House of Commons
Thursday, June 11, 1914
Private Business
Private Bills [ Lords ] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied, with),—Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:—
Chelmsford Gas Bill [ Lords ].
Motherwell Water and Sewage Purification Bill [ Lords ].
Rhymney and Aber Valleys Gas and Water Company Bill [ Lords ].
Longwood and Slaithwaite Gas Bill [ Lords ].
Manchester Corporation Bill [ Lords ].
Shropshire, Worcestershire, and Staffordshire Electric Power Bill [ Lords ].
Beira Railway Company Bill [ Lords ].
Ordered, That the Fills be read a second time.
Provisional Order Bills (No Standing Orders applicable),—Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:—
Sea Fisheries (Yealm) Provisional Order Bill.
Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time To-morrow.
Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),—Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:—
Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 7) Bill.
Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 6) Bill.
Electric Lighting Provisional Order (No. 9) Bill.
Local Government (Ireland) Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill.
Ordered, That the Bills be read a second time To-morrow.
Cavan and Leitrim Railway Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Wednesday next.
Glasgow Subway Railway Order Confirmation Bill,
Considered; to be read the third time To-morrow.
Pier and Harbour Provisional Orders (No. 4) Bill,
"To confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under the General Pier and Harbour Act, 1861, relating to Nairn and Saltcoats." Presented by Mr. ROBERTSON.
Ordered, That Standing Order 193a be suspended, and that the Bill be read the first time.—[ The Deputy-Chairman. ]
Bill accordingly read the first time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 281.]
Shops Act, 1912
Copy presented of Order made by the Council of the borough of Clitheroe and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
National Insurance Act
Copy presented of Order, dated 3rd June, 1914, made by the Insurance Commissioners, entitled the National Health Insurance (Sanatorium Benefit) Order, 1914 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Superannuation Act, 1887
Copy presented of Treasury Minute, dated 3rd June, 1914, granting a Retired Allowance to Mr. Edward Theodore Chalmers Werner, His Majesty's Consul at Foochow, under the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Army
Copy presented of Report of an Inquiry by Mrs. Tennant, regarding the conditions of Marriage off the Strength [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Land Registry
Return ordered "showing the work done in the Land Registry, in each of the years 1911, 1912, and 1913, respectively, under the various Acts hereinafter mentioned, namely:—
1. Under the Land Transfer Acts, 1875 and 1897:—
( a ) The number, value, and acreage (where known) of estates the titles to which were registered, on first registration, from the 1st day of January, 1911, to the 31st day of December, 1913, showing the numbers of estates registered with absolute, qualified, and possessory title, and good leaseholds; and also the number of estates registered under the Small Holdings Acts, 1892, 1907, and 1908;
( b ) The total number of separate titles on the register on the 31st day of December, 1903, (i.) by first registration, (ii.) by sub-division of estates already registered, and (iii.) by transfer from the 1862 register;
( c ) The total number of separate titles which have been removed from the register on the 31st day of December, 1913:
2. Under the Land Registry Act, 1862:—
( a ) The total number, value, and acreage (where known) of estates the titles to which were registered on first registration;
( b ) The total number of separate titles on the register on the 31st day of December, 1913, (i.) by first registration, and (ii.) by sub-division of estates already registered;
( c ) The total number of separate titles which had been removed from the register on the 31st day of December, 1913, otherwise than by transfer to the 1875 register:
3. Under both the Acts of 1875 and 1862:—
( a ) The total number of separate titles on the register on the 31st day of December, 1913;
( b ) The total number of transactions registered from the 1st day of January, 1911, to the 31st day of December, 1913, showing the numbers of (i.) first registrations under the Acts of 1875 and 1897, (ii.) conveyances, transfers, and transmissions of land, (iii.) mortgages, charges, further charges, and transfers of mortgages and charges, (iv.) reconveyances of mortgages and cessation of charges, (v.) leases and surrenders of leases, (vi.) miscellaneous:
4. Under the Mortgage Debenture Acts, 1865 and 1870, and the Improvement of Land Act, 1864:—
A statement, so far as may be practicable, of the nature and amount of the work done under these Acts, from the 1st day of January, 1911, to the 31st day of December, 1913:
5. Under the Land Charges Registration and Searches Act, 1888, and the Land Charges Act, 1900:—
The number of registrations, official searches, and ordinary searches made from the 1st day of January, 1911, to the 31st day of December, 1913:
6. Under the Middlesex Registry Act, 1708, and the Land Registry (Middlesex Deeds) Act, 1891:—
The number of registrations and searches made from the 1st day of January, 1911, to the 31st day of December, 1913:
And, showing the amount of fees received and the amount of salaries and expenses in the Land Registry from the 1st day of April, 1911, to the 31st day of March, 1914, distinguishing for the purposes of Section 22 of the Land Transfer Act, 1897, the fees received and salaries and expenses paid under the Land Transfer Acts and the other Acts above referred to (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 210, of Session, 1913)."—[ Mr. Rowlands. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Trans-Persian Railway
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of the positive declaration contained in the correspondence in connection with the Russian Convention of 1907 respecting the special interests possessed by Great Britain in the Persian Gulf and the Russian acknowledgment of the same, he will give an assurance that in the negotiations regarding the Trans-Persian Railway there will be a stipulation that no line on a foreign gauge shall run to the shores of the Persian Gulf, and that the line to the south of the Russian sphere shall be constructed on an Indian and not on a Russian gauge, so that British and Indian goods will have the same facilities for entering Persia in the South, without break of gauge, as Russian goods will have in the North?
The question is still under discussion, and I cannot therefore usefully add anything to the answer returned to a question asked by the hon. and gallant Member on the 25th ultimo. I hope, however, to be able to make a statement in due course when the discussion is further advanced.
Will this question of the gauge of railways down to the Persian Gulf be carefully considered?
It has been very carefully considered in consultation with the Indian Government, and it will be very carefully considered.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give an assurance that a foreign gauge will not be permitted?
I cannot say more at the present moment.
May I ask if it is not the fact that the sea is the only proper way for Indian and British goods to enter South Persia?
Of course, the question of railway communication from the South to the North is very important, precisely because it is in the South that we are mainly interested.
Great Britain and Russia
asked whether any naval agreement has been recently entered into between Russia and Great Britain; and whether any negotiations, with a view to a naval agreement, have recently taken place or are now pending between Russia and Great Britain?
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can make any statement with regard to an alleged new naval agreement between Great Britain and Russia; how far such agreement would affect our relations with Germany; and will he lay Papers?
The hon. Member for North Somerset asked a similar question last year with regard to military forces, and the hon. Member for North Salford asked a similar question also on the same day, as he has again done to-day. The Prime Minister then replied that, if war arose between European Powers, there were no unpublished agreements which would restrict or hamper the freedom of the Government or of Parliament to decide whether or not Great Britain should participate in a war. That answer covers both the questions on the Paper. It remains as true to-day as it was a year ago. No negotiations have since been concluded with any Power that would make the statement less true. No such negotiations are in progress, and none are likely to he entered upon so far as I can judge. But if any agreement were to be concluded that made it necessary to withdraw or modify the Prime Minister's statement of last year, which I have quoted, it ought, in my opinion, to be, and I suppose that it would be, laid before Parliament.
Mexico (Murder of Mr. Benton)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if any communication has been addressed to the United States Government as to the action which Great Britain would take in reference to the murder of Mr. Benton by General Villa's agents, in the event of the Constitutionalist party, with which General Villa is identified, being successful; and, if so, if he will state what were the terms of such communication?
The subject has been mentioned amongst others in the various conversations that have taken place with the Government of the United States at Washington and the Ambassador in London from time to time on Mexican affairs. All that I have said has been in accord with the answer given to the hon. Member's question on 22nd April, and I cannot make a more definite statement about contingent events.
Government of Ireland Bill
Importation of Arms
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he has received any, and, if so, what resolutions in favour of the abolition of the restriction on the entry of rifles and ammunition into Ireland; and, if so, will he relax these restrictions so that Home Rulers in the North can arm and defend themselves in case of danger?
Certain resolutions of the nature referred to by the hon. Member have been received. The validity of the Proclamation prohibiting the importation of military arms and ammunition into Ireland has been recently called into question in the Courts, and the matter is still sub judice.
Meanwhile will no distinction be made between those people who import arms for the Nationalist Volunteers and those who import arms for the Ulster Volunteers?
If the Proclamation remains valid, it will be applied against all parties.
May I ask if no people will be put in prison for importing arms into the South of Ireland?
Wait and see.
Volunteer Forces
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland, whether he has any information as to the numbers of the Nationalist Volunteer force; whether any of the volunteers are armed with rifles; if so, to what extent; what is the object for which the force has been brought into existence; and whether, in view of the statement by the Lord Chancellor that both this force and that of the Ulster Volunteers are illegalities and unconstitutional, he will say what steps the Government propose to take in the matter?
It is almost impossible to give at any particular moment an accurate estimate of the numbers of the force, as it alters from day to day. The last figures supplied to me show a force of about 80,000. As regards the number of rifles at present in their possession I can give no precise figures. The coming into existence of this force and its object appear to me to be sufficiently explained by the existence of the Ulster Volunteer force. The action of both these forces is engaging the attention of the Government.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the Government are in agreement with the Lord Chancellor that both these forces are illegal and unconstitutional, and if so, do they propose to take any steps with regard to either of them?
I should like to confer with my Noble Friend, the Lord Chancellor, in regard to this matter.
Does the right hon. Gentleman doubt that the Lord Chancellor is right on the point of law?
No, Sir.
If the Lord Chancellor is right, can the right hon. Gentleman say why action is not being taken?
That question is not on the Paper.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the Government are going to take action to prevent the explosion of civil war between these two volunteer forces?
That does not arise out of the answer.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he will answer the last part of the question, "whether, in view of the statement by the Lord Chancellor that both this force and that of the Ulster Volunteers are illegalities and unconstitutional, he will say what steps the Government propose to take in the matter?"
I did answer that. I said, "The action of both these forces is engaging the attention of the Government."
:I will repeat the question on Monday.
Questions
Amending Bill
asked the Prime Minister if he can state when the Bill to amend the Government of Ireland Bill will be introduced?
If the Opposition in another place so desire, my Noble Friend will be prepared to introduce this Bill before the Second Reading of the main Bill is taken. I believe that no arrangements as to date have yet been made.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he has considered the advisability of introducing this important Bill into the people's House?
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether his answer means that the Bill will be introduced in another place as soon as it is desired by the Leaders of the Opposition, or what exactly does he mean?
I mean what I said:—
"If the Opposition in another place so desire, my Noble Friend will be prepared to introduce this Bill before the Second Reading of the main Bill is taken."
Will the right hon. Gentleman let us know how the House of Lords can introduce an amending Bill to a Bill which they have not yet read a second time?
That is quite another question, and it ought to be put on the Paper.
Foot-and-Mouth Disease
asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) whether the restrictions on the movement of cattle from county Kerry will now be removed, in view of the fact that no disease has broken out there and that the county has been completely free from disease; and whether steps will be taken so that all cattle sold at the fair in Kenmare on 16th June may be moved without restriction to any county in Ireland?
It is regretted that, though disease has not extended to Kerry, the geographical situation of the county renders it subject to restrictions temporarily applying to the South-West Ireland area, and that it is not possible, at present, to withdraw these restrictions. In the circumstances it will be possible to move cattle from Kenmare Fair on 16th instant only to non-scheduled districts within the area above-mentioned. Movements to parts of Ireland outside such area will not be practicable.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when it is likely that these restrictions will be withdrawn?
Well, of course, the restrictions are due to what is called the boundary line separating the northern from the southern part of the country. I wish it to be thoroughly understood that there has been no disease in Ireland, save in a remote district, in county Cork, for the last two months. I am anxiously considering how far and how soon it will be possible to take such steps as will completely isolate this part of county Cork and leave the rest of Ireland free.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when the last outbreak in county Cork took place?
I think that took place about ten days or a fortnight ago. I am happy to say that yesterday the magistrate fined the two Quinlan brothers £70 for selling calves which gave rise to the outbreak.
May I ask if the right hon. Gentleman has power to withhold compensation for animals slaughtered belonging to people who concealed the existence of disease on this farm?
Yes, Sir, the magistrate, has absolute power to deal with the payment of compensation.
What was the amount of the fines inflicted upon these men?
There were separate convictions. I cannot carry the figures accurately in my mind, but I understand that the penalties inflicted on both brothers amount to something like £70.
These questions do not arise out of the question on the Paper. I think that further questions ought to be put down on the Paper.
South Africa (Indian Inquiry)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Report of the Indian Inquiry Commissioners in South Africa has been issued; and what action is being taken upon the recommendations contained therein?
The Report was laid before Parliament in April. A Bill based on the recommendations of the Report passed its Second Reading in the Union House of Assembly on 8th June.
Hindu Immigrants (Canada)
asked if any arrangements have yet been made with regard to the disposition of the Hindu immigrants who have been refused permission to land in Canada from the "Komagata Maru"; if any representations have been made to the Dominion Government on the subject; if the steps taken in the matter by that Government have throughout been in accord with the immigration laws of the Dominion; and if arrangements can be made to prevent immigrants being allowed to leave India in future for British Colonies where they will be refused permission to land?
The "Komagata Maru" lies in a Canadian port, and the arrangements in regard to her and the persons on board are in the hands of the Canadian authorities, who are, I have no doubt, acting in accordance with the law of the Dominion. I have been in communication with the Governor-General, but am not prepared at present to make any statement on the subject. The last part of the question should be addressed to the Undersecretary for India.
Cannot the right hon. Gentleman answer the last part of the question?
No. It belongs to the Government of India.
House of Commons (Ventilation)
asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether a Mr. Handcock, who was previously the London salesman for Davidson's, ventilating fan manufacturers, has been appointed by the Office of Works as consulting engineer with the object of advising the Department in reference to the ventilation of this House, now under the consideration of a Select Committee?
No, Sir. No such appointment has been made.
National Insurance Act
Potato-Gathebebs
asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the Insurance Commissioners, whether, in view of the fact, as stated by him, that potato-pickers and potato- gatherers are in precisely the same position, and of the fact that, by an Order of the Joint Committee, dated the 13th July,. 1912, potato-pickers are exempted from compulsory insurance when such persons are not already insured persons, the Joint Committee will issue an Order exempting potato-gatherers from compulsory insurance where such persons are not already insured persons?
It has been held that the potato-gatherer is excepted under the provisions of the special Order to which the hon. and learned Member refers. The question of making a further Order does not, therefore, arise.
Was not there a decision recently?
I am not aware that, the Commissioners have given any decision other than that referred to in my answer. Perhaps the hon. Member will give me-notice.
Will the hon. Gentleman tell me when?
I do not think that the hon. and learned Member has been following the procedure. The procedure has been for someone to complain, and no complaint has been made.
Sanatorium Benefit
asked what local authorities or insurance committees in England and Wales have applied through the Insurance Commissioners for funds, under Section 17 (2) of the National Insurance Act, for the purpose of extending sanatorium benefit to dependants?
No application for funds for the purpose referred to has been received in Wales. As regards the position in England, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to him on the 21st May.
Can the hon. Gentleman: give me the names of the authorities or the insurance committees that have made the applications?
I should be very pleased if the hon. Member would put down a question?
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether his attention has been called to statements made at a recent meeting of the Carmarthenshire Insurance Committee to the effect that of the thirty-eight persons recommended for sanatorium treatment three months previously only two had been admitted to a sanatorium, and to the reported admission by the clerk to that committee that there was a delay of quite two months in many cases, three months in some, and even four months in others; and whether he can do anything to secure for these consumptive persons the treatment for which they have been recommended and for which they have paid?
I am making inquiry into the circumstances to which the hon. Member refers, and will communicate further with him.
Northampton Benefit Society
asked the Postmaster-General if steps have yet been taken by those responsible to give effect to the actuary's recommendations in reference to the Northampton Benevolent Society; and, if not, what action he proposes to take in the matter?
I understand that it was decided at the annual general meeting of the Northampton Benevolent Society on the 9th inst. to adopt the measures which the actuary regards as essential to the financial soundness of the society.
Representative in House of Commons
asked the Prime Minister, whether, in view of the continued absence of the Chancellor of the Duchy from the House, any steps will be taken to see that a Minister of Cabinet rank should be responsible to the House for all questions relating to national health insurance?
As the hon. and learned Member is aware, the post of chairman of the National Health Insurance Joint Committee is held by a Minister of Cabinet rank. During his absence from the House I think that my hon. Friend the Member for St. George's in the East has ably represented him.
Can the right hon. Gentleman modify the opinion expressed by him on the 13th February that the Minister responsible in this House for Insurance questions should be a Minister of Cabinet rank?
He is. He is not at present in this House, but he is a Minister of Cabinet rank.
District Insurance Committees
asked whether any and, if so, what powers have been assigned to the district insurance committees in the Metropolitan boroughs, which are specially required to be set up by Section 59 of the National Insurance Act, 1911?
The powers which may be delegated and assigned to district committees are specified in the schemes framed by the insurance committees for the constitution of the district committees. The London scheme, of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy, sets out the conditions for the delegation of certain powers in connection with medical and sanatorium benefit to district committees.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that no powers at all have been delegated to these committees, and that, the committees feel themselves very much, aggrieved at having been created and given nothing whatever to do?
If the hon. Gentleman examines the scheme he will see that certain powers are delegated.
Is the hon. Gentleman, aware that no powers are, in fact, delegated?
No; I think that that is, not so.
Has any money been, placed at the disposal of the committees?
I must ask for that to* be put on the Paper.
Dumbartonshire Sanatorium Case
asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he is aware that Alexander M'Phee, an insurance contributor residing at Townhead, Kirkintilloch, has been treated in a sanatorium by the Dumbartonshire insurance committee; that he has been discharged by the Insurance Commissioners as a serious case; and that the Insurance Commissioners refuse to supply him with further treatment, and have declared that responsibility now rests, with the town council of Kirkintilloch; and, seeing that the Insurance Commissioners get the insurance contributions while the town council is asked to do the work without them, what warrant there is for such procedure on the part of the Dumbartonshire insurance authorities?
I am making inquiry into this case, and will communicate with my hon. Friend.
Questions
Condensed Milk
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he intends to issue an Order, under the Public Health (Regulations as to Food) Act, 1902, regulating the sale of machine-skimmed condensed milk, or whether he will take any other action to give effect to the recommendations contained in Dr. Coutts' Report to the Local Government Board on the use of condensed milks as infants' foods in August, 1911?
I hope to be in a position shortly to make a statement on this subject, but I regret I cannot do so at present.
Tuberculous Cattle
asked the President of the Local Government Board if he has any statistics as to the percentage of tuberculous cattle in herds that have been tested?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to answer this question. The answer is in the negative.
Would it not be only fair that we should get some information before the Milk Bill goes into Committee?
It is impossible to draw any general conclusion from the herds that have been tested. Unless all the herds in the country were tested we could obtain no statistics of any real value.
Worcester Provisional Order
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether, in connection with the Provisional Order relating to Worcester, he has received a memorial from residents in that city with reference to the provision in the Order retaining the same number of wards for municipal representation purposes; whether, in view of the present unequal division of the city, which will be accen- tuated by the areas to be added, he will consider the advisability of increasing the number of wards to eight; and whether his Department has satisfied itself that there is an adequate supply of pure water?
I have received a letter from the Worcester Trades Council on the subject of the inequality of the number of electors in the wards into which the city of Worcester is divided. I agree that these inequalities exist, but, having regard to the terms of the statutory provisions under which the Order is made, I did not feel justified in inserting in it Clauses for a general redistribution of the city wards. As regards the question of water supply, the Board have expressed the opinion that the town council would be well advised to provide for storage of the water prior to filtration, and to make more complete arrangements for bacteriological examination.
Pit Ponies
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to the fact that in some mines the horses and ponies employed there are supplied with water from the boiler pond; whether such water is totally unfit for consumption by animals; and whether he will give directions that the inspectors shall inquire into the matter, and insist that these animals shall in future be provided with a proper supply of pure water in accordance with the Regulations?
