cent. in 1913. The proportion varies in different years; in 1910, for example, it was 16.5, and in 1911, 19.4 per cent., but there is no apparent tendency to increase at the present time. The Board have made no official calculations of the entire food supply of the United Kingdom, but for the production on farms in Great Britain I may refer the hon. Gentleman to the "Report on the Agricultural Output of Great Britain" (Cd. 6277). An unofficial estimate of the food supply of the United Kingdom was made by Mr. R. H. Rew, one of the assistant secretaries to the Board, in a Paper read before the British Association in 1912.

If I move for a Return relating to the entire food supply, will the right hon. Gentleman be able to give it?

I would not like to say off-hand. I do not know if we have the material necessary, but if the hon. Gentleman will have some conversation with me I will endeavour to give him such information as I can.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take some steps to increase the food supply of England?

asked what proportion of the total population of the United Kingdom is now fed with Homegrown wheat; and how this proportion compares with that so fed in 1894 and 1904, respectively?

On the assumption that the whole of the imported wheat is for human consumption and that about 15 per cent. of the Home crop is used on the farms for seed, etc., the proportion of Home to total wheat consumption was 22 per cent. in 1894, 12 per cent. in 1904 and 16 per cent. in 1913. Nineteen hundred and four was a year of exceptionally low production in the United Kingdom.

Does the right hon. Gentleman mean to suggest that the proportion is increasing or decreasing?

In reply to a previous question I said it would be inaccurate to infer that there had been any increase in the proportion of production.

Is it not equally important to encourage the Home production of wheat as to encourage cotton growing in the Soudan, and will not the right hon. Gentleman consider the desirability of encouraging it by means of a bounty?

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state from what countries are the largest quantities of wheat now being imported into the United Kingdom; whether the aggregate quantity received from foreign countries still exceeds that received from British Possessions; and, if so, by how much?

The principal sources of supply in 1913 were the United States of America, Canada, India, Argentina, Australia, and Russia in the order named. In 1911 and 1912 the aggregate quantity from British Possessions exceeded that from foreign countries, but in 1913 the relative positions were reversed, and the imports from foreign countries were in excess of those from British Possessions.

Milk (Boracic Acid)

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture if, in view of the disadvantage under which the milk and cream producers and traders, are labouring owing to the undecided amount of boracic acid which is permissible under the Food and Drugs Act to be placed as a preservative in cream, he wall come to some understanding with the Local Government Board whereby some definite regulations may be made, fixing the amount of preservative, boracic acid, to be employed at a maximum limit of 0.5 per cent.?

I have nothing to add at present to the answer which I gave to a similar question on Thursday last.

Sea Fisheries

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture if he will state what proportion of his principal administrative officers have practical experience of sea fisheries; whether he is aware that demands are being made by fishermen for the appointment of a greater number of practical men; and what steps it is proposed to take in the matter?

If by "practical experience" my hon. Friend means experience as a paid hand on a fishing vessel, or as a dealer in or curer of fish, the answer is None. On the other hand, the staff of the Fisheries Division as a whole are thoroughly acquainted with the methods employed in sea fisheries, with the circumstances under which they are carried on, and with the conditions affecting the markets. A considerable number of the staff have first-hand knowledge of the various methods of fishing. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative, and the third part of the question does not therefore arise.

Herring Industry

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture what action was taken during the autumn fishings under the provisions of the Herring Branding Act; and whether all necessary steps are being taken for effective action this year?

No application for an Order bringing the Act into operation in any place was received last year. One application only has been made this year, which was received on Monday last. The Board have made all such arrangements as they can make, without knowledge of the extent of the demand for the brand, for bringing the Act into operation where it is wanted. The branding regulations will be issued very shortly.

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture why he has refused to receive a deputation of fishermen engaged in the herring industry who were asked to wait upon him by the International conference held at the Fish-mangers' Hall on 21st January, 1914; and if he is aware that representatives of foreign countries were also pledged to wait upon their respective Governments in the same way?

An unofficial conference convened by the National Herring Fisheries Protection Association was held in London in January last, and in accordance with a resolution adopted by the conference, I was asked to receive a deputation with a view to steps being taken immediately to prohibit trawling for herrings. The question whether the practice of trawling is or is not injurious to the herring fisheries is one of great difficulty, and is included in the reference to the Interdepartmental Committee over which my right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General presides. At the request of that Committee and of both parties in the controversy the Board last year undertook a special investigation of the question. Pending the result of that investigation, which is now proceeding, it is clearly impossible for me to introduce legislation of the kind suggested. Any new evidence -which the National Herring Fisheries Protection Association wish to submit will be welcomed, and any representations made by those who took part in the conference will be carefully considered by the Board.

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that this conference will be wasted if he cannot receive this deputation? Is he aware they do not ask for the total cessation of herring trawling, but desire to place their views before him as to the size of the meshes of the nets?

There are many ways of laying the views of the conference before the Board beside by deputation. I think it would be improper to expect me to express an opinion until the Departmental Committee have reported.

Does the right hon. Gentleman absolutely refuse to receive a deputation?

No, Sir; but I invite the conference to let me have the information in a much more detailed and practical form than by word of mouth.

Crown Lands

asked whether; it is the invariable custom of the Office of Woods, as in the case of the tipping land proposed to be sold to Richard Thomas and Company, Limited, at Llanelly, to, consult the Crown surveyor only as to the value of such land, and for the latter official to appraise its value at the highest possible figure, sometimes at 100 years' purchase of the rent, that the prospective purchaser can be induced to give rather than suffer loss in his business by its non-acquisition, or whether and, if so, in what cases, where a serious difference of opinion exists between the parties as to the value-of such property, the opinion of an independent valuer or an umpire can be taken, as in the case of similar transactions between private individuals?

The usual practice on sales is to consult the Crown surveyor, and whether in any case further advice should be taken would depend on the circumstances of the particular case. In the present instance the Commissioner is advised that the price asked is reasonable, and as he only agreed to recommend a sale, at the request of Messrs. Thomas and Company, and has no desire to press it, he sees no sufficient reason for incurring additional expense in obtaining further advice or going to arbitration.

How, under these circumstances, and in the absence of any appeal, is the subject going to protect himself against extortionate demands on the part of the Government?

This is not a demand on the part of the Government. The Crown has no desire to sell.

Foot-and-Mouth Disease

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture what is; the present condition of Great Britain in respect of foot-and-mouth disease?

No outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease has been confirmed since the 4th March.

asked when the Derry port will be opened for the shipment of fat cattle to Glasgow for slaughter at Merklands Wharf; and when will Belfast and Sligo ports be opened for shipment of fat cattle to be slaughtered on landing?

The Board have received a telegram from the Irish Department saying that, in view of the measures necessary for eradicating foot-and-mouth disease in Ireland, it would be inadvisable that the movement of animals for shipment should be resumed, until further progress has been made in the tracing of animals which, owing to their contact, direct or indirect, with the original source of the outbreaks at Cork, may create new centres of infection. I regret that in the circumstances I can make no announcement at present as to the resumption of the trade.

Importation of Swine (Canada)

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture if the Canadian Government have recently issued an Order in Council prohibiting the importation into Canada of swine, except such as have been rendered immune from swine fever by the simultaneous injection of serum and virus; and whether, in the opinion of his veterinary advisers, such action indicates an admission on the part of the highest veterinary experts in Canada of the efficacy of such treatment as a method of immunisation against the disease?

No, Sir. I am informed that the effect of the Canadian Order in Council is directly opposite to the construction which the hon. Gentleman places upon it. The words are, "The importer will also be required to produce an affidavit to the effect that the swine he proposes to import have not been immunised to hog cholera by the simultaneous injection of hog cholera virus and serum." The Order in Council applies only to the importation, of swine from the United States of America, where I am informed this treatment has been longer in use than in any other country, and the total losses due to swine fever in 1912 are said to have amounted to £20,000,000.

If that is so, is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that an entirely erroneous paragraph has appeared in many agricultural papers on this subject?

I cannot answer for the paragraphs. I have quoted from the Order in Council, which has been sent to me officially.

National Gallery

asked the hon. Member for St George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether his attention has been called to Mr. Edward Speyer's proposal for the adequate housing of the Raphael, Mantegna, and Leonardo cartoons in an annex to the National Gallery; and whether he will take steps to secure that works of such high artistic value should be exhibited in a manner appropriate to their importance?

The answer to the first part of my hon. Friend's question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, I would remind him that these cartoons are not public property.

Land Value Duties

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether, on the transfer of the Seafield estate of 10 acres at West Kirby, on 13th December, 1912, given by Mr. John Elliott to the public as a convalescent home, the donor was charged £95 10s., or 1 per cent. on the transfer for Stamp Duty, and has been forced to pay also four years' Undeveloped Land Duty; and whether he has further been informed that, if he dies within three years of the date of transfer, the value of the above property, £9,550, will be included in his estate for probate, and that the remainder of his estate will be debited with the full Death Duties on the above gift?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative as regards both Stamp Duty and Undeveloped Land Duty. So far as the latter duty is concerned, if it can be shown that the case fell within the exemption conferred by Section 37 of the Finance (1909–10) Act, 1910, in favour of land, held by a governing body constituted for charitable purposes, and occupied and used for the purposes of that body, the Commissioners of Inland Revenue will be prepared to entertain an application for repayment. I am not aware that any official intimation in the sense of the last part of the question has been sent to Mr. Elliott. On the information before me, no Death Duty will be payable on Mr. Elliott's death in respect of the property in question.

Is the hon. Member aware that all these additional burdens were placed on the subject for the first time by the "People's Budget"

London Building Trade Dispute

asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, if Messrs. Chapman, Lowry, and Puttick, Limited, builders, of Haslemere, Surrey, in defiance of the London master builders have increased their carpenters, joiners, plumbers, bricklayers, painters, and labourers by 1d. per hour; and, in consequence of a number of Government buildings being at a standstill, he will advise the First Commissioner of Works to give one of the contracts to the firm mentioned?

The First Commissioner was not aware of the fact stated, but, accepting it as accurate, it appears to have no bearing on contracts for the public buildings referred to in the question, which contracts are as binding on him as on the contractors.

How long are these public buildings to remain idle in consequence of the strike and lock-out in the London building trade? Has the hon. Gentleman noticed that the master builders of London have absolutely refused to-day to take part in a conciliation conference; and what steps does he propose to take in the matter?

I have no doubt that what the hon. Gentleman says is quite correct, but it does not affect a contract as between the First Commissioner and the builder himself.

How long are these builders to keep these works at a standstill before the First Commissioner will interfere?

I should not like to answer that without notice and without reference to the terms of the particular contract.

National Insurance Act

Approved Societies

asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the Insurance Commissioners, (1) if he has any information as to the salaries and wages paid by the approved societies; and would he be prepared to call for a Return of these; (2) on what basis the calculation was made which resulted in the fixing of the maximum allowance for the administration of approved societies at 3s. 8d., less 3d., perhead; (3) whether complaints by approved societies that the administration allowance is inadequate have been numerous; and (4) whether the calculation of the maximum allowance for the administration of approved societies provided for wages of the employés of approved societies on the basis of wages paid by the large friendly or insurance societies, or on what basis was it taken?

The amount allowed for administration expenses was based upon a careful consideration of the previous experience of societies administering sickness benefit and of the work under the Act, and the adequacy of the amount has since been confirmed by the experience-of the great bulk of approved societies in their actual administration of National Insurance. Approved societies are not required to report the salaries and wages paid to their servants, and I am unable to call for such a Return as the hon. Member desires.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are a great many allegations, and are the Government attempting to deal with them in any way whatever?

That is a matter which concerns the societies themselves and their members, and not the Commissioners.

Will the hon. Gentleman say what the approved societies, who make money out of the difference between what they pay and the administration money they are allowed, are permitted to do with that sum of money?

I would like notice of a question dealing with the residue of the administration fund.

asked whether the Insurance Commissioners have informed the Lancashire Weavers' Amalgamated Protection Societies (Health Insurance Society) that, unless the society is in a position to-anticipate such a falling off in expenditure as will reduce the total payments of benefits to a sum approximating to the actuarial average it may be necessary for the Commissioners to direct a special valuation of the State business of the society in order to ascertain whether the society is solvent, and that, if it is not, benefits would have to be reduced or contributions increased; whether similar notices have been issued in the case of any other and, if so, what number of societies or branches and on what principle has the society named, above or any other society been selected; and whether it is the intention of the Government to hold societies responsible for the miscalculations upon which the National Insurance Act appears to have been based or for the fact that the societies have been called upon to pay upon medical certificates which they are not entitled to refuse to pay?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Insurance Commissioners have sent a letter suggesting the possibility of such a valuation as the hon. Member refers to to 100 societies where the amounts issued from the National Health Insurance Fund indicated a probability either that the societies were abnormal in respect of the age distribution of their members and in the proportion of married women or that the actuaries' estimate of the proper amount of expenditure was being exceeded. In these cases the Commissioners at the same time requested the societies to furnish statements as to the ages of their members in order to ascertain the reserve values due to them, and obtain a more exact knowledge of their position. With regard to the last part of the question, which seems to contain assumptions that I am not prepared to accept, I have nothing to add to the full statement made by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Debate on the 5th instant.

Are there not, in addition to the 100 societies to which the hon. Member referred, a large number of other societies in which the actuarial expectation of sickness has been exceeded, and have they been similarly informed?

The hon. Member asked me to how many societies letters have been sent, and I have answered that question.

Panel Doctors

asked whether the Government is aware that in the inquest upon the body of James Melton Southard on Tuesday last, the jury censured the panel doctor concerned for not examining the deceased, as was his duty, the coroner found, under the National Insurance Act; and what action the Government propose to take in order to prevent further loss of life due to the working or failure to work the said enactment?

The case is under investigation by the London Insurance Committee, and I cannot, therefore, pending the result of their inquiry, make any statement on the matter.

Tuberculous Insured Persons

asked (1) whether any insurance committees have been able to provide all the necessary accommodation for residential institutional treatment for tuberculous insured persons within their own area; and, if so, how many committees have been able to do this, and give their names; and (2) whether any insurance committees have been obliged to send any tuberculous insured persons, recommended for residential institutional treatment, to an institution outside the area of the county or county borough in which those persons resided; and, if so, how many committees have had to do this?

The great majority of insurance committees have necessarily under their provisional arrangements availed themselves of the existing institutional treatment outside their own areas. Apart, however, from this necessity, the accommodation provided for insurance committees under comprehensive county or county borough schemes must often, naturally and advantageously, be situated outside their areas.

Have any committees been able to provide the necessary accommodation within their own areas?

I am afraid I cannot give a precise reply, but I think the hon. Member may take it that one committee only, the Isle of Wight, has been able to provide all the necessary accommodation within its own area.

Questions

Sale of Stamps (Sub-Postmasters)

asked the Postmaster-General what extra payment is given to a sub-postmaster and his assistants, who is responsible for the sale of £1,300 worth of insurance stamps in a year over and above his postal duties?

I presume that the hon. Member alludes to scale-payment sub-postmasters, and I beg to refer him to the answer given to a question on the subject on the 12th of February. The assistants at offices of this class are not directly employed at the Post Office.

Rosyth Dockyard (Unemployed Benefit.)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether workmen recently employed at Rosyth appealed to the Metropolitan Court of Referees in November, December or January last, against disallowance of unemployed benefit on the ground of having left their employment without just cause; and whether the referees allowed the appeal because the conditions of work at Rosyth, particularly in the matter of housing and messing, were so bad that the workmen were justified in leaving?

I understand that two claims to benefit made in London by men recently working at Rosyth were disallowed under Section 87 (2) of the National Insurance Act, on the ground of their having voluntarily left their employment without just cause. Appeals were subsequently lodged with the Metropolitan Court of Referees and were allowed. I understand that the Court, on one of the cases before them, arrived at their decision having regard mainly to the domestic circumstances of the man, who was married and had a large family living in London, and who was consequently obliged to maintain a home in London, whilst keeping himself at Rosyth. As regards the second case, I have not the facts before me, but am making further inquiries, and will communicate them to the Noble Lord in due course.

In regard to the first part of the reply, does that mean that the man had no building at Rosyth in which he was able to lodge his wife and children?

Not necessarily. I think the facts are indicated in my answer; but if the Noble Lord wishes me to make further inquiries I will do so. There is nothing to hide.

British Museum (New Buildings)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether the plans and drawings for the new buildings of the British Museum were thrown open to public competition; and, if not, will he ascertain who it was who chose the particular architect employed?

The plans and drawings for the British Museum extension were not thrown open to public competition. The architect was selected by His Majesty's Government in 1904 from a panel of six architects nominated by the Royal Institute of British Architects.

asked if the actual wall spaces in the upper main gallery of the new buildings of the British Museum were found to be useless for exhibition purposes owing to a series of iron radiators having been fixed along the walls; whether the new exhibition cases were thereby prevented from being placed close to the walls as they are in the old building; and if the unsightly stains, which have already appeared upon the walls above the cases on both sides of the gallery, are due to the streams of hot dust-laden air constantly rising from behind these cases?

It was considered desirable to place the heating units in the walls, but this does not detract in any way from the usefulness of the gallery. Slight stains have appeared, but it is hoped that when the ventilating system is in action, the cause will disappear.

asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he will ascertain if the new oak cases in the gallery on the top floor of the new building of the British Museum are intended for the exhibition of valuable paintings, drawings, and prints; if he will ascertain and say why, as the depth of the exhibition space from front to back in these cases is only a few inches, it has been found necessary to give them their present clumsy appearance, with a total depth of nearly three feet along their whole length; if he will say whether this is due to the fact that a number of iron radiators had been fixed along the length of the main walls on both sides of the gallery before the cases -were planned or fitted; if he can say what the approximate temperature behind these exhibition cases will have to be kept at in order to maintain the central portions of the gallery at the mean temperature of the museum; whether the false backing or the backs of the actual exhibition cases are liable to suffer from the heat concentrated immediately behind them, and what steps, if any, have been taken to prevent injury both to the cases and to their contents; and if he will say what means of easy access have been provided for inspectors and workmen to get at the iron radiators behind these exhibition cases in case of leakages of steam or water?

The First Commissioner understands that prints and drawings, including a new collection of Oriental drawings, will be shown in these cases. Radiators have been fixed along one side of the gallery, and access to them is provided; it is impossible to say what the temperature will be until the ventilating arrangements have been finished.

I have explained that the ventilation of the gallery is not yet complete. We had better wait and see.

asked whether the Office of Works or the authorities of the British Museum and, if so, which, consulted the British Museum officers in charge of the different collections as to the special requirements for such collections before approving the plans for the new galleries of the museum; if not, who was consulted; whether any committee was appointed to look into the plans and approve the drawings; and, if not, who it was who gave instructions to the architect?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member for Canterbury on the 17th ultimo.

Civil Service Appointments

asked how many fresh appointments have been made to the Civil Service since 1906; and of these, excluding appointments to the Board of Education, how many have been made on the result of a competitive examination?

As regards the number of fresh appointments, full information will be available as soon as the Return ordered on the 10th instant has been prepared in continuation of Parliamentary Paper No. 210, of Session 1911. Returns of non-competitive appointments were laid before the House of Commons in 1913 (Parliamentary Papers 455, of 1913, and 0.255, of 1913).

Education (Additional Grants)

asked whether it is proposed to introduce a Supplementary Estimate for the additional Grants for education promised by the Chancellor of the Exchequer?

I must ask the hon. and learned Member to await the announcement of the Government's proposals on this matter.

Postal Employés' (Housing)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that the housing difficulty in many districts has been aggravated by the fact that the Post Office makes no provision for housing its employés; whether, in some cases, it is impossible at the present time to find houses for postmen, and in many others, where houses have been found for them, this has resulted in other persons in the district being left without houses; and if he is prepared to reconsider his decision and, in conjunction with other Government Departments, which employ labour, to appoint a Committee to consider the question?

The housing of Post Office servants cannot easily be undertaken by the Post Office itself. But their case will not be overlooked by my right hon. Friends who are considering the problem of rural housing with a view to legislation.

By whom can this be easily undertaken if not by the Post Office?

As I have said, the question is about to be undertaken by the Government at large.

Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman say when the Government at large is going to undertake this?

Telephone Service

asked the Postmaster-General if his attention has been called to the treatment of Mr. James, a subscriber to the telephone system, at Eastbourne (No. 765), during last year, when he was cut off from trunk service on 23rd June because he owed 15s. 3d. in respect of trunk calls for the month of May; whether he is aware that at that very date the Post Office was owing Mr. James the sum of £5 in respect of rent for a telephone pole which had become due on 1st April; and will he state why the Post Office expect three months' credit from people to whom they will not give one month's credit?

The facts are substantially as stated by the hon. Member. All charges for telephone services are by Statute payable in advance, and owing to the enormous number of accounts which have to be rendered each month it would not be possible to ascertain in every case whether there are any contra payments due to a subscriber. I regret to find that owing to abnormal pressure which prevailed in the superintending engineer's office the payment to Mr. James for way-leave facilities was so much in arrear, and I hope the steps which have been taken will prevent a recurrence of the difficulty.

asked what is the minimum rate of wages paid to girls in charge of small country telephone exchanges where a day and night service has to be continuously maintained, over and above the use of the telephone exchange building rent free?

I presume that the hon. Member refers to small country exchanges, which are placed in the hands of caretaker operators, who provide for the operating work by members of their families. The general practice in such cases is to allow, in addition to free accommodation, a weekly payment varying according to local circumstances. The remuneration of caretaker operators was the subject of a recommendation of the recent Select Committee on Post Office servants, and my right hon. Friend hopes shortly to be in a position to make an announcement to the staff.

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman answer the part of the question which asks what is the minimum rate paid in these cases?

I have stated that it varies according to local circumstances, consequently there is no minimum rate.

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that in certain large City telephone exchanges there are no arrangements whereby a subscriber who asks for a number which is out of order can be so informed without a special inquiry addressed to the clerk-in-charge, with the result that the subscriber is informed that no reply can be obtained, and may continue to repeat his request without being informed of the breakdown; and whether he will take steps to improve the service in such places?

Arrangements exist at all the large London telephone exchanges under which, if a subscriber asks for a number on the circuit of which a fault has been discovered he is informed of the fact without having to address a special inquiry to the supervisor. Similar arrangements are in force at the more modern exchanges in the provinces, and are being provided at all new exchanges of any considerable size.

That will doubtless be so. I have said all important modern exchanges in the provinces.

American Mails

asked whether the "Mauretania," which left Liverpool at 2.30 on Saturday the 7th instant, did not arrive in New York until 3 a.m. on Friday the 13th instant; and whether this continued loss of time thus indicated in the carriage of the American mails, along with the inconveniences of earlier posting, is still to be tolerated by the postal authorities?

The "Mauretania" is reported to have arrived at the Quarantine Station, New York, after a stormy passage, at 6 a.m., on Friday last, and the mails conveyed by her to have reached the New York Post Office at 8.16 a.m. on that day. The delay of the "Mauretania" on this occasion, and of the "Lusitania" in the previous week, was due to the bad weather encountered on the voyage—a factor which would have operated whatever the port of dispatch from this country.

Government of Ireland Bill

Prime Minister's Statement

45.

asked the Prime Minister at what points new Customs houses will be required if the proposals adumbrated in Return No. 143 with regard to the future government of Ireland should become law, on the supposition that the city of Belfast and the counties of Armagh, Antrim, Londonderry, and Down elect to be excluded from the purview of the Dublin Parliament?

The following questions also appeared on the Paper addressed to the Prime Minister:—

to ask whether, under the amended proposals for the government of Ireland, the Lord Lieutenant will continue to discharge in respect of any excluded area the duties now assigned to him under the existing law?

to ask whether it is intended, under the financial adjustments mentioned in the White Paper showing the Government proposals in connection with the Government of Ireland Bill, that none of the independent taxes which the Irish Parliament would have power to impose on Ireland, and no taxes similar in character, shall be imposed on the excluded counties?

asked whether, for the better understanding of the effect of the Government proposals in connection with the Government of Ireland Bill, he will say if the contemplated financial adjustments, which are to be made on a fixed basis and not on a separate calculation of the revenue or expenditure of any excluded county, involve any increase in the sum of £500,000, diminishing to £200,000, to be paid annually out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom to the Irish Exchequer; and can he give any indication of the difference involved?

asked whether, in the event of a poll for against exclusion or inclusion in the Government of Ireland Act resulting in a tie in any county, on whom will devolve the duty of giving a casting vote?

asked whether it is the intention of the Government to make any suggestion to Parliament relative to Customs, Excise, and the Post Office that would alter the proposals contained in the Government of Ireland Bill?

asked whether, in the event of any alteration of the representation of Ireland in the Irish House of Commons being made necessary by the exclusion of any county from the Government of Ireland Bill, a suggestion to provide for the adequate representation of the Protestant minority in the Irish House of Commons will have the support of the Government?

asked whether, in the event of any alteration in the representation of Ireland in the Irish Senate being made necessary by the exclusion of any county from the Government of Ireland Bill, the scheme of election to the Senate, as set out in Part III. of the First Schedule, will be altered so as to provide for election by the method of proportional representation on a less cumbrous and more workable basis?

asked whether, in view of the scanty information with regard to the Government proposals in con- nection with the Government of Ireland Bill contained in the Return issued on the. 10th instant, and to the short interval which may elapse before the resumption, and conclusion of the Second Reading of the Government of Ireland Bill, he will cause a Return giving such proposals in ampler details to be immediately issued?

asked whether, in view of the fact that under his scheme of settlement of the Home Rule question the Unionist counties will all be excluded, there will be likely to remain a single Unionist representative in the Dublin Parliament to voice the sentiments of the minority of the voters; and whether, under these circumstances, he proposes to introduce, so far as the Lower House is concerned, any additional safeguards for their benefit?

asked how, in preparing the requisition to the Lord Lieutenant which has to be signed by at substantial body of the electors, he proposes to ensure secrecy as regards the identity of the signatories in order to avoid the persecution which will follow publicity and to ensure the secrecy of the Ballot Act which, so far as the signatories are concerned, would be destroyed by their names and wishes becoming known?

asked whether any administrative difficulties are likely to arise under his amended scheme for the government of Ireland by having a county and a borough which it contains' under different Governments; and whether he will state the reason for preferring this form of separate treatment of county and borough for voting purposes?

asked whether he will issue a White Paper showing the Amendments that would be required in the Government of Ireland Bill if the proposals adumbrated in Parliamentary Paper, No. 143, were adopted by Parliament?

asked whether his suggestions for amendment of the Government of Ireland Bill include the abandonment of the provisions for setting up a separate Irish Customs; or whether it is suggested that the jurisdiction of the Irish Customs is to be limited to such counties as may not become excluded?

asked whether his suggestions for amendment of the Government of Ireland Bill include the abandonment of the provisions for setting up a separate postal service for Ireland; or whether it is suggested that each of The excluded counties is to have its own postal service or remain under the Irish or British postal service?

asked when the text of the proposed alterations in the provisions of the Government of Ireland Bill will be laid upon the Table of the House?

asked whether, in the event of the proposals adumbrated in Return No. 143 being adopted by Parliament, the Transferred Sum would be reduced, and, if so, by how much annually, on the supposition that the counties of Armagh, Antrim, Down, and Londonderry and the city of Belfast elected for exclusion from the operation of the Government of Ireland Bill?

asked the Prime Minister when he intends to put on the Paper the wording of the new Amendments to the Government of Ireland Bill?

asked the basis on which the adjustments of revenue and expenditure of any excluded county will be fixed under the Government proposals of the Government of Ireland Bill?

asked whether it is essential to his scheme for the amendment of the Government of Ireland Bill that the counties and county boroughs of Ulster which vote for exclusion should be adjoining geographically; and will he say how he would propose to deal with a county borough as regards government generally, and the questions of the control of Customs and the Post Office in particular, which voted for retention under the Government of Ireland Bill while the surrounding county areas voted for exclusion?

asked whether, in the event of the proposals adumbrated in Return No. 143, with regard to the future government of Ireland becoming law, the control of elementary education in any excluded area will be vested in a board chosen on a denominational basis; and what security he proposes to afford for the protection of the religious educational rights of any Catholic minority in such an area?

asked whether any Poor Law unions or other areas for local Government purposes are situated in two counties; and how it is in tended, under his suggestions for amendment of the Government of Ireland Bill, to deal with such areas if one of such counties becomes excluded and the other remains included within the jurisdiction of the Irish Parliament?

asked whether, under his suggestions for the amendment of the Government of Ireland Bill, the £500,000 Subsidy to be given to the Irish Parliament will be reduced in proportion to the area excluded; and, if not, what is the fixed basis referred to on page 4 of the White paper, No. 143, as that to be adopted for the necessary financial adjustments?

asked whether, in the event of Ireland being divided for the purposes of the Home Rule Bill, the Agricultural Department will be divided also, or will the Department be worked for the whole of Ireland under the jurisdiction of the Dublin Parliament?

asked if the Irish Customs House, as constituted under Clause 15 of the Government of Ireland Bill, will be able to levy differential duties against any part of Ireland which may be excluded from the Government of Ireland Bill; and, in the event of its being able to do so, will railway trains be liable to be stopped on passing the respective frontiers and passengers subjected to examination as when passing frontiers on the Continent?

asked if public companies registered at present in Dublin will be permitted to transfer such registration to the excluded part of Ireland if they wish to do so?