No cases have been brought to my notice in which the horses and ponies are supplied with water from the same source as the boiler, but I am advised that water from this source is not by any means necessarily unfit to drink, and is sometimes used for human consumption. If the hon. and learned Member is aware of any cases where the ponies are supplied with impure water and will communicate particulars to me I will have inquiry made. Meanwhile I have no evidence in my possession to indicate the need of issuing any special instructions to the inspectors who are fully aware of the Regulations on the subject.
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the fact that in the year 1912, according to the inspectors' reports, 2,852 horses and ponies employed in mines were killed by or destroyed in consequence of accidents, and about 2,300 died from or had to be destroyed in consequence of disease; whether he will state whether any of these 2,852 deaths from accident might have been prevented by using proper care; whether steps will be taken to ensure that proper care will be observed in future; what were the specific forms of disease causing such 2,300 deaths from disease; and what were the causes of such disease?
It would be impossible to say without holding an inquiry into the circumstances in each case how far the deaths from accidents might have been prevented by using greater care. But the inspectors are instructed to enforce to the fullest extent the regulations contained in the Act for the protection of the horses and other animals employed, and I am glad to learn that the reports for last year, which are now in the hands of the chief inspector, show that these regulations are being generally well observed throughout the country. Particulars are not available, in the cases of the deaths from disease, as to the specific forms of disease or the causes.
Is it not desirable that there should be some return showing the diseases from which the animals died?
I will consider that point.
When will the inspectors' reports be in the hands of Members?
I hope very shortly. They are now actually going to press.
Suffragist Outrages
asked the Home Secretary if women prisoners, commonly called suffragettes, convicted of arson and other forms of destruction of property, or of brawling, rioting, and other similar offences, are provided in Holloway and other prisons with spring mattresses and special bedding, a special diet of food, and general relaxation of prison regulations applicable to convictions for such offences; and if he will state in what particulars or upon what principle the crimes and offences of suffragettes differ from crimes and offences of similar character committed by other women?
No general relaxation of prison rules has been made in favour of these prisoners. Certain privileges have been allowed under Rule 243a to those not guilty of serious offences, but in most cases these privileges have been forfeited by misconduct. Special diet has sometimes been given for medical reasons, and particularly in cases where they have rendered themselves unfit for ordinary diet by starvation. So far as prison treatment is concerned, I am not aware of any distinction that can properly be drawn between serious crimes and offences committed by suffragettes and those of similar character committed by other women.
asked the Home Secretary whether he will state, respectively, the number of churches, chapels, or places of worship, and the number of dwelling houses which have been burned down or been damaged by fire, or which have been the scenes of attempted arson by militant suffragettes or their supporters during the last five years?
I have no complete statistics on this subject. Crimes of this kind are not specially reported to the Home Office.
Will the right hon. Gentleman take steps to get a complete list?
I will inquire into the point. I very much doubt whether I have power to take any such steps.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give the House any information on the subject, even if it is not complete?
Of course the information in the daily Press is open to the Noble Lord. I have no such information here. I suppose it could be gathered, but I doubt whether it would be altogether accurate.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that daily reports of fires are made to all the county councils, and that it would be quite easy to secure the information?
As far as my knowledge goes, the facts of the case are directly opposite to what the hon. Gentleman states. In the City of London there is an annual report of fires, but I have been unable to obtain information with regard to fires in other parts of the country.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the City and County of London there are daily reports of each particular fire?
I should have said the City of London and County of London.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware there is a paper called "The Suffragette," which gives a list every week of the buildings that have been burnt down?
asked the Prime Minister, if, in view of the danger to life and damage to property occasioned by the continued acts of the militant supporters of Women Suffrage, he will consider as to the adoption of more strenuous measures for the suppression of the condition of terrorism that exists; and if, in particular, such steps will be taken for the punishment of those committing these crimes as will provide a more effectual deterrent to others?
I understand this subject will be dealt with in the course of the Debate to-day.
Shops Hours Act
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that certain local authorities at holiday resorts have issued Orders allowing shops of a certain class of trade to remain open for business every afternoon in the week during four months of the year; whether there is any authority for giving this privilege to certain trades in holiday resorts; and whether he is taking action to ensure that local authorities will carry out the provisions of the Shops Act, 1912, in a uniform manner?
The Act gives power to local authorities in places frequented as holiday resorts to make Orders suspending for not more than four months in the year the obligation to close for a weekly half-holiday, but the Home Office is advised that such Orders must be general, apply- ing to all classes of shops in the place, and has so informed the local authorities. The Orders in question are not required to be submitted to me for approval, and I have no information that such Orders have been made for particular trades only, but if my hon. Friend will give me details of any case which has come to his notice I will make inquiry.
Street Accidents (London)
asked how many persons were killed during the month of May in the Metropolitan Police area and the City of London by motor omnibuses, taxi-cabs, tram cars, and other motor vehicles, respectively; and what was the total number of persons killed by horse-drawn vehicles?
There is no record in, the City of London of any person having been killed during the month by any vehicle. In the Metropolitan Police area nine persons were killed by motor omnibuses, three by taxi-cabs, twenty-one by other motor vehicles, and eight by horse-drawn vehicles. No fatality was caused by a tram, car.
Having regard to the fact that there are no fatal accidents in the streets of the City of London owing to the effective arrangements made by the City Police, will the right hon. Gentleman see that similar arrangements are extended to the Metropolitan Police area?
The hon. Gentleman bases his question upon the experience of one month. I regret to say that I could point to other months in which there have-been fatalities.
Has not the right hon. Gentleman already made a statement: with regard to the City of London and its immunity from fatal accidents of the kind to which I have already alluded?
No, on the contrary,, speaking from recollection only, owing to-the state of congestion in the City of London, accidents in streets are quite as common there as in any other part of London.
What action has been taken as a result of the Motor Traffic-Committee that met last year?
All the recommendations of the Committee that could be carried out usefully have been carried out.
North Celynen New Sinkings Collieries (Monmouthshire)
asked the Home Secretary whether a workman was killed while working as a pumpsman at the North Celynen New Sinkings Collieries, Monmouthshire, on the 9th May; that the cause of death, as stated at the inquest, was owing to the bursting of a steam joint in the lodgeroom; that the lodgeroom is an inset in the pit, seventy-five yards below the surface, and is about eleven feet square; and that the workman had no way of escape, as there was no signalling apparatus as provided for by the Coal Mines Act, nor ingress and egress roads; and is it his intention to proceed against the company and management for a violation of rules and regulations?
I have received reports on this case by the divisional inspector, which appear to show that there was a breach of Section 59 of the Act, and I have directed proceedings to be taken against She persons responsible.
Administration of Law (London Police Courts)
asked the Home Secretary whether he proposes to institute an inquiry into the alleged shortcomings of the present administration of the law in London Police Courts?
I have seen the interesting article which appeared in the "Times" newspaper a few days ago, to which my hon. Friend no doubt alludes, and I will certainly consider the suggestions it contains and consult the chief magistrate, whose wise and sympathetic administration of justice is acknowledged by all. I think the House will agree that, speaking generally, the magistrates discharge duties of an onerous and difficult kind in a very satisfactory manner. I hope that the passing of the Bill now before the House may lead to further improvement in the administration of criminal justice.
Royal Navy
Anglo-Persian Oil Company
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty when it is intended to take the discussion upon the proposed investment on behalf of the Admiralty in shares of the Anglo-Persian Oil Company?
No, Sir; but the question should be addressed to the Prime Minister.
Battleship and Torpedo Craft Practice
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that, on the night of 25th May, a fleet of eleven battleships and eight or nine torpedo craft were carrying out practices without lights, the "Empress of India" buoy bearing N.N.E. about five miles distant; that no warning had been given to the fishermen; and that most of the fishing craft cleared off the ground and lost their night's fishing rather than face the risk of being run down; and will he take steps to ensure that due notice is given to the fishing fleet before any such exercises or practices are to be carried out?
His Majesty's ships at Portland necessarily make constant use of West Bay for their practices. Care is taken so far as is practicable to avoid damage to fishing interests, but it is not possible to undertake that notice shall be given of all exercises without lights.
Aeroplanes and Submarines
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the Admiralty have considered the effect on the strategic value of battleships of the employment of aeroplanes and submarines; and whether any modification of the current programme of naval construction is contemplated in consequence of such consideration?
All these matters are the subject of continual study by the Admiralty, but I have no statement to make upon them at the present time.
Milford Haven
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether it is intended to make any alteration in the use of Milford Haven as a naval base; if so, in what respect; whether any reduction is to be made in the number of ships stationed there; if so, to what extent; and, if such changes are intended or contemplated, what are the reasons for them?
It is not intended to alter the use of Milford Haven as a naval base. The distribution of ships of the Third Fleet may be altered from time to time by the Admiralty, according to circumstances.
Royal Commission on Engines and Fuel
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty when the Royal Commission on Engines and Fuel will make its Report; and if any interim Reports have been made other than that referred to in Command Paper 7419?
I must refer the hon. Member to the reply given on this subject to the Noble Lord the Member for Portsmouth on the 20th of last month.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Report is referred to in the Blue Book recently issued, and will the right hon. Gentleman inform the House whether a Report has just been made?
A Report has been made. I have repeatedly given to the House on the subject all the information that I can give, explaining why it is not possible to publish the Report.
Will it be impossible to publish parts of the Report?
I have published a statement which throws a good deal of light on the subject, and which carries with it the authority of the Royal Commission; but I am not prepared to publish the Report, nor am I prepared to take any steps which might conceivably make it necessary for me to publish it in consequence of partial statements.
Chief and Engine-Room Artificers
asked the Secretary to the Admiralty whether it is the intention of the Admiralty to establish a reserve for chief and engine-room artificers, such service to commence after these ratings have completed eighteen years' active service; and, if so, would these ratings be employed at their respective trades during the time served in such reserve in the Royal dockyards?
It is not intended to establish a reserve for chief engine-room artificers and engine-room artificers.
asked the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware of the discontent amongst the chief engine-room artificers in consequence of the short spells which they now get at Home after having served a considerable period on foreign stations; whether this is due to a shortage of chief engine-room artificers or to an increase in the number of stoker mechanicians; and whether the Admiralty will consider the possibility of arranging the drafting regulations so as to ensure a reasonable time for these men in Home ports before sending them for further sea service?
Chief engine-room artificers generally are receiving their normal period of Home service. In certain cases, owing to drafting requirements, the period has been shorter than the normal, but it is expected it will be lengthened shortly.
Gibraltar Dockyard
asked the Secretary to the Admiralty if he is aware that there are over 600 labourers in Gibraltar dockyard whose wages are less than 20s. per week, and nearly half of whom are paid less than 15s. per week; is he aware that local mechanics, i.e., fitters and shipwrights, are paid at rates below 30s. weekly, and that increased pay has been refused these lower grades of labour while increased allowance has been made to those on the higher ratings in consequence of higher rents and prices of food; is he aware that a rent of 4s. per week per room is charged in many cases, and that the labourers are living in a condition of semi-starvation; have representations been made through the usual channels; and, if not, will he have inquiry made and wages raised?
According to the figures of the last annual return, dated 1st September, 1913, the rates and numbers stated by my hon. Friend appear to be generally accurate, except as regards the proportion of locally-entered labourers receiving less than 15s. a week. It is also correct to say that some applications from the classes concerned have been refused, but no increases in the allowances to higher ratings have been made in consequence of higher rents and prices of food since 1907. I have no definite information regarding the actual rents charged per room, but have no reason to doubt my hon. Friend's statement. I cannot, however, assent to> the statement that the labourers are living-in a condition of semi-starvation. My hon. Friend is aware that our policy is to secure that conditions of service are at least as favourable generally as those of the locality. On two occasions I have personally surveyed the matter on the spot from this point of view, and have not been able to find that the dockyard rates compare unfavourably with those of the locality. As, however, my last visit was early in 1911, I will have a full Report from the yard on the matters raised in my hon. Friend's question.
Is the hon. Gentleman of opinion that 15s. a week is sufficient for a labourer?
We have got to see that our conditions do not compare unfavourably with local conditions.
Questions
H.M.T.S. "Monarch" (Post Office Inspection)
asked the Postmaster-General, in his recent trip in H.M.T.S. "Monarch," when accompanied by friends, whether, in order to accommodate those friends, the officers of the "Monarch" were turned out of their mess-room and smoking-room and the petty officers turned out of their berths; and whether, owing to the "Monarch" being thus occupied, the "Teleconia," a ship belonging to a private company, was chartered in order to carry out the work for which the "Monarch" was employed while she was conveying him and friends?
I believe the facts stated in the first part of the question, which were only brought to my notice when I had actually started on my voyage, are accurate, and they have occurred, I am told, whenever the Postmaster-General has used the ship as I have done and intend to do for purposes of inspection. To such extent as is in my power I have attempted to recompense the persons who may have been inconvenienced. The "Teleconia" (as well as another ship) has been under charter to the Post Office since February last, when the "Monarch" was disabled, and she had separate work to perform from that done by the " Monarch," which repaired one cable disabled for nearly four months, and laid a new one.
Free Education
asked the President of the Board of Education whether the repeal of the Statute which gave free education in 1891 by the Finance Bill of this year is an indication that the Government policy includes a reimposition of fees in elemen- tary schools or a permission being given to local authorities to charge fees for elementary school children?
The repeal of the Elementary Education Act, 1891, is consequential on the abolition of Fee Grant and the establishment of a Block Grant for Elementary Education in. place of the existing Statutory Grants. Fees in public elementary schools will continue to require the sanction of the Board, and the duty of each local education authority to provide a sufficient amount of free public elementary school accommodation will remain. The repeal of the Statute does not indicate any change in the Government policy with regard to-fees in public elementary schools.
If the Budget and Finance-Bill pass, will it not be possible afterwards, for any Board of Education to allow fees to be charged anywhere and to any extent throughout the country?
I do not think so under the: powers at present possessed.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the local loan-charges for school buildings form in many cases a very large part of; the education rate, especially in certain, small parishes and in places where adequate school provision has been liberally made by the locality, and whether he will accept amendments to Clauses 13 and 14 of the Finance Bill which will effect a more generous reduction of the education rate in such places and so bring about a nearer equalisation of rates?
I am aware that the incidence of loan-charges is unequal between different areas and sometimes between different parts of the same area. I may point out, however, that the expenditure of each area, including expenditure on loan-charges, will be a factor in the calculation of the Block Grant, which endeavours to do justice as between one-area and another. Further, in so far as the loan-charges on any particular parish are disproportionately heavy, owing to the operation of Section 18 (1) ( c ) and ( d ) of the Education Act, 1902, it will be noticed that, the second Schedule, Part III., paragraph 8 of the Finance Bill provides for relief in such cases.
Continuation Schools
asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been called to the resignation of the teachers in the evening continuation schools in the borough of Berwick, as a protest against the appointment of a superintendent without teaching qualification; and whether he will consider the question of securing that all directors and superintendents of education should be required to possess proper qualifications for these posts?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. With regard to the second part of the question, the appointment of directors and superintendents of education is in the "hands of the local education authorities. It is obviously desirable that directors and superintendents of education should possess suitable qualifications, but I do not think it is desirable that I should attempt to prescribe qualifications for such posts.
Steamship "County of Devon."
asked why, in the case of the loss of the "County of Devon," which was tried before the Cardiff stipendiary in the course of last month, the Board of Trade neglected to make the managing owner of the vessel a party to the inquiry; and whether, owing to such an oversight on the part of his Department, the costs of the said inquiry will be paid not by the managing owner, who was censured by the Court, but by the public?
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state why the Board of Trade did not proceed against the managing owner of the steamship "County of Devon," which was lost in mid-Atlantic in February last; whether he is aware that the cost of the inquiry, amounting to £500, was defrayed out of public money; and whether, in view of the remarks made by the stipendiary of Cardiff, he can say whether the managing owner can now be proceeded against under Section 457 of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894?
With all deference to the learned stipendiary, I am unable to admit the suggestion that there was any neglect in this case. At the time when the arrangements for holding the inquiry were made the facts in the possession of the Board of Trade would not, in the opinion of my legal advisers, have justified them in making the managing owner of the "County of Devon" a party to the proceedings, and in suggesting that he might be found to blame. Information which subsequently came to light, and which put a new complexion on the question of the managing owner's possible responsibility, was fully brought before the Court by the Board of Trade. I am now taking advice whether there is any reasonable prospect of proceedings being successfully instituted against the managing owner under Section 457 of the Merchant Shipping Act.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the managing owner had been previously warned by the former captain that precisely similar deck loads made the ship unseaworthy?
That is one of the allegations which are under review.
Loss of SS. "Empress of Ireland."
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the fact that many of the bodies of persons drowned by the sinking of the ill-fated "Empress of Ireland" were subsequently found floating with the head beneath the water due to the nature and construction of the lifebelts carried by the vessel; and whether, with a view to preventing loss of life in future, he will see that the lifebelts carried on all British ships are of such a design and manufacture that they will keep persons who wear them afloat and with their heads above water?
The whole of the circumstances of the terrible disaster to the "Empress of Ireland" will be investigated by an exceptionally strong Court of Inquiry in Canada, and I would therefore prefer to say nothing with regard to this particular case. As regards the last part of the question I may say that the present instructions of the Board of Trade, of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy, require that all types of life-jackets now submitted for approval shall, when properly fitted, keep the wearer's head well out of the water.
Is it not very difficult to fit the existing jackets properly?
Of course it is very very difficult indeed to get any type of lifebelt or life-jacket or life-buoy that would suit every age and every size and every type of passenger, but the greatest trouble is taken to see that ships are fitted out both with adult lifebelts and life-buoys and children's life-jackets, 30 that in the event of emergency arising there would be at the command of the passengers every available means of life saving.
May I ask whether the report of the inquiry that is to be held in Canada will be available to Members of this House?
Certainly.
May I ask if these particular lifebelts were not passed and inspected by the Board of Trade on the "Empress of Ireland" herself?
That does not altogether arise out of this question, but the "Empress of Ireland" had her annual survey on 20th February, and on 15th May she had her annual inspection, and on that inspection lifebelts, life-jackets, and lifebuoys were a thousand in excess of the number of passengers that she had when this unfortunate catastrophe occurred.
Is it not a fact that the lifebelts served out on the "Empress of Ireland" could be more easily fitted upside down than the right way up, especially in the case of hysterical women; and whether it would not be perfectly possible to have a lifebelt which could not be fitted the wrong way up?
I think this is neither the time nor the occasion to discuss the rival claims and advantages of the various forms of lifebelts.
Questions
Labour Exchange Officials
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether a circular has been issued to Labour Exchange officials notifying them that they are not to join any outside organisation or trade union, and not to approach any Member of Parliament with regard to their conditions of service; and, if so, whether it is intended to deny to these officials the rights enjoyed by the vast body of Civil servants?
No circular or other instruction has been issued to Labour Exchange officials notifying them that they are not to join any outside organisation or trade union, but a circular has been recently issued calling their attention to the general rule in the Civil Service that it is improper to attempt to procure the intervention on their behalf of Members of Parliament in the matter of promotion, or otherwise, with reference to their position in the service
Mr. Lloyd George (Speech at Criccieth)
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to a speech made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer at Criccieth, on 2nd June, in the course of which he said that the British aristocracy and their friends were crowing jubilantly over mutinies in the Army; and whether he will say if any mutinies in the British Army have been brought to his notice, and, if so, when they took place?
asked the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer at Criccieth, on 2nd June, in which he referred to mutinies in the Army; whether any mutiny had in fact broken out; what were the acts of mutiny referred to; what were the regiments involved; and what steps to punish the mutineers have been taken?
asked the Secretary of State for War what are the recent acts of mutiny in the British Army to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer referred in his recent speech at Criccieth; whether Courts of Inquiry were held into the circumstances; whether courts-martial or other disciplinary measure followed; and, if not, will he explain why this course was not adopted?
Before the right hon. Gentleman answers this question, may I ask whether it is not the fact that on two separate occasions" General Sir John French advised that certain officers should be brought before a court-martial?
I do not understand my right hon. Friend to have intended to suggest that mutinies had in fact taken place. As I have stated before, there has been no mutiny in the British Army.
In view of the fact that the Chancellor of the Exchequer's words can only be interpreted to mean that there had been mutinies, will he take steps to get the Chancellor of the Exchequer to publicly withdraw a statement that casts a slur on the Army?
I see that there is a question on the subject addressed to my right hon. Friend.
Will not the Prime Minister, as the head of the Government and War Secretary, take steps to see that one of his most important colleagues does not make an untrue statement, without withdrawing it, which casts a slur on a branch of the Forces which the right hon. Gentleman himself controls?
I have said before, and I repeat, there has been no mutiny, none whatever; and if my right hon. Friend said there had been, I should have been obliged to differ from him. The interpretation of his words must be left to him.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself has threatened disloyalty?
May I ask how anyone could "crow jubilantly" over mutinies which had not taken place?
That question ought to be addressed to my right hon. Friend.
May I be allowed to say, in reply to the imputation of the hon. Member opposite who said I had been guilty of mutiny or something of that kind—[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]
If the hon. and gallant Gentleman had listened he would have heard that my words were perfectly accurate, namely, that he had threatened disloyal action.
May I say in reply, if I had I should have been amenable to the proper authority. So far from that being the case my command has been extended in the last few months by the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister.
Then if we were not in the House of Commons, but in Criccieth, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman if I would be inaccurate in describing the statement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer as a "downright lie?"
"An officer and a gentleman."
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer to what mutinies in the British Army he referred in his recent speech at Criccieth?
I referred to the direct incitements to mutiny by certain leaders and journals of the party opposite.
Am I not correct in stating that no mutiny-has taken place?
If there has been no mutiny that is not the fault of hon. Gentlemen opposite, or their leaders.
May I ask whether the words of the right hon. Gentleman did not mean that there had been mutinies, and is he aware that the Executive head of the Army in this House has stated that no such mutinies have taken place?
I was referring to the fact that they were crowing over prospective mutinies. [HON. MEMBERS: "An absolute lie!" and "On a dunghill!"] Yes, on their own dunghill.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the word "prospective" did not appear in his speech, and does he propose to correct his speech?
No, certainly not. I do not correct my speeches. I stand by every word.
I do not want to do an injustice to the right hon. Gentleman. Does he assert that the word "prospective" occurred in his speech?
The word "prospective" was used by the hon. Gentleman, and not by me.
Did not the right hon. Gentleman refer to Members of this House and their friends gloating over mutinies without using the word "prospective."
Certainly. If the hon. Gentleman would like quotations I can give him any number. If he will only put a question down, and if Mr. Speaker will give me the time, I should like to read a whole lot of them.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say how anyone can gloat over mutinies that have not taken place?
That is a question that had better be addressed to those who actually did gloat over them.
May I ask—
I think there have been quite enough supplementary questions.
Called a liar by your own leader!
Duchy of Lancaster
asked the Prime Minister how long he proposes to leave the Duchy of Lancaster unrepresented in this House?
I can make no statement on the subject at present. There are recent precedents for there being no representative of the Duchy of Lancaster in the House of Commons.
Are there any precedents for the Insurance Commission being unrepresented?
May I ask my right hon. Friend to which Minister questions regarding the Duchy should be addressed?
I have not come across any questions.
I am very anxious to put some down, in view of the fact that the Chancellor of the -Duchy is Lord of the Manor of Pontefract, and may I ask to which Minister I should address them?
In the meantime address them to me.
Is there any precedent for any gentleman not a Member of either House of Parliament continuing as a Member of the Cabinet?
Oh, many! [HON. MEMBERS: "Gladstone!"]
After repeated refusals.
Is it not the fact that last week, when I asked the right hon. Gentleman if he would answer questions addressed to the Duchy of Lancaster, he refused to do so, and now he says he will?
I have changed my mind.
Housing of Working Classes
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to a speech made by the Postmaster-General at Bristol on 26th May, in which he stated, with reference to providing houses for the working classes, that some people wanted to act by way of what was called nationalisation, which meant centralisation and bureaucracy, which was not good for this country, and proceeded to argue in favour of acting through local authorities; and will he say whether this statement represents the policy of the Government?
My attention has not been called to the speech referred to otherwise than by the hon. Member's question, but I am informed that my right hon. Friend stated that where private enterprise failed the work of housing could best be done by the agency of local authorities, and that it is only where these authorities fail to act that the Government must build themselves. This is quite in accordance with the declared policy of the Government.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman how he reconciles that statement of the Postmaster-General with the announced policy of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the Government were going to deal with it by a national system, and which is the policy of the Government?
I have answered that already.
May I ask whether, after the example of Lord Melbourne, the Prime Minister will take steps to coordinate the utterances of his colleagues?
Finance Bill (Second Beading)
asked when the Government propose to proceed with the Second Beading of the Finance Bill?
A statement will be made at the end of questions.
Inland Waterways
asked the Prime Minister whether he has received a resolution from the Brentford urban district council approving of certain recommendations of the Royal Commission on Inland Waterways, 1909, and offering, in certain circumstances, to contribute towards the improvement of the four routes known as the Cross; and whether he proposes to take any steps to carry out the recommendations in question?
I have received a copy of the resolution referred to. Any definite proposals by local authorities to contribute towards the cost of improving the canals will be carefully considered.
Revenue Bill
asked when it is proposed to circulate the Revenue Bill?
I hope, very shortly.
Will the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that the Revenue Bill, upon which, in a large measure, the Finance Bill is founded, the two Bills being interdependent, will be circulated in good time before the Second Reading of the Finance Bill is taken?
I will consider that.
British Army
Ordnance Departments (Minimum Wage)
asked from what date the decision to pay a minimum wage of 22s. per week to labourers in the Army Ordnance Departments will take effect; and whether the same minimum wage will be extended to barrack labourers, and, if so, from what date?
I am arranging with the Postmaster-General a date for both Departments. The wages of barrack labourers will be redetermined with reference to the new minimum.
Will this rise of wages cover the North of Ireland as well as other parts of the country?
No; Ireland will not be covered by the new minimum.
Why not?
Because the conditions are so different in Ireland.
Non-Commissioned Officers and Men Married Off the Strength
asked the Prime Minister whether he is yet in a position to state when the Report of the Committee, dated December, 1913, on the conditions of non-commissioned officers and men married off the strength in the Army, will be published; and what alterations in the present Regulations the Government propose to make?
Instructions have been given for this Report to be presented to Parliament, but the Council have decided that action must be deferred until fuller knowledge of the conditions prevailing in the different Commands has been received. It is also necessary to have the views of the Government of India.
General Hart
asked why General Hart has been removed from the military command in South Africa; whether General Hart has asked the reason of his supersession; and, if so, what answer has been given to him?
With regard to the first part of the question, I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the answers which the Secretary of State for the Colonies and I gave on this subject on 4th March and 20th April, respectively. With regard to the rest of the question, General Hart has submitted an appeal which is now under consideration.
Royal Field Artillery (Reserve Brigades)
asked whether there is any intention of disbanding any of the batteries of the reserve brigades of the Royal Field Artillery, and, if so, how many and when?
I know of no such intention.
Royal Horse Artillery (Captain's Pay)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has yet made the promised arrangements to rectify the anomaly in the decreased pay now received by a captain in the Royal Horse Artillery promoted major in the Royal Field Artillery?
This is being considered with certain other anomalies, but I cannot yet announce a decision.
Will the anomaly be rectified? Does not the hon. Gentleman remember that the late Secretary of State promised in this House to rectify this anomaly?
This is not the only case; there are two or three others to be considered with it.
Do two wrongs make a right?
Empire Day Celebbatioks
asked the Secretary of State for War whether there is any Regulation prohibiting Army chaplains from acting as preachers at Sunday services for boys' brigades and scouts in connection with Empire Day, even although such services may take place in a consecrated building; and, if so, whether he will take steps to so alter the Regulations as to enable the chaplains to take part in such work?
There is no regulation or instruction prohibiting Army chaplains from taking part in or preaching at such services, so long as their regular duties are not interfered with.
If I bring to the notice of the hon. Gentleman a case where an Army captain forbade it, will he inquire into it?
Certainly.
asked the Secretary of State for War whether there is any regulation forbidding soldiers' sons residing in barracks to attend as boy cadets at Empire celebrations on Sundays; whether his attention has been called to a case of this kind at Warley, in Essex; and, if so, whether he will allow such freedom to the boys in future?
I am not aware of any such regulation, and have no knowledge of the circumstances mentioned in the question.
Canteen Prosecution
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the offence for which Colonel Whitaker was sentenced was committed before or after the enactment of the Prevention of Corruption Act; and, if before, whether he will advise His Majesty to exercise his prerogative of mercy and set him free?
I am informed that Colonel Whitaker has appealed to the Court of Criminal Appeal against his conviction, and the case is therefore sub judice.
Can my right hon. Friend say whether it is a fact that the offence was committed before the enactment of the Prevention of Corruption Act?
I am unable to answer that question.
It is on the Paper.
Yes, but as I have informed my hon. Friend, the case is now before the 'Court of Appeal, and I must therefore decline to answer the question.
asked (1) whether Colonel Whitaker, sentenced to two months' imprisonment in connection with the recent scandals, will also lose his pension as well; and how much that amounts to per annum; and (2) whether, as a result of a recent trial, Messrs. Liptons are to be struck off the list of those allowed to tender for regimental canteens; and, if so, what are the names of the competing firms on the list who will benefit by the removal of a rival?
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has taken into consideration the facts recently revealed in the canteen trial; and whether an inquiry will be instituted into the conditions and circumstances of Army contracts?
The matters dealt with in these three questions are under the consideration of the Army Council. I cannot, therefore, make any statement on the subject at present.
Fifteen-Pounder Gun (Nairn)
asked if the 15-pounder gun held on charge by the ammunition column at Nairn is provided with a rocking-bar sight; and, if not, whether repeated applications have been made for this adjustment, without which the gun is useless for instructional purposes?
Rocking-bar sights for 15-pounder quick-firing guns held by mounted brigade ammunition columns for instructional purposes are in course of manufacture, and the Scottish Command were so informed at the beginning of this year.
Can the hon. Gentleman say how long this gun has been there, and how long they have been unable to use it?
I cannot give that information.
Special Reservists (Unemployment Insurance)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that under the unemployment section of the National Insurance Act a refund of one-third may be made to an employer in respect of a man who has been employed continuously in the twelve months, provided forty-five payments have been made on his behalf; whether he is aware that a soldier attending the Special Reserve training, owing to having to attend camp, cannot come under this provision; and whether he will approach the Board of Trade with a view to prevent employers of soldiers being penalised in this fashion?
I am aware of this difficulty, and representations have already been made to the Board of Trade.
Cast Houses
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether he can state the number of horses cast by the Army as old and worn out during the last year for which figures are available, the number of such cast horses sold by auction or otherwise, and the amount realised by the sales?
During 1913, 1,516 horses were cast for causes other than disease. Horses thus cast are, as a rule, all sold, and the average price realised is £12.
Can the hon. Gentleman say who are the purchasers of these animals?
I am afraid I cannot follow their careers.
Questions
Housing of Working Classes
asked if His Majesty's Government are considering any scheme whereby public utility societies with a limited rate of profit, ready to undertake the erection of working-class dwellings at Rosyth, and other places where a similar housing problem exists, would receive special assistance by advances at low rates; and, if so, whether legislation will be introduced at an early date?
The Government hope to be in a position to make an announcement on this subject very shortly.
Committee of Imperial Defence (Overseas Attacks)
asked when the Report of the Imperial Defence Committee, which inquired into the preparedness of this country to withstand attack from overseas, will be laid before Parliament; and whether an opportunity will be given to the House of Commons to discuss that Report?
As I have already stated, the Report will not be published; but I hope to make a statement on the subject during this Session, and an opportunity for discussion will then arise.
Board of Agriculture (Charwomen's Wages)
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture "whether he has now considered the hours of labour of the charwomen in the employment of the Board; and whether he is increasing their wages?
Yes, Sir; their wages have been increased to 14s. a week.
Agricultural Returns
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture, what is the reason for printing the official agriculture Return of the Board in Welsh as well as English; how long this practice has been in force; what is the additional cost; how many copies are circulated in England and how many in Wales; and whether he will consider the advisability of avoiding waste of money by having a small number printed in Welsh only for those farmers who are able to read Welsh but are unable to read English?
I presume that the hon. Member refers not to the returns, but to the schedules by means of which the returns are collected. The bilingual schedule was first adopted seven years ago in consequence of representations made by the collecting officers that the accuracy of the returns would thereby be increased. I am unable to state the total number of schedules circulated, but 12 per cent. of the number printed are bilingual. With regard to the cost, the hon. Member should address a question to my hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, but I am advised that the method suggested in the last part of the question would be more costly than that now in use.
National Land Valuation
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) whether, under the proposed new system of national valuation adumbrated by him in his Budget speech, the position of the lands valuation and registration of voters' assessors, appointed by corporations and county councils in Scotland, and their assistants will be in any way affected; and, if so, whether provision will be made to meet the cases of hardship which will probably arise; and (2) whether, under the proposed new system of national valuation adumbrated by him in his Budget speech, there is to be one State valuation department for Scotland and England, part of whose duties will be the making up of the new Valuation Roll for local rating purposes?
The additions to the Valuation Roll in Scotland rendered necessary by the Budget proposals will be made by the Land Valuation Department working in co-operation with the local authorities and their officers.
Does the right hon. Gentleman mean to say that he is going to continue at the expense of the local authorities the existing system of valuation along with his new proposals for rating on capital value, and are the local authorities still to pay all the cost. Is he going to make them pay that money for the special purpose of enabling him to collect the Income Tax assessed under Schedule A?
The hon. Baronet is now examining me about a Bill which will not be introduced until next year. I do not think I can be expected to answer that.
No; I am examining the right hon. Gentleman on his answer. Does he remember what he said? He said that he was going to have these two systems in operation, and I am asking whether he is going to continue at the expense of the local authorities the existing system for the purpose of collecting Schedule A assessment without paying them the cost himself?
The hon. Baronet did not understand the question, nor the answer. When he does that, he had better put down another question. He will then discover how absolutely irrelevant his question was.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it is he who does not understand the question?
Will the right hon. Gentleman's answer be equally applicable to England and Wales as to Scotland?
That is a very different system; but we hope that in England and Wales to ensure the co-operation of the local authorities in completing the valuation for local purposes.
Budget Proposals
Nursing Grant
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he can now state whether the proposed Nursing Grant promised in his Budget Statement will be administered by the local insurance committees or by any other and, if so, what authority?
I fear I can at present add nothing to the reply which I gave the hon. Member on the 13th ult.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this question is beginning to exercise the local authorities very considerably, and may I ask how soon he will be able to announce a decision in the matter?
I am very glad that it is exercising the minds of the local authorities. I think it is rather desirable that we should get the views of the local authorities before we make a final decision. As the hon. Member knows — no one knows better!— there are two or three alternative methods. We want to know to what extent the local authorities are prepared to take the matter in hand before we finally decide.
What steps does the right hon. Gentleman propose to take at an early date to find out the views of local authorities?
I think my right hon. Friend the President of the Local Government Board is taking very active steps to find out the position in the counties.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the local insurance committees in Scotland have passed a resolution asking that the duties should be given to them?
That is one of the three alternative methods of dealing with the matter to which I referred.
What are we to understand in the matter?
The hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well that these are questions of machinery, and in these we must listen to the views of the local authorities and consider them before we finally determine what to do.
Land Inquiry Report (Scotland)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the date on which the Land Inquiry Report for Scotland will be issued?
I hope the Report will be published before the end of this month.
Business of the House
Can the Prime Minister or the Chancellor of the Exchequer tell us what the business will be next week?
I am sorry that the Leader of the House has had to leave. To-morrow (Friday) we propose, I understand by general consent, to take as the first Order the Money Resolution of the Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill. On Monday we will take the Third Reading of the Plural Voting Bill.
On Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday we propose to take Supply. The Supply on Tuesday will be the Board of Agriculture.
When is it intended to take the Second Reading of the Finance Bill?
Early the following week.
Will the right hon. Gentleman also, before that Second Reading, circulate the Revenue Bill in ample time, and will he also see that ample time is allowed for the Second Reading?
I will communicate the remarks of the hon. Member to the Leader of the House. With regard to the Revenue Bill I am sorry that my right hon. Friend the Attorney-General, who introduced it, is not here, but I understand that it will be ready early next week.
Housing of the Working Classes Bill
Reported, without Amendment, from Standing Committee A.
Leave given to the Committee to make a Special Report.
Special Report brought up, and read.
Report and Special Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 268.]
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed. [No. 268.]
Private Bills
Gas and Water Provisional Orders (No. 1) Bill,
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
Dee Fisheries Provisional Order Bill,
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Order confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 12) Bill,
Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill to be read the third time To-morrow.
Local Government Provisional Orders (Gas) Bill,
Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill to be read the third time To-morrow.
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 13) Bill,
Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill to be read the third time To-morrow.
Local Government Provisional Order (Housing) Bill,
Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Order confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill to be read the third time To-morrow.
Llanfaelog Water Bill [ Lords ],
Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Butterley Company Bill [ Lords
Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table.
Private Bills (Group F),
Sir John Barran reported from the Committee on Group F of Private Bills: That, for the convenience of parties, the Committee had adjourned till Tuesday next, at Eleven of the clock.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Railway Bills (Group 4),
Mr. Clancy reported from the Committee on Group 4 of Railway Bills: That for the convenience of parties, the Committee had adjourned till Monday next, at half-past Eleven of the clock.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Midwives (Scotland) Bill
Order for Second Reading upon Monday next read, and discharged. Bill with-drawn.
MIDWIVES (SCOTLAND) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 282.]
Orders of the Day
Supply.—[Ninth Allotted Day.]
CIVIL SERVICES AND REVENUE DEPARTMENTS ESTIMATES, 1914–15.—[ Progress. ]
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]
HOME OFFICE.—(Class II.)
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £178,600, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1915, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Home Department and Subordinate Offices."—[Note.—£90,000 has been voted on account.]
I beg to move, "That a sum not exceeding £178,500 be granted for the said service."
I desire to move the reduction of this. Vote by £100, with a view to calling attention to a matter which has created a great deal of attention out of doors, at least, and one that I am quite certain Members of this House desire to hear the views of the Government upon, namely, the succession of outrages which have been committed by the so-called suffragettes, and the conduct of the Government in dealing with those outrages. It is quite unnecessary for me to enlarge upon the very grave evil which exists in connection with this matter. To-day the right hon. Gentleman, at Question Time, was asked whether he could furnish the House with a list of the incendiary and other outrages that had been committed in the last five years. He replied that he was unable to do so. He referred the House to such information as we could get from the newspapers of the day. I am sorry that the right hon. Gentleman could not assist us further, because the matter is one of very great importance, and the House, I think, ought to be put in possession of the facts accurately. It certainly is a matter of great surprise to me that the administration of the Department over which the right hon. Gentleman presides has not thought it worth while to institute inquiries as to the extent of this very serious evil. In the "Times" of 4th June there was published a list of the more serious outrages which have been committed during the present year. I will read them out very shortly, for it is well that the Committee should be seized as to the extent and magnitude of the evil. There seems to have been some nine attacks upon works of art; there was an attack upon the Rokeby Venus on 11th March; there was the injury to the Burne-Jones window at Birmingham, 16th March; there was the injury to porcelain exhibits at the British Museum, 10th April; there was the injury to Mr. Sargent's portrait of Henry James, 5th May; there was the attack on the portrait of the Duke of Wellington, 13th May; there was the injury to Mr. Clausen's "Primavera," 18th May; and five Italian pictures were injured at the National Gallery, 23rd May; and there was the injury to the portrait of the King, 25th May; and another attack at the British Museum on the same day. In addition to that, there were five bomb explosions, one in Glasgow, one in the Church of St. John the Evangelist, one in the Church of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, one in the Metropolitan Tabernacle, and another attempt to wreck the Glasgow aqueduct. In addition to these, there were nine incendiary outrages, but I do not think it is necessary to read the whole list of them. A number of houses were destroyed; two or three churches have been burned down. A hotel has been destroyed, and so on. These are the number of outrages committed during the present year. I do not pretend to have made any attempt to verify the accounts, but I assume they are correct. I think the Committee will agree with me that that is a very serious state of things indeed, but I am not sure that the number of outrages, serious as it is, is the most serious feature of this State of things. There is the open defiance of the law; that is, in my judgment, a very serious matter. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am very glad to hear those cheers from hon. Members on the Nationalist Benches, who have always, in their history been distinguished as convinced upholders of law and order.