As I stated in the House on Monday last, adjustments, both financial and administrative, in the application of the Bill to the rest of Ireland will become necessary. Some amount of administrative and financial adjustment is incident to any scheme of exclusion, be it total or partial, be it permanent or provisional, and if the broad principle is agreed upon, I think that it is much better, instead of committing ourselves to any cut-and-dried scheme at this moment, to work out the details with something like general cooperation. For the same reason I do not say anything to-day, not because I ignore or underrate its importance, as to the precise mode of Parliamentary procedure which the Government would propose if the general principle of their plan were adopted or treated as a basis of settlement. To what I then said I adhere now. The proposals which I outlined are put forward by us, not because we think they offer the best way of dealing with the government of Ireland, but with the intention, and in the hope, that they may form the basis of settlement. If they are accepted as such, the provisions of the Bill as it stands would obviously have to be supplemented by a number of financial and administrative adjustments which, in our view, would not in themselves be improvements, but which are necessarily incidental to or consequential upon any scheme which involves the exclusion of any part of Ireland. Those supplementary provisions are, I need not say, being most carefully worked out, and on some points no final determination has yet been reached; but, as I said last week, we are not prepared in these matters, and at this stage, to formulate and put on the Paper the details of a cut-and-dried scheme. It is not from any desire to withhold or postpone necessary information—for our object has been and is ultimate agreement—but we believe it would tend to complicate and divert discussion from the main issue to points which, though not unimportant, are subsidiary and incidental. With this preface, and upon the assumption that these points of machinery and detail can be of no practical importance unless the general principle of our proposal is accepted, I answer the questions as follows:—

No. 45. This is a hypothetical question; indeed, it involves no fewer than three hypotheses.

May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman admits that there would have to be Customs Houses along the line of frontiers if his proposals were adopted?

I say that the question involves three hypotheses, and I am not bound to answer hypothetical questions.

Nos. 57, 64, and 72 are also in the same category.

The answer to No. 46 and to the first part of 70 is in the negative.

The answer to-No. 48 is in the affirmative, and to No. 49 in. the negative.

No. 52. This is a small matter which can easily be provided for.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. May I ask whether it is according to the practice of the House for a Minister to respond to a large number of questions without resuming his place when an hon. Member desires to ask a supplementary question?

These questions all deal with more or less the same subject. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO!"] They all deal with Amendments which may become necessary, assuming that the proposals of the Government take substantial form. The questions all raise points of detail. A great many of them are interdependent. I think it would be best to hear the reply of the Prime Minister, and then if any hon. Member wishes further information of a supplementary character, I shall be very glad to call upon him.

Is it competent for a Minister to answer a question before it is put? The questions which the right hon. Gentleman is now answering have not been put. May I point out that, in the early stage of these proceedings, an hon. Member who does not rise to put his question is ruled out for the moment, and, therefore, I suggest with deference, that the right hon. Gentleman should not answer questions until they are put?

It is not unusual to answer two or more questions together. It is done every day on questions which relate to the same topic.

I shall be very glad to answer the questions seriatim.

Nos. 53, 61, and 62. These matters are all receiving consideration.

Nos. 54 and 55. The answer is in the negative.

No. 58. We doubt the necessity of any special provision for this purpose

No. 59. We think not. Counties and county boroughs are already under different government for numerous and important local Government purposes.

No. 66 and the second part of 70. This matter is under consideration.

No. 67. The answer to the first part is in the negative. As regards the second part, I would refer to the replies to previous questions.

No. 68. Rights of religious minorities and equal treatment of their children in regard to education will be carefully safeguarded.

No. 69. There are such cases. Any necessary division will be made in the same way as it is now when a similar division is required for rating or local government purposes.

No. 71. A division of the Agriculture Department will probably be necessary in Any scheme of administrative exclusion.

No. 73. This, again, is a small matter, but no doubt this would be the case.

In regard to the right hon. Gentleman's general statement, may I ask whether it is not the case that in ordinary course in a Debate on the Second Reading of a Bill the House would have before it in some detail—in complete detail—the proposals of the Government? On this occasion, if there is a Debate at all on the Second Reading, it would naturally deal with the new proposals of the Government. Does the right hon. Gentleman mean to say that we are to be forced to engage in such a discussion without seeing the form in which those proposals will be made?

I have already stated what is the view of the Government. If our general proposal is rejected, it will obviously be a waste of time to formulate for discussion all ancillary and consequential points of machinery and detail. I do not undervalue their importance in the least. I have endeavoured in the answers I have given to show what is the view of the Government in regard to a number of the most important points; but there are still some which are the subject of careful consideration, and in regard to which we have not yet reached any final determination. I do think—and I am speaking now in the interest of settlement and peace—it is desirable that the general discussion on the main principles of our proposals should be unencumbered by more or less contentious Debate at this stage on matters of detail which, however important, may become irrelevant.

How is it possible to judge of the proposals until we see them? That is my first question. The second question I wish to put to the right hon. Gentleman is this:—What does he mean by agreement? Does he mean that the Opposition must make themselves responsible for the Bill before he will go on with the consideration of the matter?

I have never said that. I put forward last Monday, on behalf of the Government, a proposal with regard to the special treatment of Ulster which we hoped might form the basis of agreement in this sense—that it would meet the special demands of Ulster, or, at any rate, the special apprehensions of Ulster, and might enable us to proceed with the discussion of the Bill on that basis. I have not been much encouraged by the reception that has been given to the proposal, but I am still anxious that it may be considered on its merits.

If we put down on the Paper an enormous number of minute detailed provisions in regard to subordinate matters it might divert the discussion from its main channel into a side stream and a back water.

Does not the Prime Minister now recognise, from the course which he is taking, that the proposals put forward last Monday were a hypocritical sham?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he proposes that we should discuss the Second Reading without knowing whether the provisions as to separate customs and a separate post office are to remain in the Bill, or are to be modified, and also as to the amount of the subsidy which the United Kingdom is to pay?

On the second point I have already said that there is to be no change. The matters mentioned in the first part of the question are still under consideration.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say when the House will be given the results of this consideration?

Arising from the question of the right hon. Gentleman opposite, is it not now clear that it is absolutely unnecessary to go into detail?

Arising out of the answer of the right hon. Gentleman when I asked him what he meant by agreement, he said that it was intended to satisfy the demands of Ulster. As I understand he has put forward these proposals with that intention. He has the power to carry them through this House and to show that he meant them seriously. Does he really mean to say that, having put them forward in this way, he is not going to make this House responsible for them, and throw upon some other body the responsibility of rejecting them?

I have first to know whether the principle of my proposal is accepted.

Is there any precedent for a Government declining to put forward the details of proposals made by them for the better government of this country until they knew whether the Opposition would accept them?

There is no precedent so far as I know for a Government going as far as we have gone.

What is the principle of these proposals? Does it mean that the part of Ulster dealt with is to be excluded as long as there is evidence that that part of Ireland wishes to be excluded, or that it is to be brought in compulsorily whether it likes it or not?

In view of the attitude which the right hon. Gentleman has taken up, I desire to ask him what is the earliest day which he can give us for a discussion of the attitude which he has assumed?

As soon as the right hon. Gentleman formulates a proposition, I will give him the earliest possible date for discussing it.

Does the right hon. Gentleman endorse the tone and substance of the speech of the First Lord of the Admiralty at Bradford on Saturday?

Questions

Suffragist Outrages

asked the Prime Minister if he will consider the advisability of increasing the Grants to the British Museum, National Gallery, and Tate Gallery, the Wallace Collection, the Victoria and Albert Museum, and other national institutions of the kind, so that a more adequate staff of caretakers can be maintained to safeguard the different national collections; if he is aware that the number of guardians or caretakers has hitherto been insufficient in many cases to permit of many rooms of our great museums being under constant observation; and if he will also take into consideration the claims of ex-soldiers for these particular duties in recommending an increase in the watching and caretaking staffs of all such national institutions?

The points raised in the hon. Member's question are receiving consideration.

asked whether the director or keeper of the National Gallery was recently warned that an attempt was to be made by the Women's Social and Political Union upon certain pictures, and especially upon the Rokeby Velasquez?

asked who is responsible for the proper care and protection of the nation's art treasures in the National Gallery; and whether a sufficient number of attendants and police are employed in guarding them against outrage?

The Trustees and Director of the National Gallery are responsible for the preservation of the pictures contained in it. The general question of the adequacy of the precautions against malicious injury to the pictures is under consideration.

Will provision be made for increased Grants so that railings and so forth may be provided in the National Gallery to prevent people approaching too near the pictures?

Civil Service (Royal Commission)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that the Chairman of the Royal Commission on the Civil Service held out an expectation that the Report of the Commission might be available before the end of last year, he can state the reason for its non-production; and whether it can now be stated definitely that the Report will be published not later than the end of the current month?

The Prime Minister has asked me to reply to this question. I am informed that the Commission has not yet concluded its Report and that a definite statement as to the date of publication cannot be made at present. The Report will be published at the earliest moment possible after its submission to His Majesty.

Indian Finance and Currency

asked the Prime Minister if he will give an opportunity at an early date for a discussion on the Report of the Royal Commission on Indian Finance and Currency?

I think it would be well to await the result of the discussion now proceeding between the-Secretary of State in Council and the-Government of India with regard to the complicated question dealt with in the Report.

How long does the right hon. Gentleman think that we shall have to wait?

Wick Burghs Election

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the statement that in speeches made at Cromarty on 19th November and at Kirkwall on 24th November the hon. Member for Dumfries Burghs used substantially the same language, with variations to suit local circumstances, as at Wick on 20th November; and whether, in the absence of legal proceedings to refute this statement being instituted by the hon. Member, he proposes to take any action in the matter?

Before this question is answered may I ask whether these charges brought for the first time against the hon. Member for Dumfries Burghs four months after the speeches to which they refer were publicly delivered deserve any attention?

I have seen the newspaper reports of these speeches, which afford no ground whatever for the suggestions made by the hon. Member, and I do not propose to take any action in the matter.

Does the hon. Member for Dumfries Burghs deny that speeches of the same kind as that which the Prime Minister condemned were made by him on two other occasions?

Is my right hon. Friend not now convinced of the folly of making an apology to people who are pursuing a vendetta?

Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to suggest to the hon. Member for Dumfries Burghs that be ought to take legal proceedings?

Is my right hon. Friend aware that if these speeches had been made at Wick, Cromarty, or Kirk wall, the remarks of my hon. Friend the Member for Dumfries, which were merely by way of rhetoric, according to the local circumstances, would have involved no expenditure by any Government Department, and would have meant nothing?

Is my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister aware that the hon. Member for Ayr Burghs on the 19th January promised a harbour at Carradale?

Does not the hon. Member know that the statement he has made is grossly untrue?

Pedlars Act, 1871

asked the Prime Minister if he can give any assurance that the credit drapers will, in the near future, be exempted from the operation of the Pedlars Act, 1871; or if he will grant facilities for the passing of an amending Act framed with that object?

My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. I am afraid I cannot add anything to the replies which I gave the hon. Member last month.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his replies refer to the Hawkers Act of 1881, while the question refers to the Pedlars Act of 1871?

What I said of the Hawkers Act, 1881, applies to the Pedlars Act of 1871.

Trade Boards Act (Laundries)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he proposes to make any exception in favour of laundries managed by convents in the Bill which he proposes to introduce immediately confirming a Provisional Order applying the Trade Boards Act to calendering and machine-ironing in laundries; and, if so, on what grounds he proposes, to make such an exception?

It is not proposed to make any exception of the kind indicated in the question. All persons employed within the meaning of the Trade Boards Act will come within the Provisional Order. Any inmate of an institution who is not a person employed within the meaning of that Act will naturally not be affected.

Coasting Steamers (Engine-Room Manning)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is yet in a position to make a statement in regard to legislation respecting engine-room manning of coasting steamers which was promised last year?

The question of legislation with regard to certificated officers, both on deck and in the engine-room, is now under the consideration of the Board of Trade, who hope that a Bill on the subject may be introduced this year.

Royal Navy

Warships (Battle Value)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty (1) if he is prepared to state the comparative battle value of the British "Lord Nelsons," the German "Nassaus," the French "Dantons," and the Austrian "Radetzkys"; and (2) what British and German types the French "Normandie" class is to be compared?

I can only refer my hon. Friend to the data given in the Return standing in the name of my right hon. Friend the Member for North St. Pancras.

French Battleship Programme

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he has any information as to the new French battleship programme?

Orders of the Day

Bills Presented

Criminal Justice Administration Bill

"To diminish the number of cases committed to prison, to amend the Law with respect to the treatment and punishment of young offenders, and otherwise to improve the administration of Criminal Justice." Presented by Mr. Secretary MCKENNA; supported by Mr. Attorney-General, and Mr. Ellis Griffith; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 118.]

Checkweighing in Various Industries Bill

"To provide for checking the weight or measurement of materials produced, handled, or gotten by workmen paid by weight or measure in certain industries." Presented by Mr. Secretary MCKENNA; supported by Mr. Ellis Griffith; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 119.]

Assistants to Chemists and Druggists (Qualification) (No. 2) Bill

"To make provision with regard to the compounding of medical prescriptions by assistants to persons, firms, or bodies corporate entitled to carry on the business of a chemist and druggist." Presented by Mr. GLYN-JONES; supported by Mr. Percy Alden; to be read a second time upon Friday, 3rd April, and to be printed. [Bill 120.]

Public Records (Wales) Bill

"To provide for the better custody of the Public Records relating to Wales." Presented by Mr. LLEWELYN WILLIAMS; to be read a second time upon Friday, 24th April, and to be printed. [Bill 121.]

Supply. [Third Allotted Day.]— [5th March.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1914–15

(Vote on Account.)—Report

Resolution reported, "That a sum, not exceeding £34,705,000, be granted to His Majesty, on account, for or towards defraying the Charges for the following Civil Services and Revenue Departments for the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1915."

[ For details of Vote on Account, see OFFICIAL REPORT, 5th March, 1914, cols. 634–638. ]

Rosyth Dockyard (Housing Workmen)

I beg to move, to reduce the Resolution by £100 in respect of Item Class II., Vote 33 (Local Government Board, Scotland).

The question which I wish to raise is one to which attention has been called by several hon. Members, including the hon. Member for Stoke (Mr. John Ward), and it has not been an easy matter to get the question so framed as to enable the House to form a real conclusion upon the very serious issues which are involved in this matter, and one difficulty that we have to meet is that two Departments of the Government are concerned—the Admiralty and the Scottish Local Government Board. Whichever Department you take there is a tendency of that Department to say immediately, "It is not our fault; it is all due to the other Department." And, therefore, it has not been very easy to find the thimble under which the pea for the time being rests. But I have to submit to the House that in this matter the full responsibility does lie with the Local Government Board of Scotland, who are charged, among other matters, with the duty of overseeing the housing of the working classes under the legislation which has been passed for that purpose. And they have recognised that at once in this case because, as the House is well aware, they instituted an inquiry in 1911 into the very condition of things to which I am now about to call attention. I observe that a question was put to the Civil Lord of the Admiralty so lately as the 25th of February of this year, and in reply he specifically said it was the duty of the Local Government Board for Scotland to bring to the notice of the Admiralty any complaints with reference to housing conditions at Rosyth. Therefore, I think the House will see that undoubtedly the Local Government Board for Scotland, represented in this House by the Secretary for Scotland, is the Department, I will not say mainly, but primarily responsible for the condition which exists, and the charge which I shall have to make, and which I shall endeavour to substantiate, against that Department, and no doubt also against the Admiralty, is one of neglect and indifference to the very serious condition which prevails amongst a body of men to the number of 3,600, and with their wives and children reaching a figure of 6,000 persons. I see that very lately, or at least, so I am told, the convenor of the Town Planning Committee of the Dun- fermline council characterised the attitude of the Admiralty as one of "callous indifference."

I am afraid I shall have to trouble the House with the history of this matter. I begin by tendering an apology to the hon. Member for Stoke, because I shall have to cite a great deal of what he has said and what he has asked in order to make intelligible to the House that history. It goes back six years; it begins on the 27th of May, 1908, on which date the House accepted a Resolution moved by Mr. Maddison, and seconded by the hon. Member for Stoke, which laid down that it was right to secure proper sanitary housing accommodation for workpeople employed on works of construction. I have looked up that Debate, and I remember it. There was a very characteristic speech from the present President of the Board of Trade overflowing with that optimism which he so constantly displays on the Treasury Bench, and telling the House that they might be perfectly happy, as long as they would trust him, that the scandals, which he admitted with reference to the housing of those engaged in construction work, would be put an end to. Six or seven days after that the hon. Member for Stoke put the first of a long series of questions. He asked on the 3rd of June, 1908— Report in the early part of 1909, and in which he recommended the general principle that wherever there were contracts employing more that 100 men they were to provide accommodation to the satisfaction of the county council, including hospital and recreation rooms. Observe the extraordinary inconsistency of the Government! They had instituted that inquiry and accepted the Resolution of the House of Commons, and they went even further. They induced the House of Commons to pass a Standing Order making it compulsory on all those engaged in the construction of public works to provide proper accmmodation for those engaged in making them. I have not yet ascertained, nor does it greatly matter, the exact date when the Standing Order was passed. It appears in the Standing Orders for 1912, and it must have been passed not later than 1911.

It is perfectly clear. It directs the Committees which have to consider any applications for such work to from the questions that were put, until the early part of 1911. I do not say that there was not some evil before that, but the great evil began then. In the course of 1911 there were about 2,000 men engaged in the work. There was a question put on the 13th of February of that year, and the Home Secretary, who was then First Lord of the Admiralty, replied:— then the report goes on to illustrate that, and to point out—I need not read the whole of it—that, although it may be true that workmen of the worst class, those who are of a bad character, drunken, and so on, had no lack of accommodation, yet for those who are of a better character there is the greatest possible difficulty in finding any housing accommodation at all. That report was made in July. It was not until November, after persistent questioning by Members of this House, that it was extracted from the Government for the information of Parliament. What was true then is, as far as my inquiries have gone, substantially true at the present time. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman admits that, but that is the information which reaches me, not from one source only, but from two or three sources. A very remarkable thing took place in the December of that year. The Government were very anxious to have a town-planning scheme for Rosyth, in itself a very laudable desire, and on December 12th they issued a notice, with the sanction I believe of the Local Government Board, saying in effect that anyone who built in that district, and whose house was subsequently found to interfere with the town-planning scheme, would be liable to have the house removed without compensation. That notice was issued on December 12th, 1911, and from that time it was quite evident that no private person would put up another house. The moment that notice was issued it operated as an absolute stopper to private enterprise. The only excuse for issuing it would have been the immediate issue of the town-planning scheme, so that people might know where they could or could not erect houses safely. From that day to this the town-planning scheme has never been issued, and it is not now issued, and no one knows where they can safely build a house at Rosyth without being liable to have it pulled down without compensation.

I need not go back to the efforts made from time to time by the Government to shift the blame on to the shoulders of the contractors, or to other questions of that kind. In 1912 we have the hon. Member for Woolwich (Mr. Crooks) saying that the conditions were unspeakably bad. In the August of that year we find a fresh report by Dr. Currie, which report, by the courtesy of the right hon. Gentleman opposite, I have seen—a courtesy which would not have been necessary if the Government had thought fit to lay that report on the Table of the House when it was first asked for ten days ago. That report shows that in August, 1912—that is the last official report we have—overcrowding was officially admitted still to exist. In December, 1912, I am not sure whether or not it was under pressure from the Government, the contractors erected a certain number of huts to contain nine hundred men, besides some women and children. That was all that was done; that is all that has been done. I will point out the effect of that in a moment. Up to 1913 nothing further was done in reference to the housing accommodation, which was still very bad, though, perhaps, a little relieved for the time by the erection of these huts. In July of that year, with the whole of the experience which the Government had of the housing accommodation, they entered into a further contract for further works to be carried out at Rosyth, and even then they did not make in the contract the slightest provision for the housing of the workmen who were to be so employed. I think that after their experience, after the report of Dr. Farrar, after the Resolution of this House, and after the Standing Order of this House, for the Government to have made a fresh contract involving the continued employment of a considerable number of men, without making any provision whatever for housing accommodation, was a scandalous dereliction of duty.

I understand that a fresh contract was made in July, 1913. I will read, if the right hon. Gentleman wishes it, the answer given to the hon. Member for Stoke only the other day.

Of course. I do not suggest that the Government proposed to make a new dock quite different from the other at Rosyth. It was extending the existing site. That is my point. I want to know why no provision was made in that contract for housing accommodation? What was the difficulty? Was it sudden financial scruples on the part of that friend of the poor, the Chancellor of the Exchequer? That is the history up to the present time. What is the present situation? The right hon. Gentleman will no doubt tell us that it has greatly improved; that no serious evils exist. I believe that he has been down to see for himself, and that there has been some degree, of inspection. It is something, at any rate, to have spurred the Government to that action. I have no doubt that he will assure his faithful followers that they may rest perfectly easy, and that no evils now exist. But that is not the information which reaches me. I am told that overcrowding is still very general. It is very difficult indeed to get direct evidence, particularly from unofficial inquiries, because nobody is going to talk about overcrowding, for fear of being turned off the works or out of their house. But I am told that such cases as this exist: in a house of two rooms, seven lodgers in one room, and a husband, wife, and four children in the other. That is scandalous. I am told that in some cases the beds are occupied day and night. There arc two shifts of workmen, and the same bed is occupied day and night. That is bad enough in itself; but what happens when neither shift is at work and both shifts are at home? The overcrowding is scandalous. I could give a number of other instances. I will read a letter which I have received this morning from a workman at Rosyth. He wrote me some time ago, and I wrote back asking if he could send me some facts as to overcrowding. He writes to me this morning. I cannot give his name, but I shall read his letter, if the House will allow me to do so:—

"I am sorry I have not replied before, but I have had very little time because of the conditions of my work, having to leave home at five a. m and only returning at six p.m. I can give one account of circumstances of overcrowding in relation to a couple of cottages let for the accommodation of a foreman and workmen employed at the basin. The one consists of two rooms. Two families reside there, and they keep a lodger, making nine in two small rooms. A fortnight ago there were three families in this house. It is difficult to find out the exact, number of persons in houses. There is so much coming and going. Fresh people come and are housed by their friends or in whatever rooms they can find. Fear of being turned out of the houses prevents many people from saying anything. Nearly half the houses are double-tenanted, and then lodgers are often taken in to make both ends meet. Four years ago houses were scarce and workmen after waiting for six months returned to England."

Surely that fact throws a considerable light on the answer given to me a few minutes ago by the President of the Board of Trade in reference to the unemployed benefit appeal. The letter goes on:—

"If there happens to be a house, there arc about twenty people anxious to get it, and the one that offers the highest rent gets it. A number of men brought to Rosyth through Churchill's Labour Exchange"—

That is the right hon. Gentleman who made a flamboyant speech the other day—

"have come to a place which is already overcrowded. There is another place near the base where the Admiralty are making extensive works. There is a small lodging house there, and if u man cannot get a bed there, he has to walk four miles to get it."

Two years ago I called attention to this matter. Fifteen cottages were erected, but what adds to the seriousness of the situation is that the Admiralty refused to to allow the workmen to inhabit them on the ground that they had been erected for the workmen at Rosyth when the works are complete. The sort of evidence I have quoted possibly was not shown to the right hon. Gentleman when he made his recent official inspection. No doubt every thing was made out in the best possible light for him. But the letter I have quoted is very cogent evidence that overcrowding of a very serious character still exists. I could go on—for there are a number of other circumstances which have not been stated. I have been told—doubtless the right hon. Gentleman can correct me if I am wrong—that even now there is no hospital accommodation at the works, which is expressly provided for in the Standing Order. There is no hospital accommodation nearer than Dunfermline. I am told by a gentleman who has actually been there that the housing conditions at Jamestown are just as bad as they ever were. He describes the square in the way we have had it described in the first report, and he says—

"These houses aye, in my opinion, totally unfit for human habitation. They are old, badly built, small and low-roofed. The sanitary conveniences provided for the use of the tenants are a disgrace. Four privies arc quite close to the houses."