"Hottentots!"
I think they were described as West African savages by the Attorney-General for Ireland in the present Government. Of course, I understand these cheers, and the suggestion is that their similarity between what has; taken place in Ireland, both in the south and west and in Ulster and the suffragette outrages. Of course that is a mere party point, and we all know how utterly worthless it is in this House; but for the benefit of those outside I desire to say in a few words how entirely and totally different the two things are. I am not going to argue whether what is done in Ireland is justifiable or unjustifiable. Let us assume for the purposes of argument that it is utterly unjustifiable—the Committee knows my opinion on the subject—rebellion it may possibly be described. I dare say it may quite rightly be described as rebellion, but between rebellion and anarchy there is an enormous gulf. Rebellion may be, on the admission of everybody in every part of the House—the most rigid constitutionalist and the most advanced persons, if there be any advanced persons on the Labour Benches—in certain circumstances justifiable, but anarchy is never justifiable. Anarchy is an attack upon the whole root and principle of civilisation and government. It has often been tried. It was tried in the case of the Chartist movement; it was tried in the early days of the Irish movement; it was tried over and over again, but I venture to say it has never succeeded, and whether it has succeeded or not it is absolutely unjustifiable.
When it did succeed. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order."]
The hon. Gentleman will forgive me if I do not give way, for it is impossible to conduct the argument I am putting by way of question and answer. I say the distinction between anarchy and rebellion is as wide as the distinction between piracy and war. They are totally distinct. Whatever we think about rebellion it is absolutely essential, if government is to exist in this country or any other, that anarchy in all forms should be put down. I venture to say that anarchy—and that is what these women are aiming at—is not the substitution of one Government for another, but the destruction of the existing form of government, which is a very serious evil in itself. It means the defiance of the whole principle of law and order, and it is one which every Government worthy of the name, whether drawn from the Labour Benches, the Conservative Benches or the Radical Benches, would be bound to put down with all the power at their command. And there is another more serious thing than this—I do not think it can have escaped the attention of hon. Members—and that is that the irritation of the public in reference to this matter is growing every day. There are very distinct symptoms that members of the public will take the law into their own hands. That means what is called "lynch law." Now, I have a profound horror of lynch law. I think it is the most horrible thing in the world. It is grossly cruel and grossly unjust, and it occurs that those who are really not guilty are punished for the sins of those who are. I have information, and I dare say several Members of the House have received similar information, that those who advocate the extension of the franchise to women, but who are as far removed from the methods of the Suffragettes as any hon. Member, are absolutely suffering in their freedom and in their persons when endeavouring peacefully to carry on their propaganda. I hope and trust, and indeed feel sure, that the Government are not conniving at that in any way. It is their duty to see that those conducting a peaceful political propaganda should receive the same protection as anybody else. There has been the suggestion that the Government is becoming a little slack. I think it is due to some misapprehension, and I will not make any charge against the Government in that respect, and I hope the Government will be able to assure us that I am perfectly right in making that assumption.
4.0 P.M.
There is one other aspect of this evil I desire to say a word upon, and I will only say one word upon it, because it has been quite recently treated in an admirable way, and I hope hon. Members who take an interest in this subject will read what was then said—I mean the terrible waste that this movement involves. We are all very angry with the Suffragettes, but nobody who studies the history of the movement can doubt there are persons mixed up with that movement moved by motives which most of us must admire, and who have shown great heroism, however perverse and misguided they may be, and I think there is something extremely pathetic and disastrous in the thought that this admirable material and those splendid qualities should be so utterly misused. The subject was treated with great ability by Lord Lytton in a speech delivered in another place, and I merely remind the House of that aspect as one of the matters that they ought to consider. That is the state of things I venture to describe very shortly, and I read with some surprise in the daily Press that the Government are not dissatisfied with the measures that have been taken to deal with this evil. I do not know what the view of the Government is, but according to what has been stated in the papers they regard their present measure as satisfactory, and they propose no change of a serious kind, and they believe that matters have greatly improved from what they were last year. All I can say is that they take a very much more sanguine view of the present situation than anyone else in the United Kingdom. I think the state of things is very deplorable indeed, and it is of urgent importance that the House should consider how this state of things has arisen, and what are the remedies that ought to be applied to it. I want to say a few words about the causes of the present state of things, and I want to say a little about the people engaged in these outrages. I hope the House will make a considerable distinction between the leader and the followers in this movement. I believe that the present state of things is the direct outcome of a deliberate policy on the part of the leaders of the movement. I believe that they always intended that something of this kind should come to pass if they did not get their way, and that they entered deliberately upon a policy of exasperation. I believe that originally their motives were single-minded and perfectly honest. I believe they desired to have the vote because they thought women were suffering under very serious injuries which could only be removed by a recognition of their equality of rights with men.
I am not going to argue the case to-day for a moment. I believe that was their original motive, and I believe they felt it strongly, and they thought that this plan and this disastrous way was the only plan by which they could achieve their ends. I do not wish to say anything violent, but I have the greatest doubts whether their motives are at present as single-minded and honest as they were. I do not want to put the case too high, but I do feel that it is possible—at any rate, I believe it is the fact—that they now care much more about the existence of their organisation and its power, such as it is, and its funds than they do about the ultimate success of the political part of their propaganda. That is a matter which I think the House should carefully consider in dealing with the questions which we have to decide this afternoon. With regard to the followers I do not take the same view. I am not dealing with those who are paid to commit outrages, and I dare say there are some hon. Members who know more about that than I do. They are merely like anybody else. I am dealing with the followers who are not paid, but who entered upon this agitation quite honestly. I believe they are absolutely disinterested and they have come to take this course from motives that seem to me utterly insufficient and utterly deplorable. I believe those motives are quite honestly held and have nothing whatever to do with any personal motives of any kind or sort or description. I do not believe this House will really be in a position to deal with the case satisfactorily unless they realise one aspect of this movement which has been borne in upon me very strongly, find that is the devotion of the followers to the person and leadership of Mrs. Pankhurst. That is a very serious matter but it is undoubtedly true, and I do say that she, and it may be her daughters, are the people who are almost solely responsible for the state of things which have arisen.
Now I come to the more controversial part. I think that even Mrs. Pankhurst could never have induced her followers to enter upon this career of crime but for the very serious mistake made by the Government in dealing with this matter. At the outset, when the so-called acts of militancy were of a trifling character, undue severity was shown, and the thing was treated much too seriously. I think it was a mistake sending some of these women into the second division in default of finding sureties. That was a very serious mistake. I most honestly say that I think that that part of the policy of the Government culminated in the celebrated events which took place on what is called Black Friday at the end of 1910, when a number of women engaged in a perfectly peaceful demonstration were very roughly handled indeed, to put it mildly, by those whose duty it was to keep order. I have always thought that the whole policy of forcible feeding was a profound mistake. I do not deny that the question is a very difficult one. I do think that it was a very unwise thing to carry out a process which operated so very differently in different cases, whatever motives—and I believe that the motives are always excellent—animated the Government in carrying out this policy. It was a policy which was capable of great misrepresentation, and it was a very unwise thing to have indulged in. No one can doubt that many women have been seriously injured by forcible feeding.
dissented.
I notice that the right hon. Gentleman entirely disagrees with me, but I cannot doubt, in face of the many stories which I have read on this subject, that there is, at any rate, a very widespread and genuine belief that such injuries have taken place. I know the Home Secretary is very confident that he and his advisers are right, but there are many influential people who take an entirely different view upon this point. The next mistake which seems to have been made has been the apparent inequality of treatment of certain prisoners. I wish to put this point as uncontroversially as I can. I am not going into the case which has recently formed the subject of a book by Lady Constance Lytton, and I know that the right hon. Gentleman disputes her assertion. Take the case of Mrs. Pankhurst. The right hon. Gentleman may have been right in dealing with her. There is no doubt that she has never been forcibly fed, but the result of your policy is that she has always been released from prison after a comparatively slight punishment without any forcible feeding at all, or any attempt to secure that she should carry out her sentence, whereas women of less importance have constantly been forcibly fed and kept in prison. I think it was a thing to avoid at all costs that there should have been any inequality of treatment in these different prisoners, if you really wish to impress these very unreasonable women with the conviction that you were administering the law in a strict spirit of justice and equality.
The last point of administration I wish to mention is that to my mind the whole policy of the Cat and Mouse Act has turned out unsuccessful, as I always thought it would. I do not mean to say that the right hon. Gentleman will not be able to produce official figures to show that there are less prisoners now than before the Act was passed, but in point of fact we have a state of things now existing which is directly the result of the Cat and Mouse Act. We have got a very widespread impression that the law has been successfully defied by these women. That is practicaly the result of the policy which the right hon. Gentleman has carried out. I believe that the cumulative effect of these mistakes has been very great indeed. Of course, I should not be dealing fairly with the House or anybody else if I did not add that in my view by far the most serious mistake which the Government has made is the persistent way in which they have played with the question of Women Suffrage in this House. I am not going into the sordid history of the devices, manœuvres, and tactics which have been resorted to time after time to deprive these women of a fair decision upon their case by this House. I will only remind the House that before the year 1911 a truce of militancy was obtained. Hon. Members said, "Give us a chance. We believe we can get a private Member's Bill through Parliament. Let us try that, and you suspend militancy during that time for a day or two." There was no militancy then. Afterwards there came a series of events in connection with the Reform Bill, which was regarded as a deliberate attempt to destroy the chances of a private Member's Bill, and that most disastrous speech by the Chancellor of the Exchequer who boasted, or appeared to boast, that he and his measures had torpedoed the Conciliation Bill. To those who desired to convince the women +hat they had a fair chance of being treated justly and fairly in this House, I say it was impossible to devise a proceeding more calculated to defeat that end. I am not for a moment suggesting that that is any defence of militancy; but I do say that it is a very serious matter of regret that the Government should have been led into allowing their followers to indulge in proceedings of that kind.
What are the remedies? It has been said that all those who are suffragists in this House should announce that they will abandon all attempts to procure the vote for women until these outrages cease. I may say at once that that appears to me to be a most grossly unjust and wholly useless proposal. I cannot conceive on what ground those who are in favour of the suffrage of women should announce that decision, because a small band—I think the Home Secretary will tell the House that it is a very small band—of women have done these terrible acts, that therefore a great number of other women who honestly desire the vote and have worked for it for years should lose the support of their friends in this House. On the contrary, I think the events of the last few months and the last few years point in the opposite direction. I have already tried to indicate the importance of treating this question with absolute fairness and candour. I do not believe that such a policy would be a remedy at the present moment, and there is no more essential duty than that we should in this House say nothing which we are not prepared to carry out to the letter. I hope that will be a warning which will be appreciated, not only by those who sit on the Ministerial side of the House, but also by those who sit on the Opposition side, and I trust that if the fortunes of the ballot give us a majority in another Parliament, we shall not hold out any hope which we are not honestly and determinedly prepared to fulfil. I quite agree that those are proper matters for dealing with the root of the trouble, but for the moment you have to deal, not with the root, but with the symptoms which are pressing upon our notice. I understand that the Government do not in the least agree with me, but I am still of the opinion that your object should be to remove these women from the scene of their crime, not with a view of treating them with vindictiveness or severity, or any of the other adjectives which I see are used in the communications which have been made to the Press, but merely because I think that is the only way of preventing the repetition of these crimes.
I do not think that you have got to deal —it is one of the things that we must realise—with ordinary criminals as moved by ordinary criminal motives. It is no use appealing to their apprehensions and their fears, because they have not got any. That is not the thing which moves them. What you have got to do is to prevent them committing the crimes, and I myself see only one way of doing that, and that is by the remedy I have before recommended in this House—deportation. I am still of the opinion that, would have been the right remedy, and I still think it would be the right remedy at the present moment. [HON. MEMBERS: "Where to—Ulster?"] There are a very large number of islands belonging to this country, some of them near this country and some of them at a greater distance, and I do not think it would be at all difficult to discover an island suitable for the purpose. But I altogether protest against a member of the Opposition being required to go into details. I am satisfied myself that it could be carried out, but, if I went into details, that would only give an opportunity for critics to seize on this and that detail and destroy a proposal which itself is sound by showing that the details I put forward were capable of criticism. I still believe in deportation, and I am glad to see that the Government are going to attack the funds of this society. I cannot imagine why, if that can be done now, it was not done years ago. I do not propose to express any legal opinion on the matter, because my experience of legal opinions expressed in the course of Debate is that they are worth very much what is given for them. It may be that the Government are not going to proceed against the funds of the society, but, if they have not got the power, I think that they ought to have taken, power by legislation. It is quite clear, when you find a society with large funds used for criminal purposes, that by some way or other those funds ought to be taken away from them. [An HON. MEMBER: "Ulster!"] The hon. Member is really entirely devoting his mind to some subject which is not before the House. I shall be ready to discuss that subject with him when the occasion arises, and I think that he will find that a good many of the criticisms which he now thinks are effective are really worthless. Therefore, I welcome the statement that the Government are going to proceed against the funds of the society.
There is one personal matter which it is very awkward to mention in this House, but I should like to know what the Government are going to do about it. We know that one of the chief organisers of this society lives in Paris, and I can quite understand that no measure of extraditon may be available for obvious reasons, but is it impossible to induce the French authorities to take proceedings against her? I speak under correction, but I have always understood, if anyone in England organises crime against people in a foreign country, that he is amenable to proceedings in England, though he cannot be extradited if the crime is of a political character. I do not know whether any such inquiry has been made, or whether any step of any kind has been contemplated, but it certainly appears to me to be one well worthy of consideration by the Government. I am not going to make any further suggestion, because, after all, I do not think anyone without official knowledge and official sources of information can made suggestions that are really worth a great deal. He must be in a position to get information which is not available to an ordinary Member of this House. All I say is that the state of things is really scandalous at the present moment. I have said scarcely more than a word about its effect upon or relation to the Suffrage cause itself. I will only say this: It is disastrous, or at any rate in the highest degree perilous, to the cause of Women Suffrage. I know that there are some enthusiasts who believe that part of the funds of this society are derived from enthusiastic and unscrupulous opponents of the enfranchisement of women. I need not say that I do not believe that myself, though if you were to apply the old criminal maxim of cui bono, I think it would clearly point to anti-suffragettes. I do say, quite apart from that question or any other question, that it is really a scandalous thing, and I do ask the Government to make some statement to the House which will satisfy us that they are really going to deal with it intelligibly and drastically and effectively. I am quite sure, if we do not, that we are laying ourselves open to very serious criticism, not only in this country, but in all the countries of the world, and I am quite sure that we are laying up for ourselves in the future very serious evils, even more serious than those we have to face at the present time.
I do not complain in the least of the tone and temper of the speech of the Noble Lord. Except for one or two, I might say, unavoidable references, he was, I am bound to say, extremely fair in his general attribution of the responsibility for the present state of circumstances to the suffragettes themselves. We have to deal with a phenomenon which, I believe, is absolutely without precedent. We have a number of women who commit crimes, not with the ordinary objects or with the ordinary motives of the criminal, but with the intention of advertising a political cause, and in order ultimately to coerce the public into giving way to them. The numbers of the women who are actually engaged in perpetrating crime are comparatively small. When I speak of crime now, I do not mean such offences as obstructing the police, but the crime which begins with breaking windows and goes on to develop into arson. The number of women who commit crimes of that kind are comparatively small, but the number of sympathisers with them is extremely great, and one of the difficulties which the police have in detecting this form of crime, and in bringing home the offence to the criminal, is that the criminals find so many sympathisers amongst the well-to-do and thoroughly respectable classes that the ordinary administration of the law is rendered comparatively impossible. Let me give the House some figures as to the number of women who have been committed to prison for offences of all kinds since the beginning of this militant agitation in the year 1906. In 1906 the total number of commitments to prison was thirty-one, all of them women. The figure had risen in 1909 to 156; in 1911 it had risen to 188, 182 women and 6 men; in 1912 it had risen to 290, 288 women and 2 men; in 1913 it had dropped to 183; and so far in 1914 it has been 108.
Do those figures include minor offences?
They include all commitments to prison.
Including repetitions?
Including repetitions.
Do they include re-arrests under the Cat and Mouse Act?
They include all commitments to prison, and they would there- fore include rearrests under the Cat and Mouse Act. I describe it as it is popularly known, but if it shocks hon. Members I will call it the Prisoners Temporary Discharge for Ill-health Act. What is the obvious lesson which must be drawn from these figures? Down to 1912 the number of offences committed for which imprisonment was awarded as punishment, was steadily increasing. It had very nearly doubled between 1911 and 1912. In 1911 it was already 182 compared with 113 the preceding year, and 156 the year before that. There was a steady increase. Since 1913, since the beginning of last year—that is to say since the new Act, the number of individual offences has been very greatly reduced. On the other hand, we see that the seriousness of the offences is much greater. In the observations with which I shall have to trouble the Committee I shall deal with the operations of the Cat and Mouse Act, and I will also deal with the expectations which we had in 1913, and which were stated in this House as to-what would happen under the operations of that Act, and I think I shall be able to show that the criticisms of the Noble Lord in the part of his speech which he directed to that Act, are not well founded.
Will my right hon. Friend give the number of outrages where no convictions followed?
If my hon. Friend will wait, I will also come to that point in the course of my remarks. I recognise, as readily as the Noble Lord, the growing and naturally growing sense of public indignation. The public are irritated, not merely by the crimes, but by their senseless futility. They are irritated, as rational beings, by the very folly of a political propaganda, which in this country is sought to be pushed by such means. We must not leave out of our minds what was the object of Mrs. Pankhurst and her friends in promoting this sort of campaign. It was to alarm and irritate and, if possible, so to irritate the public that in a blind rage they would vent their indignation on the Government and so render this Government and all government impossible in the country until the women had obtained the vote. That was their declared object, and, of course, in pursuance of that object, they are endeavouring to get every means of advertisement and cause the utmost irritation, and their one hope is, rightly or wrongly, that the well-advertised indignation of the public will recoil on the head of the Government.
And so it will.
My hon. Friend says so it will. I believe he is mistaken. I do not think any rational people, when they come to consider the action of the suffragettes, will really blame the Government because these women are so foolish and misbehaved. When I come to describe their conduct as a whole I think it will become manifest to the meanest intelligence that it would be impossible to attribute responsibility where so manifestly it does not belong. Let me take as an illustration of the methods of advertisement in this campaign the recent gross rudenesses which have been committed against the King. The suffragettes are conscious that they must put forward for the sake of some of their own friends some plausible ground for their conduct, and accordingly they allege that all their gross misbehaviour in the presence of the King is due to what they describe as His Majesty's unconstitutional action in refusing to receive a deputation. All subjects of the King have the right of petitioning His Majesty provided the petition is couched in respectful terms, but there is no right on the part of subjects generally to personal audience for the purpose of the presentation of the petition or otherwise. It is the duty of the Home Secretary to submit to His Majesty every respectfully worded petition which is sent for that purpose, and he does not refuse to present a petition even if the request which it contains is for action which would be illegal, unconstitutional, or impracticable. It is also the duty of the Home Secretary to advise His Majesty what action should or should not be taken on the petition which he submits, or to what officer or Department it should be referred for consideration. I state this now in order to withdraw from the suffragettes and their friends even the smallest ground of plausibility for continuing their rudenesses in relation to the King. The responsibility for advising His Majesty rests on the Home Secretary, and it is ridiculous for them to assert that there has been any breach of constitutional propriety by the King in refusing, on the advice of the Home Secretary, to receive a deputation from them. If the petition contains a request for a personal audience, this is a matter in which by constitutional practice the Home Secretary is required to advise His Majesty. In the nature of the case this is a request which can but rarely be granted. If the request for an audience comes from a person under sentence of penal servitude openly defying the judgment of the Court, it is clearly the duty of the Home Secretary to advise His Majesty not to grant an audience.
I have only referred to that as an illustration of the methods adopted by these women to advertise their cause. I give them credit for a certain degree of intelligence in adopting those methods. No action has been so fruitful of advertisement as the recent absurdities which they have perpetrated in relation to the King. I hoped that the Press of all parties might be induced not to give headlines to these matters, and, if possible, not to report them at all, as I am sure that the immediate effect of the denial of all advertisement of militancy would do more to stop their actions than anything the Government can do. I do not say that their reasonable actions, that their meetings, their speeches, and their arguments, when conducted in a legal way, should not get a full share of advertisement in the Press, but I must say I regret extremely to take up paper after paper and to notice that two or three columns are devoted simply to the advertisement of militancy, thereby carrying out for the women one of the main objects which they have in view in the commission of crime.
Let us, on the other hand, not be misled into exaggerating the amount of the injury which is done by these women. It is impossible to say how many, but it is certainly undoubted that a number of the crimes which are attributed to the suffragettes, particularly that of burning, are really the work of what I might call bonâ-fide criminals, who burn down their houses for the sake of the insurance money. We have had two cases of prosecution of individuals who, after burning down their property, scattered suffragette literature about the premises in the hope that thereby suspicion would be directed against the suffragettes. There was a third case in which two little boys meditated an attack upon a railway train—I think that was the case—and who were also prepared to attribute the crime to the work of the suffragettes. When we have two prosecutions, and another undoubted case brought to our notice, we cannot help coming to the conclusion there may possibly be many other cases in which suffragette literature is distributed, but the work is the work of a more professional criminal. Then I would remind the House that every fire which is attributable or supposed to be attributable to suffragettes is advertised, and that the total number of these fires compared with the fires which occur in the country through accident is quite insignificant. Unfortunately there are no fire statistics for the whole country. I have only been able to find them for the county of London, and in the county of London it appears that, in 1913, the amount of damage done by fire was less than in any year during the last fifteen years—a little more than one-third and certainly less than one-half of the amount of damage done in an earlier year—and therefore, whatever we may attribute to the suffragettes, it is a mere drop in the ocean compared with the whole amount of damage done through accident. I do not say that in order to minimise their gross misconduct, or in any way to mitigate their offence, but simply to bring home to hon. Members the fact that we are inclined to attribute by advertisement in the Press far too much importance to what they do, and we do not really estimate at its true value the amount of evil done by this particular form of crime.
What are the alternative methods which have been suggested for dealing with the suffragettes—I mean methods alternative to those now pursued by the Government/ So far as I am aware these are four, and four only in number. I have had unlimited correspondence from every section of the public who have been good enough to advise me as to what I ought to do, and among them all I have not been able to discover more than four alternative methods. The first is to let them die. That is. I should say, at the present moment, the most popular, judging by the number of letters I have received. The second is to deport them. The third is to treat them as lunatics, and the fourth is to give them the franchise. I think that is an exhaustive list. I notice each one of them is received with a certain very moderate amount of applause in this House. I hope to give reasons why, at the present time, I think we should not adopt any one of them. Let me take them in their order. Those who say "Let them die if they choose to starve themselves." usually base themselves on the assumption that if they were told that they would be let die they would take their food. Usually—I do not say in all cases—usually the belief is that in the last resort the suffragettes would not die, but would take their food. Let me give to the House, in, opposition to that, the opinion of a great medical expert who has had intimate knowledge of the suffragettes from the first, and is, I should say, better qualified now than anybody in the country to form an opinion as to their character and motives. His advice to me is as follows:—
May we have the name?
I think it is undesirable for obvious reasons. We have to face the fact, therefore, that they would die. Let me say also, with actual experience of dealing with suffragettes, that in many cases in their refusal of food and water they have got beyond the point when they could help themselves and they have clearly done all that they could do to show their readiness to die. I do not think that anybody who has dealt with them need have any hesitation in declaring his firm conviction that if they were either not fed or were not discharged, they would certainly die. There are those who hold another assumption. They think that after one or two deaths in prison, militancy would cease. In my judgment there was never a greater delusion. I readily admit that this is the issue upon which I stand and upon which I feel I would fight to the end those who would adopt as their policy to let the prisoners die. So far from it putting an end to militancy, I believe it would be the greatest incentive to militancy which could ever happen. For every woman who dies there would be scores of women who-would come forward for the honour—as they would deem it—of earning the crown of martyrdom.
How do you. Know?
How do I know? I have had more to do with these women than the hon. Member—much more. Those who hold that opinion leave out of account all recognition of the nature of these women. I do not speak in admiration of them. They are hysterical fanatics, but coupled with their hysterical fanaticism they have a courage which, a part of their fanaticism, undoubtedly stands at nothing, and the hon. Member who thinks that they would not come forward, not merely to risk death but to undergo it for what they deem the greatest cause on earth, is making, in my judgment, a profound mistake. Many of them want to die, and those who want to die would be supported by numbers of others who would admire what they would call their heroism and who would offer themselves as willingly for death as the persons who preceded them. When we remember that to these women crime is used as a demonstration, we must not forget that there can be no method for rendering the demonstration more effective than the dying in prison. They would seek death, and I am sure that however strong public opinion outside might be to-day in favour of allowing them to die, when there were twenty or thirty or forty or more deaths in prison you would have a violent reaction of public opinion, and the hon. Gentleman who so glibly now says, "Let them die," would be among the first to blame the Government for what he would describe as the inhuman attitude they had adopted.
That policy could not be adopted without an Act of Parliament. For the reasons I have given I have not asked Parliament to remove from prison officials the responsibility under which they now rest for doing their best to keep those committed to their charge alive. But supposing this legal responsibility were removed from the prison officials, let hon. Members for a moment in imagination transport themselves to a prison cell and conceive of a prison doctor, a humane man, standing by, watching a woman slowly being done to death by starvation and thirst, knowing that he could help her and that he could keep her alive. If there are those who think that any doctor would go on with such action, or that we should be able to retain any medical men under such conditions in our service, I do not believe it. The doctor would think, as I should think, if I saw a woman lying there: "What has been this woman's offence. It may have been obstructing the police, coupled with the obstinacy derived from fanaticism, which leads her to refuse food and water. Obstructing the police, and she is to die!" I could not distinguish between them, and no Home Secretary could ever say that this woman should be left to die and that that woman should not. Once we were committed to a policy of allowing them to die if they did not take their food, we should have to go on with it, and we should have woman after woman whose only offence may have been obstructing the police, breaking a window, or even burning down an empty house, dying because she was obstinate. I do not believe that that is a policy which, on consideration, will ever commend itself to the British people, and I am bound to say for myself that I could never take a hand in carrying that policy out.
The next suggestion is one which recommends itself very strongly to the Noble Lord—that of deportation. But has he thought it out, has he really given his mind to the subject of deportation? How do you get rid of the difficulty? It is only putting it at a distance. To where am I to deport the prisoners? I cannot send them out of the country. I must send them to somewhere within the country. I will take St. Kilda as a convenient island [An HON. MEMBER: "The Scilly Isles!"] Am I to treat the Island of St. Kilda as a prison or not? If I am to treat St. Kilda as not a prison, the wealthy supporters of the militant movement will very quickly fit out a yacht and bring the prisoners away. Obviously, I must treat it as a prison. If I treated it as a prison, how should I get rid of a hunger or thirst strike? Putting them 500 or 800 miles away would not alter the fact. If they hunger strike in London, they will hunger and thirst strike in St. Kilda.
Of course, you cannot prevent them starving themselves. They might all starve themselves tomorrow if they like. No Government can undertake to keep women alive who insist on starving themselves. Except for the fact that they would not be allowed to leave the island, they would be as free in the island as anywhere else.
Is this to be a prison or not a prison?
They are not to leave the island.
Then it is a prison. That is the difficulty. I should never pass over any suggestion made by the Noble Lord without giving it most serious consideration. We have considered it, and the first difficulty with which we are con- fronted is, how are we to treat St. Kilda? Are we to regard St. Kilda as a prison or as not a prison? If it is a prison, that is to say, if they are not allowed to leave St. Kilda, it becomes a prison. [An HON. MEMBER: "No!"] Inevitably so. A place is not less a prison because you enlarge its area.
The Viceroy of India is not allowed to leave India.
The analogy is acute, but it does not really help us. I should be in precisely the same difficulty at St. Kilda as I am at Holloway, and if they have the courage, or whatever you may call the emotion which leads them to undergo hunger and thirst in their extremest forms in London, they will have the courage to endure it in St. Kilda or while they were on board ship going to St. Kilda, and I should still be confronted with the difficulty: am or am I not to allow them to die under a system of deportation just as much as I am in keeping them at Holloway? The third suggestion, which met with some applause in the Committee, is that they should be treated as lunatics. Whether people should be treated as lunatics or not is a medical question. I could never come down to this House and ask Parliament to sanction an Act which expressly defined people as lunatics who had not been so certified by medical experts.
How about the Mental Deficiency Act?
On many occasions when there has been a sufficient appearance of insanity to justify medical inquiry I have had the prisoners examined by doctors; but in no case have they been willing to certify them as lunatics. I can not get certification by Act of Parliament contrary to the advice of medical opinion. Therefore, I put that on one side as impracticable. So long as the doctors are of opinion that monomania, as this may be, is not lunacy within the meaning of the Act, they cannot certify them as lunatics.
It comes under one of the categories of mental deficiency.
No, Sir, it does not. I know what my hon. Friend refers to, but he is not so familiar with that Act as I am. They have to be mentally defective as well as the victims of some other disorder.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the treatment of these women as lunatics would really alter the problem of forcible feeding at all?
No, it is not expected to alter the problem. What is thought is that the indignity of being sent to Broad-moor as criminal lunatics would bring them to their senses. I am treating the proposition from that point of view. Of course, forcible feeding is no doubt undertaken in lunatic asylums very largely, and they would come under the ordinary rule which now deals with lunatics in that matter. There remains the last proposal, that we should give them the franchise.
That is the right one.
5.0 P.M.
Whatever may be said as to the merits or demerits of that proposal, it is clearly one I cannot discuss now in Committee of Supply. I am not responsible, as Home Secretary, for the state of the law on the franchise, nor is there any occasion for me to express or conceal my own opinions on that point, but I certainly do not think, and I am sure the Committee will agree with me, that that could be seriously treated as a remedy for the existing state of lawlessness. Although I am bound to say the Noble Lord gave no sanction to the idea, so far as I can judge the complaint that is generally raised in the Press against what is called the supineness of the Government is that these women are not punished for their offences. It is said they commit these crimes and go scot-free. There never was a greater delusion in this world. It is quite true that many of these women after conviction in the first instance only, perhaps, serve six or eight days out of a sentence of many months. What happens to them? Are they punished? They may not get the precise punishment immediately in the form adjudicated by the magistrate, but are they punished in fact? What do the first six or eight days in prison mean under the self-inflicted torture which they impose upon themselves? No food, no water. That is some punishment, at any rate, and a very severe punishment. In my judgment six or eight days of hunger and thirst strike without food or water is far more severe than two or even three months' imprisonment under ordinary conditions of prison life. It is true that one would be imposed by the magistrate and the other is imposed by themselves, but it is punishment. Perhaps they are discharged at the end of six or eight days. What happens to them then? Their sentence remains open.
They burn another church.
Has the hon. Member any ground for saying that? Let him give me the case to which he refers. It is these sort of popular delusions which are doing the work of the suffragettes. That kind of statement is made to annoy the public. That is what the advocates of the suffragettes want to do. The hon. Member should not make these statements unless he has facts to back them up. I am dealing with the point whether they are punished for their offences. The sentence remains open. They are rearrested in two or three weeks and go through it again. Then they are liberated. If the offence has been a more serious offence, such as arson or the destruction of works of art, they are forcibly fed. First of all they go through the hunger and thirst strike and then they are forcibly fed. That is continued as long as their health will stand it. They are liberated and the sentence still remains open. Is not that punishment? And owing to their misconduct they are punished far more heavily than if they served their sentence. The Noble Lord says we do not prevent persons from committing another crime during the currency of the sentence. We cannot prevent ordinary criminals from committing crime. The Noble Lord means, therefore, that a prisoner sentenced under the Cat and Mouse Act and discharged commits an offence after discharge during the continuance of the sentence. I do not think there are as many cases as he thinks there are. But what is the alternative? What happened before the Cat and Mouse Act? They were discharged and the sentence did not remain open. That did not get rid of their liability to commit offences again any more than we get rid of the liability of an ordinary criminal to commit offences again. The Noble Lord speaks as if this were something new. There are criminals who are discharged every year from our prisons of whom we may know with absolute certainty that before another twelve months is out they will be back again in prison, having committed fresh crimes— that is a normal condition of criminal life —and yet we discharge them. Would the Noble Lord keep them in prison for ever? Not at all. He admits that after the expiration of the sentence society has to submit to the commission of fresh crimes. What evidence is there that many of these crimes are again committed by the same persons? I have here an analysis of all the prisoners who have been discharged under the Temporary Discharge Act. The total number has been eighty-three. What has been their subsequent history? Eeven of these are now in prison, eight have served out their sentences or paid their fines and fifteen have abandoned militancy, and it is not proposed to rearrest them. Of the rest six have fled the country and are living abroad, twenty are in hiding in this country, and the remainder, consisting chiefly of women under short sentences for taking part in the recent disturbance at Buckingham Palace are at addresses known to the police, and can be arrested if they come out. Some of these are still legally at large under their licences. When we analyse this, we see that the Cat and Mouse Act, so far from being completely ineffective, has had several good effects. It has operated in inducing fifteen out of eighty-three to give up militancy. Secondly, it has caused six, at least, to fly the country. That is deportation at their own expense.
Only six?
Only six that we know of. Twenty are in hiding, but how many of those may be abroad we do not know— perhaps the whole of them. After all, that does not look as if the operations of the Act has been wholly ineffective. But if we are to consider whether the Act has been a failure or not, we have to compare it with the state of things before the Act came into operation. I have a very interesting report which was given me in March, 1913, that is before the Act came into force, which is most instructive as to the development of crime in the beginning of last year. I have already given the figures for 1912, and have shown that the total commitments to prison were 290—that is to say, that the figures had been steadily rising—and that was the largest year we had yet had. The same medical expert whom I quoted before I quote again in regard to the class of women who were committing offences prior to the Act. He says:—
What other steps can we take? The Noble Lord referred to the possibility of an attack upon the funds of the society. The Noble Lord I am sure, if it were conceivable that he could be advising the society—an entirely inconceivable proposition—would have recommended them to send their money abroad and to place it in the hands of foreign bankers not amenable to the jurisdiction of this country. I have no doubt they have received advice of that kind. I have equally no doubt that the funds of the society are not within reach of the arm of the British law. But there are other possibilities. I speak of them only as possibilities, because while we have been anxious to avail ourselves of them now for years we have hitherto not had the means. We are now not without hope that we have evidence which will enable us to proceed against the subscribers in a civil action. And if we succeed the subscribers will become personally liable for ail the damage done. It is a question of evidence. It is certainly true that the evidence is more complete now than it was before, and we hope we have sufficient evidence. I am further directing that the question should be considered whether subscribers could not be proceeded against criminally as well as by civil action. We have only been able to obtain this evidence by our now not infrequent raids upon the offices and such property as we can get at of the society, and consequently action of this kind could not have been taken before. We had not the materials. Over a year ago a raid was made at the offices and we obtained no such evidence. We hope we have it now.
I expect that if we can bring an action, and if we can succeed in making the subscribers personally responsible, individually, for the whole of the damage done, I have no doubt that the insurance companies will quickly follow the lead of the Government, and, in turn, bring actions to recover the cost thrown upon them by the action of these women. If that is done, then the day of militancy is over. It can live only by the subscriptions of rich women who have wealth themselves and enjoy all the advantages of wealth secured for them by the labour of others—women who use their wealth against the interests of society, and pay their unfortunate victims to undergo all the horrors of hunger and thirst striking in connection with the commission of crime. Whatever feelings we may have against these wretched women who for 30s. and £2 a week go about the country burning and destroying, what must be our feelings in regard to those women whose names have been published, and who give their money? to induce the perpetration of these crimes,. and leave their sisters to undergo the punishment while they live in luxury! If we can succeed against them, we will spare no pains in regard to the action, and, if the action is successful in the total destruction of the means of revenue of the Women's Social and Political Union, I think we shall see the last of the power of Mrs. Pankhurst and her friends.
I think the Committee will agree that my Noble Friend has done a great service in bringing this important matter to the attention of the House. I wish to say a few words with respect to the statement of the right hon. Gentleman. There are a good many matters connected with the administration of the Home Office to which I would like to refer, but it is obvious that it is better to-day to confine oneself to the particular point which has been raised, and, therefore, I will take that course. We have heard the defence of the Home Office on this matter. My Noble Friend said—and I think with truth—that the position of things to-day is something of a scandal, and he was entitled to call upon the Home Secretary, who is responsible for the maintenance of law in this country, to give his reasons for the present state of things, and to put his remedies before the House of Commons. There are really two subjects which we have to consider, and which I think have not been yet fully and clearly distinguished. First, there is the question of preventing crime and bringing offenders to justice. Then there is the question—really a different one—of enforcing sentences when they have been pronounced. With regard to the first point, the Home Secretary said very little indeed, and, after all, he, as representing the Home Office and the police together, owes to the House an explanation as to why the present very serious state of affairs has grown up and cannot at present be effectively checked. We have this serious position that, not for the first time in our history, but for the first time, I suppose, in our lives, there is a body of persons who are deliberately using crime to further their political aims. It is not a case of a body of men or women who conceive their lives and liberties to be attacked and are prepared to defend themselves, even if, by so doing, they are held to infringe the law. This is a case of a number of people who, having a political end—as to which I say nothing, because it is not relevant at present—have made up their minds to pursue that end by the means of crime, and by crime I mean not merely breaches of good manners, but actual crime such as arson, sacrilege, the destruction of works of art, and matters of that kind, and they have persuaded themselves that they are entitled to pursue that object by the use of these criminal means.
That is a very serious position, and I consider it is one which deserves very serious consideration. The first point is, why is it that so many of these offences take place without any offender being brought to trial? We have not had from the Home Secretary any statement as to the number of offences committed. It is usual, in considering the efficiency of the administration of justice, to compare the number of offences committed with the number of persons tried and convicted. The right hon. Gentleman has not vouchsafed that information to-day, and I think it would be interesting to know how many offences have gone unpunished, and, so far as the offenders are concerned, undiscovered. The second point is this. By way of illustration, take such crimes as the burning of Wargrave Church. With great respect to the right hon. Gentleman, I do not think his suggestion that offenders escape because they have sympathisers can apply to an offence of that kind. I do not think there is any appreciable body of persons in this country who would shield the offender in the commission of arson and sacrilege such as that. I cannot help feeling that in the face of events such as that the police work—the preventive and the detective branches—requires strengthening at the present time, and we look to the Home Office to make such proposals as are necessary for strengthening the power of the police authorities. The Home Office must come to the support of the police in preventing the commission of crimes of that kind, and in bringing the offenders to justice.