The right hon. Gentleman ought to know, and it may be what he suggests, but this account, I am assured, is absolutely correct. The right hon. Gentleman has no doubt seen the place lately. I do not know whether he agrees with this:—

"The general condition and stench from them cannot be exaggerated, while ash pits close by are offensive and extremely filthy. In spite of the fact that the housing accommodation provided at Jamestown is bad and wholly unsatisfactory, rents were high and overcrowding general."

There is a great deal more about that kind of thing. As to the condition of lodging-houses, I am told about "the overpowering atmosphere, the appalling stench, and the gross want of ventilation." I will not read it all. This is the state of things occurring, and the gentleman who writes is, I believe, a competent observer, and he says they exist at the present time. The right hon. Gentleman will, from his own sources, be able to confirm everything I have said about the present condition of affairs. I have no doubt that it will be said by whoever officially replies that the matter is exaggerated. Let me just call the attention of the House to a few broad facts. We knew that the overcrowding was very serious in 1911. Then there were only 2,000 men employed. Since then the only thing that has been done that I know of has been the building of the contractors' houses, which house 900 men. Now there are 3,600 men employed. Therefore there must be a condition of overcrowding worse than there was in 1911, even allowing for the extra houses and the number of extra men housed. How many people were there in these huts? I understand the number was or is between 1,100 and 1,200 persons housed in the contractors' huts. In how many rooms? Three hundred and twenty-nine! Surely that is a very scandalous condition of overcrowding for 1,200 persons to be put in 329 rooms!

Some of these huts have dormitory accommodation for twenty-six persons.

I asked particularly about the lodging-houses, and I was told there was only one lodging-house. However, after making all allowance, what is the result? Nine hundred and sixty-one persons in 314 rooms—more than three to a room. In this calculation you allow for kitchens and every kind of living-room. That is the information which was given to me by the right hon. Gentleman. If it is not accurate I am sorry. Those are the actual facts he has given. It confirms the general state of things which reaches me from private sources. We have the admission of the light hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade as to the two men who had appealed against the deprivation of unemployed benefit. It was said they were deprived of it on the ground that they had left their employment without just cause. They had their appeal allowed. I am informed on very good authority—though I cannot give it to the House—that the Appeal Court allowed the appeal on the ground that the housing and medical conditions for the workmen at Rosyth were such that no decent man could be expected to submit to them. Let me give another additional coarse strand of evidence. After I had said something about this, some well-wisher—or otherwise—in Dun-fermline sent me the Radical newspaper, or one of them. The hon. Member for Stirling Burghs will, no doubt, correct me if I am not right in this matter. This Radical newspaper takes a very gloomy view of my interest in this matter. I expected it would do. Assuming that I am a thoroughly mischievous and malevolent person, they said that my description that the housing conditions were a scandal and disgrace was not far from true. I need not press the fact, but the right hon. Gentleman has been so much moved even by the little attention that we have given to the matter that the Government thought it necessary to send hastily—which I am sure they would not have done if the matter had not been raised in this House—and he, Sir Francis Hopwood, and other distinguished persons went down in order to make an investigation as to the actual state of things. I cannot help asking what would have been the attitude of hon. Members on the other side if a state of things such as this is had been administered on the estate of a private landowner. I do not know that I need to go into it, but we have had quite recently what in all likelihood would have been said. Not very long ago the Chancellor of the Exchequer made a speech, which we all remember, at Bradford. He was dealing with the rural housing conditions. He used language which certainly conveyed a very exaggerated version of the truth. He remarked, speaking of these housing conditions, and drawing up a general indictment:—

We have got the national servants here. We have got the Local Government Board for Scotland here. I am not sure whether the Land Committee would not have done better if they had turned some of their attention to the condition of housing at Rosyth. Perhaps that suppressed Report of the Scottish Land Committee may have made some observation in the matter. That may account for its suppression! The Chancellor of the Exchequer went on in this speech:— reluctant to let land for the purposes of housing. Above all, they have allowed the town planning scheme to be declared, and a notice to be put forward which absolutely put a stop to the whole of the private enterprise. The Admiralty are entirely responsible for the fact that the town planning scheme has never been carried into effect. To do the Local Government Board justice, I believe they and the local authorities were ready to proceed a year ago with the matter; it was the Admiralty who insisted upon further examination by the new architect, and who have, up till the present time, not put forward a scheme of town planning—at least, not up to a month ago—which would have enabled private enter-price once again to enter the field and provide housing for those men. This matter has been advocated, and put before many Members of the Government, who have had their attention called to it. It was brought to the notice of the present Home Secretary when First Lord of the Admiralty. It has been brought to the notice of the present First Lord. It was brought to the notice of the Secretary for Scotland, and to the notice of the present Lord Strathclyde when Lord Advocate. It has been brought to the notice of the present Financial Secretary to the Admiralty and the Civil Lord of the Admiralty. Seven Members of the Government have had their special attention directed to this matter. I say there never was brought, before the House of Commons a clearer or more scandalous neglect of obviously official duty. If the House of Commons is now going to accept the assurance of the Government that they are going to turn over a new leaf and do something good, if they are now going to pass over this grave neglect of duty without visiting it with their censure in any way or degree, then I say we shall have established once and for all the complete immunity of Members of the Government, and for all effective purposes this House of Commons might as well cease to exist.

Yes, Sir; and I am sure the House of Commons could not be occupied in discussing more important business, and specially as this subject has been brought before the House more than once. I cannot but take this opportunity of thanking those who have brought it forward on this occasion, so that the House may hear the grievances of men, which have been admitted, for the last five or six years. There is little in the history of the controversy as put forward by the Noble Lord which would be challenged in any way whatever. Great public works have been carried out in this country for a great number of years, and so far as local or public authorities are concerned, there is a fairly general method of dealing with these problems. For instance, when great works were to be constructed for Birmingham, before any men were brought into the locality, the municipality of Birmingham proceeded to erect proper housing of a temporary character for their accommodation, and hospitals for dealing with the cases of illness on the works, and they made these preparations before the work began.

I myself am perfectly acquainted with the great work of the Manchester Ship Canal, and I must say that Mr. T. A. Walker, the contractor, erected three great villages, at Runcorn, at Eastham, and Ellesmere Port, and one also, I think, at Barton, and this was all done before any men were brought into the district. They knew perfectly well that an influx of such an enormous number of men into a district which had only been sparsely populated would create sanitary conditions that could not possibly be tolerated, and that they ought to provide for proper housing accommodation before the work began; and they erected three hospitals for the Manchester Ship Canal and made all necessary arrangements, and even before the Standing Orders of this House made it absolutely necessary for such things to be done, the promoters in the cases of great companies, for instance, corporations and others, insisted on having such provisions before the works were commenced. I am sorry to say that on this occasion in a great public work, probably one of the most important public works executed in this country since the Manchester Ship Canal, we find no provisions whatever have been taken for the accommodation of the workers, despite the fact that attention has frequently been drawn to the matter in this House. The Admiralty, as the Noble Lord said definitely, has given its consent to this contract without making provision of this kind. The Noble Lord has gone back some years, but I am afraid he has not gone back far enough.

Some two or three months before the original contract was signed, I asked the Admiralty if they would agree to insert a housing clause in the contract, and I called the special attention of the Civil Lord to the matter, and he stated in reply that they were going to do something in the matter, at least—I am taking it for granted that the pledge given by the President of the Local Government Board will be carried out and that ample provision, such as has been suggested, will be made to meet any emergency that may arise. No one could possibly be more surprised than I was, after that promise, to discover that there was no clause dealing with the housing of the workpeople in the contract at all. Other bodies have always made proper preparations for the men. For instance, in the case of the Derwent Water Bill, Section 64 says:— present time. I cannot do better than read some of the communications I have received recently. I have taken good care, while I have had the letters typed, to bring the originals with me in each case, so that the Secretary for Scotland may see them if he wishes to do so. Here is one written to me by a member of the Navvies' Union: I received from the Insurance Commissioners, wasting to know why there is so much bronchial illness in the district. taken, any definite shape, in order to carry out the instructions of my society. When I went there these miserable places, in which there are now three families in one room, had no occupants at all, and were merely wretched hovels that no one would dream of putting human beings in. Now they have been swept out, I suppose the rats and mice have been cleared away, and they are now fetching a handsome rent of from 5s. to 8s. a week, and this for places that have been derelict ever since the Forth Bridge was constructed, and they have never been occupied since that time until now. Really there is no defence, and cannot be any defence, for the condition of affairs which prevails there.

5.0 P.M.

A long time ago these places were condemned by the authorities as being unfit for the people to live in, and the reason that they are tenanted now is due to the fact that the tenants are unable to get houses in the district. Many of the men here at present living both in private lodgings and in the lodging houses have been trying for months to get a house so that they can have their wives and families with them, but they are unable to secure a place, and have gone elsewhere. When the Financial Secretary was giving us a description of the number of lodging houses in Rosyth and at Inverkeithing, and other places, I asked him if he thought that those were the sort of places they should provide for men of this description. Only the other day you were discussing the question of a celibate Army, and whether you would give assistance and make provision for men in the Army to marry. There is only space for some forty families, apart from the single-men lodgings provided, so that you are assuming that you ought to make no provision whatever for domestic life, or that these men are never interested in domestic life. I think you are making a great mistake in either case. It is only necessary to go on the great works that are being constructed at the present time, like those at Derwent Valley, in order to see a whole town of well-kept temporary hut accommodation, where the men live in comparative comfort with their wives and families from year to year. You have floating population to deal with at Rosyth where 200 men come in every week and 200 or 300 go away because you have no means of supplying accommodation for domestic life there, and in this way you are doing something to demoralize the men and not to elevate them. This is the worst state of things you have in the whole country, and it has come to this, that I tell hon. Members frankly that I would prefer to leave politics altogether than stop in this House if these things are going to continue. That is how I feel about this matter. My correspondent goes on to say:— built—but it is not satisfactory by any means. The place is in a hopeless condition. The right hon. Gentleman should understand that it is not only that these great works are going on, but there are great outfall sewage works on which hundreds of men are employed; there are tramways under construction in Dunfermline; and, altogether, there is naturally increased activity both in laying out new streets, new sewers, and new trams, and generally in getting the district into a condition to accommodate the new population when the docks open. The right hon. Gentleman drew attention to the fact that a train also ran from the works to Dunfermline. I venture to say that we have ample evidence to show that is no improvement of the situation, and does not mitigate it in any way. It merely extends the area of overcrowding. The best illustration of that is afforded by a report which appeared in the "Edinburgh Evening News" of the 10th of this month. I see the right hon. Gentleman looks somewhat contemptuous, but if he doubts it he can see the report for himself. He will see from it that the Corporation of Dunfermline has been discussing the scandalous housing conditions in their own town, so that, if you are going to cart some hundreds or thousands of men there from your works, you will only be adding fuel to the fire, instead of mitigating the evil in any way.

I do ask the right hon. Gentleman on this occasion not to refer to doss-houses as being in any way a solution of the difficulty. There are 3,000 men working there now, and I warrant that, on an average, you may say that, at the very least, half of them are married men. I know that there is a considerable proportion of unmarried men, but you have practically made it a place where only unmarried men can reside, because there is nothing but quarters for unmarried men, and that of itself cannot be a desirable condition of affairs. I hope, therefore, that doss-houses will not be referred to as a solution of this difficulty. We strive, wherever our men go, to keep them out of the doss-house. It is the last place into which we want a self-respecting man to be forced. It is a peculiar thing, in spite of the criticisms that have been passed upon the Insurance Act, that, so far as England and Wales are concerned, we are inside the actuarial calculation of the money we ought to be spending on sick pay—perhaps as a casual class of workmen that is remarkable—but when we come to Inverkeithing the conditions are so unhealthy for our men that I believe we are spending just double what we ought to be spending. There is no better illustration of that than this letter received from the Scottish Insurance Commission:— better accommodation, but I feel sure, if the evidence from the other societies could be secured, we should find that such of their sickness was due to the bad sanitary conditions and the want of housing accommodation in that district. It may seem a trivial matter to bring forward in this Imperial Parliament that has to decide all the great Imperial questions which are involved in an Empire, and it is very remarkable that it should be now considering for some hours a few thousand of work men at Rosyth, but I do not think it could do anything better. After all, these men are employed by us directly. They are our workmen. They belong to this House, and while we may say that the contractors are responsible, that only means if we have put the responsibility on them. We have not done that in our contract at all. We have not done that which every public authority does. We have not made it incumbent upon the contractor to provide decent accommodation for his men. We have not done that in this case, and therefore I venture to say the responsibility rests on this House itself.

I have put forward this question for five or six years in the House to the best of my ability. I have had a lot of promises, but now I have got to that point when promises will not be any good. I must have some definite statement as to what the right hon. Gentleman intends to do here and now to deal with the worst phases of this problem. I must have something definite in black and white, so to speak, so that I can be Mire that at last something is going to be done. The future is another matter. We shall want to know—I most certainly shall—whether such a thing is ever likely to occur again. Can we be sure that on any future occasion there will be no possibility that the Admiralty will neglect to house its men on some great public work to the extent that they have done on this occasion? We want guarantees about that. It is unfortunate that the Admiralty do not always require a Bill for these works. All they require is an Estimate. Anyone else coming forward with great public works has to run the gauntlet of the Standing Orders of the House, with Section 184 ( a ) and then they have to go before a Committee. We are therefore pretty secure with reference to all public works in the country, except those of the Admiralty. We must have a definite statement, not that the House will be allowed to discuss a grievance when it occurs, but that the Admiralty will make their contracts in future in such a way that no grievance can possibly occur similar to that we are discussing to-day. I say positively that unless I can get some definite statement as to what is proposed to be done, here and now, on this work, and also a guarantee as to the way in which in reference to this subject contracts are going to be drafted in the future, I do not care what happens; unless I am satisfied about these matters, I am going to a Division to-day.

I am sure the House listened to the eloquent appeal of my hon. Friend with interest and sympathy, and I am very glad we have at last an opportunity of discussing this question. It has been extremely difficult for some time past to get such an opportunity, and we are indebted to the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord Robert Cecil) for having brought the matter forward to-day. I only wish he had not allowed his party spirit to get the better of his public spirit in the latter part of his speech, but I will try to lose my dislike for his party remarks in my sympathy for the cause he has advocated. I want to deal with this matter from a slightly different point of view to that taken by the two previous speakers. The Noble Lord, in a general survey of the question, has shown the conditions under which the present population are living at these naval base works, and my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-upon-Trent has given further details on that point. I want to show the way in which this question has always been regarded by myself. When it was decided by the Government that a naval base should be established at Rosyth, and work was begun and the contracts signed, I do not think they realised, any more than anybody else, the magnitude of the undertaking that faced them. It was an entirely different problem to any with which this country had been confronted before. We have had town developments, and the institution of garden cities, which are dependent upon the population either increasing in the towns or being attracted to certain spots.

The problem here was entirely different. The Government were going to institute a naval base, a population was to be put in an appearance there at a certain date, and at that date house accommodation was to be made ready for them. If that problem had been realised, if a town-planning scheme had been expedited at the very outset, we should have had to-day a number of houses at Rosyth suitable for the accom- modation of the people who now are being so disgracefully treated. As it is, there is not a brick on the land at Rosyth where the future town is to be. I knew from the start there would be plenty of people in this House, and outside, to interest themselves in the business, in the works and workshops, in the dockyard, and in the "Dreadnought" basin. I knew there would be plenty of money expended there. But I happen to be more interested in the preservation of human life than in its destruction, and from the very first I saw that the housing question was by far the most important problem we should have to deal with. We see to-day gigantic enterprises, engineering works of the most surprising character, being carried out, hundreds of thousands of pounds are being poured into them, all the skill and enterprise of the country is being devoted to them, and yet alongside it all we cannot get one house built for the men engaged there to live in! That is the way in which this problem has been faced from the first. I drew attention to it in 1909, and I wrote a letter to the First Lord of the Admiralty—the present Home Secretary—in which I tried to sketch out what I thought were the dangers likely to arise. I asked the Admiralty's intentions with regard to them. The right hon. Gentleman answered my letter. He said it would be some years before the dock could be completed, and that it did not appear to the Admiralty that there was any occasion for hurry in making arrangements for the housing development problem. There has not been any occasion to hurry ever since, and that has just been the trouble. Meanwhile there were other people endeavouring to do something, and I should very much like, on an occasion of this sort, to defend my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Admiralty and also the Civil Lord of the Admiralty, because throughout, whenever I have made representations to them, they have received everything I have said with the utmost courtesy. But Government offices are very ancient and strong institutions, and there is about them nowadays very much of what characterised them in Dickens's days. We have still the Circumlocution Office with us, and here we have had a very fine example of "how not to do it."

There were a great many people who devoted their attention to the problem. Amongst them was the Dunfermline Town Council That council foresaw that a town was going to be erected on the confines of the burgh, at a very awkward distance from it, too far to be merged absolutely into the town, and yet far enough off to make the linking up of the town and district difficult. Eventually they decided to incorporate the whole area in the burgh boundary. I need not go through the details of the steps that have to be taken by a burgh which undertakes a task of that sort. They had to come to this House, and they had to get their scheme passed through a Committee of the House of Lords. Finally, they succeeded in their efforts. They then lost no time. Directly the area, which embraces Rosyth, was included in their burgh boundary, they set an architect to work in order to draw up a town planning scheme, and they got an expert man, accustomed to the work, who was prepared to devote his sole attention to it. Meanwhile, I wrote another letter to the Admiralty, pointing out that this was a very serious matter, and that a town was to be built in addition to the naval base works. I asked if the First Lord thought it possible for the Dunfermline Town Council, a burgh with less than 30,000 inhabitants, and with absolutely no experience in gigantic works of this sort, to deal with this matter alone. I made a suggestion, which I thought a good one, and I still think so, for the formation of a committee, consisting of representatives of the Dunfermline Town Council, the Admiralty, the Scottish Local Government Board, the landowners concerned, and the Garden City and Town Planning Associations, not with a view of removing the responsibility from Dunfermline or infringing on the authority of the Admiralty, but merely in order to set up a body so as to avoid communications between the various parties concerned, taking up too much time, and to enable the sanction of the respective authorities for any proposed works to be got without undue delay: with a view to securing, in fact, the greatest possible expedition. That letter was also received with courtesy and kindness. I was informed that my views were interesting, but my suggestions were not adopted. I should like to say that in 1911, while the town planning scheme was being prepared, I made a speech at Inverkeithing, saying that the housing accommodation of the population of navvies was most unsatisfactory. I referred to the matter with some warmth, and quoted the necessity for hospital accommodation, and for having special huts erected for the employés at the naval base. That had the effect of bringing a letter from the solicitors to the contractors. I will only quote one passage, and I do so in fairness to the contractors, because I am not blaming them in this matter at all. They explain what has been their point of view from the outset, and they say:— once. Not at all. Delay has throughout been the most remarkable part of this case. With regard to the town planning, there was correspondence between the Dunfermline Town Council and the Admiralty repeatedly passing. The Admiralty, of course, had no experience of town planning. The only things they build are "Dreadnoughts." They know nothing about the building of houses, and they were soon at a loss to know what to do. They were bewildered by the various proposals, and, at last, after six months, they decided to call in another town planner on their own behalf. When you have two experts it is extremely difficult, as the House must know, to get anything done at all. There was the expert from the Admiralty and the expert from the Dunfermline Town Council, and it was inevitable that there would be certain points on which they disagreed. There were certain points on which they disagreed. The Dunfermline Town Council from the start was determined not to clash with the Admiralty, but to do all it could to work in with the Admiralty's suggestions and not to obstruct but to do everything to meet the Admiralty's views. They acceded to various alterations being made in their plans of streets and roads that were to come inside the Admiralty area, and they did all they could to help the Admiralty expert who came to the spot and who had the advantage of all their plans, so that his work was comparatively small. In spite of all that, although they have acceded to all the requests, I had a letter from the town clerk of Dunfermline on Saturday, telling me that they had not yet received from the Admiralty any sanction of their scheme.

Yes. He said it was six weeks ago since the final stages had been reached.

Can the hon. Member say how long it is since the plan was originally suggested.

The plan was ready at the beginning of 1913—about fifteen months ago. The point there is that, in drawing up the plan, they always had the advice of the superintendent civil engineer of the Admiralty, so that the whole time they were under the impression that this plan would be sanctioned by the Admiralty without more ado. If this plan had been carried through with expedition, if the Admiralty had realised the enormous responsibility which the erection of the town meant, we should have had houses there to-day to relieve the tension, especially of the married men, who are the worst looked after among the navvies there at present. These houses could have accommodated the temporary population for the time they were there, and, when they left, the permanent population could have come in and taken possession. That was really the sensible way of dealing with the problem. It is not by hut villages, not by dosshouses, not by these deplorable lodging-houses and tenement houses, but by facing this large problem from the start with a view to seeing that houses are erected in such a way that you can kill two birds with one stone—you can allow the temporary population to be housed as long as it is there, and, afterwards, you can receive the permanent population when it comes. That would have been the way out of the difficult problem. I want to say here and now that throughout this matter the Dunfermline Town Council have acted in the most public-spirited way in assiduously putting the matter forward and pressing all they could that their town-planning scheme should be adopted. I have not made this a party matter at all. As a matter of fact, the Provost of Dunfermline is a very strong Unionist, and many of the town councillors are the same. We put party politics aside in this matter, and have done all we could to work together in order that this huge city that is going to be erected on the confines of Dunfermline shall not damage that royal and ancient burgh that is at present in such a state of prosperity.

I blame myself for not having harried the Admiralty a great deal more. Sometimes it does require somebody from the Opposition to stir the Government up, and I am very glad that that has at last happened. My hon. Friend the Member for Stoke said that he would not be satisfied unless he received some undertaking from the Government to-day that in future their contracts should contain some sort of stipulation that the housing of the contractors' workmen should be a responsibility that would fall upon the Government. I entirely agree with him, but would like to add two further points upon which I require to be satisfied to-day. One is that the town-planning scheme put forward, by Dunfermline, which has been examined by the Admiralty during all these months, should at once be sanctioned, in order that the necessary preliminaries might be gone through with the Scottish Local Government Board, and that building can be begun at once. I cannot admit that my right hon. Friend has any further excuse for one single day's delay. Although my hon. Friend's demand and the demand I have put forward both deal with important points of the problem, I want to put one further point which deals with these actual poor wretched people who are in that district and working on the Government work at the present moment, namely, that the Admiralty will somehow press for or provide further accommodation for these men now. A few hundred more may be coming into that district before long, and, as my hon. Friend said, a great number of these men are quite unable to bring their wives and families to live in the social squalor which exists. We must have some houses erected somehow at. once—I do not venture to say how—in order to accommodate the fresh influx of workmen. The House is stirred when it has presented to it a case of the hideous distress and misery in which some of our fellow creatures are living. We only become excited when we hear of a case. As we know, there are thousands more cases than we ever hear of. Very likely within half a mile of where we stand there are conditions every bit as bad as those at Rosyth. But when we do hear of a case, and when our sympathies are aroused, and when something can be done, it is all to the good, and if as a result of this chaos, confusion and delay, for which I must say the Admiralty has been largely responsible, we can get the Government to undertake their contracts in the future on different lines, and can also secure the speeding up of the Rosyth town planning scheme, our day's work will not have been in vain.

The hon. Member who has just spoken has shown to the satisfaction of the House that the blame in this matter does not rest on the burgh of Dunfermline. After all, it was not through their action that the naval base was made at Rosyth, and they have done all they could to house the large number of men sent there in consequence of it. The hon. Member's speech also showed that the case against the Government, which was black before, is now blacker still, for he has shown that he himself warned the Government as long as five years ago that this would occur, and that he was told in reply that there was no reason for hurry. I do not think the right hon. Gentleman will say that now. The only excuse that can be made for the Government is that they did not foresee what was going to happen. It is their business to foresee, and they must have known the magnitude of these works and approximately the number of men to be employed on them. Let the House mark this: Supposing a corporation or a private promoter were to come to this House in order to get through a Bill for large works, the House would put that contractor or that corporation on terms to house all the men employed on those works, and supposing that in two years' time it was discovered that the contractor had not housed the men, it would be a breach of the Parliamentary bargain of which the House could take notice, and it certainly would take notice of it, and any excuse that the contractor or the corporation had failed to foresee the size of the works would not be listened to for one moment. I do not intend to go in detail into the case of overcrowding, because the House will agree that my Noble Friend (Lord Robert Cecil) and the hon. Member for Stoke (Mr. J. Ward) have amply shown that there is scandalous and disgraceful overcrowding here, and that the conditions are most insanitary. Here again I agree with the hon. Member for Stirling Burghs (Mr. Ponsonby) that the blame does not rest on the contractor as a servant of the Admiralty. It is for the Admiralty, when they start these works, to make provision for this vast population.

When the printed Report was published in 1911 there were less than 2,000 men there, and there are now 4,600, or a total, including wives and children, of 6,000 or more persons. So far as I can make out, the only increase in accommodation between 1911 and now is represented by the contractors' huts, which house about 1,000 or 1,100 men. I do not suppose that the huts are very good. Of course they are very much better than nothing, but you have not attempted to solve the problem. You pour men into this place, where the housing accommodation is already overtaxed, and you make no attempt to provide any place where these men can live. Then you have the delightful condition of a man, his wife and four children and seven lodgers, or thirteen people in all, living in a two-roomed house. Take another point. So far as I can make out, most of these men when they get sick or meet with an accident are sent to the poor-house. I hope that is not the case. It certainly was the case when the Report was published in 1911. So far as I can make out it must be the case still, for if in 1911 the only hospital was overtaxed, it must be far more overtaxed now. It is a most scandalous state of things that people who are not paupers should be compelled to go to the workhouse infirmary just because you do not care to give them proper accommodation. Again, you have here excessive sickness caused by the action of the employers, who in this case are the Admiralty. Section 63 of the Insurance Act says that where it is alleged by an approved society that excessive sickness is taking place, and that such excess is due to the conditions or nature of the employment or to bad housing or insanitary conditions, then the excess can be charged on the person who is responsible for those conditions. The hon. Member for Stoke, has told the House that in the case of his union, whereas the claims of members in England and Wales are below the expectation, the claims for the Scottish members are largely above it. It is as clear as daylight that these excessive claims are caused by bad housing and insanitary conditions for which the Admiralty are directly responsible. I agree with the hon. Member (Mr. Ponsonby) that we have to do something at once. It is quite clear that if you pass this town-planning scheme at once that has hung fire for fifteen months while the Admiralty has been making up their minds—you pass it at once—it will lake you six months or a year to build any substantial quantity of houses. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will say that he has taken steps to do the best he can for these men, and to build temporary homes for them. If he has not, I hope the House will insist that the work is done.