When these things go on undetected there is the danger of resort to other methods on the part of people who get irritated and take the law into their own hands. When that happens they often catch the wrong person, and I suppose it has often happened, not in this country, but in foreign countries, that when a crime has been committed someone has suffered who had no concern in the commission of the crime, and even when the offender is caught red-handed it may be that the punishment exceeds that which the offence deserves. I think we should endeavour to prevent matters coming to that pitch, which assuredly they will come soon to, if the law is not enforced more effectively—to that pitch when Lynch law becomes the final resort of the people. I say that what these women, are doing amounts to an attack upon society, and it is silly and ridiculous to suppose that any body of persons by attacking their fellowmen can force them to take a course they are not inclined to take. It appears to me that when such attempts are made upon society, society must protect itself. The problem of the prevention of crime and the bringing of offenders into the Courts of Justice is not a new problem at all. It is one which the Government have to deal with every day, and I say that, whatever fair and reasonable means may be proposed by the right hon. Gentleman to strengthen his hands for this purpose, I am sure he will have the support of the whole body of Members in this House, provided, of course, that his proposals are not unreasonable.
I come to the other question which I agree is a very much more difficult one, and that is the question of enforcing sentences when they have been pronounced. I want in fairness to the right hon. Gentleman to say that I agree it is a very difficult position and one for which it is not quite easy to see a solution. The position to-day is one which our predecessors did not have to deal with. Our penal law is founded almost entirely upon imprisonment. In past times there were other remedies. There was transportation. But to-day in the end the enforcement of our penal law depends, except in capital cases, upon imprisonment, and the course taken by these persons is intended, if possible, to make that sanction wholly inoperative and ineffective. I quite agree that their methods require courage and endurance, but they think that what they are doing is the way to escape punishment. If they succeed, it may be asked is there any other way than that? We have not come to that point yet, and the problem to-day is: How are you to make sure that sentences of imprisonment when passed will be effective? What can be done? The right hon. Gentleman has referred to one or two suggestions. I go straight to these because we want to be practical in this matter. I do not want to make an attack upon the right hon. Gentleman, but at the same time it is not the business of Members of this House to make suggestions. It is for the Government to make their suggestions and for the House to consider them. I wish to refer to the remedies which the right hon. Gentleman has suggested. Some people say, "Give them the vote." My Noble Friend does not say that, and I am sure he is the last man to take refuge in such a remedy as that. I was extremely sorry to see a letter from a well-known leader of a suffragist society who after condemning militancy, as it is called, yet did take upon herself to say that the best way of meeting it was to grant the franchise. This House and this country have never been intimidated into taking any political course. Foolish people say that because the Government gave in in some way to intimidation in Ireland in past times, that that is a precedent for the course the women are taking and shows that this House will give in. Well, it is a precedent the other way. I believe it is just because the Kilmainham Treaty was made that Home Rule became impossible for a generation, and if ever the Government or this House were induced to give way to crime and concede anything to violence which has not been conceded to reasonable argument. I think that the franchise, the right of electing Members to this House, would no longer be worth having. So far from being a step towards a Franchise Bill, this course of crime is the greatest possible obstacle to passing any Bill of that kind. Therefore, I put that remedy out of account so far as I am concerned.
Then comes the proposal that the women should be allowed to die. We have all considered that, I suppose, to the best of our ability. I would like to know whether the Government have been advised that that can be done legally. We have not yet had a clear statement on that point, although the right hon. Gentleman referred to it, but we would like to know whether under the law as it stands it is permissible for the prison authorities to allow persons to go without food, and so practically commit suicide. I should like to be informed on that point. In any case there is the difficulty to which the right hon. Gentleman refers, and which seems very great. Many of us are familiar with cases where an attempt at suicide has been made, and some very person at the risk of his life and very much against the will of the suicide, has pulled the suicide out of the water and saved his or her life, and we commend that person. I have often commended people who have taken that course, and I say in reference to the suggestion that the Home Secretary should induce the governors of prisons, the prison doctor, and the whole body of warders, male and female, to put their heads together and say, "We will let these persons die," it is very difficult when one thinks it out to conceive that state of things. I do not want to criticise those who say that or to pronounce a final opinion upon the point, but I do feel that the difficulty to which the right hon. Gentleman refers stands in the way of the adoption of that course. Then comes the final suggestion which has been made, that of deportation. But surely there are difficulties in the way of that solution! Suppose that we could find an equivalent of Devil's Island to which people might be sent, you have got even then no nearer to a solution.
Before you could deport you must have a trial, and pending trial you might have the hunger strike. And again, for the purposes of deportation, you must put the deportee on board ship, and you must consider the position of the doctor obliged to feed forcibly on board ship. Even when the prisoner has reached the place which has been indicated, and has been deported and is confined on the island—I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that that is practically imprisonment: it is really forcible detention on the island—you will have the same difficulty there. You must feed the prisoner. The Government will be responsible for providing the food, and if the prisoners starve themselves there, you really have the same difficulty as you have here. Therefore, I have not been able to bring myself to see that that particular remedy can at the present moment be applied. Then comes the question of lunacy. You cannot treat people as lunatics unless they have been certified as lunatics by doctors. If that is done, no doubt that remedy can be taken at once. If it is not done it is impossible to treat a person as a lunatic according to our law. One word as to the question of pursuing the funds of those societies. I am glad to hear from the Home Secretary that the matter has not only been considered, but that he sees some prospect of a step being taken in that direction. Probably he has considered the question whether it would not be possible to sue not only the individuals composing the guilty society promoting the crimes, but the society itself. In the case of trade unions, special protection against liability has been provided by the present Government. I have not studied the Trade Disputes Act lately, but my impression is that it would hardly apply to an association for purpose other than trade union purposes.
indicated assent.
For other reasons, perhaps, it would not apply to the union in question. If that is so, it may be a fact that not only individuals but the whole union may be liable for damages caused by these offences, and judgment might be recovered both against the union and against the wealthy individuals who promote crime of this kind by providing funds. Whatever the Government may do, that particular remedy, I suppose, is open to private individuals, and I gather that the object of the right hon. Gentleman is by bringing a test case in the name of the Government, and relating to Government property, to ascertain for the benfit of members of the public whether a similar remedy can be applied by them. On that point I wish to express my satisfaction at this course being adopted. There is no other remedy that I know of, except forcible feeding and the use of the Act passed last Session. As to that, I draw a very clear distinction between the women who in this matter are mere tools and those who are the leading spirits and incite to these offences against the law, and I wish to endorse fully what my Noble Friend has said on that point. Many of these women are led away, sometimes by the money of people wealthier than themselves, sometimes, I think perhaps more often, than the right hon. Gentleman supposes, by the personal influence which is obtained by a strong over a weak-willed person. Many of them are mere tools in the hands of those who incite them to commit these crimes. I cannot forget a case which I heard of, in which a woman had broken windows and cut her hand, and when it was being sewn up by the doctor she was asked whether she was not in very great pain, and she said, "Yes; I am in pain to-day, but it is nothing to the agony which I have suffered since I was told off to commit this offence."
That was a case, and there are hundreds of them, in which the woman who actually did the harm was much less guilty than those who incited her. Therefore I draw a distinction between women of that character and those who are leaders. The right hon. Gentleman has to choose from time to time between exercising his special powers under the Act of last year and doing that which he has a right to do, namely, administer food forcibly. I am sure that he does already, in consider- ing that question, bear in mind, not only the culpability of the crime itself, but the position of the person with whom he has to deal, so that the one who is really guilty and really responsible for the things which happen should suffer if possible, and not those, mainly at all events, who are mere tools in the hands of the others. I take the view that what we want in this matter is to keep our heads and keep our tempers, not to minimise, of course, offences which are very great, but not to magnify their number, to use to the fullest extent the powers which we already possess, and to strengthen them if need be, and I believe that if we take this course the law will win, as it always does win in the end. We only want what has been described as resolute government, and in the end you will be able to enforce the law. I am sure that hon. Gentlemen who are interested in Women Suffrage will in time feel that as strongly as I do. Meantime the cause which they desire to forward can make no real progress. Indeed it is losing ground every day on which these offences are committed, and those who have influence with the militant societies cannot use it better than by endeavouring to induce them by every means in their power to cease from a course of conduct which is the greatest possible obstacle to the success of their cause.
The discussion, as far as it has gone, has not been very enlightening except to show the hopelessness of the present situation. It is quite true that the Home Secretary quoted figures to show considerable reduction in the number of commitments since 1912. I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman would be the first to admit that the whole number of commitments down to the end of 1912 was due mainly to the fact that large bodies of persons were arrested at a time, for instance, around the House of Commons, where literally scores were arrested on one occasion. The offences in these cases were comparatively trifling, and I am one of those who hold that if more discretion and more tolerance had been shown in those early days we should not have had the recent developments of the movement which we all deplore. I was glad that the Home Secretary rejected all the suggested remedies for the present state of affairs. As he pointed out sympathetically, it would be impossible to allow these women to die of hunger in prison, and even if we had a Government willing to take the risk, you would find the officials of the prison and the medical men refusing to assist them. Deportation, as the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has shown, is equally impossible. The Home Secretary admitted that they cannot be treated as lunatics, and the only possible way out he has rejected, without a word of hope or encouragement. We may not to-day discuss the question of the franchise, but surely it was possible for the Home Secretary, without any transgression on the rules of the House, to have held out just a ray of hope for the future as to the intentions of the Government in regard to this most urgent question. On that point, may I say that I am not one of those who believe that a right thing should be withheld because some of the advocates of it resort to weapons of which we do not approve. That note has been sounded more than once, and if it be true, and it is true, that a section of the public outside are strongly opposed to this conduct, it is equally true that the bulk of the people look with a very calm and indifferent eye upon what is happening so long as the vote is withheld from women.
But I have especially risen to ask for information on one or two points. We had an instance only last night of the mistakes in tactics, of which I think the authorities at the Home Office are guilty, in dealing with processions and deputations. There was a deputation organised by the Working Women of the East End of London. They have no official connection with the body known as the Women's Social and Political Union. So far as I know, they have not been guilty of any of the outrages against property of which we are now hearing so much. They have had rows with the police when fighting for the right of free speech in halls, and so on, but that is perfectly legitimate, and no one would think of comparing such incidents with the outrages to which reference has been made. Last night this organised deputation came here to meet the Prime Minister. It is only fair to the Prime Minister to say that he had declined in advance to receive the deputation. I am not imputing any blame to him. Amongst those who are leading the deputation was Miss Sylvia Pankhurst, who had been released under the "Cat-arid-Mouse" Act. While this procession of several thousand people were marching peacefully along, the police authorities thought fit to seize the opportunity to arrest and carry back to prison Miss Sylvia Pankhurst. I submit that such tactics reveal the official frame of mind, which tends to aggravate and irritate those who are pursuing a cause which even the authorities do not condemn. I ask whether in a case like that of this deputation more consideration could not be shown to those who, as the Home Secretary admits, have a perfect right to agitate in the way they are doing for the reform to which they have set their hands.
If arrests and rearrests are to be made under the "Cat-and-Mouse" Act, they surely ought to be effected at a time when there is the least risk of a public disturbance. The arrest last night might have led to a very wild and violent riot. The responsibility of that, if it had occurred, would have been put upon the suffragists, whereas the real moving cause would have been that one of the leaders was being arrested whilst engaged in heading a perfectly peaceful deputation. I do not know whether the Home Secretary will tell us anything about Mrs. Drummond. She is one of those who, as we know, is really seriously ill. She is known to be a paid official of the Women's Social and Political Union, but I am certain that the Home Secretary, from the experience he has had of Mrs. Drummond, will not impute to her that she is acting as she does act from any consideration of a pecuniary character. It would be a gross outrage were Mrs. Drummond subjected to any charge of that kind. I am advised—I do not know whether my information is correct or not—that she has again been arrested, and is undergoing sentence and hunger strike. I should like some information as to her present state. When she was last before the Law Courts it was understood by her and by her legal advisers that, mainly on account of her state of health, all charges against her should be withdrawn, and no further action should be taken. Mrs. Drummond acted upon that assumption, and she was arrested without having the least suspicion that any warrant was out against her, or anything of the kind. If these were the facts of the case, then some explanation is clearly needed.
One more point. I do not make myself in any way responsible for the statements which have appeared in the Press during the past few days about the prison authorities having administered drugs whilst forcibly feeding women. These statements have been made and published over the names of some of the prisoners themselves, who have since been released. They have gone broadcast throughout the country, and I think we are entitled to know whether there is any foundation for so serious a statement as that would be, if it be true. The allegation of the women is that those drugs were given to break down the power of resistance when they were being forcibly fed. Whatever our opinion may be of forcible feeding, the giving of drugs is a practice which I am sure the House would not authorise or tolerate. Therefore I hope that the Home Secretary is in a position to give some definite information on the point. The House now, instead of discussing Women Suffrage, is engaged in debating the militant action of of women and other people and how to penalise them. There was a time, which hon. Gentlemen on the benches opposite will remember, when the House of Commons was discussing outrages in Ireland and how to suppress them. That time passed away, and it was found that the outrages disappeared when the cause which produced them had been removed. So, in like manner, you may blame or condemn, you may approve or disapprove, of this agitation for women's votes, militant and non-militant, but it will go on until the House does justice to those women by placing them within the pale of citizenship, thereby removing the cause which leads to these disturbances.
I desire to ask the Under-Secretary for the Home Office one or two questions as to these women prisoners, and also one or two questions as to certain so-called demonstrations and processions lately. I should, first, like to make one reference to the parallel drawn by the hon. Gentleman below the Gangway between the militant suffragists and the existing circumstances in the North of Ireland. Although it would not be in order to pursue that subject, I should like to ask the hon. Gentleman below the Gangway what possible connection or parallel there can be between a small band of crazy women who burn houses and destroy pictures and the disciplined force of 100,000 men who have helped to keep the peace rather than break it?
They are both illegal.
They are both illegal! Then does the hon. Gentleman draw a comparison between breaking the speed limit, which nearly every Member of this House has done, and also Members of the Government, and the militant suffragettes, for both are illegal?
You ought to condemn them both equally.
The men of Ulster have not broken the law; what law have they broken? At any rate, supposing there is a parallel, I want to ask the Committee what possible help is it to this case. If there is a parallel between these two things, the obvious answer is that both in the one case and the other the Government have shown that they are absolutely incapable of ruling. I very much regret that the Member for Wisbech is not in his place as he would be inclined to agree with me, for he is carrying on a campaign in the country against the Government's incapacity. A Government which is unable to rule, or which is unable to have the law administered, must, in the words of the now popular song, do one of two things, "Get out or get under." At present they are getting under to these militant suffragists in truckling to them in every possible way. I think my Noble Friend who moved the reduction of the Vote was really far too lenient to the Government when he referred to the cause of the difficulty. I see a considerable connection between militancy and certain promises and speeches made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer during the years he has been in office. I remember that the Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1904 and 1905 promised women votes, and every one who has read his speeches during the last two years knows that he used exactly the arguments against owners of property which the suffragettes use against society in general. This militancy is very largely the blood relation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's platform speeches.
I must ask the Noble Lord to address himself to the Vote before the Committee.
We are discussing the causes of militancy. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]
The Noble Lord was referring to speeches of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
I do not think so.
It seemed so to me, at any rate.
I think, Sir, that the course which the Debate has followed has been clearly one of considering the, causes which lead to militancy. Hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway opposite dislike very much any reference to speeches of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]
They take their precedents from Ulster.
6.0 P.M.
I do not see what application the hon. Gentleman can make of that, and I very frequently find myself in that position when the hon. Member interrupts Debate. I submit that the speeches which have been made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Members of the Government are largely responsible for the serious and criminal course which this suffragette movement has taken. I wish to ask one or two questions with regard to the treatment of the women still in prison. I quite agree with what the Home Secretary said with regard to deportation, though I think he rather exaggerated the case. I think there is something to be made out of deportation, but I do not think that deportation would be a cure for this complaint. Where I do not agree with him is when he said, as I understood him in effect, that nothing further could be done to deal with the women who are actually in prison. What happens to the inmates of lunatic asylums, numbering, I am told, from 10 per cent, to 15 per cent, of the total inmates, who constantly refuse to take food and are forcibly fed in consequence, sometimes for two or three years? It may be said that those persons are of weaker will and more easy subjects for forcible feeding than the women imprisoned, who, according to the Home Secretary, are in possession of their faculties, and whose whole mind is fixed on the one question of how to evade the law by starvation. The suggestion has been made to me by a great medical authority outside this House, and I cannot help thinking that there is a good deal in it, that instead of the ordinary doctors who are unacquainted with mental cases, except as ordinary practitioners, you should have doctors who have experience of the care of persons in lunatic asylums and of forcible feeding. I think it would be possible in that way to deal with a great number of those women. I suppose every Member of the Committee, no matter how humanitarian his views may be, would agree that certain of those women are such a danger that it is the duty of any Government to forcibly feed them if it is possible to do so without injury to their health. It seems to me that it is the duty of the Government to see if this could not be carried out by the method I have suggested.
There is another point on which I find myself in agreement with the hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil. I do not understand why it is that the police always choose the occasion of a suffragist procession, which is always advertised, as the psychological moment for arresting some of these women. For instance, yesterday Miss Sylvia Pankhurst was taken out in a ridiculous procession with a clergyman in a surplice, in front. Why was that procession allowed to proceed a 'considerable distance before Miss Sylvia Pankhurst was arrested? Why was she not arrested like every other criminal at her residence, and the crowd if they attempted to interfere dispersed? I agree with the hon. Member for Merthyr, that to arrest the women under such circumstances is a course most likely to lead to disturbance. Then take the case the other day of Buckingham Palace. Nothing more disgraceful has ever occurred in the capital of the Empire. We had the Sovereign of these islands and the head of the British Empire practically unable to leave his palace for four hours, while a thousand police collected around and drew cordons, mounted and foot. The procession was allowed to approach within something of half a mile of the palace, and then broken up. Why was not the procession dispersed at the start, and why were those women allowed to hurl themselves at the gates of Constitution Hill, and why was it necessary to have the disgusting sight of dishevelled and bleeding women lying in the gutter. Why was not the procession prevented from forming? Such a thing was highly discreditable, and is part of the serio-comic administration to which we have become accustomed under the right hon. Gentleman.
The Home Secretary made a very strong attack on the Press. It is his methods, and those of his predecessors, that have been largely responsible for producing this state of affairs. The police act under instructions, and they proceed to break up the procession in the most dramatic way possible. As regards the Press, I quite agree and think that a large measure of blame rests on their shoulders also. I should like to ask a question, although I do not know to which department, and that is why it is whenever there is a so-called suffragist riot at the House of Commons a large number of Press photographers and some members of the Press Gallery are allowed to run about and trample down the grass in Palace Yard, and to stay inside the police cordons, and to let off those flashlights in order to photograph those people? I do not think such a privilege ought to be given to such people, and I think the whole thing is very discreditable. It is humiliating, especially that foreigners, and particularly Americans, who come over here in large numbers, should be able to see in illustrated papers more or less privileged photographs of those occurrences. I resent the fact that on every such occasion in connection with the suffragettes a lot of pressmen are allowed to stand in a privileged position behind the gates of Palace Yard and to photograph those dishevelled women when they are being what is known as "rough-housed" by the police. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will really consider whether in future some of these incidents cannot be avoided, and that he will take into consideration the suggestion which I venture humbly to make, that he should obtain the services of some doctor at Holloway who is acquainted with the care of lunatics in asylums who refuse to take their food.
As regards other measures, I am bound to say this in favour of the Government, that although we were told Parliament was going to suggest all sorts of means to deal with militancy, nobody has put forward any suggestion by which it may be effectually stopped. It is a delightful commentary on the power of the Executive in this country that at the moment my hon. and learned Friend was making his speech one of these abandoned women had placed a bomb in Westminster Abbey, which I understand has gone off during the course of our Debate this afternoon. That shows to what a state the country is being brought by this movement. Though, as I say, no one has put forward any very effectual remedy for this state of affairs, after all the chief responsibility does rest with the Government, and the fact that the House of Commons is impotent also is no excuse whatever for the Government. When, they are considering the pros and cons of the matter I do hope they will take into consideration one thing which my Noble Friend said in his speech, and which I thought was very important, and which I am glad he mentioned, and that is the serious risk that one of these days, owing to the resentment which the public feel at the inability of the Government to deal with this question, and the apparent paralysis of the law, they will take the law into their own hands, and one of these women will be seriously injured. I hope they will remember that, and also that if that occurs their difficulty, so far from being lessened, will be greatly increased.
I was the only Member of the House, with the exception of the hon. Baronet the Member for the City (Sir F. Banbury) to at all suggest not to pass the "Cat and Mouse" Bill, but to amend the law so that if any of these women died in prison no liability should attach to the officials of the prison or to the Home Office. I think we were both ridiculed and laughed at, and to-day the House stands in exactly the same position as it did at the time of the introduction of this Bill. We have had all kinds of arguments from both sides of the House, and I was astonished to hear those advanced by the hon. and learned Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave). He always in this House gives us useful arguments, but to-day all his arguments led to a blind alley and offered no solution whatever. It was merely a kind of patting the Home Secretary gently on the back. What is the position we are placed in? The House of Commons ought to recognise that the first duty of the Government is to establish law and order. That is the primary duty which every Government has to discharge in every country in the world. It is its first duty. It does not come well from the Noble Lord opposite and his Friends to talk very much about law and order. We on this side of the House have been consistently advocating that law and order should be established, and that the dignity of Parliament should be maintained, and that Parliament should carry out this duty of seeing that the law as established by Parliament was carried into effect. I grant it is extremely difficult, owing to the action of the Government some four years ago in not at once dealing with this question in a firm and determined manner and saying to any prisoner who refused to take food that he or she who did so must suffer the consequences. If the Government had taken that step at the commencement of this agitation we should have been in a very different position from that in which we are to-day.
It is a very remarkable thing that the Home Secretary says, and I ask the House to observe this fact, that nearly all these women who commit these crimes are paid to do so. No doubt the right hon. Gentleman makes that statement with the full sense of the responsibility attaching to his office. He told us that all these women committing these crimes were receiving money in consideration, or nearly all. My hon. Friend beside me says that the Home Secretary stated that there was not one that was not paid. Be that as it may, we have the general statement from him, with his responsibility for the administration of law and order, that practically the whole of these people who commit these crimes to-day are the paid servants of certain rich people. Therefore let us see what the position is. We have to deal with a position where a body of people deliberately enter into the conspiracy to defeat the law. There cannot be any doubt or question that that is what is happening to-day. Those people have deliberately conspired to defeat, and they are defeating, and have defeated the law by the action they have taken. It is said that if these people were allowed to die through refusing to take food there would be a reaction in the country. There is far more sloppy sentimentality in the House of Commons than there is in the country. Among the people, generally, there is more good common sense. When we hear of bombs being exploded even in Westminster Abbey, churches wantonly destroyed, arson practised to a large extent, and practically every sort of crime suggested, surely the time has arrived when Parliament should say that those who take action of this kind should bear the responsibility. I have no shadow of doubt as to what the feeling in the country would be, whether one or ten or twenty or even a hundred persons died. It is of far more importance to the country that the laws established by Parliament should be carried out. When we are told that all these women are paid, I am not going to believe that they will commit suicide for the sake of 30s. or £2 a week, although there may be some who would do it.
The House of Commons ought to remember that, after all, those who fought for the liberties of the people of this country shed rivers of blood to get political freedom. To-day, through this sloppy sentimentality, you are allowing the law to be set at defiance. When breaches of the law are palliated in other directions, it is only natural that these women should say that there is one law for the rich and powerful in the House of Commons and another for them. When you allow one party in the State to set the law at defiance, these women very naturally say that they ought to be placed in the same position. These outrages will not go on without murder being committed. You cannot go on exploding bombs and burning houses without sooner or later somebody being killed. What are you going to do then? You may have to face that position at any moment. How are you going to deal with it? Will you deal with it under the provisions of the Cat-and-Mouse Act, and allow persons who have committed crimes of that character to leave prison in order to commit other crimes within a week? The Home Secretary seemed to minimise the point raised by my hon. Friend; but what has happened in the case of some of these women has been that they have merely come out of prison and gone back again after committing crime after crime. Although the country is demanding that an end shall be put to this state of things, the House of Commons, through the Home Secretary, admits that it is impotent. There is only one way of dealing with the matter. It is no use talking about deportation. The common sense way is, if you establish a law, to see that that law is carried out. If you do not want to carry out your laws, why do you pass them? If you once admit the principle that people who have a conscientious belief in a certain cause— whether the franchise or anything else—have a right to set the law at defiance, you must extend the same privilege to every other class of the community.
In my judgment the Government have lamentably failed. The Cat-and-Mouse Act has utterly failed to do what the Government said it would do. In reply to an interruption the Home Secretary said that he would give the number of cases of arson and other crimes in which no conviction has been obtained. He sat down, however, without giving the figures. I hope the Under-Secretary will be able to give us that information. I am sure the number of undetected crimes must be very large. As the hon. Member for Merthyr Tydfil has very properly pointed out, it is no use making a comparison with the figures of 1912, as the offences then committed cannot be compared with the serious crimes being committed at the present time. The country looks to the Government, as responsible for law and order, to see that the law is maintained. When the Cat-and-Mouse Act was passing through the House, the whole of the party opposite supported the Government. I believe they did so on the ground that it was for the Government to obtain such powers as would enable law and order to be maintained, and that therefore they would support them in any measures brought forward with that object. I can only say that I shall vote for this reduction as a protest against the attitude which the Government have taken up. I am sure that if the Government allow this inaction to be persisted in, their conduct will be viewed with grave disfavour by the country.
Those of us who feel very strongly, as I do, that the administration of the Home Office in regard to this militancy has become a positive scandal, must agree that the speech of the Home Secretary this afternoon was most unsatisfactory. Rumour had it that we were to be told that the Government really meant to do something to put a stop to the outrages which we see recorded in the Press from day to day. But, according to the Home Secretary, nothing at all is to be done. Indeed, I think his absence from the House at this moment shows his utter disregard of the importance of the subject. Where is he? Surely he might have waited for an hour or two after making his own speech to hear what hon. Members on both sides had to say. It is most remiss that in an important Debate of this kind the Home Secretary, after making his announcement, which gave no information at all, should then leave the House. What did the right hon. Gentleman say as regards future action? He treated us to a very vigorous denunciation of the methods of the militant suffragettes, but he did not tell us that he was going to do anything at all to meet the serious situation with which we are confronted. He ended his speech by stating that the only way in which the matter could be dealt with was by patience and determined action. We have had to exercise very great patience, but we have seen very little determined action. It is for the Government to meet the situation. If they are not able to do so the Home Secretary should resign and let somebody else have a try.
The whole movement is largely due to the inaction of the Government. I sometimes wonder over what the Government make the biggest blunders—legislation or administration? In this particular matter the Home Secretary takes the palm, because he combines the two. He has given an exhibition of legislation which is simply ridiculous, and certainly his administration is perfectly ludicrous. One would have thought that if the Home Secretary had no regard for Churches—and he has not much, or he would not be robbing the Welsh Church—at any rate he might have Home regard for the bodily comfort of Cabinet Ministers. Nobody is in a more ridiculous position than the Members on the Treasury Bench. They cannot address a meeting, or go to a railway station, or even get into a taxi-cab, without having detectives with them. Even if they like it we, the public, do not, because we have to pay for it. It is not worth the expense that it costs to have a detective staff following Cabinet Ministers wherever they go, whether in a private or a public capacity. I should like to know what it really cost to send detectives to Criccieth to enable the Chancellor of the Exchequer to make those untrue statements of which we have heard. [At this point the Home Secretary entered the House.] I am glad to see that at last the Home Secretary has finished his tea and come back to the House. He stated that there were only four ways in which this movement could be arrested—first, to allow the prisoners to die; secondly, to deport them; thirdly, to treat them as criminal lunatics; fourthly, to grant them their desire and give them the franchise. His reason for not, letting them die was that, if any did die, public opinion would be so strong that he himself certainly would not be able to withstand it.
No!
Will the right hon. Gentleman say what was his reason?
I really cannot repeat my speech. I said that that would be the effect on public opinion, but I did not give that as my reason.
I think the Committee is entitled to know what is the right hon. Gentleman's reason. Is he merely going to evade all responsibility because in certain eventualities public opinion might be strongly against him?
No, quite the contrary. I said that public opinion now was in favour of letting these women die, but that I was not.
Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us why he is not in favour of it? [An HON. MEMBER: "Are you in favour of it?"] I am certainly in favour of bringing about law and order. [Several HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Hon. Members opposite cheer that statement. My hon. Friends on this side have not prevented the Government from keeping law and order in any part of the United Kingdom. But they are frightened; they do not dare to bring about law and order in one part of the country any more than they do in another. The real reason why the right hon. Gentleman is afraid to let these women die is because of his own skin. He knows that he would be the first to catch it, and he might run some risk. We on this side, however, do not regard that as a serious obstacle at all. Is he really satisfied with the present state of affairs? Certainly the public are not. At the end of his speech he waxed quite eloquent about the operation of the "Cat and Mouse" Act. I gathered from him that he really thinks it is working satisfactorily. Is that so? Are we to understand that that is really the supreme effort of the Home Secretary to bring about law and order? We are told that there has been a bomb in Westminster Abbey this afternoon. Is that a satisfactory state of affairs? Day after day you have in the papers reports of outrages throughout the country. That is the result of our model Home Secretary's carrying out of the model laws which the Government have produced. If the right hon. Gentleman is not satisfied, what is he going to do to remedy the present intolerable state of affairs? I sincerely hope that my Noble Friend will press his Amendment to a Division. I shall be very surprised if hon. Members opposite vote against the reduction, because by so doing they will declare themselves as being satisfied with the present state of affairs. The only possible excuse which the right hon. Gentleman gave in his speech was that he was taking legal opinion, and he hoped that in the end he would find some remedy in attaching the funds of these militant suffragists. If it is possible to attach their funds, and so frighten these people into stopping these outrages, why has he not done it before? What is he waiting for now? If he himself is correct in saying that these women are prepared to die, and invite death, in order to advertise their devotion to their cause, does he really think they are going to mind if their funds are attached? The right hon. Gentleman will have to face this difficulty if he continues in office—which God forbid! [Laughter.] I say that in all seriousness. That the right hon. Gentleman could get up and defend the present position of affairs as he has done this afternoon, and admit that he is going to do nothing at all, is one of the many scandalous acts and proceedings that we have seen during his time of office.
The spectacle of hon. Members opposite getting up to-day and denouncing the Government is one of the most humorous that this House has ever seen. Hon. Members opposite, one and all, are perfectly conscious themselves, when they speak, that in Ulster they have carried this militancy far further than it has been carried by women in this country. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] Well, we see in the Press to-day, and we saw during all last week, that this was to be the occasion of a magnificent attack upon the inefficiency of the Home Office, and upon the incapacity of the Home Secretary. We have been told that the Opposition were going to show the Home Secretary how to carry on his duty. We have had speech after speech from hon. Gentlemen opposite, and when we have found them not contradicting each other, they have agreed that the Home Secretary was doing practically all that he was capable of doing. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] I listened to the speech of the hon. and learned Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave). He went through all the practicable proposals which have been put forward in the Press, or by the Home Secretary, and he refused to accept any one of them. He agreed that the idea of letting the militants die in prison was absolutely impracticable.
dissented.
I recommend the hon. Baronet to read the speech of his learned colleague to-morrow. The hon. and learned Gentleman took the case of sending them to a lunatic asylum, but he realised at once that public opinion would not tolerate such a course. They would sooner have the people shot outright than have them sent to a lunatic asylum. He took each case in turn and demolished it, and, having left the case for the Home Secretary in its present condition, he left it for hon. Members who have not had the same experience of the law and have perhaps less ballast about their political convictions to carry on the attack upon the Home Secretary. We had, first of all, the Noble Lord opposite (Earl Winterton), and then the hon. Member for Eastbourne (Mr. R. Gwynne). To listen to the suggestions of these budding Home Secretaries was one of the most amusing experiences I have ever had. We are to get rid of our incompetent Home Secretary and to put one of them in his place. Well, God forbid! Why is it that hon. Members opposite draw such a distinction between the action of their right hon. and learned colleague, the Ulster militant, and the action of the women? Surely it is only a matter of degree!
Mr. Deputy-Chairman, you drew my attention to the fact that to discuss the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer had nothing whatever to do with this Vote. May I ask if the discussion of the speeches of the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Dublin University in Ulster or elsewhere has anything to do with it?
On that point, may I say a word? It does seem to me, if we are to criticise the Home Office in their conduct in the matter of the militant suffragists, it is necessary to draw a parallel between their action and other actions.
I very much deprecate the intrusions in this Debate of comparisons between what takes place in Ireland or any other part of the United Kingdom. I think that my predecessor in the Chair allowed a comparison to be used as a form of illustration, and I have also done so, but I really hope that the Committee will now let it drop altogether, and that Members will confine themselves strictly to the subject with which we are dealing.
I am very much obliged to you Mr. Maclean for your ruling. I only wished to bring the matter forward as an illustration to show—
The hon. Member has already done that, and I ask him to leave the matter and to proceed with his main argument.
May I ask whether it would be in order for my hon. Friend to complain of the action or of the inaction of the Home Secretary in not prosecuting persons who have instigated rebellion in this country in regard to the Ulster question?
I do not think that is relevant to the present discussion.
There is certainly that ground for hon. Members opposite for voting for this reduction: That the Home Secretary has not prosecuted several other people who have preached rebellion, and as to why he has not proceeded against them or sent them to prison or forcibly fed them. On those grounds the Opposition have a very reasonable complaint against the Home Secretary. But I do not want to deal any further with that question. The point I want to deal with is this. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I think you will hear enough about the matter in the country. [An HON. MEMBER: "Ipswich!"] What I want to put before the House is the point of view of the militants themselves. It seems to me that in this matter we are too liable to be carried away by panic. I admit it is very unpleasant to have all these outrages, but hon. Members opposite know perfectly well that if you do believe strongly in any particular cause, you are justified in going to any length in defence of that cause. Consider the action of people who are ready to sacrifice everything, and to suffer everything, for what they believe to be a just cause. I do not think that this House would be properly carrying out its functions if we do not also have some regard to that side of the militant question. We all know perfectly well that nearly a hundred years ago Mazzini began to teach the Italians to use bombs. He began to teach violent methods to the people who desired to free themselves politically from the Austrian yoke. Just as now, all decent and moderate opinion then said: "The Austrians are very good fellows; they are quite agreeable if they are not disturbed." These people were prepared to follow Mazzini, and to be imprisoned and to be executed. The bombs went on. The doctrines of militancy remained. The doctrines of violence—doctrines against which I shall never cease to protest, for I disapprove of them—went on. Yet Members of this House, one, Mr. Justice Cowen, actually supported Mazzini in his efforts to free Italy by means of the bomb and the rifle. People there were who laid down their lives by the hundred in a cause which they believed to be right and just.
I believe that we ought not to be carried away by our very natural indignation against the action of the militant suffragists in perpetrating with regard to them what history may hereafter come to regard as a crime. It does seem to me that this forcible feeding is very nearly as abominable as was the treatment of Italian patriots in Bomba's prisons in Naples. You have here deliberate violence—warders, nurses, and doctors dealing with the prisoners in these establishments. You have dealt not only with persons convicted of crime, but with persons who have not been convicted. You have the case of Nellie Hall, who actually is being forcibly fed, although she has not been convicted. Her father has been refused access to her. You have every sort of violence done to a woman who has not been convicted of any crime whatsoever. In doing that, in feeding people forcibly at all, I think you are coming very near violence which history will condemn, and which England at the time condemned unanimously in the case of Italy who rose up violently against the Austrian yoke, but now looks at differently. I do not put that forward as an exact parallel, but I do ask the House to consider that people who are actuated by ideas which lead them to sacrifice their lives and fortunes have some spark of similarity with other people who have gone to as great extremes for something which they believe to be right and just. I do not think they are helping their cause. I believe violence always wrecks a cause that takes it up—as it will wreck Ulster! That I do believe. But I do believe in people believing that justice is worth fighting for, and in being ready to sacrifice themselves for it. I believe in going to any extreme in order to achieve justice. The Noble Lord opposite in his forecast of his Home Secretaryship advocated methods far in advance of our Home Office.
The hon. Member opposite may consider that a Parliamentary joke, which may or may not be in good taste, but he has no right to attribute to me words which I never used, or to hint that I said, what I certainly did not, in any possible way.
The Noble Lord urged the Home Secretary to take certain steps which he recommended.
Can I not do that?
Yes, but the steps that the Noble Lord recommended were steps far more violent than the Home Secretary has used hitherto. The Noble Lord was educated at a public school, and he has the decent instincts of an Englishman. He knows perfectly well that if we were in a minority of one against a hundred, and if he believed that he was right and the other hundred were wrong, or that he was being oppressed, he would not stop at anything in order to vindicate his rights! That would be according to the education he has received. Yet he and other hon. Members of this House know that forcible feeding is being carried out, and he has recommended that these people be sent to asylums, and this for people who have just as much right to their opinion as to what is right and just as he himself. I say that that is not what an Englishman ought to recommend.
We are up against a problem here, and a far more important problem than Ulster or Home Rule, because these people have gone down to the rock basis of society. If their doctrines become of general effect it will be the negation altogether of government and the negation altogether of society. We are dealing with a problem which is a very serious one indeed. To my mind when you find a large body of public opinion, and a large number of people capable of going to these lengths, there is only one thing for a respectable House of Commons to do, and that is to consider very closely and clearly whether the complaints of those who complain are or are not justified. We are not justified in acting in panic. We are not justified in repressing by panic in a moment by panic. What it is our duty to do is to consider the rights and wrongs of these people who have acted in this way. I attribute myself no value to the Vote, but I do think that when we seriously consider the question of Women Suffrage, which has not been done by this House up to the present. We should remember, that when you see people capable of this amount of self-sacrifice, that the one duty of the House of Commons is not to stamp the iron heel upon them, but to see how far their cause is just, and to act according to justice.
I am afraid I do not find myself at all in accord with the remarks which have just fallen from the hon. Member opposite, and I regret it deeply because I speak as one who for a considerable number of years has been in favour of the granting in some form at any rate of the franchise to women. I think the present situation with which we are faced has put that movement back more than anything which it would be possible to conceive, and I think the suggestion that fell from the hon. Member who has just sat down, that the true solution is to give way to the force which has been exercised, and to grant under threats that which the House of Commons has refused without threats is an unthinkable position, and is the one solution which at the present stage of this controversy is not open to us to discuss. Therefore I very much regret that a particular section of women who have carried on this movement have acted as they have done, and in that way injured the cause. I think they have set this movement back for a considerable number of years, just when it was coming within the range of practical politics, and when this House was considering it seriously with the aid of the Government, or at any rate by the leave of the Government, in enabling it to be considered as a non-party question. Just when the House had got to the point of considering as a matter of practical politics whether the franchise should not be extended to women, that is the moment they choose to put public opinion against them, and to try to coerce the House of Commons which might have been persuaded. Therefore I regret deeply the attitude they have taken up.
The position of the country is most undoubtedly serious, and is none the less serious because I am perfectly sure that public opinion is being aroused against these women who are committing these offences, and I join in the views which have been uttered by one or two hon. Members who have addressed the House that the time may arrive when the populace may take this matter into its own hands, which would be a matter I think we should all deplore. Public opinion counts. Are there no ways in which we could help to put an end to this most lamentable condition of affairs? There are those who assert that if you were to appeal to the women of the country you would get a majority against the granting of the suffrage. I am not sure if that be so or not. I believe that certain experiments have been made in individual constituencies, and it is asserted that wherever they have been made they have resulted in a majority of the votes of women themselves against the suffrage. Would it not be possible to have some system under which you could ascertain the opinion of the women of the country upon this question? I agree, of course, it is not a question solely for women. Men have as much interest in the question as women. But if there is truth in the assertion that the majority of the women themselves in the country would declare against and not in favour of the granting of the franchise to women, then you would certainly remove any possible sanction that the present action of the suffragettes may claim to have upon popular opinion.