Thanks to the watchfulness and assiduousness of the hon. Member (Mr. John Ward) this question has not come before me for the first time to-day, and I agree with the hon. Member that we are well occupied in discussing it. It is true that it is occasionally good for a Government to be shaken up by someone from the Opposition. We have had that experience to-day. The contention of the Noble Lord and others as that the attracting of largo numbers of men to Rosyth has created the state of affairs which the Noble Lord and others on both sides of the House view with a degree of indignation. This contract was signed in 1909, and it did not impose any housing obligation upon the contractor. He had set aside an area of land which he could use for housing, and which he could use for no other purpose. A good deal of the criticism which has been levelled against us for our action, or want of action, really puts the calendar back three years. That very salutary Standing Order 184A was not adopted until 1912.

The right hon. Gentleman forgets that the Resolution of the House was passed in 1908, long before the contract was signed.

The Noble Lord was rather under the impression that we had omitted to secure in the contract what was provided for by the Standing Orders of the House at the commencement of his speech.

My point is that Standing Order 184A was not adopted by the House really till three years after the contract was signed. Standing Order 184A must be taken into account in any new contract to-day. You cannot, I think, impose upon a contract which is signed and scaled in 1909 that which was not thought of from the point of view of the contract until three years afterwards. Let me read Standing Order 184A:—

"In the case of every Bill authorising the construction of works outside the County of London or any municipal borough, the Committee to which the Bill is referred shall take this Order into their consideration, and if they are of opinion that such a number of workmen will probably be simultaneously employed upon the works as having regard to the nature and situation of the works to make such an inquiry desirable, they shall inquire into the question of the sufficiency of the accommodation and service available or proposed by the promoters to be provided under the Bill:—(1) For the proper housing and sanitary requirements of persons employed in constructing the works authorised by the Bill; (2) For the treatment of cases of sickness or accident, including accommodation for dealing with infectious disease; and if they think that further accommodation or service for those purposes ought to be provided, they shall insert in the Bill such Clauses as in their opinion are necessary to secure the provision of satisfactory accommodation or service for those purposes by the local authority, company, or person authorised to execute the works."

My hon. Friend knows that in the only Bill we have promoted since this became a Standing Order of the House we have readily accepted the obligation of the Order. There would be an obligation imposed upon us by the Standing Order if we had to come to the House for a Bill to carry on an undertaking. Of course, the great bulk of our undertakings would be outside a Bill, but in any new contract we may enter into we shall fully carry out the spirit of the new Standing Order, Bill or no. That is perfectly clear. Then my hon. Friend and the Noble Lord and the hon. Member (Mr. Ponsonby) called my attention to another case. They say the Resolution has been in existence long enough for you to say from this time, Bill or no Bill, the spirit of 184A shall be carried out, and you ought to impose 184A as a condition of placing any extension of any contract entered into prior to 1912. That is a suggestion which shall certainly receive close consideration. Should it happen that in any contract we may have to offer to the contractor an extension of the work the proposition shall receive careful consideration. A year ago the Rosyth contract was extended by new work costing something like £290,000. The estimated cost of the work up to that date was £2,250,000. It is true we did not put it to the contractor that he ought to alter the terms of his contract, signed in 1909, so as to make himself responsible for this Standing Order adopted in 1912. What we did, at the instance of my hon. Friend, was to secure that the new Fair-Wages Resolution should be applied in respect of the extended part of the contract, and the new Fair-Wages Clause is more comprehensive in regard to wages and conditions than the old Resolution, which would be the one incorporated in the 1909 contract. About that time last year the contractor erected a hut colony. The contractor had previously arranged for cheap trains to run between the works and Dunfermline and Inverkeithing. Last Thursday the hon. Member (Mr. Hogge) asked me whether there was any provision for cheap trains in the other direction. I find that the contractor posted notices saying that he was ready to arrange for cheap trains to Kirkcaldy, Kinghorn, Aberdour, and Edinburgh. But I am advised by him that there appeared to be no demand for these trains. The same applies to inquiries which he made as to whether the men would appreciate and find useful boat accommodation to and from Bo'ness and Grangemouth.

As far as I know. As regards the present situation I made a very close inspection of the housing accommodation in and around Dunfermline and Inverkeithing last Monday and Tuesday, and the particular situation is this. A large number of workmen have been introduced into the district since 1909. Partially to meet their needs a number of common lodging houses have, been established. Five have been established since the works began, one was established before the works began, but in anticipation of the works. These common lodging houses accommodate 1,506 men, and if one of them—now a house letting lodgings—receives the extension it is asking and receives registration as a common lodging house—the total will be 1,609. [An HON. MEMBER: "Where are they?"] They are all in Inverkeithing and the district. That would be from the works point of view, 1,609 new places. The men pay 5d., 6d. and, in some cases, 7d. a night for a bed. In one case there is a restaurant which is used, or was until recently, by 33 per cent, of the men who lodged there. Generally the men buy their own food and cook it upon what is styled the "hot plate." Two of these lodging houses undoubtedly are very good. The others are as lodging houses go—and they are under the closest supervision by the local authority there—I should say fair; but there is one of them which, on my recent visit and on a previous visit, struck me as rather below the level of the rest. The men either sleep in cubicles or in open bedrooms. The bedding is changed weekly, and in one case bi-weekly.

Are they all established by private enterprise, apart from the contractors?

6.0 P.M.

Yes, they are registered lodging houses established by private enterprise and under the supervision of the local authority. With regard to what is called the double-shift system, some hon. Member has spoken of one man sleeping in a bed during the day and another man using the same bed at night. I made the closest inquiry about that, and I am assured that it only occurred in the past on the rarest occasions, and possibly in some instances accidentally.

I am dealing with this matter step by step. No doubt single labourers, and certainly single mechanics, would prefer the greater privacy and the less rough environment of private lodgings to life in a common lodging house, and a good many, of course, are so accommodated in various parts of the district. I have spoken my mind perfectly frankly about these lodging houses. They are registered and under the supervision of a local authority, and that supervision, so far as I could judge, was close and continuous. They are at present all pretty full, and represent accommodation for 1,609. It is rather an interesting feature to note that two of these lodging houses started on a level as to price and amenity beyond the general level of the common lodging houses, but to meet the men's needs and to provide accommodation at what they are prepared to pay, the lodging house owners have adopted a lower rate, and now give cheaper beds. We may have our own views about the lodging houses, but I am advised that they meet the purse and apparently the needs of the type of navvy represented in these works in considerable numbers. Since the little town of Inverkeithing has found its housing and doings the subject of scrutiny by Parliament, its vital statistics are interesting, and I will give some particulars to the Committee. The death-rate in 1909 was 14, in 1910 12.9, in 1911 12.5, in 1912 9.7, and in 1913 10.1. I am informed that the last figure is uncorrected and that the corrected figure is 15, but what that means I cannot say, unless it means that there has been some readjustment of boundary. I have here also some statistics as to infantile mortality.

As a matter of fact, there are in the hut colony at the present time 138.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether he is referring to the normal population, seeing that he is comparing the infantile mortality with that of other populations?

I am not making comparisons. I am going to give the statistics of Inverkeithing as regards infantile mortality. In 1909 it was 85, in 1910 67.5, in 1911 53.19, in 1912 72, and in 1913 95. The cases of infectious disease were: In 1909 27, sent to hospital 22, treated at home 5; 1910 6, sent to hospital 3, treated at home 3; 1911 26, sent to hospital 12, treated at home 14; 1912 53, sent to hospital 50, treated at home 3; and 1913 21, sent to hospital 16, treated at home 5. As I have said, the new lodging-house accommodation in and about this locality provides for 1,506, and when enlarged, as it will be shortly, it will give accommodation for 1,609. The contractors last year erected a hut colony at the works, and these are the figures which the hon. Gentleman wants. The hut colony at present accommodates 905 men 82 women, and 138 children.

What, I wish to point out is that the normal population of men, women, and children in the district is more than that.

The figures I have given have reference to the borough of Inverkeithing. The two things are quite different, I agree. Generally speaking, I was pleased with what I saw at the hut colony. When the hon. Member talked of so many huts and so many people per room, he did not realise the plan upon which the hut colony is established. The huts give suitable accommodation for a ganger and his wife. There is a dining-room and a dormitory, and the men taken into a hut and looked after by the ganger and his wife ranges from five to twenty-six. If you take the number of huts and the number of persons accommodated in them, it comes out at three per room, I think the Noble Lord said; and I do not think that that fully or sufficiently states the argument. These men pay 12s. to 14s. a week for board and lodgings. That provision, as things go, is quite good, and it would be impossible for me to speak too highly of the way the gangers' wives, as a rule, look after the men under their care. I was much struck with the women and the work they have undertaken. They appeared to me to be decent, reliable, hard-working women. Life in the hut colony distinctly tends to raise a man's method of living. In the hut colony there is a model lodging house for 144 men. The men can buy their own food and cook it at the hot plate. They pay 5d. a night for a bed, and although life in it does not offer the amenities as are offered to the men who live with the ganger and his wife in the small huts, yet it presents pretty much the usual features of the average lodging-house in the locality. Since I was there a week ago the numbers in the hut colony have slightly fallen off. There is in the colony a general reading-room, a well-managed canteen, and a mission-house. There are two missioners, and I was glad to learn last week that certain excellent ladies of leisure in the locality conduct meetings for women every Monday. The total number of persons for whom accommodation is provided is 2,411, and if the Welldene boarding-house accommodation is extended, it will soon be for 2,514.

The Noble Lord said that there are in the district 3,600 men. I think he will have to carry this matter a little further. There are engaged in the district 430 men on other works. There are 165 men employed in connection with a sewage outfall for the borough of Dunfermline. Then there are Sir William Arrol's caisson works, which employ 150 men. Therefore, except for the provision by private enterprise of small dwelling-houses since we went there—I am free to confess that there has not been very much of that—it appears, leaving out new accommodation, that you have 1,200 men in that locality on these works alone. They have to find accommodation in pre-existing lodging-houses and houses in Dunfermline, and in pre-existing houses in Inverkeithing, Jamestown, North Queensferry, Hillend, Pattiesmuir, Charles-town and Crossford, and Limekilns, or even more remote places. I could only visit one of these districts, namely Dunfermline, which is about four miles away from Rosyth. I went through the lodging-houses which are under the supervision of the municipality. It has been stated in this Debate that those who wanted to bring their wives and familites with them found it very difficult to get suitable accommodation, and that single men who wanted the privacy and the greater ameni- ties of private lodgings, as compared with common lodging-houses, were unable to get accommodation. It has been represented that rents have gone up in the district, and certainly I should think it very likely that there would be a desire on the part of people who own little houses to make hay while the sun shines, and to take rather a generous view of their capacity to take in lodgers. Last Tuesday I took occasion to meet a number of the representative workmen in conference, including the branch organiser of the, Navvies' Union. These men were both married and single, and included men living in houses, in the hut colony, in lodgings, and in common lodging-houses. Several of them told me that their experience at Rosyth was very similar to their experience on the public works on which they had been employed before coming there. Several of them spoke strongly about the increase in rental, and of the scarcity of suitable houses for married men, and incidentally of overcrowding, and reference was made to the particular case which has been mentioned three times in this Debate—the case of a man and his wife, four children and seven lodgers in two rooms. That case was mentioned by the Noble Lord, and it was also the case referred to, I think, by the hon. Member for Durham.

My hon. Friend asked me to say that he was called out unavoidably, but I dare say that it is the case.

The figures are the same. That case was put to me by one of the men; I immediately asked that inquiries should be made into it. I have not had the report on it yet. It is a matter for the Local Government Board, but I thought that I would like to know what the facts are. I had a long conversation with the contractor. He expects to add to the number of men now engaged on the works about 200, and will probably reach his maximum in the fall of this year or the beginning of next. I could not at the time conclude an arrangement with him, but I have seen him again, and I wish to state now that the contractors have undertaken, in pursuance of their previously expressed intention, to add to the accommodation. It is only fair to them to say that directly they began to see the hut colony filling up they had notified their intention of making some additions. The Noble Lord will probably say that this is the result of the intervention.

They had notified their intention before this matter arose. Their representative has now undertaken in pursuance of his previously expressed intention, forthwith to erect further huts to accommodate 300 men in the hut colony.

No! They will be an the principle which I have described, of the ganger and his wife looking after a number of men; and beyond this we have arranged with the contractors, subject to certain terms which have been generally agreed, to secure the erection, at the earliest possible moment, of 200 further huts to accommodate separate families.

Can the right hon. Gentleman fix some time when these works will really begin?

I have used the word "forthwith." These 300 will be provided forthwith, without delay.

The right hon. Gentleman recognises, I dare say, seeing that these houses are wooden structures, that the whole 200 ought to be thrown together during the next two or three months.

The contractor rather thought he would take on 200. Accommodation for 300 single men will be provided by the contractor forthwith. My hon. Friend may take it from me that there will be no delay, and that the accommodation will be put up with all expedition. I will give that undertaking. Then there are certain arrangements which are necessary with regard to the 200 family huts.

The contractor met me very fairly. There are certain matters of detail between us, but there will be no delay.

Not entirely. We propose to make certain arrangements with the contractor. Those arrangements are not completed, and I hope that my hon. Friend will not press for complete details. They are only in a general form. The ordinary accommodation in the common lodging houses at 5d. or 6d. per night is to-day ample for the large class of those who, as far as I could sec, do not particularly want to pay more, but those houses are and will be under the strictest municipal supervision. The hut colony and its 300 new places will very materially alter the situation for the single navvy who wants a better life than he can get at the common lodging houses. Then the 200 new huts for families will go a very good way to meet the case of the man who wants his wife and family with him. These 200 huts for families will also ease the situation in regard to rents charged in the locality for small houses. This new accommodation for 500 in all is more than the contractor contemplated providing; but it is only fair to say of Mr. Gibb, who is engaged upon a great national work of no little difficulty and vital importance, that throughout the whole of these negotiations I have always found him ready, reasonable, and amenable. As regards the provision for accidents which has been referred to by the Noble Lord and the hon. Member for Stoke and the hon. Member for Durham, that is fully set out in the report by Dr. Dewar and Mr. Wilson. At page 9 they say:—

"Well considered elaborate, and adequate arrangements have been made for dealing with cases of accidents occuring at Rosyth. Dr. Gordon, Inverkeithing, and his assistant, Dr. Wallace"—

There are now two assistants—

"are in telephonic communication with the works, and can reach them from their residence by means of motor car within eight minutes (there being no restriction as regards speed for the greater part of the way). It has been arranged that one or other of the two surgeons"—

there are now three—

"be always at home. One of them attends daily in the ambulance shed from 9 to 10 a.m. to see and dress minor cases of a surgical nature."

If the hon. Gentleman will only read this he will get a full description of what provision there is.

You will get all the information if you turn to page 10:—

"Relations of the Rosyth workmen to the Poor Law. Complaints were made to us"—is the report by the doctor—"that workmen suffering from minor surgical ailments, such as ulcers of the leg, if unable to go about and to work, were refused admission to the Dunfermline hospital, and were accordingly compelled to apply for admission to the sick wards of the Dunfermline poorhouse. The statement is correct. But we are not convinced that it involves any legitimate grievance. In such cases intemperance and careless habits generally have much to do with the cause; mere rest and nourishment much to do with the cure. It is not for the common weal that they should be admitted to beds in the surgical wards of a hospital whose accommodation has already been severely strained to beds in the surgical wards of a hospital whose pressing and more suitable type."

Is it not a fact that in answer to a question in this House the late Lord Advocate confessed to their being some twenty-five or thirty cases of accidents which were dealt with in the workhouse, because there was no accommodation, and did not the guardians often talk about asking the contractor if he could not supply something?

I was going on to point out that led to a stagnation in local building enterprise. That is no doubt the case, but it must be remembered that great care and circumspection have been necessary to safeguard the public interest and to secure in the public interest, as far as we may, a reasonable share of those incremental values which may be expected hereafter to accrue. Certainly, we are bound to have that in mind; we should not be guardians of the public interest if we did not take care in our transaction to safeguard that. Even in Scotland everybody is not a philanthropist. Some delay has arisen owing to the fact that at the very last moment it was thought desirable to work the subsidiary roads into the town plan. To carry this out we employed Mr. Unwin as expert adviser. He has been at this work about six weeks now, and his report dealing with that aspect of the matter was received on Friday, and it is now in the hands of the clerk to the Town Planning Committee of the Dunfermline Town Council.

We hope that the members may meet and confer on probably this day week on this question of forming a plan. I promised last Tuesday that if possible that steps should be hastened, and I hope I have made that promise good. Following upon that, certain formalities will have to be observed, but I think that all expedition will be shown by the parties concerned. As regards the building operations, certain offers have been received by us to feu our land with a view to providing suitable workmen's houses on garden city lines. We are watching with the closest possible consideration, again in the public interest, with a view to seeing that these proposals do not involve financial obligations of an onerous character, and we are also keeping in mind, among other things, that the rentals to be charged shall be within the capacity of the dockyard employés. We have not been able to regard as satisfactory in their present form the offers which have been made to erect buildings on this land, but I hope that matters will be so adjusted between us and one or other of the parties making those offers as to secure the starting of building operations with as little delay as possible.

The point is the issue of the Local Government Board Order, dated 12th December, 1911, which says:—

"Persons shall not be entitled to any compensation on account of any building erected on, or contract made, or other thing done with respect to land included in the town-planning scheme."

The effect of that was to prevent anyone building at all, as the right hon. Gentleman has said, in fact, since 12th December, 1911.

What I stated was that the plans are now with the town clerk, and the members of the council are to confer next week, and there is no reason why there should be any delay in proceeding with this scheme. I think I have covered all the ground, and I apologise to the House for having detained it at such length.

I think the House will regard the statement of the right hon. Gentleman the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty as very unsatisfactory. It is perfectly clear, after all he has said, that he fully admits the charge made against him by the hon. Member for Stoke. The Government not only did not realise the magnitude of these operations at Rosyth, but they took no pains whatever to provide buildings for the housing of the people. It must have been apparent from the very beginning that this was going to be a big work, yet what did they do up to quite lately? I think my hon. Friend raised this question, as did the hon. Member below the Gangway opposite, and the Government did not appear to consider that they had any duty whatever as regards the housing of the people. Take the latest extension of the contract. The right hon. Gentleman admits that the contract was extended last year, but he did not put in anything about the housing conditions, He said that he put in the Fair-Wages Resolution, but what has that got to do with the matter of housing conditions?

We are dealing with the question of housing, and when the contract was extended it involved the appointment of a great many more men last year, yet the Government never dealt with the question of housing. So far the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty has dealt with the matter as if it was merely a question of the men engaged at Rosyth. It is not merely the men they have got to deal with; it is the whole of the population that has been created in that district. We have heard a great deal about Dunfermline. It is not merely a case of housing a sufficient number of men in Dunfermline; the difficulty is that the ordinary people of Dunfermline cannot get houses at the rents which they can afford to pay. The Council of Dunfermline held a meeting a few days ago, and the proceedings were reported in the "Edinburgh Evening News." A discussion took place as to why certain insanitary houses were not pulled down. What was the answer? The answer was that there was such a dearth of houses that if they were pulled down there would be nowhere for people to go. What is the cause of the dearth? It is not the normal and natural growth of Dunfermline; and the matter is far more serious than merely a question of housing or not housing the navvies. The Government, by their carelessness over this very serious housing problem, are responsible to this House and to the country. Notwithstanding all their talk, I think the present Government have been more careless about housing than any Government in modern days. Only to-day I had to ask the Postmaster-General a question as to what steps were being taken for the housing of their postmen.

Surely the way the Government, having entered into a great contract involving the dumping into a poorly populated neigh bourhood, 3,000 or 4,000 men, at least should have taken trouble to put something into the contract in order to take care that the contractor provided for the housing of the people. But after all this hide and seek between the contractor and the Admiralty, and between the Admiralty and other Departments, the contractor suggests that it is the Admiralty's job, and the Admiralty say it is the contractor's job. When we get to closer quarters, what do we find? We have the very remarkable statement made by the Secretary to the Admiralty in debate the other day, when he said that the whole question was a matter for the Scottish Local Government Board and the local authorities, but that the Admiralty took a great interest in the question. I should think they did. They ought to have taken a much greater interest in it. When we said that it is the Admiralty who are concerned, the reply has been that it is the Scottish Local Government Board. The Government caused the overcrowding, and it is the Government who are responsible and who ought to do rather more than take a great interest in the question. What we want to know is why the Government, in the first place, did not make any provision for housing accommodation, and we further want to know whether they are making adequate provision at the present time? I endeavoured to follow the right hon. Gentleman's statement to the best of my ability, and I understand that they are now going to build accommodation for 300 more men.

And, in addition, they are going to put up huts for 200 familities. That makes additional accommodation for 500 men, in the case o of 200 of them with their families. You are taking on 200 additional men at once, and that means that you are only relieving the present condition of affairs by 300 men. Do you tell me that the additional provision for 300 men is going to get rid of the overcrowding? What you are doing now is wholly insufficient; you are not doing nearly enough; you are merely providing 300 beds. Do you mean to say that the shortage is represented by 300 beds? I am perfectly certain, from what the Noble Lord (Lord Robert Cecil) and the hon. Member for Stoke have told us, and from the reports I have read and the careful study I have given this question, that the shortage is represented by a great deal more than 200. Remember that there is great overcrowding. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty used a very remarkable phrase, that "there was only overcrowding in a minor degree."

There is overcrowding. Do the Government take their stand only on overcrowding in a minor degree? The Government ought not to allow overcrowding either in a major or minor degree. They ought not to allow overcrowding at all. We know very well what overcrowding in a minor degree means. It means that you have got more than two people per room. Two people per room is the standard fixed by the London County Council and by many local authorities. It is a very low standard. Personally, I think two per room a great deal too many, but if you get above two per room it is overcrowding most distinctly. When the right hon. Gentleman quotes Dr. Dewar, does ho mean that it is more than two per room? If so, I think it is a scandalous thing that the Government should admit anything of the kind. You are providing these 300 extra beds. How far is that going to relieve the situation? Is it going to get rid of overcrowding in a minor degree? Is it going to make it unnecessary for the people in future to live in those abominable houses, which were mere sheds, but which were put into repair for the express purpose of housing these people? If anybody wishes to understand how things are at the present time I have here quite a short account that I cut from an account by a local newspaper correspondent who visited Rosyth quite lately. This is what he says:—

"In regard to the statements made in Parliament as to the housing of Rosyth workmen, there is no question that there is a house famine in the district that embraces Inverkeithing, Jamestown, North Queensferry, and Dunfermline. These are the four places where Rosyth workers are housed, exclusive of the hut village which the contractors put up. In regard to that temporary village, no fault can be found with the conditions. At Jamestown most of the model lodging-houses are central. They are filled nightly, and on some evenings men have to be turned away for lack of accommodation. In Inverkeithing the housing problem is most acute, and, notwithstanding the fact that within the last four or five years houses have been built to accommodate an additional population of 2,000, there is still a great dearth of dwellings. The result is that ransom rents are obtained for all classes of property."

Is it realised that the local population and ordinary workmen in that district have to pay ransom rents, otherwise they cannot get accommodation at all? The correspondence goes on:—

"In some houses the accommodation is divided between two families, and in others six or more lodgers may be kept. In North Queensferry and Dunfermline houses for working people cannot be got, and again the effect is seen in the rents charged. The town-planning scheme for Dunfermline and Inverkeithing have practically put a ban on building for more than a year, for no one will run the risk of erecting property which may require to be demolished if it does not conform to the scheme approved by the Local Government Board."

Does the right hon. Gentleman seriously contend that the erection of 300 beds is going to cure that overcrowding and the famine for houses that exists all over that neighbourhood? The Government scheme is totally and absolutely inadequate, and it shows that they are simply trifling with the question, as they have from the very beginning. There is then the question as to the town-planning scheme; it is quite true, as the Noble Lord has said, that house-building has been stopped. That is one of the disadvantages of town planning. I am a supporter of town planning in general. I think that that way lies ultimately the improvement of urbain housing conditions, but you have got to bear this fact in mind, once a town-planning scheme has been given notice of, and that that notice is approved by the Local Govern- ment Board, after that for any dwelling that is erected within the confines of the town-planning scheme no compensation is given if it is pulled down unless it conforms with the scheme as subsequently published. Much housing operations in England and all over the country have been held up in consequence of the delay about these town-planning schemes. I regret the delay in many cases, but I do think if ever there was a case—and I see the Secretary for Scotland in his place—where the Government Departments ought to have hurried up the town-planning scheme, surely it was in Inverkeithing and Dunfermline, were there is such a demand for houses at the present time! We shall want to hear a little more about this question. I think the Government have been guilty of great dereliction of duty. When terms are imposed on big employers of labour when undertaking works of this sort, surely a Government that expects land-owners to build houses, not merely for their own workmen but for everybody, ought to be more careful when they undertake an enormouis scheme of this kind. I entirely agree with the hon. Member for Stirling Burghs (Mr. Ponsonby) that it is more important to save life than to destroy life We all know, I suppose, that the object of Rosyth is to add to our Navy, which, of course, ultimately must be used to destroy life, but why on earth should we destroy life in the creation of Rosyth Harbour, and that is what you are doing. The right hon. Gentleman quoted figures as to death-rates, which, no doubt, are low. The figures as to infantile mortality certainly sound low, but I do not think they are quite correct, as they do not represent the death-rate from a normal condition of affairs. You have got there a vast unmarried male population without children, and consequently you have not got the usual proportion, so that I think the figures are not correct. By the carelessness of the Government there is no doubt that there has been caused a vast amount of preventable disease and mortality. I hope, as a protest, that my Noble Friend will go to a Division, and that hon. Members below the Gangway opposite, who have always taken, I freely admit, the keenest interest in the housing question, and many Liberals too, will support the Amendment as a protest against the gross carelessness of the Government.

Some of us have been listening with a mixture of amaze- ment and sorrow to the Debate we have had this afternoon. I must honestly confess that the speech we have had from the Treasury Bench, although it has somewhat modified matters, by no means satisfies most of us either as regards the past or the present or the future. It is incredible to me that any Government Department should at any time have engaged on works of such magnitude, and should have taken so little interest in such an elementary matter as the housing of the men whom they required to carry out this work, that they neither took any steps to provide the houses themselves or to see that due provision was made in the contract. The only explanation we have had for this extraordinary dereliction of a common duty has been that the House of Commons forsooth had not by that time passed a Standing Order which applies to private Bills dealing with contracts coming into this House. There are no Standing Orders affecting private employers in this country who have frequently to deal with similar schemes. No firm of any standing would look on at it as anything else but neglect to say that they did not before proposing a large extension requiring the employment of hundreds of new men take all necessary steps to see to the housing to be provided in which those men were going to live. We have had to deal with these matters continually, and I may say at the same time we should certainly build cottages for the men to live in, Standing Orders or no Standing Orders. What I should like to know is why should a Government Department wait for the House of Commons to make Standing Orders before a matter of that kind is dealt with as it ought to be dealt with by any proper employer of labour. Contrast the action of the American Government in the construction of the Panama Canal under infinitely more difficult conditions, when they cleared insanitary areas, erected magnificent hospitals, and provided a splendid housing and sanitary service in a climate which was so unhealthy, and then imagine our Government in this country coming down here and saying there were no Standing Orders, that we had to look after our workmen when this contract was entered into.

I am glad to know that in future the Standing Order is going to be taken notice of, and I do hope that we shall hear that the Government will go much further in the Standing Orders of the House and require that not merely somewhat imperfect and rough accommodation shall be given to workmen, which occurs so frequently on public works, but that they shall insist that someone on their behalf shall be entitled to go into arid pass any scheme for housing workmen on any Government contract which is given out. The least we can expect is that the Government ought to be model employers. They spend millions of pounds freely on harbours and "Dreadnoughts," and anything of that kind, and why should they be so stingy when it comes to working men and a housing question of this kind? The whole cost of putting up a nice hut colony for the whole of the men would be a mere fleabite, taking into account the enormous amount of money spent on this contract. If that had been done we would have had something which we could have held out to ocorporations and county councils as a model of how things ought to be done. I am not satisfied that what is going to be done now is anything like sufficient in the way of additional accommodation. If the case is only half as bad as the state of affairs revealed by the hon. Member for Stoke (Mr. J. Ward), and I place reliance on his statements, as I know him to be very careful in making them, then they are so bad that they are a disgrace to our common humanity, and I do not think what is proposed to be done is sufficient. The right hon. Gentleman says he inspected six common lodging houses, and that two were really very good, and three were not so bad, and that one he did not consider good.

When the right hon. Gentleman said that one of them was below the level of the others, I do not think it is incorrect to represent that he said it was not so good. Obviously, you want more accommodation than you are giving at the present time, and it is said to be only a question of money. I have no doubt that the contractor can put up as many houses as the Admiralty ask him to put up. Have we not had enough of responsibility being shifted from one person to another with human life at stake. I am an economist, but not in human health and life, and I ask why not treat this matter on a broader scale and on a bigger gauge. The right hon. Gentleman has been there and can form a very good idea as to what would be required to make a really ideal condition of things. Let him then say to the contractor, making as good terms as you can, "that is what we want carried out, and anything which you cannot get done you must really pay for, so that this disgrace should be removed from us in the future." It will only be a question probably of a few hundred thousand pounds, the cost of one submarine boat. I feel sure that this House which has always voted very large Estimates, and will again, for the Admiralty, for defence purposes, will equally vote a Supplementary Estimate in this matter if they feel and are convinced that it would put an end to a state of things which ought never to have existed, and ought never to have been allowed to arise, and certainly ought not to be allowed to continue a single moment longer than is absolutely necessary before putting an end to them.

I desire to congratulate my Noble Friend (Lord R. Cecil) on at last having induced the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty to say that something was to be done. I have not lately had the opportunity of inspecting Rosyth, although I live not very far away, and know the district, but I have taken a good deal of trouble in the matter, and have sent a competent man there during the last two or three weeks to report to me as to the exact state of matters. I have received particulars of endless cases of overcrowding, and a great deal more information than has been stated in the Debate to-day as to that, and as to the horrible insanitary conditions under which some of the private houses are conducted. I have also had a certain amount of information about the right hon. Gentleman's tour during last week, and I am rather inclined to think, from the information I got, that his tour was rather cleverly conducted, and while, no doubt, he saw lodging houses in Dunfermline and Jamestown, he was not taken to and did not inspect any of the private dwellings.

Yes, certainly; I went very carefully round Jamestown with the Local Government Board representative and the medical officer of health.

7.0 P.M.

Yes, but there are endless cases of overcrowding, and the right hon. Gentleman would have been more horrified if he had seen them. I have any number of cases here which I can give to the right hon. Gentleman if he would like to see them. At all events, the venti- lation of this question by the Noble Lord has, I am glad to think, at last induced the right hon. Gentleman to take personal notice of the matter, and to endeavour as far as he can to deal with it. I agree with the hon. Baronet opposite (Sir A. Mond) in thinking that the right hon. Gentleman is not dealing with it sufficiently. By his own showing, 200 extra men are to be employed on the works during the current year, and ho has provided by arrangement with the contractors—I presume by paying a little more money, which is quite right—for accommodation for 300 men, and he is in negotiation for 200 more huts. But if you take into account the condition of overcrowding in these other places, with which the right hon. Gentleman has not dealt, and in private houses in Dunfermline itself, you will still leave a very large margin unprovided for. You have something like 1,200 or 1,300 of these men in Dunfermline. The housing question has been acute there for some time before this influx, and it has not been improved by the provisions of the 1909 Budget. You have dumped upon these people 1,200 Bosyth workmen; you have overcrowded the houses, and enormously raised the rents of everybody else in the place. No doubt it is true that at Dunfermline they have a beneficent provision which helps them in a way which other towns are not assisted. They have the Carnegie benefaction to lower the rates, so that perhaps on that account they can afford to pay a little more rent than people in other places could do. You have overcrowding, not only in Rosyth and Inverkeithing, but also in the surrounding towns and villages, and you ought to make some effort to get rid of it. If the right hon. Gentleman, now that he has the matter in view, will keep looking at it and occasionally make an inspection, we may perhaps get more done to bring about a reasonable state of housing and other accommodation for the large number of working people in the district.

The right hon. Gentleman spoke about new works at Crombie. A very large influx of workmen is expected there. I understand there is a contract now for new houses, and there are a certain number of cottages which have not been occupied. Why could not some of the Rosyth men have gone there? I agree with the hon. Member for Stirling Burghs, that you ought to have anticipated the influx of Government workmen. There is no difficulty about it if a little foresight is shown, and perhaps a little expenditure of money incurred, which, as the hon. Baronet said, would be as a drop in the ocean compared with the total expenditure. I have known for years that the condition of things was extremely unsatisfactory. I think the Admiralty are greatly to blame for not having taken the matter in hand long ago. I do not think that the right hon. Gentleman has made any sufficient or satisfactory excuse to-day. Members of the Government are very keen on making everybody else perfect, but they are far from perfect themselves, either in their bureaucratic arrangements or anything else. In this case I think the Admiralty have failed in their duty in not long ago tackling a subject of such enormous importance to the community at Rosyth and to the workmen employed. I congratulate the Noble Lord upon having at last aroused the right hon. Gentleman's attention, and I trust the result will be very much to the advantage of all concerned.

No one as yet has said anything in favour of the Local Government Board for Scotland—[An HON. MEMBER: "Nor against them."]—and I think that in justice to that Department a few words should be said on their behalf. An hon. Member says that nobody has said anything against them. That is so, with one exception. The Noble Lord who opened the Debate accused them of neglect and indifference. I have never heard a more unfounded charge. If there is one subject upon which the Local Government Board for Scotland have been extremely keen, it has been the question of housing in Rosyth and district. They have not neglected their duty. On the contrary, they have actively exercised the powers which they possess. The powers of the Local Government Board may be generally described as supervisory powers. What was the action of the Board in this matter? In 1911, when the problem began to arise, when these great works began to attract a number of workmen to the district, the Local Government Board made a very careful inquiry into the matter. In July, 1911, that inquiry was completed, and a report on the housing accommodation and upon the provision for sickness and accident was made by Dr. Dewar, medical inspector to the Local Government Board for Scotland, and Mr. John Wilson, the architectural inspector. The work was very thoroughly done. They inspected the lodging-houses and housing accommodation in all the places where the men brought to Rosyth were likely to be found—Inverkeithing, Jamestown, North Queensferry, Burnside, Hillend, Dunfermline, Pattiesmuir, Cross-ford, Charlestown, and Limekilns—and they made a most elaborate report, which was printed and published. They took the appropriate and proper action. They sent a copy of that report to the district committee of Dunfermline, and in consequence Dr. Currie, the medical officer for Fifeshire, investigated and reported on the matter in August, 1912. In October the inspector of the Local Government Board, who had taken a keen and constant interest in the matter, attended a meeting of the district committee, and subsequently reported that certain remedial measures were being effected in the housing at Jamestown and Burnside, that the district committee had decided upon an additional sanitary inspector, but that it was desirable that there should be closer inspection of houses let in lodgings. Representations by the local authority, strongly supported by the Local Government Board, were made to the contractors, urging that the congestion should be relieved by the erection of huts or otherwise. We have heard what was done in that matter. Huts for 900 persons were erected, and a further number of huts for, I think, 600 workmen are about to be erected by the contractors.

The numbers were given by my right hon. Friend. At any rate, huts for 900 were erected at that time. In November, 1912, an inspector of the Local Government Board, who were still keeping the matter under constant supervision, made another exhaustive inquiry into the general housing conditions. The Local Government Board have watched the subject from beginning to end, but, as hon. Members are aware, their powers are limited. The primary authorities to deal with insanitary conditions are the local authorities, but the Board have power to put some pressure on the local authorities. What I want to answer is the charge of neglect and indifference on the part of the Local Government Board. At the present moment their inspectors are carefully looking into the matter and keeping their information up to date.

The hon. Member for Stirling Burghs spoke about the public spirit displayed by Dunfermline. I should like to concur in all that he has said and to emphasise it. Dunfermline has shown a most admirable public spirit and great foresight in dealing with this very important question. Of course, they have to consider not merely the temporary pressure caused by these works, but the permanent increase of population which will be brought about in the district when the works are completed and are being used to their full extent. Hence they have to look to a more permanent type of buildings. They brought forward a town-planning scheme, which the Local Government Board considered and approved without delay, and which, I believe, is on the point of becoming an agreed scheme. I can assure the House that the Local Government Board will make no delay in dealing with that matter as soon as it is ripe for them to deal with. Another thing that Dunfermline has done is to prepare a great main drainage scheme in preparation for the new buildings. The scheme will cost £100,000, and is in progress, having been started about April, 1912. There again they had all the assistance possible of the Local Government Board. This is technically a Vote on Account of the Local Government Board for Scotland, and I think the hon. Baronet (Sir G. Younger) and others who know the facts will be prepared to admit that not only have the Local Government Board not been neglectful or indifferent, but they have taken a very keen and proper interest in this matter. From beginning to end they have done all in their power to see that sanitary conditions were observed, and to encourage the development of housing, which undoubtedly is required in that district. They have dealt with foresight, not only with the temporary difficulty, but with the permanent buildings which will be required in the neighbourhood in the years that are to come. I think the House will agree that no blame can be cast on the local authority or on the Local Government Board in this matter.

The hon. Member for Stirling Burghs said that he did not wish to approach this question from the party point of view. Nor do I, but I trust that I may, with all sincerity, say how very disappointed I am with the answer of the Secretary to the Admiralty, who has made hardly any defence of the past action of his Department. I think he had practically to admit that the Government have been taking enormous sums of money out of the pockets of the taxpayers, and expending it at Rosyth in a manner which has brought about great degradation and demoralisation, not only to the workers, but to all the dwellers of the surrounding districts. I should like to say a word about the lodging houses which the right hon. Gentleman found satisfactory. The Secretary for Scotland said that the Local Government Board had done everything possible to stir up the local authorities. I have in my hand a report of a gentleman who was commissioned by the Workers League of Edinburgh, to inquire into the state of housing in the surrounding towns and villages. He conducted an inquiry in February of this year. In the lodging houses in Inverkeithing he found that that the right hon. Gentleman might have brought forward a better argument. The country at the present moment is deeply stirred on the question of the social condition of the people. If there is a common mind and a common sentiment amongst the people of this country it is that every working man should have sufficient food and be sufficiently well housed to be able to lead a decent and healthy life. It is absolutely deplorable that this common feeling and common sentiment have left the Admiralty almost untouched. Although the Secretary to the Admiralty stood in a white sheet, and said that he is doing what he can to remedy these things, I cannot help thinking this provision of extra accommodation by the contractors is absolutely inadequate. The contractors are charging, on the average, 10s. per weeK for the houses. If the right hon. Gentleman were to insist upon the contractors housing the whole of their workmen they would be killing two birds with one stone. They would be offering to the contractor a very profitable investment for his money, and also giving the workman a chance of leading a decent and proper life. As I said, I do not wish to make party capital out of this question, but I do wish that the question shall have a great deal more attention paid to it.

We do not pay sufficient attention to the problem as to whether this great outpouring of public money is used to raise the condition of the people. I am very much afraid we are much too careless about it. For instance, there has been during the last six months or more an enormous attraction of labour towards Barrow-in-Furness. It would be no exaggeration to say that thousands and thousands of workmen have been taken on by Messrs. Vickers, Limited. I should like to know what steps the Admiralty have taken to find out whether these workmen and those dependent upon them are living under decent conditions? If the Admiralty were to inquire they would, I imagine, find that there has been gross overcrowding in the place. It is, too, an open secret that the men working in these works are specially liable to accidents. The number of accidents is colossal. Have the Admiralty taken any notice as to whether these workmen are working under proper conditions as to safeguards from accidents? I make no charge, of course, against Messrs. Vickers, Limited, but I do ask the Secretary to the Admiralty to see that these matters are attended to, so that when we do spend public money it shall be spent for the general welfare of the people, and not for their degradation and general demoralisation.

As one who has been associated with the hon. Member for Stoke in efforts to improve the housing conditions of the people, I would congratulate him on the result of his Motion. As a result of that Motion we have had the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Admiralty promising to make considerable additions to the housing accommodation of Rosyth and district. As one who knows the district thoroughly—as a matter of fact, it is in the Constituency which I have the honour to represent—I do not think that the accommodation that has been promised will entirely meet the needs of the situation. There is one other suggestion that I have no desire to go on to discuss at great length, for it has been very fully discussed already, but I should like the right hon. Gentleman to take it seriously into consideration. In addition to telling us that the contractors had promised to build huts to accommodate 300 single men and 200 families, he told us that his Department was in close touch with the town council of Dunfermline respecting the permanent development of that area. In the course of his remarks regarding that permanent development, he informed the House that a number of offers had been made to them by private companies and by syndicates for exploiting the areas once their town-planning scheme had been properly adjusted. He further said some of these schemes provided for houses that he thought were rather highly rented for men whose wages were such as were likely to be paid at Rosyth. One of the difficulties at Rosyth at present is undoubtedly the high rent charged for houses. As the hon. Member for Stoke has already pointed out, two-roomed cottages range from 4s. 3d. to 5s. 6d. per week, and three-roomed cottages from 6s. 8d. to 7s. 8d. I put it to the House that it is almost impossible for men earning 5½d. per hour, as are many of the men who are engaged in the construction of Rosyth Naval Base, and who have a wife and family, to pay the rent charged in the the locality. I would therefore ask that the right hon. Gentleman should give very serious consideration to the question of building on the Admiralty's own land houses for the accommodation of their own workpeople. If they do this they will be in a position to prevent their workmen being exploited either by private individuals or the syndicates who may be anxious to get hold of this new area. One of the strongest condemnations that I have heard of the Admiralty's position regarding the development at Rosyth was made recently by the Convener of the Town-Planning Committee of Dunfermline. It was, in part, quoted by the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin while he was speaking. That Convener, addressing a meeting last week, used these words:—

"The Admiralty have not shown a good example in this matter. They should have provided for the housing of their own people themselves, thus showing an example to the nation, instead of callously leaving the housing of the workmen to be exploited by a syndicate, which naturally are not philanthropists."

That is just the point that I want the right hon. Gentleman seriously to take into consideration. He could help the housing difficulty very much by getting his Department to agree to house their own workmen. That is one of the ways in which the situation so far as the housing problem in that district can be relieved. I hope that before the discussion ends we will get an assurance from the right hon. Gentleman that he will take this into consideration, and that in hurrying on the permanent development his Department will consider the provision on their own ground of a number of houses for the accommodation of their own workmen. They will then be in a position to charge a rent which will come within the reach of the men who will be permanently employed at Rosyth, as well as a large number of men who are at the present time employed for wages which, personally, I consider are scandalous wages: they do not allow the men to provide decent housing accommodation for themselves.

It seems to me that this is one of the most important Debates that we have had in this House for some time. Here we have the social question not in the air, but in the concrete. We have a great Government Department entrusted with what has been described as a "duty," but what I should prefer to describe as "a great opportunity." It has had occasion to bring into a particular part of Scotland over 4,000 adult men. What have we been told to-night by my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary? He told us that what I take the liberty of calling doss-houses have been provided by private enterprise. About 1,600 beds, some of them cubicles, have been provided, and that, apart from the 1,600 beds in doss-houses, there are about 900 places in the hut colony. It follows, therefore, that about 1,500 adult men have been somehow or other stuffed into houses and cottages existing in that neighbourhood in easy reach of the Rosyth works. We know very well that the amount of new building in that district within the last few years has been very small, and that in the immediate neighbourhood in the last few years it has entirely ceased. It therefore follows that in that district, in spite of the nice things said about Dunfermline and other places, the housing conditions are not so much above the average, and that what we have done is to stuff 1,500 adult men into conditions which are certainly not ideal. It does not require a very fervid imagination to picture what must have been the result of that upon ordinary houses in this neighbourhood, quite apart from the condition of the dosshouses and quite apart from the conditions of the hut colony. What does my right hon. Friend propose to do?

I think we ought to remember that the Admiralty has been passing through very strenuous times in recent years. They have had to deal with what I may call the very rapid growth of business which we all deplore. The Admiralty itself, it is only fair to mention, have other things to think of, but I cannot find any excuse in that for the dereliction of duty that has taken place. My right hon. Friend has investigated the circumstances, and tells us that the contractors have agreed to find places for 300 more single adult men, and that huts are to be put up to accommodate 200 married men and their families. Thatmeans, of course, accommodation of 500 more of these adult men workers—300 single and 200 married. Against that they have got to put the prospective increase in the number of men employed, and that is to be in the near future, as I understand it, 200. It conies to this, therefore, that these deplorable housing conditions are going to be met in the near future by the provision of beds for 300 men. I do venture to suggest to my right hon. Friend that the matter again needs reconsideration. Surely a very much larger amount of accommodation must be obtained if the housing conditions in this district are to be restored to what they were before we commenced work at Rosyth. I said that these conditions were probably not ideal. We can imagine what they have become now with so little new building, and the influx of such an enormous number of men. It has been hinted at once or twice, and it is a most unfortunate thing in this connection, that a number of the navvies employed are men of a low type; that has been hinted at. What can we expect in these conditions? What sort of men can we expect to be introduced into a district like Rosyth with such a combination of conditions as are afforded there? The Admiralty, it seems to me, must have regard to its duty in this particular neighbourhood. Surely that duty becomes all the more insistent when we remember the purposes of this work at Rosyth.

Here we are building this magnificent naval base to accommodate a more magnificent Navy, and we have got this extraordinary contrast between the magnificence of the defence, on the one hand, and the type of accommodation which is provided for the people who make the defences, on the other hand. If the First Lord of the Admiralty desires the workmen of this country to take a real interest in His Majesty's Navy, he might be wise to consider this, that if the homes of these workmen are worth defending, they may take a greater interest in the Navy provided for their defence. At the present time there is an ever-increasing number of workmen in every constituency in this country who are saying that what they have is not worth defending. This is not only a housing question, it is something more than that. We should see that the homes of the workpeople should be made worthy of defending, and that the workpeople of this country should feel they are of sufficient interest to their governors to make them worthy of consideration in such a matter as this. I have said that the Government have a great opportunity in this matter. They should remember not only the temporary condition of Rosyth, but the permanent condition. I think a Government Department faced with an opportunity like this ought lo congratulate itself, because here it has a chance of showing what can be done in the making of a new town. It is all very well to talk about social policy, but here we have a concrete case where it is possible for a Government Department to set an example to other towns in the country to show what is possible in the permanent housing of the people. My right hon. Friend referred to that subject in his speech, and he pointed out as accounting for part of the delay that it was the duty of the Government to safeguard the increment of the future, and see that they were made public property. I venture to suggest to the Government that it should not feu this land at Rosyth. Instead of relying upon private enterprise to put up the ordinary rubbishy private enterprise houses, it should employ such architects as the right hon. Gentleman mentioned—some of the best in the country—and build for itself and show the kind of town that could be built for the permanent housing of the future of that neighbourhood. It has a duty, therefore, not only in respect to temporary policy, but it has a more permanent duty before it.

The right hon. Baronet the Member for Swansea referred to the fact that private contractors had shown an example to public Departments in this matter. I freely confess some private contractors have, but I really cannot understand how he can make the suggestion in this connection, that private contractors in this matter have made any attempt to meet the necessities of this case. I am not blaming the Admiralty. I do not forget that, after all, it is a private contractor who is doing this particular work, and not His Majesty's Government, and that brings me to my final point, which is this: Without any increase in our great spending Department, we should take the responsibility of doing the work ourselves which we have in hand. I believe that in that policy you have got a solution of such difficult problems as this, and, more than that, I venture to say that the question of our release from the contractors' ring is also to be found in the direct employment of labour. It is useless for this House to pass Fair-Wage Clauses, or to pass Standing Orders which have been so much referred to here tonight. Why should we shift the responsibility at all. Why not, seeing we have got the millions to spend, employ the workmen ourselves and show that it is possible for a Government Department to be model employers in the best sense of the word.

I think it is pretty clear that the deplorable state of affairs at Rosyth is due to want of foresight on the part of the Admiralty, who stated some years ago there was no occasion to hurry. They are pursuing exactly the same course with regard to the future explosive factory at Crombie, where, I was told the other day, that in a short time some 460 men will be employed. I was told that sixty houses have been erected. We have heard to-day that some fifteen have been erected, and that they cannot be used to relieve any of the housing congestion at Rosyth. I think I know the reason, because the Admiralty found them so expensive to build, that they cannot let them at reasonable rents to the Rosyth men. They built no more than sixty houses, and they put forward the scheme inviting private contractors to step in and build 350 houses. We have heard a good deal about two-roomed houses not being very satisfactory. The Admiralty themselves invited tenders for 170: practically half the houses to be built as two-roomed houses with one bedroom. Surely that is not a very satisfactory request from the Admiralty who should encourage the building of a fair sized house, and should deprecate those one bed-roomed cottages. At the present moment the private contractors have not come forward and accepted the Admiralty terms for these cottages. I believe at first the Admiralty did not wish to feu the land, and they suggested that private contractors could make their own arrangements and feu the land to private people. They got no offer upon that and so the Admiralty now are offering to feu Admiralty land to those private contractors, but they are demanding very onerous terms. They say that all the sewerage and water and general sanitary arrangements must be provided by people who take up the feu. This will cause a very heavy expenditure, and I hear that in addition the Admiralty are demanding £10 per acre. When private feurs let land they generally undertake the expenses of making roads, and probably providing water and sanitary arrangements.

The Admiralty are asking £10 per acre and also insisting on the feur making all these arrangements for sanitation, water, and roads and light. I am told that in the houses the Admiralty have got, the water supply and sanitarian arrangements are most defective. Really the Admiralty are putting forward too onerous terms to the speculative builders. What is suggested to-day is that the Admiralty should protect the rights and interests of the public; but the fact we want to get at is this: These houses are to be built and we know in a year's time the explosive factory at Crombie will be fully occupied, and we shall not be able to stop the congestion in the Rosyth district. I do not care whether the Admiralty provide the houses themselves on their own land or whether they come to terms with private speculative builders. I would like to remind the House that in this case the Admiralty are the landlords and the employers of labour all rolled into one, and surely they should set an example, both as landlords and employers of labour, by providing land on reasonable terms for those who are willing to provide the houses. The hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson) has advocated this course, and I trust that he will vote with us in pressing this provision as to housing upon the Admiralty.

I agree with those hon. Members who have expressed the views that we have had a most interesting Debate, and I might add a most useful one from many points of view. It has been useful because at last the Admiralty is going to do something at Rosyth. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty, whose personal interest in the matter nobody would dispute, has told us this afternoon that he found the contractor a most amenable, courteous, and obliging gentleman; in fact, the right hon. Gentleman seemed to suggest that he had only just to say the word and the contractor would fall into his plan. But why was not the contractor as amenable five years ago, when the hon. Member for Stoke raised this question in the House? Were the conditions not as bad then as they are now? For five years nothing has been done in this matter, and why? Mainly because the question was raised upon this side of the House. I myself asked many questions before the work at Rosyth was started at all, and town planning schemes were sent in, but they received only a formal acknowledgment.

Almost everybody saw the difficulty that was going to arise at Rosyth except the officials of the Admiralty, and they are responsible for creating the situation that has arisen. They knew that thousands of men were going to be employed, and that hardly a room could be found. By their own admission this afternoon the Admiralty have admitted indifference and inactivity. If they are in a position, after five years, to promise better conditions, the work should have been done five years ago, and in my opinion no explanation has been given. This is undoubtedly an indictment and condemnation, I will not say of the Admiralty, but of the Government, who have allowed this long delay to take place. It is really not the way to treat the House of Commons, on a vital matter of this kind, for the Secretary of Scotland to say that the Local Government Board has done everything they could according to their powers. I accept the right hon. Gentleman's word, for I know he is a man of vigilance and has this question at heart, but if he had not the powers, why did he not induce his colleagues in the Cabinet to allow him to obtain those powers? It was the duty of the Secretary of Scotland, under those circumstances, to make this a real live question, because it was being brought forward almost every week, and nothing has been done. I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he has a copy of any representation that was ever made by his Department to the head of the Government, or even to the Admiralty, that something should be done in this respect? I venture to say that very little has been done in that direction. I think the serious part, and almost the crime, of this matter is that while the Admiralty would not allow other people to build houses, or lodging-houses, they would do nothing themselves. I think that is a very serious matter, and it shakes one's confidence in what some of our best friends say with regard to matters of this kind, when we find that the right hon. Gentleman says that he can do it now when he has no more power than he had then.

In spite of the activity of the hon. Member for Stoke nothing has been done all these years. When the election does come I fear that we shall not have on our banner, "Model Housing at Rosyth." I am afraid we shall have to put something more of real live activity into this matter, not only at Rosyth but elsewhere, before the people will believe that we are absolutely sincere in regard to this matter. The Government and all those connected with the different Departments concerned are responsible for this delay. I see the Civil Lord of the Admiralty present, and I am sure we should like to have his view with regard to this matter, which I think was in his own Department, and I would like to know if he has any further explanation to give. At the same time I am delighted that the right hon. Gentleman has at last promised to do something, and I hope it will be a real promise, and that there will be some real result from it. If the Parliamentary Secretary of the Admiralty gives the matter his prompt, personal attention, I am sure it will be done, but in future when private Members on this side take the initiative I hope they will be listened to a little more than they have been in the past, and I trust that we shall not have to wait until a Noble Lord opposite is able to come down and threaten all kinds of things. I thank the right hon. Gentleman for the promise he has made on this question.

I lived myself at Dunfermline for some time, and I was associated with the operations of that great social trust referred to by the hon. Member opposite. I know something of the social conditions of the district which has been discussed, and of the general problem offered by the naval base at Rosyth. Like the speakers who have preceded me, I regret the delay that has taken place in dealing with this question. It is a delay which could not have taken place had this been a matter for which a municipality was responsible, because the force of public opinion would immediately have brought such a question as this to an issue. I refer to a municipality because I desire to quote the example of Birmingham and make a suggestion. The right hon. Gentleman knows well enough that the city of Birmingham undertook the scheme to bring the water supply from Wales to the Midlands, and Birmingham was faced with a somewhat similar problem to that which faces us at Rosyth. The corporation of Birmingham assumed responsibility for the housing conditions of workpeople, and I think they carried out their responsibilities in a very complete way. But they did more than that, for not only did they recognise their responsibility for the housing conditions of the workpeople engaged on their work, but they also assumed responsibility for the social and moral conditions under which those workpeople lived.

The right hon. Gentleman seems to think that that is a very ambitious programme indeed, but I wish to remind him of what was done in the case of Birmingham. A missionary was appointed, not in the narrow sense of a missionary sent to preach to the people, but a man of wide culture and great human sympathies, and he was sent to these waterworks, and he lived a life on a level with the workpeople, moved about with them as a friend and gave them his advice and help. He organised little libraries, arranged concerts, promoted their social life in many ways, gave them; the help of his own advice and resources, and acted as a social and inspiring force, and thus brought some humane conditions into what would other- wise have been a very dreary existence indeed. I desire to make that definite suggestion to the right hon. Gentleman, to-night. I suggest to him the consideration of the appointment of a similar man charged with somewhat similar duties, and I would point out how urgent is the appointment of a social missionary, or call him what you like so long as he is a man of broad human sympathies. I know this district well. Much reference has not been made to certain agencies which at present are the only agencies which seem to cater for the people at Rosyth. At present the public-house is the only social institution left to care for the leisure hours and the social and intellectual life of the whole of these workpeople at Rosyth. The public-houses at Dunfermline and Inverkeithing and the district generally are the only social agencies that exist where the navvies and workpeople can find any recreation or change from the dreary monotony of their existence. When I lived in that district the ideal seemed to be, as far as publicans were concerned, that there should be one public-house for one family, and I found that the number of public-houses was very much in excess of the needs of the district. I would remind the right hon. Gentleman how much the prosperity and the happiness of the workpeople at Rosyth—

I do not see how the topic, which the hon. Member is discussing, is relevant to the present Vote. The question under consideration is not one of general moral welfare.

8.0 P.M.

I am sorry that I have digressed from the subject before the House, but I only wished to point out that the degrading housing conditions existing at Rosyth lead the workmen to find solace in the only social institution that exists in their midst, namely, the public house. That is why I was anxious that some attention should be paid to such an experiment as that which was so successfully made in connection with Birmingham. I listened with great attention to the speech of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty, and I note with very great gratitude the considerable advance that that speech marks in this matter. Some of his points gave me uneasiness, because it did not seem to me that the proposals he is going to carry out will adequately solve the housing difficulty which now exists. Let me give one example. The right hon. Gentleman discussed the question of the lodging-houses, and gave statistics of the people accommodated in those houses in Dunfermline and Inverkeithing, and he also gave an indication of his conclusion as to their efficiency and character generally. But, whilst he made those criticisms by inference he seemed to accept those great lodging-houses as permanent factors in the housing situation. I should very much regret if the right hon. Gentleman and his advisers under any circumstances looked on those large lodging-houses as permanently satisfactory in connection with the housing conditions of the workpeople. These large lodging-houses of the character that has been described, are, I venture to suggest, very greatly to be deplored, and I trust, in estimating the number of houses required in the future, and in making arrangements either directly or with the contractors, that the lodging-houses will not be regarded as necessarily permanent institutions for the housing of the working people, but will, as rapidly as possible, be replaced by ordinary houses. Life in these lodging-houses is extremely unhealthy, and men only live there at all because of the absence of other accommodation. It is not sufficient to quote the number of places provided in these lodging-houses, and to say that they have dealt with that portion of the problem. A far safer and better measure would be to regard the lodging-houses as only temporary in their character, and to provide other and better accommodation as rapidly as possible. Reference has been made to the action of the local authorities in connection with this matter, and especially to the public-spirited action taken by the Town Council of Dunfermline with regard to their town-planning scheme. I do not desire to say one word in criticism of the eulogy that has been pronounced upon the Town Council of Dunfermline. I think they were bound to take this action. Both Dunfermline and the other local municipal bodies have benefited very greatly from the influx of the workpeople, and they would have been gravely neglecting their duties if they had not brought the matter to the notice of the Admiralty and kept up their agitation.

If there is any note of criticism at all with regard to the local authorities that could be expressed, it is that they have not, and particularly in the case of the Inverkeithing Council, availed themselves of the resources of the existing law and issued compulsory orders with regard to a great number of these houses and huts which are unfit for human habitation. I cannot help thinking that had these compulsory orders had been issued, it would have been a definite challenge to the Government on this matter, and would have brought it to an issue much more speedily. That is the only note of criticism that I desire to express with regard to the local authorities. I do not think that they have used the agency of the ordinary law as freely and as rapidly as was open to them. If we have not heard a great deal from the workpeople themselves with regard to the conditions under which they have been housed, one explanation may be found in the somewhat degrading conditions of life that sometimes exist both in England and in Scotland, but particularly in some of the mining districts near to the district affected. The Noble Lord (Lord Robert Cecil), in placing his case before the House earlier this afternoon, gave instances of what he said were the facts relating to the housing of the Rosyth workpeople, but many things which he mentioned are typical of what prevails to-day in many parts of Scotland and England, particularly where the mine owners, in case of collieries, and where other contractors and owners are left to provide their own housing conditions. It was therefore very unfortunate when this great scheme was being started at Rosyth that the Admiralty left to the chance care of contractors the duty of providing housing conditions.

It was especially necessary in this case that a great example should be set because of the low standard of life that has been allowed to creep in where the provision of housing accommodation has been left to those who have only a temporary financial interest in the work that, they are doing. That is why I hope in the future these matters will not be left to private enterprise, but that the Government will take every appropriate opportunity of setting a model to the country. Whatever scheme of town planning is now authorised, I trust that it will be of such a nature that the Admiralty will be able to see to it that it is a real solution of the housing question, and not a fanciful one. I would, in conclusion, ask my right hon. Friend to remember that no town-planning scheme, and no private scheme of any description, will be a solution of the housing question either at Rosyth or in any other part of the country which allows rents to be fixed by competition, and which offers the houses to the highest bidder. I trust that the Admiralty will see to it that rents of the permanent houses which are provided for the workers of Rosyth will be kept within appropriate limits, and that they will never be subject to competition. That inevitably means that a great number of the workpeople sink lower and lower as far as housing accommodation is concerned, and that for a great number of them, with even the presence of a town-planning scheme, the only accommodation provided is these great lodging houses and other equally undesirable places.

I do not feel that I can give a silent vote on this matter. I share with a very large number of Members on this side of the House a feeling of what I can only call something like humiliation that the conditions we have heard described to us have been allowed to grow up at Rosyth. I have for some time taken part in the garden city movement in this country, and I think I may be entitled to emphasise the very great opportunity which the Government has in this case, and of which so far they have shown very little inclination to make any proper use. While some of us have been doing our best to show to the country object lessons of garden city and garden suburb development, and while the Garden City Association has been urging upon the Government for years past the opportunity which they had of creating a model town round Rosyth, the Government has been practically doing nothing in this matter. I know that we have been told of inquiries, but meanwhile private individuals have not only been inquiring, but have been doing a great deal. There was nothing in the world to prevent the Government doing something at Rosyth years ago, and, if they had done something, there would have been accommodation there of a decent character for the temporary population that has been needed in developing these works, and the same accommodation would have formed the nucleus of the model town which we hope will be created round that naval base. There is, of course, the opportunity for the Government to go on and do this work yet, but the first essential, I take it, is that they should not be content merely with town planning.

I am perfectly satisfied from my own experience that merely by planning the land of other people you will never get the best results. If the Government are really going to get a good result at Rosyth it is essential that they should acquire a large area upon which the new town is to be created. We are told that they have about 316 acres of land. That is a very small quantity compared with what they will need. One enterprise, which started with resources absolutely microscopic compared with those of the Government. has been able to develop 4,000 acres of land, and it is not a bit too much. It is hardly enough for creating a model town with proper surroundings. We hear a very great deal about getting the unearned increment into public hands, and we have heard to-night of the necessity of considering in this matter the increment in value. I venture to say that unless the Government acquire a large area of land at Rosyth and acquire it at a fair price, they will never be able to deal properly with that increment; they will never get rid of the enormous difficulties of dealing with the increment in the value of the land of other people. I hope that it is not too late for us still to have a great example round this new naval base of what a model town should be. Those who know Devonport, and other neighbourhoods, know only too well what often exists round the Government dockyards and naval bases. We hope that the Government will show us in this case a great example of what ought to be in the housing of the people in the service of their country.

I desire to draw the attention of the House, and therefore the attention of the country, to a matter of very urgent public importance. The elections for the Legislative Council for Rhodesia will take place on Wednesday next. That general election is of immense and enormous importance, because during the tenure in office of the members of this Legislative Council the Charter of the British South Africa Company, which is of date, 29th October, 1889, will run out; and in the renewal or modification of that Charter naturally the elected representative of the white men of Rhodesia will have a very commanding voice. The constitution of this Legislative Council is thus: It consists of eighteen members. Of these eighteen members, six are nominated by the Chartered Company of South Africa. The remaining twelve are elected, or ought to be elected, by the white men.

It being a Quarter-past Eight of the clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means, under Standing Order No. 8, further Proceeding was postponed without Question put.

Private Business

WEYMOUTH AND MELCOMBE REGIS CORPORATION BILL.—(By Order.)

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made and Question, "That the Bill be now read a second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a second time, and committed.

I beg to move, "That it be an Instruction to the Committee on the Bill to hear evidence from the National Federation of Meat Traders' Associations (Incorporated) against Clause 80 of the Bill."

I understand that the promoters have no objection to this, and I need not therefore trouble the House with any remarks.

I beg to second the proposed Instruction.

Question put, and agreed to.

LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL (GENERAL POWERS BILL.—(By Order.)

Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [ 12th March ], "That it be an Instruction to the Committee on the London County Council (General Powers) Bill to amend Part V. so as to provide that the Metropolitan borough councils shall be the authorities to register premises in the county of London used for the reception or treatment of persons requiring nursing or massage, manicure, chiropody, light or other baths, or other similar treatment, and to administer the provisions of the Bill relating thereto and of the by-laws made thereunder."—( Mr. Boyton ).

Question again proposed. Debate resumed.

I do not think the House ought to assent to this Instruction, which would tie the hands of the Committee to which this Bill be sent. The Committee to deal with this Bill is the Local Legislation Committee, to which we have been in the habit of delegating matters if this kind, but I understand that there is some doubt if the case can be fully put before the Committee in the absence of any Instruction. I therefore make a suggestion to the hon. Member who moves this Instruction that he should accept two Amendments. The first one would take away the mandatory character of the Instruction by inserting the words "if they think fit." The second would make it read rather better by adding the words "in substitution for the London County Council" at the end of the Question. With that Instruction it would be understood that the borough councils would be able to go before the Local Legislation Committee, which would have power to deal with the question on its merits.

With great respect for the position of the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, I hope the House will not accept the Instruction as amended by him. We are dealing with a great constitutional question affecting the government of London, and I submit, with great respect, that we ought not to delegate that question at all to any Committee of this House I have much respect for the decisions of the Local Legislation Committee, and I have no doubt they will come to a sound conclusion, but I do not think the duty of deciding this question should be put upon them. I hold that the Metropolitan borough councils ought not to be put to the trouble and inconvenience of submitting their case to the local legislation committee. It would involve a great deal of expense, trouble, and inconvenience, and, as far as I can ascertain the feeling of London, there is no sentiment in favour of the proposal embodied in this Instruction. The authorities of my own Metropolitan Borough of Islington have written in the strongest way that they desire to have none of these powers. I therefore hope the House will deal with the matter, notwithstanding the excellent advice given by the Chairman of Ways and Means. I want the question disposed of here. May I add my hope that when the Bill is dealt with by the Committee, they will come to the conclusion that all that is needed is not to set up a new authority with a new staff of inspectors, but to enforce effectively the provisions of the Disorderly Houses Act. If they do that it will be quite unnecessary to deal with the matter in the manner proposed by the London County Council.

I beg to move, as an Amendment, after the words "Part V.," to insert the words "if they think fit."

I agree with the hon. Member who has just spoken that this is a very difficult question. But I do not see how the House at this moment, without being in possession of the facts, can decide it. I may explain the reasons why we have agreed to move the Instruction in the amended form. Originally the county council was going to deal with the whole of the work. A great deal of objection was however, taken by the borough councils to the county council doing, without any experience, work which hitherto had been done efficiently by the borough councils. Therefore it is necessary for this Instruction to be moved so that the borough councils can appear before the Committee and put forward their part of the case. As I understand the matter now, the county council agrees to this Instruction—at any rate, it has agreed not to refer back the Report to its Parliamentary Committee which suggested that the borough councils should do this work, and that the county council should make bylaws for the whole of London. It is really a matter of dealing with disorderly houses, not houses properly and legitimately used for massage and electrical treatment. Some houses are so near the line that it is difficult for the police to get evidence, and, therefore, the county council, on the recommendation of the Home Secretary, has applied to Parliament for these powers. I am not going into the general question. No doubt, when the Report comes back from the Committee, the House will decide for itself whether or not these powers really are necessary. There is a good deal to be said on both sides of the question. All we say is that if such a law is needed for London, the proper people to carry it out are the borough councils, which have Watch Committees that have been accustomed to do this work for years—work which their predecessors did before them. I understand that the county council halve passed a motion on these lines, and that they agree more or less to the Instruction, so that the case of the borough councils and the whole question can be raised before the Committee. I hope that the House will agree to the Instruction as amended in accordance with the suggestion of the Chairman of Ways and Means.

I beg to second the Amendment.

I hope the House will agree to allow the borough councils to put their case before the Committee, for the reason that the county council has really been set in motion by the Commissioner of Police, who pointed out in a letter to the council, which I have seen, that some of these places which are advertised as massage establishments are really nothing but disorderly houses. That is the expression used by the Commissioner of Police himself.

At the present time the borough councils are the people charged with the duty of suppressing disorderly houses, and it would be convenient as well as economical that the body which is charged with the duty of dealing with disorderly houses when they are not disguised as massage establishments should also be charged with the duty of dealing with them when they are so disguised. The hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Radford) spoke of the constitutional aspect of the question. The proposal now made—

The hon. Member is now going into the general question.

I beg your pardon, Sir. My point is that this is a question which may fairly be considered by the Committee, and I hope for that reason that the Instruction will be allowed to pass.

The attitude which the London County Council frequently takes up in this House is to be severely condemned. A more humiliating position is never taken up by any other authority in this country. They are not only willing to put the duties in regard to this question on anybody else, but also in many other questions, particularly the provision of sanatoria. That is a question I cannot go into now. Here we have a case where they are quite willing, this being a disagreeable task, to push it on to anyone. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Certainly, that is so. There is not the slightest desire on the part of the spokesmen for the county council and its present Moderate majority to do their duty to the people in the Metropolis. There has been no indication whatever that they were ready, although this was a disagreeable task, to do their utmost in the public service. They are only making excuses to show that other authorities are more competent than they are. We are a little tired of the apologetic manner of the London County Council. We are dealing with disorderly houses disguised as massage houses. What in the name of common sense can there be to support the idea that the matter should be left to the various districts? You cannot assume that all the borough councils of London will be unanimous or uniform. The consequence will be that you will have these people going from one part of the Metropolis to another, first dodging one authority and then dodging another. That is the very element of this difficulty. They say that the police themselves, who are used as an argument in favour of this Instruction, know a great many of these houses to be disorderly houses. I should like more evidence that the police would pin themselves to that statement. For any Commissioner of Police to put that in writing seems to write him down as unfaithful to his task, and I cannot imagine that has ever been done. If you rely upon the different borough councils of London doing their duty in a matter like this, when the police do not, then the House is trusting to a broken reed. If hon. Members opposite who speak on behalf of the London County Council think that the way to grapple with this evil is by parcelling it out to scores of authorities who will each have their own by-laws and separate officers, it shows they have utterly failed to grasp the fact that London is a great Metropolis, and that when an important question like this has to be grappled with it should be grappled with in the name of the entire community.

The hon. Member, with his usual ingenuity, is going close up to the line and then away from it again. I must ask him not to run quite so close to the touch-line, if I may so describe it.

I thank you, Sir, for that very handsome compliment. My point is that we could not have a better illustration of where the policy of the London County Council leads to than their attitude on this question. I understand that an official announcement has been made.

I am not on the London County Council. I am advocating the case on behalf of the borough councils. I have nothing to do with the London. County Council.

The hon. Member is quite capable of moving an Instruction. Undoubtedly the statement was made from that side that the London County Council were prepared to accept this Instruction. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] If they are not, are they ashamed of it? I am perfectly certain that there was an intention to give the impression to the House that the county council were prepared to accept the Instruction in its amended form. They ought to be ashamed of themselves for taking up such a position. I understand that the Bill is brought in for the purpose of putting upon the Metropolitan borough councils, or giving them the opportunity to so claim before the Committee, the enforcement of the legislation designed to suppress disorderly houses.

The question before the House is whether they will or will not insert, after the words "Part V.," the words "if they think fit," so as to give to the Committee an option instead of making it mandatory.

After this is disposed of, can I speak to the question of the whole Instruction as amended?

:After we have disposed of this Amendment. It all depends what the result of that disposal may be whether we can go back to a general discussion of the question.

I will content myself with protesting against the policy as put forward up to the present. I will wait until the hon. Member who has some authority to speak for this mysterious body whose champions disavow it has spoken.

The hon. Member who has just sat down has made a most unjustifiable attack on the London County Council. He attacked the Moderate party of the county council, and he attacked the county council before he had heard the official attitude of the London County Council. The hon. Member for South St. Pancras (Captain Jessel) had no authority to speak, and did not speak on their behalf. He spoke on behalf of the borough councils. The county council have clearly shown in their Bill that they consider the county council, as the central authority, ought to be the authority to administer Part V. of this Bill. The council is perfectly ready to leave this question in the hands of the House, and while the council will not be willing to accept the Instruction as moved by the hon. Member for East Marylebone (Mr. Boyton), they will be willing to accept the Instruction in its amended form as suggested by the Chairman of Ways and Means—that is to say, that it should be left to the Local Legislation Committee to decide whether the county council or the borough councils are the proper authorities to administer this part of the Bill. We are perfectly willing to do that, but we would not be willing to accept a definite Instruction as moved by the hon. Member for East Marylebone. But the House, if it disagrees with the decision of the Committee, will, of course, always have a chance of reinserting the Clause as it stands at present, and if the House should decide that it should go to the Committee to be decided there, the county council is perfectly willing to abide by that decision.

I hope the House will reject this Instruction. I do not want to see borough councils appear before the Committee, one after the other, spending the money of the ratepayers of London. Moreover, I believe that the county council is the best authority to carry this out. If the county council administers it the whole of London will be administered in the same way, whereas, if it is left to borough councils, we shall have one side of the road under this jurisdiction, and the other side under the other. Take, for instance, the Fulham Road, one side of which is administered by Chelsea, and the opposite side, with the same class of houses, by Kensington. In Oxford Street there is Marylebone on one side and Westminster on the other. It would mean expense to the ratepayers of London in a double form.

I hope the Instruction will be passed as it was originally proposed and seconded, and, if there is any objection to that, that the House will go to a Division. I should like to see the House decide that the borough council shall be the authority to register premises and not leave it to a Committee, because I think it is a question of the utmost public importance, not merely concerning Members for London, though I quite admit they are the best judges, and no doubt the House will be most moved by what they say on the subject. I totally differ from the hon. Member for Pontefract, and I do not understand his theory that the London County Council should have authority to deal with all these houses. It seems to me that these boroughs are just as separate and distinct as different boroughs in different parts of the world, and it is perfectly impossible to have one body dealing with a matter like this. Also borough councils are conspicuously the best fitted to deal with such a subject.

The question before the House is: Shall the House send this mandatory Instruction to the Committee to decide the issue, or shall the Committee decide the issue whether the county council or the borough council shall register these houses?

Is it not material to that that the Bill itself decides that the City of London shall have these powers? Is not that material when the point is being considered whether the House or the Committee shall decide whether the London County Council or the boroughs shall have that power? I should have thought it was.

Then I shall certainly cease to discuss the matter, but only express the hope that there will be a division upon the subject, on which I, at any rate, have a strong feeling.

I think-there is only one possible ground on which the House would hold itself better fitted to decide a question of this sort than a Committee, and that is the ground advanced by the hon. Member (Mr. Timothy Davies) that if this Instruction is sent up to be decided by a Committee it will involve a large number of borough councils in increased expense. If the hon. Member had taken the trouble to look into the matter a little further, he would have seen that this is not the case, because the number of borough councils who are really interested in this question is comparatively small, and the reason of that is that these establishments are concentrated in two or three boroughs in London, and the other boroughs are to a very large extent in many cases free from these objectionable establishments. But there are one or two boroughs which take a very great and very real and active interest in this matter. Those are the boroughs which are anxious to have the administration in their own hands, not from any jealousy of the county council, but because they believe they can administer the Act more efficiently. Those are the only boroughs which would take the trouble to appear before a Committee. They are quite willing to incur the necessary expense, and I think the House ought to attach some weight to their opinion in the matter. On general grounds the House will agree that a matter of this sort is certainly far more satisfactorily dealt with by a Committee than it can be at this time of the evening by the House when most Members are enjoying their dinner.

I understand the specific point now before us is whether, if this Instruction is passed at all, it should be in the form of allowing the Committee to act if they think fit. I suppose whatever we may think about this Instruction, those of us who are opposed to it altogether will certainly prefer it in that amended form. If you divide on this particular Amendment, of course I shall support it, leaving myself free to vote against the Instruction as amended.

If I had any doubt about how to vote in regard to this particular suggestion of an Instruction to the Committee, it would have been removed by the speech of the Noble Lord (Lord Alexander Thynne). There is no room for doubt after the information he has given us, and I understand he speaks with authority, that only a very few of the borough councils are anxious that the Amendment should be carried.

I am within the recollection of the House. If only a few of the borough councils are anxious that an Instruction of this kind should be carried it would be far wiser for the House to adopt the first opinion of the London County Council, which was that this matter should be left to them, and not left an open matter for the Committee to come to a decision, leaving it in the hands of the borough council. It is a matter in which there should be uniformity in London. If what the Noble Lord says is true, what will happen will be that if the Committee give this power to the borough councils, these undesirable establishments—

I ought to have said that the county council is of opinion that in any case the by-laws ought to be passed by the county council even if administered by the various borough councils. The same by-laws ought to apply to the whole of London.

I am glad the House now has that information. May I put it to those who are inclined to vote for the Amendment not on its merits, but from practical reasons. It appears to me, and to those who think this is distinctly a matter of uniformity in London, that if the Amendment is defeated, the matter will be clear, but if the Amendment is not defeated, it will still be open to us to get the original proposals in the Bill carried through. Surely this is a matter that ought not to be left to a Committee. Any one who knows anything about government in London, must realise that the greatest danger that faces London in the future is that of dividing up authority over the whole area, instead of having one mind watching the whole question, and if it is only in regard to the Instruction now, I hope that those who know government in London and who really take an interest in it, will not even leave that loop-hole of allowing this power to be given to a Committee to break up, in the question of morals, the administration and control of London amongst twenty-nine different authorities.

From the point of view of the borough of Finsbury, which is not so much interested in this matter, because it is not one of the very central boroughs, they at any rate are opposed to the county council having these powers, and therefore they have asked their representatives to voice that view. I think the House would be well advised to accept the Amendment, because this is a matter which ought to be discussed in Committee, and can only be properly discussed in Committee. Therefore I cannot see why any hon. Members should object to including that.

May I say that I hope the House while voting on the Amendment of the Instruction, will not do so under misapprehension? As the hon. Member rightly said, if any Instruction is to be passed, it should be permissive and not mandatory. I can- not imagine that hon. Members will vote against that, however much they may be opposed to the Instruction itself.

Question, "That after 'Part V.' the words 'if they think fit,' be inserted," put, and agreed to.

I beg to move, at the end of the Instruction to add the words, "in substitution for the London County Council."

Question put, and agreed to.

Main Question, as amended, proposed.

I rise to oppose the Instruction as it has been amended. I wish to call attention to the fact that we have a local authority, not a legislative authority, coming to this House asking power to make by-laws which they themselves are not going to carry out, but which others are going to carry out. The only possible justification, in my view, for permitting a local authority to make bylaws is that it is the authority making bylaws which is going to carry them out. I object to a separate legislature being set up to lay down laws which they hand over to subsidiary authorities to administer. If the county council is not the body to Administer these by-laws, then it is not the body to make them. It seems to me that if it is true that in certain districts of London certain conditions exist for which legislation of this kind is necessary, then either this House ought to pass general legislation dealing with the matter, or else the particular authority in whose area the trouble exists should be allowed to make the by-laws. Why the county council should come and ask powers to make by-laws which the borough councils are to administer I cannot understand. Of course, it will be said that the county council is prepared to administer the bylaws in such districts, I suppose, as the borough councils may choose to leave to them. The very fact that these borough councils think it necessary to get the power of administering the by-laws into their own hands show their distrust of the county council. If it means anything, it means that they think they know better than the county council what is required for their particular neighbourhood, and I am bound to say that I think it would have been very much more satisfactory if the county council had stood to its guns. They come here with a Bill, asking, I think, quite a reasonable thing, namely, power to make by-laws to deal with an evil which exists unfortunately in certain parts of the Metropolis. They know perfectly well that they are the right people to administer throughout London by-laws affecting the whole of the Metropolis. They have their own experience, their own administrative staff, and their own inspectors. They have got that machinery, and there can be no doubt that if the county council had the courage of their convictions, and if their representatives here had courage, they would say that they themselves believe that they are the best body to administer the by-laws which they make. We can see how the moderate county council and the borough councils love each other, when the representatives of the county council get up and say that the county council are determined to make the by-laws, and that they will be generously pleased to allow the borough councils to administer them. No one who has any knowledge at all of public Acts which require to be administered by local authorities in London will deny that in the interest of administration it is infinitely better that they should be administered by one authority for the whole of London. It has been pointed out already that some difficulties would arise. The answer to the objection on this side of the House is that you would have different conditions existing in different boroughs which are dependent upon the zeal with which the borough councils and officers administer the by-laws. Hon. Members know perfectly well that you can have an enormously different condition of things according to the way in which Acts of Parliament or by-laws are administered. It is all very well to have by-laws which are universally applicable to the whole of London, but if you have different bodies taking different views as to the expediency of putting these by-laws into force, and when one knows the kind of pressure that is brought to bear upon members of local bodies and their officers—undue pressure—to prevent by-laws being administered, I think it will be said that, if there is any danger, the danger is less when the by-laws are in the hands of the county council than when they are in the hands of the smaller bodies—the borough councils. If this House is going to allow the county council to make bylaws for the whole of London, I hope it will only allow them to do so if they will take upon themselves the duty of administering the by-laws. I hope the House will not allow a new legislative body to be brought into existence for the purpose of making by-laws, which Parliament ought to make, for the smaller authorities to administer.

The hon. Member for Stepney (Mr. Glyn-Jones) promulgated a very astonishing doctrine when he laid down that by-laws are always to be administered by the body that enacts them, and that nobody, I suppose, even including Parliament, is to be allowed to enact a by-law unless it also has to administer it.

In a matter of that sort it is a distinction without a difference. I cannot follow the logic of the hon. Member when he suggests that the London County Council should not be allowed to enact by-laws unless it is prepared to administer them. If the hon. Member will consider the local government system of England he will find many instances in which smaller bodies administer by-laws made by larger bodies. One great advantage in having these by-laws enacted by a central body is that you get uniformity of regulation. An equal advantage in getting them administered by the small local bodies is that they bring to the administration more intimate local knowledge. When the hon. Member brings a charge, which is after all neither more nor less than a charge of corruption against the local bodies of London, he is betraying his gross ignorance of the government of London. Anybody acquainted with the particular evil with which it is proposed to deal in these Clauses will agree that intimate local knowledge is one of the very first requirements. This was the opinion of this House when it entrusted the administration of the various Acts dealing with disorderly houses, not to a central authority, but to the various local authorities concerned, and if the House is going to be guided by the precedent which it has itself created in the past, surely it will entrust this duty to the same local authority to which it has entrusted the analogous duties in the case of disorderly houses. If this duty were placed on the London County Council it would be altogether foreign to the duties which they have been called upon to discharge up to the present.

Another point is the question of cost. The Metropolitan borough councils are anxious to have this duty entrusted to them, not only because they can administer it more efficiently, but also because they think that it would be unfair to place upon the shoulders of all the ratepayers of London a cost of administration which is going to be concerned very largely with two or three boroughs in London. The boroughs in which this evil is the greatest are the wealthy boroughs, and it would be an injustice to the ratepayers of the rest of London if those in the poorer districts were called on to bear a substantial part of the cost of administering these provisions, which are directed mainly to the extirpation of an evil which exists principally in some of the richer boroughs. I am surprised that the hon. Member for Stepney, of all Members in this House, should suggest that a large proportion of the cost of administering these provisions should be placed upon his own constituency in Stepney, where the number of establishments of this character is very small, if they exist at all. I trust that the House will give due weight to the opinion of the London County Council—[HON. MEMBERS: "No."]—and of the Metropolitan borough councils, in so far as the London County Council is prepared to accept the Instruction moved by my hon. Friend.

I would like to know whether the Noble Lord the Member for Bath is speaking on behalf of the London County Councils or is giving his own view? We have heard two other members of the London County Council, and their views have been entirely different. It is very inconvenient, that this House should be addressed by a creature with three voices.

I am not speaking on behalf of the London County Council at all. My interest on this matter is on the side of the borough councils.

The explanation of the Noble Lord may affect his own personal consistency; but we still have two different voices in regard to the London County Council. In those circumstances I prefer to ignore the remarks that have been made by hon. Members with regard to this Bill, and to give my attention to the text of the Bill, and if we deal with the Bill we shall find that if the Instruction is carried then it will be the duty of the Committee to invite the evidence of twenty-eight borough councils and perhaps of the City of London, because the hon. Member who moved this Instruction seems to have ignored the City of London.

Notwithstanding the disclaimer of the hon. Baronet, which everyone is glad to hear—

The Bill in terms confers jurisdiction on the London County Council over the City. Suppose the Instruction goes to the Committee in these terms, I have every confidence that the Committee will come to a right decision. I do not suppose that they will endeavour to make a new Local Government Act for London, but that they will leave things as they are. But it will be their duty to give an opportunity to twenty-eight borough councils to appear before them and to state whether they want to have these powers or not, and they will have to come to a decision as to whether they shall confer them. Assuming that they do—I do not make any personal imputation against the chairman or Local Legislation Committee, and I do not suggest that they would be so foolish as to admit the claim of the Metropolitan borough councils—but if they did act, as empowered by this Instruction, we would have this state of things: We would have twenty-eight registers, twenty-eight sets of by-laws. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] An hon. Member who represents one borough council says he knows what the Bill means, and if we are to have one set of by-laws for twenty-eight sets of inspectors, and twenty-eight registers for the county, to say nothing of the City of London, which, by a curious oversight, appears to have been omitted, then I think the state of things would be so absurd that it would not be tolerated for a moment by the Committee, and I suggest very gravely to this House that we should reject the Instruction as amended and not put a Committee to the trouble of considering such a reckless and inconsiderate proposition, nor should we put the Metropolitan borough councils to the trouble of appearing to state their case before the Committee.

I should like to make it clear in the first instance that I am not speaking for the London County Council. I had the privilege of being a member of that body some time ago, but I am no longer a member of it, because the duties, being so arduous, are difficult to combine with other duties as well. The hon. Member who has just spoken said the London County Council has spoken with two voices, to-night. If the hon. Member heard two voices he must have been hearing double, because I have made out that the London County Council has been represented by only one voice. The attitude of the London County Council is that the by-laws are to be made by a central body, but that so far as the question of administration is concerned, they are willing that it should be considered by the Committee, allowing an opportunity to the borough councils to put forward their views. The county council are not going to oppose the opportunity, which is the only possible opportunity, for the borough councils to lay their views before the Committee. I have heard no other voice on behalf of the London County Council. Does anyone who is a member of the London County Council say there has been another? If so, what Member has put forward another view?

The hon. and learned Member who is in charge of the Bill on Thursday stated on behalf of the county council that they were willing to accept this Instruction.

That does not alter my statement as to the view of the London County Council that the by-laws ought to be made by the central body, and, so far as the administration of them is concerned, they are perfectly willing that the borough councils should have the opportunity of laying their views before the Committee. The only way of affording that opportunity to the borough council is by means of this Instruction. On the point raised by the hon. Member for Stepney, I was surprised lo hear him urge it. He based his objection to the Instruction entirely on the ground that the particular body making the by-laws in all circumstances ought to administer them. That is absolutely in conflict with the Report of the Royal Commission on London Government in 1894. That Commission expressed in their Report that while the by-laws ought to be made by the central body of administration, their administration might be left in many cases, as in fact it is, to the local authorities. I do not want to put the case higher than this—namely, that I think this is essentially a question which can be better con-why it would be better to leave it to this House, and I do not want to express any final opinion upon it to the House. May I give to the House an illustration as to why it would be better to leave it to the Committee. We have had it put forward to-night that the borough councils have the machinery for this purpose. I know that is challenged in some quarters. Here you have a question essentially for a Committee, and the Committee would be better qualified to give a decision than is this House without adequate information.

Those who are familiar with London government take the view that borough councils have machinery more readily available, and that less expenditure would be incurred if the administration were given to them. But this is a matter upon which evidence might very well be submitted by both sides and upon which the Committee, having heard each side, would be better qualified to form a judgment. Those who are anxious to save the London ratepayers are leaving out of the question the additional cost of administration which would be involved by delegating this duty to the London County Council rather than to the borough councils. The point is whether it is better to leave this to the consideration of the Committee than to this House, which has not the knowledge or information to enable it to determine the matter out of hand. In my judgment, it is better to have knowledge and information before we endeavour to come to a decision. Many of the hon. Members who have spoken are from constituencies other than London constituencies, but I think they have not so much knowledge on the subject as the witnesses who would be able to give information. The hon. Member for Bath, who is a member of the London County Council, has a special knowledge of the matter, having been for a long time chairman of one of its committees, and I think it would be infinitely better for a Committee to decide this matter than for the House to decide it.

In the first place, I have the honour to inform the hon. Member for Pontefract that I do to-night speak for the London County Council, and I may say that the hon. Member for St. Pancras (Mr. Cassel) did not speak for the council. The Noble Lord the Member for Bath voiced the opinion of the London Country Council. I myself have been connected with the county council for six years, although I am no longer a member of it. I will read for the information of the House the only resolution which the council have passed in regard to this matter. The council passed a resolution, dated the 7th November, as follows:—

"That the council, or, in the case of the City of London, the corporation, if it so desires, shall be the registration authority."

That is the only formal resolution that the council have adopted. Those who speak for the county council have taken up the attitude that they are ready to leave the matter in the hands of the Committee to decide whether the borough councils or the county council ought to be made the registration authorities under the Act.

I have clearly stated the decision of the county council, and they are prepared to leave it to a Committee of this House to decide which authority is the right one. I wish to make perfectly clear that the council are of opinion, which they really expressed, that they themselves should be the registration authority. I really believe that this Motion has been sufficiently discussed. I am also of opinion that a Committee of the House can really decide this question better than the House can do itself. It is purely a Committee question. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] The hon. Member for Stepney (Mr. Glyn-Jones) objected to the county council making bylaws and the borough councils carrying them out, and he said something about differences of opinion and about a Moderate council and a Moderate borough council. I am sorry he brought the question of party into it at all. It is quite unnecessary. He said that the county council did not press Moderate borough councils for the making of by-laws. The borough councils never asked for the power to make by-laws, and the county council never had any intention of any other by-laws than those made by the central authority. As the hon. Member for St. Pancras pointed out, there are many instances in which the county council makes the bylaws which are administered by the local authority. Therefore I hope that the House will agree to this recommendation and allow it to go to a Committee to be discussed there.

What is the difficulty in this case? The difficulty is lack of backbone and thoroughness on the part of the administrative authority on this question, and you are not likely to get it disposed of if it devolves on the borough councils. The Noble Lord the Member for Bath (Lord A. Thynne) seems to think that he knows all that is to be known with regard to London, and that other people have not made a study of the subject. Let me remind the House of what his speech amounted to. He said that these were new powers to which the London County Council were not accustomed, and that they had no proper staff to carry them out. That is the hopelessness of Spring Gardens.

Machinery. The Noble Lord spoke of powers strange to them, and gave the impression that they were not the right people to carry them out—that is, so far as Spring Gardens is concerned. He said that as to the borough councils, there were only three or four interested in the matter at all.

The hon. Member is misrepresenting what I said. My point was that these objectionable establishments happened to be concentrated in two or three boroughs. All the boroughs of London are equally interested in keeping their areas clear of them, only that at present they happen to be concentrated in the areas of two or three of them.

I took particular notice of the Noble Lord's statement, which was that only a few borough councils were interested in this matter. He can put what construction he likes on that statement, which is the one he made. I say that that is an unfortunate collapse of the central authority if the Noble Lord is correct in his diagnosis. I have really more faith in the county council than he has. I would certainly say that there is no hope whatever for London if the big authority at Spring Gardens keeps coming forward with the doctrine that it is incompetent and tries to put disagreeable duties on to a few Metropolitan councils. The Noble Lord must admit with regard to the great bulk of them that they have had no experience of anything of this kind. His case is that they do not know anything of them except in a few cases in the West End, and then the Noble Lord thinks he is pressing his point home by saying that we want local knowledge. I submit we do not want local knowledge of this question, In the case of what is termed a massage house being run as a disorderly house, what you want is not local knowledge but justice, courage, and fearless administration of the law. With local authorities you have much greater reluctance in their own neighbourhood to deal with this problem than with men coining from all London. If I want a strong administration of the law I would far sooner take a body like the county council—and in this there is no question of politics—acting as a county council, and rely upon them to be just and fearless, than I would upon a small authority representing even important districts like Marylebone and Westminster. What is the present position as to the administration off the law with regard to cruelty to children and offences against the criminal law? Inspectors have to try and select their benches, whether they are right or wrong, and go on certain days before certain bodies of magistrates because they are afraid of interested parties and local concerns. If the Noble Lord had examined into this aspect of London, as I have, he would know that that is one of the problems. If you appeal to London men as a whole who stand for the great Metropolis, then I think you will find that they will not be afraid, but so long as you permit small companies of men to deal with the problem in a fragmentary way, so long you have incompetence and so long will they be subject to undue influence. I appeal to the House to stand by the great authority and ask them to do their duty, and not to be afraid as a council to do so.

Main Question, as amended—"That it be an Instruction to the Committee on the London County Council (General Powers) Bill to amend Part V., if they shall think fit, so as to provide that the Metropolitan borough councils shall be the authorities to register premises in the county of London used for the reception or treatment of persons requiring nursing or massage, manicure, chiropody, light or other baths, or other similar treatment, and to administer the provisions of the Bill relating thereto and of the by-laws made there under, in substitution for the London County Council"—put.

The House divided: Ayes, 110; Noes, 212.

I beg to move,

"That if the Local Legislation Committee, when the London County Council (General Powers) Bill has been committed to them, shall report to the Committee of Selection that the Clauses in Part VI. of the Bill which relate to cinematograph films, celluloid, and dangerous businesses should, in their opinion, be referred to another Committee, the Committee of Selection shall thereupon refer the Bill to a Select Committee consisting of Seven Members, to be nominated by them, who shall consider those Clauses and so much of the Preamble as relates thereto:

"That such of the petitioners as pray to be heard by themselves, their counsel, agents, or witnesses be heard on their petitions against Part VI. of the Bill, if they think fit, and counsel heard in support of the said Bill against such petitioners:

"That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records:

"That Four be the quorum:

"That the Local Legislation Committee shall deal with the remaining Clauses of such Bill and so much of the Preamble as relates thereto and shall report the whole Bill to the House, stating in their Report what parts of the Bill have been considered by each Committee."

If I understood aright the feeling of the House on Thursday night, it was that the House was willing to accept my Motion and to send the Bill to a Special Committee instead of its following the ordinary course.

Question put, and agreed to.

I beg to move, "That it be an Instruction to the Committee on the London County Council (General Powers) Bill that they omit the provisions relating to the marking of celluloid articles."

I trust that this Instruction may be unnecessary, but I feel bound to raise the matter unless I have some assurance that it is so. Those who are engaged in the manufacture of celluloid articles are afraid that under the omnibus powers of Clause 29 authority would be given to the county council to insist upon the marking of each celluloid article before it was exposed for sale within the county of London. In the Bill that follows this Bill, the City of London (Various Powers) Bill, the point is there expressly raised, It is the fear of those who are concerned in this matter that the powers under Clause 29 would include this particular power. May I draw the attention of the House to Clause 29 (B), where it says that the council may:

On a point of Order. Might I draw your attention to the fact, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, that we have now agreed, upon the Motion of the Chairman of Way and Means, with regard to sending these Clauses to a Special Committee. Now we are considering, I take it, an Instruction to delete them. I ask you whether, after what we have decided, that these special Clauses should be considered in the manner stated, we can vote upon a Motion to delete them altogether?

I have been considering the Instruction of the hon. Member for Sheffield, and I do not think that it has anything to do with the Bill.

If you will remember, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, the last time this Bill came up the point was taken, and was not answered on behalf of the promoters of the Bill. I sincerely hope in the interests of my Constituents that the view you have taken is the right one, but I would ask you to allow me to submit my Motion in order that some statement may be made by the promoters as to whether that is so or not. With regard to the other point of Order, it is true that an Instruction has been passed to send these Clauses to a Special Committee, but that should not prevent this Instruction being moved to that Special Committee. I do not wish to pursue the point at greater length; I only wished to move this Instruction in order to elicit from the promoters of the Bill that the objection which some people say is lurking in this particular Sub- Section is not in the mind of the promoters, and that if the Bill goes to Committee they will not insist upon putting in these words—

On a point of Order. I know nothing about whether or not there is any Clause in the Bill to which the Instruction, moved by my hon. Friend, can be attached; but may I point out that because the House has decided that the Bill shall go to a Select Committee that that does not in any kind of way prevent a motion being made to give an Instruction to the Committee to which the Bill has been sent.

May I make my point clear? The decision is not merely to send this Bill to a Special Committee, but a special Instruction has been passed, after the Second Reading of the Bill, to set up a Special Committee to consider these Clauses only in Part VI., which are now to be omitted. That is my point. It is not that the Bill goes to a Special Committee that we are giving an Instruction to it. That I submit is in Order. But we have exercised that power; we have given our directions as to how these particular Clauses shall be dealt with, and I submit that we can possibly vote upon the matter to leave them out altogether after we have decided as we have done.

All this House has done is to send certain Clauses to the Committee. After it has done that, it is competent for the House to give Instruction to the Committee in regard to it.

On a point of Order. May I call your attention to Clause 29 ( g ), which does seem to give power to make regulations in regard to any such other matters whatsoever as may be deemed to be expedient. I understand that the object of moving this Instruction is to hear from the promoters of the Bill whether it is their intention to make by laws requiring that these articles shall be labelled in the manner required by the twin Bill the City of London (Various Powers) Bill.

I have some little doubt in my mind on the question, but I am prepared to give the benefit of the doubt to the hon. Member who has moved the Instruction. I must say that it is not yet clear to my mind at any rate that this Instruction has anything to do with this Bill.

I will not press the point further than to say this: Clause 29 gives the county council power to make and enforce regulations with regard to celluloid stores. The list of those regulations or the Department in which those regulations may operate is extraordinary wide. It is said that these regulations may make provision with regard to any such matter whatsoever as may be deemed expedient with a view to the /-diminution of danger to life and property arising from fire or explosion. I submit that prima facie that would appear to enable the county council to make regulations prohibiting the sale of celluloid articles unless specially marked. That is the whole of my contention. I really only moved the Instruction in order to get some assurance from the promoters of the Bill: that that is not their intention, or, at any rate, that the words do not cover that. Therefore, I would ask you to put the question to enable the explanation to be given.

I do not quite see how this Instruction is any Instruction in regard to the Bill which we are now discussing. In the City of London Bill no doubt there is a provision that celluloid goods shall be marked. There is none in the case of the London County Council Bill, and I give the hon. Member the assurance that the county council have no intention whatsoever of marking goods in the same way as proposed in the City of London (Various Powers) Bill. I hope, with that assurance, that the hon. Member will be content to withdraw his Instruction.

My fear was that dolus versatur in generalibus. After the explicit assurance of my hon. Friend, I will not press this to a Division.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Supply.—[Third Allotted Day.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1914–15 (Vote on Account).— Report

Postponed Proceeding on Amendment proposed on consideration of Resolution reported from the Committee of Supply, "That a sum, not exceeding £34,705,000, be granted to His Majesty, on account, for or towards defraying the Charges for the following Civil Services and Revenue Departments for the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1915."

Question again proposed, "That Item Class II., Vote 33 (Local Government Board, Scotland), be reduced by £100."— [ Lord Robert Cecil. ]

I was about to direct the attention of my right hon. Friend the Colonial Secretary to what I regard as a great abuse both of his name and of the authority of the Colonial Office in an electioneering pronouncement by Dr. Jameson, president, of the British South African Company. The elections which it is intended to influence will take place next Wednesday, and I would really ask my right hon. Friend, with a view to fair dealing between man and man, to telegraph his explanation on the subject-matter of Dr. Jameson's speech. It is better that we should understand at once, and that the English people should understand, that if certain persons have their way a great iniquity will be perpetrated. The elections in Rhodesia, which will take place on Wednesday, will elect the Legislative House of Rhodesia, which will have the renewal of the Charter of the Chartered Company. The Charter of the Chartered Company is dated the 29th October, 1899, and it will either then automatically expire or be subject to revision after twenty-five years. It is the interest of the gentleman connected with the Chartered Company that that Charter should be revived for various reasons which I will explain. The administration of Rhodesia, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, is practically committed to the Chartered Company. The Legislative House, to be elected on Wednesday, will consist of eighteen members. Of these eighteen members, six must be nominees of the Chartered Company. The remaining twelve are to be elected by the white settlers. It is notorious, as I shall explain, that the white settlers do not wish for the renewal of the Charter, and it is equally notorious—and I shall do everything as far as one man can to accomplish it—that the Charter should be submitted to the judgment of this House. Speaking at Salisbury, on the 22nd of December, Dr. Jameson stated and urged that there was nothing for it, no prospect open to Rhodesia, except the renewal of the Charter, or else to be brought directly under the Union of South Africa, and he said here is one proof of it. It is an extract from a letter written when the 1911 Order in Council was coming out. It ends with this significant statement:—

"Mr. Harcourt also thinks it proper to point out the fact that any serious difference of opinion between the elected members and the company must inevitably bring to the front the question of the entrance of Southern Rhodesia into the Union."

He goes on to say: —

"There is no question of any possibility of Crown Colony government, or responsible government, or anything else, but that it must inevitably bring Southern Rhodesia into the Union.…There is the reason why I say you cannot get Crown Colony government if you wanted it. I do not believe you do want it. You already have it plus the cheque-book of the Chartered Company, and if you throw away that cheque-book you are not good business men."

In all the organs of opinion in Rhodesia, this has been construed to mean that the Rhodesian white settlers have no option. They must either come into the Union or renew the Charter, and in order to prevent their coming into the Union they have got nothing to do except renew the Charter. That is the way in which this matter has been construed. I have a very curious and significant letter from one of the leading white inhabitants of Rhodesia. Here is an extract from it which may be of interest to the House:—

"Jameson wishes to create the impression—"

It was not the first impression which Jameson wished to create by letter.

"that the Imperial Government has already decided our fate, and that all our efforts for freedom are so much time wasted."

I state upon my responsibility that he is a leading man. What I ask my right hon. Friend is this. I think that on the eve of the election, and before they take place, and having regard to that Clause published he should publish his letter in full, and that he should also state that there is not the slightest desire on the part of the Imperial Government to coerce the colony in any way, and, above all, there is no desire to coerce them into a renewal, or approval, or support of the Chartered Company. I shall also ask him to state in what circumstances that letter was written. Did he ever contemplate that a letter of that kind should be held up in Dr. Jameson's hands as a second edition of the women and children letter of the raid? That is really the subject to which I intended to call attention in the interests of public freedom and in the interests of the public generally, and having regard to what we know of the shocking transactions of this company which has actually been degenerating into the sink of fraud and public deception. I would be false to my position if I said otherwise. In order, perhaps, to give additional force to what my right hon. Friend may say of Dr. Jameson, and Rhodesia by telegram before the elections, I may, in the course of two or three minutes, ask him to give us a pledge that the reconstruction whatever it may be of this company will not take place and that the Charter will not be renewed or modified without the full information of the House of Commons.

I would be wanting in my public duty if I did not give some of the leading frauds and misconduct of this company. This company obtained this Charter twenty-five years ago. It obtained it when Parliament was not sitting, and Parliament has never been called upon to ratify that charge. I will give some evidence of the finance of this company, of their treatment of natives and likewise of their treatment of the public here, and their management of the white population. You may talk as you wish of the atrocities of Putumayo, but you must have regard to the difference in civilisation between South Africa and Putumayo. First of all, I will give one instance, and one only, of the finance of this company in the very early period of its development. [Interruptions.] I am not going to be interrupted by any Gentleman of the House of Cecil. This company has been in existence for twenty-five years, and it has never paid a dividend during all that time. [An HON. MEMBER: "Is that the atrocity?"] Its shares, have been raised by manipulation from 1 to 8½ per cent. Let me give some examples of the financial management of the company early in its career. There was a company called the Central Search Company, which started with £20,000. This was increased by the issue of fully-paid shares to £121,000, and then they exchanged this capital for £1,000,000 shares of the Chartered Company, and the million shares at that time were going up and down from 1 to 8½. Sir Hercules Robinson, who was Governor of the Cape, had 250 shares in the first venture and 2,500 shares in the Chartered Company. So much for the financial management of the company.

Will the hon. and learned Gentleman refer to the million of profits made by the promoters?

10.0 P.M.

I would like to do so, but time is too short. Now I want to gratify the ardent curiosity of the hon. Gentlemen who do not think that this company committed an atrocity. I say that any company that has been the direct cause of two wars has committed atrocities. Have you never heard of the Jameson raid and the forged letter? As surely as the Jameson raid took place as surely did the war in South Africa happen. There is another war testified to by Sir Richard Martin, who went out to see about the affairs of this company. He said that the horrible massacre in Matabeleland of white men, and horrible it was, was caused by the misconduct of this company in drawing away the white police for the Jameson raid and leaving the whole place in the hands of the native police. I think I have proved my case to every hon. Member—[HON. Member: "No"]—except those interested in the Chartered Company. I will go one point further. I want to speak very seriously of their dealings with land. I could give at least twenty extracts from speeches made by Mr. Rhodes in which throughout he has spoken of this great territory so far as his powers were concerned as a mere mining venture in which the possession of land did not enter into his calculations, and he called it Crown Land. This company has taken the land, and they have made servile servants of the natives. I will give one example which I brought before my right hon. Friend in July and August last year, namely, the Liebig Company. That company got from the South Africa Company, 1,200,000 acres at 1s. per acre subject to a quit rent of £1 per thousand. The money was not distributed, but it was appropriated to the commercial side of the company, that is the supposed in- terests of the shareholders, and that the authorities who had made themselves rich at the shareholders' expense. But there is something more. The natives were entirely unconsidered in this transaction. I would not think myself, but I may be wrong, that Dr. Jameson was a person who would show any particular kindly attention or consideration for natives. Dr. Jameson in 1892 was publicly censured by Lord Loch for shooting natives and burning the kraals. Loch Loch said he was bound to call Dr. Jameson's attention to the fact that capital sentence should not be inflicted without an appeal.

The head manager of the Liebig Company, who had this tremendous concession of 1,200,000 acres at 1s. per acre, had been himself a native commissioner, and he had been dismissed on account of the judgment of Judge Vincent, who said he had basely ill-treated the natives. And this is the man who has got this concession with almost power of life and death service over the natives. That shows that there can be no sympathetic treatment of the natives as is secured, so far as the Chartered Company were concerned, by the sixteenth and seventeenth chapters of the Charter, to the effect that the natives should be considered, that their traditions should be respected, and their homes preserved as far as possible. I understand that the locations have been moved up and down wherever they like, and, worse still, that the natives outside the bounds of these companies, who have contracted with the South Africa Company, are charged extremely heavy quit rents. The white settlers are to a man against the renewal of the Charter. What has occurred? Here is Dr. Jameson's letter showing that there is no hope for them unless they join the Union, and they have been defrauded. The arrangement was that farms should be given pretty much on the scope and outline and basis of the way in which farms are given in Canada. On the contrary, I understand that no man has any chance of working a farm who does not pay £800 down.

I thank the House for the kindness and attention with which they have heard me. I do not mind sometimes being jeered at, because no man who ever tried to affect the public conscience, and who ever tried to show up injustice, has failed in some quarters of the House to be the victim and object of jeers. I do not much mind that, but I do say to the Colonial Secretary—and, if he will allow me to say so, I do not know that there is a man with greater love for human liberty—that I think it is his duty to clear away the false impression created by Sir Starr Jameson's speech. I flatter myself that I am a man of my word, and in season and out of season until next October, whenever I have an opportunity, I shall renew this question of the Chartered Company, and I shall do my best to see that the white settlers who go out there shall not have to pay ruinous rents for the watered down capital of a gang of swindlers. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will allow me to remind his recollection of another transaction. The Chartered Company was never sanctioned by Parliament. The whole thing was done behind Parliament, when Parliament was not sitting.

May I ask whether it is in Order for an hon. Member of this House to characterise a Government recognised by His Majesty's Government—that is, the Rhodesian Government—as a "gang of swindlers"?

I am sorry to say that I have not power to stop such language, however much I and everybody else may deplore it.

I did not characterise the Rhodesian Government as a gang of swindlers. I characterised the Chartered Company as a gang of swindlers, and, rightly or wrongly, I adhere to my opinion. This company has never been subject to the approval of Parliament. When the so-called South African Committee of Inquiry in 1897 was appointed, the inquiry consisted of two parts. The Committee was first of all to inquire how it came to pass that the servants of this company were able to make a criminal raid upon a friendly State, and secondly, there was to be a full investigation into the affairs of the company, into its administration, and into the way in which it acted both towards the shareholders and to the natives and to the white settlers. The Committee reported on the first part, but it never investigated or reported on the second part. I do say, now when this charter is about to expire, that a great iniquity should not be revived, and that its transactions should be reviewed from top to bottom by independent men, and the charter submitted for the approval of Parliament.

I shall not detain the House at any length on the matters raised by the hon. Member, because I do not propose to deal with the finances, present or future, of the Chartered Company on this occasion; but, in abstaining from dealing with those finances, the House will not, I hope, imagine that I share in or endorse the particular charges and the language used by the hon. Member. I should like, in passing, to observe that in regard to the natives the Order in Council of 1898, which, specially refers to them and to their reserves, is being consistently and continually enforced by the High Commissioner. The only point on which I have risen to reply is the special one with which the hon. Member opened—the quotation by Sir Starr Jameson of a passage from a letter written by me, or, rather, under my instructions. That letter, so far as I recollect, was not marked "Confidential," nor was it confidential; but at all events it has never been published in any of the communications which have been published by the Government in Blue Books on this matter, and I admit that I was surprised at its use by Sir Starr Jameson, without any previous publication. It was written on my instructions when the company seemed to be resisting my wish for an enlargement of the number of elected members, and a restriction of the number of nominated members in the Legislative Council of Rhodesia. I thought then, and I think now, that it was appropriate to its then use as a matter of opinion under the existing circumstances, which are now more than two years old; but the quotation, as made by Sir Starr Jameson and as quoted by the hon. Member, is wholly divorced from the context of the letter, which, indeed, has never been published. I do not think, and I say it without any resentment, that there was any justification for its use in its present connection, or for electioneering purposes under entirely different conditions. I only wish to take this opportunity of saying that His Majesty's Government hold a position of strict neutrality upon all questions concerned with the elections which are to take place on Wednesday next in Rhodesia, and that I do not think it my duty, now or in the immediate future, to give any indication of what His Majesty's decision may be when the Charter comes to be reviewed or amended in October next.

Will the right hon. Gentleman reply to the question of my hon. Friend, whether, before the Charter is renewed, Parliament will have an opportunity of revising it, seeing that Parliament has never had this Charter at any time in its existence under its discussion?

Of course it is not for me to decide what Parliamentary opportunities there may be for considering an instrument which does not come to an end, but which is open, under Clause 33, to a certain amount of revision at a particular date.

The right hon. Gentleman did not answer a question I specifically put to him. These elections take place the day after to-morrow. Will the right hon. Gentleman see that his statement with reference to Sir Starr-Jameson's use or misuse of this letter is heard, by the ordinary means, in Rhodesia?

In the short time remaining to the House before the Vote is taken, I wish to direct attention briefly to another matter altogether, and that is to the wages and salaries paid by various Government Departments as revealed in the Estimates. I am not so much concerned about the salaries, some of which, in my humble judgment, are rather high, but I want to call attention to the wages paid to various people in Government offices, and to give instances showing that they are too low and altogether inconsistent with the Resolution of this House, with speeches of Ministers, and with various other considerations which should have bound them in the matter. From time to time we have called attention from this quarter of the House, when the various Departmental Estimates have been before us, to the low wages paid. I admit there has been some little improvement during the last few years, but very often, when we have called attention to these matters, we have received but little satisfaction, and, on probing into the matter a little deeper, we have found that the Treasury is behind the scenes—that, in fact, it blocks the way. Only to-day I had a question on the Paper to the Minister for War in regard to the low wages paid to certain men in Government offices. It was a matter which had been under consideration for a long time—nearly a year—and I and some of my Friends were getting tired because we had been unable to get a satisfactory answer to the many inquiries we had made. I asked to-day whether or not a settlement had been arrived at, and, if not, when we might have a statement of the cause of the delay. Instead of receiving any satisfaction, I got the usual evasive reply which characterises most of the answers from Government Departments. It is usually a case of delay, evasion, and more delay. The answer I got was very brief. It was: —

"I hope shortly to be in a position to make a statement on this subject."

I take it from that that the hon. Gentleman is not yet in a position to make a satisfactory statement on the matter, and I think I am not far wrong in saying, from what I know of what goes on behind the scenes, that here, once again, the Treasury blocks the way. I am glad that the Financial Secretary to the Treasury has just come in—I hope we may find the Treasury repentant, naked, and ashamed to face the facts which are going to be submitted, and that their repentance will be shown in sackcloth and ashes. Before placing the facts before the House I should like to say a word or two as to the principles upon which wages ought to be based. We have many professions of Ministers to guide us, as well as Resolutions of the House. I remember a year ago seeing a great headline on a "Daily News and Leader" contents bill which ran thus: —

"Mr. Lloyd George and the wage question."

I rather hoped that that meant that the Government were really beginning business, but when I read the interview in the newspaper, I found very little in it to justify such a flaring headline. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said: —

"The Government is closely studying the industrial position."

I was prone to hope that in the intervals of studying the question in its larger aspects the Government might give a little attention to the question of wages in their capacity as employers of labour themselves, and I was the more prone to hope that because there had been so many declarations by this House and declarations of semi-official bodies who had been given authority by this House on the matter. For instance, going back to the Labour Commission of 1889, we find that they declared that 24s. a week was as little as should be paid by any Government Department, and as little as any man in London could live upon. Then we had the Resolution of 1893, which affirmed the principle that the Government Departments should pay a wage and observe such conditions as would afford an example to the employers of labour throughout the country. I do not know that those are the exact words, but that is the sense of the Resolution, which was the first Resolution adopted by this House in regard to the wages in Government Departments. We had an Amendment of that Resolution in 1910, which was meant to apply only to contractors, and which laid down the further principle that contractors should pay wages at the same rates as the wages agreed upon by trade unions on the one hand and associations of employers on the other, or, if there were no such standard rates, then the contractors should pay according to the rates of wages paid by the best or the good employers. Not many weeks after that Lord Haldane, who was then Minister for War, said that the Resolution should be applied and that the Government meant to apply it to themselves. How has that been done? I am going to show that it has not been done at all. Let me give one or two instances. On 6th June last year, I asked a question of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty as to the wages paid in that Department, and how many men of full age, that is, over twenty, were getting wages not more than 20s. a week.

We are not now taking the Admiralty Votes. The hon. Gentleman must confine himself strictly to any of the Civil Services. The Admiralty and the Army Votes are not contained in this Vote on Account.

I bow to your ruling, Sir. I thought that inasmuch as the Treasury had to sanction the scales of wages for all Departments it would be competent for me to raise those matters here. However, I pass from that and come to another matter which, perhaps, will be interesting to hon. Members opposite, because a good deal was said about it last week—I refer to the employment of old soldiers. It may be thought by right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite when this question of old soldiers is under discussion, that we on these benches adopt rather a peculiar and unsympathetic attitude in regard to it. I can assure hon. Gentlemen opposite that if we do, and in so far as we appear to do so, it is through no disrespect for, or lack of sympathy with the old soldier, but because we are convinced that the old soldier is used in such a way as to depress the standard of living among working people. Let me give an instance: I have the Estimates for the Civil Service for the year ending 31st March, 1915—old age pensions, labour exchanges, and insurance— and I find in the National Health Insurance Commission in their central offices in London, there are forty-three pensioned messengers employed. The rate of wages is 21s. per week, and it is stated that some of them may rise to 24s. per week. I have divided the sum put down for this year by the number of messengers, and I find it comes out at an average of £54 15s., which amounts to just over 21s. per week per man. I ask him to compare that with the statement of the Labour Commission twenty-five years ago, and with the repeated Resolutions of this House, and I ask him, after taking these facts into consideration, to tell the House whether or not in his judgment that is a fair wage to pay to any man in London? He must know perfectly well that no man can live in London on such a wage. That knowledge is really in the minds of those who compile these Estimates, because I find a footnote here in relation to these forty-three pensioned messengers, and it is stated that twenty-four messengers are in receipt of Navy or Army pensions, one of a pension from Indian funds, and one a Civil Service pension of £7 9s. 10d. per annum as compensation for loss of office. Of course, that is all very well for those who have that addition to their wages, but it is no consolation to those who have not a pension, and the fact of a man having a pension and therefore being in a position to accept a position at a less wage than another man possibly could do, naturally and inevitably has the effect of pulling down the wages of other people.

I find page after page of the same sort of thing in this Report. On page 14 I find there are nine pensioner messengers employed at 21s., but when I divide the sum in the Estimate this year by the number of pensioners, there again I find the average amount per man comes out at £55, or rather more than 21s. a week. In this case also I find a note that eight of these pensioner messengers receive a pension of 2s. 6d., 1s. 9d., 1s. 7d., 1s. 6d., 1s. 3½d., 1s. 1d., 10d., and8d. a day. I could go through many other cases. Here are seven pensioner messengers, and the statement is made that only three of them are in receipt of a pension. I had a letter today from the secretary of an association of clerks, and he refers me to the Resolution passed three years ago in this House, and tells me that for three years his men patiently waited for that Resolution to be put in operation. He says "You may understand that the majority of us are ex-soldiers, and that the age at which we commenced work in the Department may be taken at an average of about twenty-eight." He goes on to say the staff work at 24s. per week, rising by increments of 1s. 6d. to 36s. per week. I find here, again, dividing the amount of money provided by this year by the number of men, a large number of the men—by-the-bye, many of them are in other offices, about half of them being in London, numbering 3,000 altogether—the average wage of these clerks is 24s. 6d. per week. The standard wage laid down by the Clerks' Union in this country, and paid by all the trade unions and co-operative societies in London and by many local administrative bodies, is 35s. a week, and therefore these clerks are starting at something like 10s. below the proper wage, and they only get up to the standard rate of the Clerks' Union after being nine or ten years in the Government service.

I now come to the Labour Exchanges, and here is one of the grossest cases of under-payment which could be submitted to the House. I find that this body require that the men should be able to show good clerical qualifications. Their handwriting must be clear, a knowledge of shorthand and typewriting is desirable, and it is stated that credit will be given for experience in bookkeeping. They must all be medically fit. When the Government get these men they starve them at the wretched salary of £60 a year, rising by increments of £5 to £105 a year, and then they must abandon all hope, for they can get no further. There is no removal expense allowed to these men, and there are no pensions. They are employed as men taken on casually by an employer of labour. Here, again, they are being employed at wages far less than are paid by the average employer in the London area. I am told that, bad as that scale is, it is a slight improvement, so far as the maximum is concerned, upon that which obtained until recently. The maximum used to be £85, but, according to the circular issued quite recently, they have raised the maximum. No man can benefit by the higher scale until in the employment for five years. I am told that, small as that wage is, there are many who were taken on in the Labour Exchanges before the thing was properly established and got into working order who are getting less. There are many men in London and the provinces as well who are not even getting the miserable wage fixed by the scale. I was told the other day of a man in London, twenty-one years of age, who was getting 20s. a week; another, twenty-six years of age, who was getting 23s.; and another, thirty-nine years of age, who was getting 24s. I am told that in the Lancashire and Cheshire area there are men in Class A getting 23s. 9d., while there are others getting even less than that. I understand also that these men have a substantial grievance in regard to overtime. They have been required to work all hours while the offices have been getting into proper working order. Some of them are working ten, eleven, and twelve hours, and sometimes more than twelve hours overtime a week, and not getting paid as much for it as they would receive in ordinary employment, They have to wait for it for months, and then it only works out at a penny per hour. I am told, further, that while in the circular provision is made for overtime on the part of the men in charge of offices, it does not contemplate anything in the way of payment for the lower paid members of the staff.

These are the facts. I think I have said enough to show that the payments made to these lower paid grades in Government offices are altogether inconsistent with the professions of Members of the Government, and altogether inconsistent with the rates of wages that ought to be paid, having regard to the Resolutions of this House. They are distinctly below the rates paid, not only by good employers, but they are distinctly below the rates paid by the average employer throughout the country. Therefore I am justified in saying that so far from the Government being in the first rank of employers, they are a long way behind among the sweating employers. I appeal to right hon. Gentlemen to recast the scale of wages so that every man and woman employed in the Government service, even though employed in an humble capacity, shall at all events be paid a sufficient wage to cover the ordinary decencies and some of the comforts of life. What the amount will be it is for them to say, but I will adopt the words of an Australian judge who laid down that the sum ought to be the sum necessary to maintain a worker considered as an ordinary human being in a civilised community. The Labour Commission laid that down as 24s. a week twenty-five years ago. The cost of living has increased since that time, and therefore we have a just claim to demand even, more than 24s. now. I am inclined to think that my hon. Friends and I were extremely modest in our demands when we demanded that every man should have 30s. per week. But whatever the sum may be, it shall be a sum which gives expression to the spirit as well as the letter of the Resolution of this House passed twenty-one years ago—that is to say, the Government shall be a model employer. I have no hesitation in saying that the Government is not a model employer. It ought to be and it must be, if right hon. Gentlemen on the Front Bench have any regard for their own reputations, or any desire to ease the lot of those who are bearing the burden of the State.

I desire to briefly supplement the statement of my hon. Friend, more particularly on the question of overtime in Labour Exchanges. My hon. Friend mentioned a case, but did not give particulars. I have a few particulars here, which I would commend to the attention of the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Montagu), who, I take it, is about to reply. My remarks refer principally, if not wholly, to Labour Exchanges in London, the reason being that information from the provinces is rather hard to procure, while information from certain London centres is more or less full. I shall not give the names of the Exchanges, but I shall give examples to show the enormous amount of overtime that is being demanded from the various staffs of clerks. In one Exchange, from the month of February to July last year, the average overtime worked per man was forty hours per month. No one could claim that that "was a reasonable demand to make of men who are following a sedentary occupation. In another Exchange, from which I have a more detailed list, ranging from the month of February to the month of September last year, during February thirteen men worked between them 1,531 hours overtime. In March twelve men worked 1,176 hours overtime. In April thirteen men worked 959 hours overtime, and so on during the rest of the months. If I may take the worst month out of the number I have stated, it is February when thirteen men worked 1,531 hours, or an average of 117¾ hours, or 4 7–8 hours per day per man during that month. During the month of July, twelve men worked a total overtime of 1,485 hours, or an average of 123¾ hours, or 4½ hours per day per man. I think that will strike the House as rather a remarkable record, especially if the Government is to lay claim—as I believe some desire to do for it—to being a model employer. If it is, then all I can say is that it is not a model which should be very widely followed. So far as the women employed in the Labour Exchanges are concerned, they have worked an average of twenty hours' overtime for each. In another Exchange, where there was a staff of sixteen, they worked 550 hours' overtime from February to August inclusive, or an average of 34¼ hours per person. That, I am given to understand, is one of the best Exchanges, from the point of view of overtime work. Even in that particular Exchange 34¼ hours' overtime each man, I feel sure, is a total that those who are prepared to consider the facts will consider to be grossly in excess of what ought to be demanded in the public service.

Then, in regard to the payment for overtime, it is a curious fact, which the House will be interested to know, that whilst overtime was worked in each of the months from February to July, no payment appears to have been made for overtime except in the months of February, June and July—that is to say, in March, April and May they paid no overtime whatever. For some reason, the explanation of which I shall be curious to hear, no remuneration was given in the months I have mentioned. Here are some of the numbers of hours worked. A certain person marked A worked, in February, 143 hours' overtime; in June, 93 hours; and in July, 141 hours—making in all 377 hours—and he was paid the sum of £7 2s., which works out at 4½d. per hour. When we remember that unskilled labourers get 6d. per hour in the provinces, and 7d. and in some cases 8d. in London, one sees that the Government are paying men, who, whatever else may be said of them, have to keep up an appearance, and observe certain social amenities, a rate of remuneration for work which is usually paid at a higher rate than that which is given during normal hours. For this special work they were paid in this particular case 4½d. per hour. In another case the total overtime worked during the months of February, June, and July was 375 hours, and again the remuneration was 4½d. per hour. Anyone who hears that statement will not need to be convinced by any very elaborate argument that something is lacking, and that the administration of the Labour Exchanges, at least, as far as London is concerned, is anything but satisfactory. I am assured that the conditions in the provinces are in every way as bad in a general sort of way, and that the tendency towards overwork and low pay is as marked as in London. In the case of the Post Office, in most of the large provincial offices there are men employed, such as cleaners, lift-men, lobby officers and stokers. Those men are unestablished and have no remuneration in the future to look forward to in the shape of a pension or superannuation allowance. Most of them are old soldiers and sailors or policemen drawing pensions, and are called upon to do their work for 22s. per week. Though we may tolerate a starting wage of 22s. in certain instances, the House is surely not prepared to agree that that sum is sufficient recompense for the work done in this instance. That is the position of those men. They finish at 22s. If they are good boys they may possibly get a small superannuation allowance at the end of a long period of service. I would ask the hon. Gentleman to give some explanation of these anomalies.

The hon. Member has brought before the House problems, of which this is only one phase, which are very new to me, and I have been compelled to listen to his castigation of my predecessor without realising fully exactly how I could improve matters. He complains of evasive answers he has had on this subject from Members who have been called on, as I am to-night, to answer such charges as he has brought. I do appreciate one reason for being very careful, and that is when isolated grievances relating to one small or particular branch of one service are brought with moving appeals to the Treasury, unless one is very careful one finds that the judging of those grievances may lead one to admit by analogy other and larger claims, until one embarks on a sea of expenditure which it ought to be possible to avoid. Secondly, I am impressed by another factor. I agree with my hon. Friend that these matters when they are brought to the notice of the Departments concerned ought to be dealt with promptly. There is nothing that has struck me so much as the danger of fomenting an evil or an alleged evil by the fact that, possibly owing to faults in the machinery for considering the matter, a long delay elapses before men get some answer to the point which they wish to raise, and that answer, when it is sent, ought to be a detailed and reasoned reply to their allegations, so that they may know exactly what is thought of their claim. I was reading a speech made on a very similar subject last year by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for East Worcestershire (Mr. Austen Chamberliain), and, if I may humbly say so, I most thoroughly agree with him that the temptation, particularly whilst men are waiting for an answer, for Parliamentary support and Parliamentary pressure to accumulate to a dangerous degree behind a particular class of public servants is one which promptness in dealing with the matter would go a long way to alleviate. I am inclined to think that, as a general rule, it is true to say, taking into account pensions or chances of pensions, positions on the establishment or chances of securing positions on the establishment, certainty of employment, and other details, that Government service compares favourably with any other service in the country. But I agree with my hon. Friend that if faults are found to exist in that service, those faults ought to be remedied. Now, I am afraid, I am going to disappoint them. [An HON. MEMBER: "They will not mind."] It is really a matter more for the Department concerned than for myself to go into the details of overtime employment in Labour Exchanges—although I question some of the hon. Member's figures—but there is one consideration which at this time must govern us in our treatment of this question. It is a fact that the Report of the Royal Commission on the Civil Service in this country is expected almost at once. There is no doubt that this long-expected Report will be eagerly welcomed. But whether one regrets that it is not ready at the moment, or whether one is prepared to wait patiently until it comes, it is absolutely unquestionable that one cannot deal in this. House, by debate or by pledge, with a question which is to be reported upon very shortly. We must wait until the recommendations of the Royal Commission are received. When they are received I hope this question will be dealt with promptly, and if the machinery by which they are dealt with is not sufficient to ensure that grievances are investigated with promptness, then there must be some alteration.

I do not wish to pursue, under the circumstances mentioned by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, the aspect of the conduct of the State as an employer or as concerned with labour. But I do wish to recall the House to what the case was that was opened by my hon. Friend behind me (Lord Robert Cecil), and what is the answer that the Government have given. The Financial Secretary to the Treasury agrees, as everyone of his predecessors for many years have agreed, that the Government ought to be a good employer. I think it has been admitted in the early phases of our discussion that in respect to the conditions under which their work is being done at Rosyth the Government have shown an indifference, and a prolonged indifference, that we would, or ought to, reprobate in any other employer now that they admit the evil, and are not taking efficient steps to remedy it. The Admiralty have caused works to be undertaken at Rosyth which have swollen the population of that district, according to the figures supplied, between 5,000 and 6,000 persons—men, women, and children. The Government admit now that there is a great lack of accommodation for these. They have secured the consent of the contractor to put up some additional houses. They themselves, as I understand it, are going

to put up a small number of huts for men with families. The total new accommodation will be for 500 men, 200 of them with, families. We are told that 200 more men will be engaged, thus leaving a balance of 300, and it is impossible to see other than that this will leave overcrowding to the extent of something like between 1,000 and 1,500 men, with whatever wives and families are dependent on them. We are accustomed to big works of this kind undertaken by corporations. Let the Government ask the hon. Member for Stoke what the Birmingham Corporation did in the case of their waterworks? Let the Government ask what Leeds and other corporations did when they had large works of this kind to be accomplished? Not one of these is open to the same censure that the Government is open to. Really that is what I rise to say. The Government and this House are on their trial. The question of housing is a broad one. We are all trying to enforce better housing conditions for the people. Do we mean to adopt a standard that we insist upon in others? That is the question the House has now got to settle.

Question put, "That the sum of £34,705,000 stand part of the Resolution."

The House divided: Ayes, 266; Noes, 190.

Original Question put, and agreed to.

East African Protectorates [Loans]

Resolution reported, "That it is expedient to authorise the Treasury to advance to the Governments of the Protectorates of British East Africa, Nyasaland, and Uganda, for the purpose of those Protectorates, sums not exceeding in the whole three million pounds, the advances to be local Loans within the meaning of the National Debt and Local Loans Act, 1887."

Resolution agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. Harcourt, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Montagu; presented accordingly, and read the first time; to be read a second time to-morrow (Tuesday), and to be printed. [Bill 122.]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

I want to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can say if there is any truth in the report published to-day of an attack on Berbera by a small party of Dervishes?

I cannot give the hon. Member as much information as appears in some of the papers to-day, but the last telegram I received up to this afternoon was to the effect that a descent had been made on Berbera by a body of forty Dervishes, who fired into the town and immediately withdrew. Two Somali townsmen were wounded, but in Berbera itself no other material damage was done?

British South Africa Company

I desire again to refer to a question dealt with by the Colonial Secretary earlier in the Debate this evening. The right hon. Gentleman felt it necessary, in explaining the situation referred to by the hon. Member (Mr. Swift MacNeill), to I will not say accuse, but to reprove Sir Starr Jameson for quoting a letter written to him by the right hon. Gentleman in reference to arrangements for the elections which take place the day after to-morrow. The right hon. Gentleman practically accused Sir Starr Jameson of misuse of correspondence addressed to him by himself. The election will take place on Wednesday, and the announcement or statement made by the Colonial Secretary to-night will certainly be quoted in Rhodesia in order to influence the election. The right hon. Gentleman may be more than justified in stating that Sir Starr Jameson had made a misuse of the correspondence. We do not know. But there are a great many in this House who wish to know the exact facts of the case. The right hon. Gentleman's words will be cabled to Rhodesia to-night, and I and others in this House would like it to be known in South Africa that we do not approve, because we do not know the exact facts, of the statement made by the right hon. Gentleman. I therefore ask the right hon. Gentleman to lay upon the Table of this House the correspondence which he addressed to Sir Starr Jameson, Sir Starr's reply to it, and the speech, or portion of the speech, made by Sir Starr upon this matter. One story is good until another is told. Only one story has been told to-night. It may be that the right hon. Gentleman is quite accurate in what he said, but the inference to be drawn from his remarks is that Sir Starr Jameson, an old trained official of the South African Government, and an old administrator, has been guilty of publishing, against custom and use, correspondence addressed to him by a Minister. That is an extremely serious thing. It may be used in South Africa the day after to-morrow at the elections there, and I should like to enter my protest now against the assumption on the part of Members of this House that Sir Starr Jameson was in wrong. I therefore ask the right hon. Gentleman to lay upon the Table of the House the correspondence which Sir Starr Jameson quoted from, and which he has dealt with to-night in the brief speech he made.

Sir Starr Jameson took a detached passage from a two-year-old letter of mine on another subject. I have not referred to the speech of Sir Starr Jameson, although I might have had reason to complain, it has not been raised now at my suggestion or with my previous knowledge, and I did not intend to refer to it. That letter of two years ago has no reference to the present situation. If it has been used in reference to the present position, I think it has been unfortunately used. I do not think there will be any need for publishing that two-year-old correspondence now, but I will consider the question further, and see whether it can be done.

Perhaps I might still press on the right hon. Gentleman, as this question has been raised again, and as this letter has been used for the purpose of influencing the election, that he will see that his disapproval of the method of the use of it should be communicated in such a way that it will reach the electors so as not to influence their votes. I beg to remind the right hon. Gentleman what he well knows, that tin's is not the first time that a letter in Sir Starr Jameson's name has been extremely badly used. I have only to mention the Jameson raid in order to prove that. If I used strong language this afternoon in reference to the Chartered Company I can only say that their history fully bears out almost everything I said of it as a history smeared with blood.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned at Twenty-two minutes after Eleven.