I cannot at all agree with the observations which have fallen from the Home Secretary, when he congratulates himself purely upon the successful working of what is called the "Cat and Mouse " Act. With the hon. Member for Mansfield I was one of those who opposed that Bill on its various stages, upon the ground that I believed that it would do no good. I do not think it is a graceful thing in public life, any more than in private life, to say, "I told you so," but I think the comment at the present time is obvious that the Act has not proved a success. What we prophesied, when the Bill was before the House, that there were a great number of women for whom imprisonment had no sort of terror, was absolutely true. They have only to go to prison and starve themselves for a couple of days to get out again, and then no sufficient safeguard is taken against their renewing the very practice for which they were sent to prison. The remedy we suggested is still there. We suggested that if you release one of those women from prison after committing an outrage, you would have to take absolute precaution that she does not leave prison with the object of committing the very offence for which she was sent to prison, and you cannot do it unless you put her under the care of some sort of probationary officer to see that she does not commit the same offence again. What I mean is this: Imprisonment should continue in the sense, that if you let people out of prison there should at any rate be someone responsible for their good behaviour. It is no use letting them out amongst their sympathisers and friends and merely employing people to watch the house. You ought to have somebody with the woman—one of the wardresses, for instance. You have got to send somebody to see that they do not utilise their release as a mere excuse for committing fresh offences.
One mouse one cat.
It is perfectly possible, and could easily be done. One mouse one cat, if you like. What we ventured to point out when the Bill was before the House was that by some means you should provide that when these people came out of prison there should be some adequate safeguard against their beginning the same offences over again. I welcome the statement that some attempt is to be made to get at the funds of the association. I cannot conceive that it will be easily done, but I hope it will succeed. I am not sure even that it will be entirely effective. I am inclined to believe that a great number of these women have worked themselves up to such a condition of hysterical devotion to their cause that with money or without they will continue these outrages. But the real advantage of getting at the funds would be you would stop the meetings and the air of excitement that prevails; you would stop the gatherings together and the literature, and all that goes to make up quasi-political excitement, which I am afraid at the present time appeals to the feminine heart. Therefore, I do suggest that we ought at this time try to meet what everybody regards as a common danger by common consent, and to leave behind all questions of the justice of the demand, because it has gone beyond that. You have got to remedy the outrages and then consider the justice of the demand, and in addition, to strengthen the Act, I would also suggest that it would be desirable to find out what the opinion of the women of England is upon this question. But at any rate it is the duty of the Home Office to vindicate the law before further trouble occurs in the country.
Pit Ponies (Inspection)
I propose with the permission of the Committee to divert attention for a few moments from the quesion we are discussing to the question of pit ponies and the action the Government has taken for the inspection of ponies and horses in mines to ensure that effect is given to the Coal Mines Regulation Act, 1911. The lot of pit ponies at all times must be a hard one. The greater part of their existence is spent in the depths of the earth, very often in narrow passages and dark places where observation is hardly possible. Even with the utmost care it is difficult to ensure adequate treatment in all cases. Some of us may look forward to the time when there will be a large increase in mechanical haulage in mines. I think I have it on the authority of Mr. Smillie, the president of the Miners' Federation, and no better authority could be cited, that there is no reason why there should not be mechanical haulage in many of the mines of this country. Be that as it may, we are in the meantime bound to see that the lot of these pones is made as little disagreeable as possible. It is satisfactory to know there is a very large and increasing sympathy felt amongst members of the public and amongst Members of this House for the more humane treatment of animals. We have seen that in the case of Bills brought before the House already this Session for the better treatment of animals above ground, and we have seen that this House and the public at large are determined so far as they can to ensure that ill-treatment should be avoided. May I say that the thanks of all people interested in the humane treatment of animals are due in the first place to Mr. Smillie, the president of the Miners' Associations, who is head of a body comprising some 900,000 workers, most of whom I understand, speaking generally, are most desirous that animals should be properly treated. I should like to add a word also of thanks to the National Equine League and their most energetic secretary, Mr. Cox, who has done a great deal by devoted work to find out the facts upon which the subject rests, and to bring the opinion of this House and the country to bear upon the subject.
And what about Harry Lauder?
7.0 P.M.
And our thanks are also due to a former pit-boy, Mr. Harry Lauder, who has gained great distinction in another walk of life, for the great services he has given upon this subject. Before the Coal Mines Act of 1911 was passed there was a Royal Commission, which not only considered the conditions of the security of the men in mines, but they also issued a Special Report upon the treatment of animals in mines. When the Bill came before the House as a result of that Report, very stringest Regulations were inserted in the Bill in Committee, and when the measure came before the House on Report those Regulations were further: strengthened, and the House made a demand on the Home Secretary that he should appoint special horse inspectors, in addition to his ordinary inspectors of mines, for the purpose of seeing that these Regulations were observed. That has since turned out to be a most proper demand. The Home Secretary raised difficulties at the time, but at length he acquiesced in that demand. Unfortunately the Home Secretary appointed six inspectors, and six only for the whole of the mines of England, and this is really the main cause of my complaint to-day. What I shall endeavour to show the Committee is that that number is entirely inadequate. The Act came into operation-on the 3rd July, 1912, and the evidence I have been able to get satisfactorily proves that since the Act has been in operation undoubtedly there has been some improvement in the treatment of animals. I wish to give the Home Secretary and the inspectors every credit for that.
In support of that statement I have the evidence of something like fifty mining lodges who are agreed that there has been an improvement. I have also statements from the inspectors themselves to the same effect. But while there has been some improvement, I think there is still room for a very considerable further improvement. There are grave cases of well-founded complaint that the Regulations have not been observed. What I urge upon the Committee is that we must have the number of inspectors largely increased beyond six. In support of that I propose, in the first instance, to refer to some official figures which are not disputed. In the second place I propose to refer shortly to the views of some experts upon this question of the inadequacy of the inspection, and then I wish to give some illustrations of actual infringements which have been brought to my notice. The figures in the Official Report show that there are in this country 3,265 coal mines in which there are employed, roughly speaking, 72,000 horses and ponies, and to inspect all these mines and all these horses the Home Secretary has appointed six horse inspectors, and no more. In other words, there are about 600 mines and 12,000 horses for each inspector. Allowing four inspections a year, which is not too much for each mine, that would mean that each inspector, working 300 days in the year, would have to inspect no less than eight mines and 160 horses per day. When you remember that a large number of these horses are not in the stable at any given time, and that some of them may be many miles away from the stables in the workings, it is obviously impossible that any inspector, however diligent he may be, can inspect 160 horses per day throughout the whole of the year.
But that is not all. I have here a return which shows the number of deaths of animals which have taken place in the mines. The number of deaths from, or in consequence of, accidents is 2,850, and that is about one in every twenty-five horses or ponies, and that is the maximum. The number of deaths from, or in consequence of, disease was 2,300, and that is about one in every thirty-one. The remarkable fact is that there is not one syllable in all the reports of the inspectors to explain how any of these deaths occurred from accidents except the statement that there has been these accidents, and there is no statement to show how any of these deaths occurred except the assertion that they died from disease. I ask the Home Secretary to tell me how it came about that there were so many deaths from disease, and so many from accidents. If there were adequate inspection over these ponies the Home Secretary ought to be able to tell us something about the deaths from accidents which amount to one in twenty-five, or the deaths from disease which number one in thirty-one. Is there any occupation in the whole of this Kingdom—
Is the hon. Member sure that his figures are correct?
Absolutely sure. I am not surprised at the right hon. Gentleman's question, and I hope he is both disgusted and alarmed to find that the figures are as I have stated. The table I am quoting from has been compiled from the official figures of his own inspectors. I have verified them myself, and I find them to be absolutely accurate.
I suppose the hon. Member has added those which died immediately after the accident, and those which died as a consequence of the accident?
Yes, that is so. I have done the same as regards disease. I have taken those deaths immediately from disease and added those which had to be killed in consequence of disease. There is no business in this country in which ponies are employed where there is anything comparable to the number of deaths which I have just stated. That shows the need for better inspection. I now turn to accidents and injuries reported. I find that in 1912 they amount to 7,873, and that is about one accident for every nine animals employed in mines. No explanation is given in the official report as to why there is this enormous number of accidents.
Is the hon. Member aware that one man in every five employed in mines meets with an accident every year?
No. If those figures are correct it is a lamentable state of things, and if I were dealing with men I should make a very strong complaint. But because there is this large number of accidents among men, that is no justification why we should have such an enormous number of accidents amongst ponies. I should think that one accident for every nine employed in mines is a most disgraceful proportion, and I cannot believe that if there was a proper system of inspection, such a large number of accidents would take place without any comment or explanation, and so far as I can see without any attempt to prevent these accidents. I find that in the year 1912 there were 237 reported cases of ill-treatment. When we come to prosecutions, I find the number is thirty-nine. I should like to see better inspection, and then we should see a very different number, both of accidents, prosecutions, and reports of accidents. So much for the figures themselves, and I think they make out the case which I desire to make without any further evidence. I have, however, got some evidence from persons who ought to know whether the number of inspectors is adequate or not. I have here the view of Mr. Smillie, whom all lovers of animals will tender their thanks to for preparing a statement in this matter. On the 12th December last, at a meeting of the National Equine Defence League, Mr. Smillie said:— I gather that his opinion is that there should be at least six times that number. Mr. Smillie further said:—
The only other facts I wish to state are statements in letters which have been written by miners in different parts of the country to Mr. Cox, giving the details of specific cases of ill-treatment which have come before them. I think these letters are very remarkable, because it is not always easy to get a man employed in a mine to make a full statement as to what he sees going on, because there are sometimes reasons why this would be disagreeable to him. I have here something like fifty letters from miners in different parts of the country referring mostly to matters which have occurred this year, and they all point in the same direction, and I will read some of them to the Committee. They come from Durham, Yorkshire, Wales, and Scotland. In each case I have the name of the colliery and the name of the person who gives the information. I do not propose to mention those names to the House, but I shall be quite willing to show them to the Home Secretary privately, in order that he may deal with them as he thinks fit.
They prove beyond doubt to my mind that there are many cases throughout the mines of this country where the regulations supplied by the Act of 1911 are not being observed, especially in respect of three matters. One is with regard to the overworking of ponies; the second, the inadequacy of the food and water which they receive; and the third, what is called "roofing"—the ponies go along roads where the timbers are too low to allow them to pass without scraping their withers or their backs. The evidence with regard to overworking in these letters is to my mind overwhelming, and shows that there are many cases where these unfortunate ponies are worked two shifts of eight hours each in the day, with perhaps half an hour in between, and very little time for either water or food, and in some cases for even more than two shifts. With regard to the food and the water, I have cases showing it is seldom in some of these mines that they are given any food at all in the working hours, and not often water. In some hot mines there are ponies working eight, nine, and ten hours without a drop of water. I have further evidence as to the "roofing" showing that the roof has perhaps fallen, or that some of the timbers of the roof have fallen, and that the ponies scrape their backs and make sores on their withers and their backs which must cause them intense agony when they are continually going along these roads. I am not going to weary Members by reading a number of these letters, but perhaps the Committee will allow me to give a few short extracts from two or three to show the sort of case they make. I will take one case in Wales, where the ponies work two, and perhaps three, shifts without rest, deprived of water, and driven under roofs too low for their proper passage. This is an extract from a letter which I have verified:—
May I ask the hon. Member in what part of the county of Durham it is?
I will give it to the Home Secretary. I do not want to give either the name of the person or of the colliery in public. I am quite willing to show the hon. Gentleman privately and confidentially if he likes, and I will certainly show the Home Secretary. Let me give another case in Durham.
"Many ponies work double shifts. On 11th May this year, the driver was asked if he ever gave his horse, which daily works a double shift, a drink, and he replied, 'no.' Ponies often taken from one flat, after working a shift to another to work a second shift, without rest and food and often without water."
There is a further comment:—
"Food and water are seldom supplied during the working of a shift."
Let me give one other case. This seems a most horrible case if it is true. I got it from the secretary of one of the lodges, and he writes by the direction of his own lodge, so that I am disposed to think that the information must be accurate.
Is this Durham?
Yes, Durham.
"A pony worked double shift for three weeks and died shortly after being brought into stable."
He adds:—
"Seven others worked sixteen hours daily for from three to seven days."
There are various other cases with regard to what I referred to as "roofing." I will only give one case. It really does illustrate what happens in these mines. Let the Committee observe that as far as I can gather not one of these cases has in any way been brought to the notice of the managers or, as far as I know, of the inspectors. The information reaches me through these private sources. Here is an instance in Yorkshire of four cases of ponies working sixteen hours with only an interval for a, drink:—
"On May 8th this year a pony ran away and killed itself by dashing against the sides. In an endeavour to remedy its nervousness the pony had been thrashed severely."
This same informant gives a case of a pony running against the bar—I suppose it was one of the pillars of the road—which should have been removed, knocking it down and causing the roof to fall and cut and bruise the pony. I have other similar cases, and I do urge the Home Secretary, when cases like this are proved to exist—and I expect the evidence of these men and believe what Mr. Smillie says it perfectly true, that the men working in the mines are anxious to stop these cases of cruelty, and these are all cases given me by working miners from their own experience—boldly to take steps to stop these horrible cruelties. The only way I can see of doing it is to. appoint more inspectors. May I suggest—I think it would be useful—that, when the inspectors are called upon in the course of their business to go to the mines, no notice should be seat before they go so that they may be able to see the state of affairs as it exists without preparation being made for their visit. I have endeavoured to state the case, I hope, without undue exaggeration. It is a case which deserves the attention of the Home Secretary. I think I have made out a case for more inspectors, and I do beg of the Home Secretary, now that he has had two years or at any rate one and a half years' experience of the working of these regulations, to spend what is, after all, a relatively very small amount of money to ensure that these unfortunate ponies working under these conditions should, at any rate, be given the benefit of that good treatment which Parliament intended.
Metropolitan Police (Pay)
I desire to take the Committee back again to a matter which is rather connected with the doings of the militant suffragettes, and to call attention to the large amount of work falling upon the Metropolitan Police through their actions. I think the Home Secretary will agree with me that during the many years the women have been making raids and attacks upon buildings, and in all kinds of difficulties in which they have put the Metropolitan Police, that body has behaved in an extraordinarily good manner. Not only have they been gentle, and not only have they shown good temper, but, in dealing with very difficult matter's under very awkward circumstances, they have shown a large amount of wisdom. I want to make an appeal to him to-night to consider during the present year the pay of the Metropolitan Police. They have no opportunity of canvassing Members of Parliament, or of lobbying, or of issuing circulars, or, I believe, of using political pressure; neither, may I remind him, have they the opportunity of joining a union and talking over their grievances as nearly every other body of men have who are employed in large numbers. The time, I think, has arrived when he might be justified in considering the pay of the London police. It is perfectly true that a short time ago—I think it was the end of 1913—the Home Secretary gave a rise in pay to a certain class of London policemen. They were men who had been employed for fifteen years, and men who have been employed in the force for fifteen years are probably from thirty-five to forty years of age. These men are, I feel sure, very grateful for that 2s. 6d., but there are a large number of men, both constables and sergeants, whose duties have been increased and made heavier, who I think ought now to be considered. It has always seemed to me that the time when a married man needs the highest wages is between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-five, when he has a young family to maintain, and the constables' higher wages should commence at an earlier period.
There has been no general increase in the pay of the constable since 1911. The minimum then was increased to 27s. and the maximum to 35s.—that is giving a yearly rise of 1s. That seems to me a very small rate to pay for men performing the important duties which are now put upon the Metropolitan Police. They have not only had these very difficult troubles with the militant ladies lately, but everything else points to the fact that the time has arrived when the Home Secretary should meet this demand. There has not only been an increase in the cost of living—that has been discussed a great deal in the late Debates on the Post Office Estimates, and we find from the Board of Trade Return that the increase has been a great deal—but the standard of living has also risen, and that likewise affects the position of the London police. He not only has higher duties to perform, but he also needs a far better education now than he did ten or twenty years ago. If hon. Members would read the book of rules and instructions which is given to a Metropolitan policeman, they would find that it is a very difficult manual to grasp, and needs a considerable amount of education and knowledge to be able to find out one's duty from it. Then this House has put a great many Acts of Parliament upon local authorities which have to be dealt with by the London police. Altogether, therefore, their work now is far more difficult than it was five, ten, or fifteen years ago. Another reason why it is time that an increase should be given to the London police is that we find other police authorities in provincial towns are in many cases paying better rates of wages than are paid in London. I find that a conference of police authorities for Yorkshire was held at Sheffield, and they raised the scale to 27s. for the minimum and 36s. for the maximum. We know perfectly well from the Board of Trade Return that living and house rent are far higher in London than in Yorkshire. I may point out to the Home Secretary that the corporations of this country deal with their police forces in a far more generous way than he does. We find that in Bristol, for instance, the constable starts at 28s. and rises to 37s., two shillings in excess of the pay in London, and certainly it is cheaper for a policeman to live in Bristol than in the Metropolis.
In 1911 the City of London granted a new scale of pay to its police, starting at 28s. 6d. and rising to 41s. 6d. in six years, and, in addition to this, the City Police have, I believe, a Merit class by means of which men with exceptional abilities can get 2s. 6d. extra per week. The difficulties of constables in the county of London are often far greater than those of the City Police. There are few districts in the City where the traffic is very great. There are places like Cheapside and the Mansion House where it is very heavy and where good men are needed, but in the West End of London, at points like Piccadilly, I should say it needed men of far greater ability to deal with the traffic there. The work of the policeman in the Metropolitan area outside the City is far greater than that of the City policeman, and I make an appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to consider if the time has not come when the pay of the police managed by the Home Office should be placed on the same level as that of the City Police. I believe the right hon. Gentleman has difficulty in getting the right class of men for the force. I know, too, that when he took up the Bill of the hon. Member for Holborn (Mr. Remnant) to give one day's rest, it cost the Home Office and the London ratepayer a good deal of money, but I believe the London ratepayer is quite willing to pay his share of the cost of giving better pay to the police in view of the good work they do; and I believe, too, that if the pay were increased the present difficulty of obtaining recruits for the force would be overcome. All we ask is that the Metropolitan Police should be brought into line as far as wages are concerned with the City Police, and I hope, when the right hon. Gentleman comes to reply, he will give the men some hope that they will be put into a better position, and that the Home Office is not going to be a worse employer than the City of London.
The hon. Member for York (Mr. Butcher) introduced with great ability the question of pit ponies—a subject with which many on this side of the House have great sympathy. But I wish to bring the Debate back to the topic which has already been discussed this afternoon by the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord Robert Cecil). I have an Amendment on the Paper proposing the withdrawal from the princely salary of the Home Secretary of the sum of £100, the object of placing it there being to draw attention to the grievances suffered by the police, and especially by the Metropolitan Police, in consequence of the overwork recently inflicted upon them by the necessity of dealing with the situation created by the militant suffragists. My hon. Friend opposite (Mr. Wiles) has referred to some of these difficulties, and I should like to enforce what he has said, and to show how greatly the burden upon the police in London has increased of late years. Xo doubt the police in all parts of the country have recently had a great deal of extra work imposed upon them. In the first place, I will take the detective branch, the services of members of which are, in consequence of the efforts of the militants, more often required for the protection of Cabinet Ministers. It would be interesting to know how much additional cost has been put upon the ratepayers of London and on the Imperial Exchequer by providing detectives to accompany Cabinet Ministers when they go about the country delivering speeches or playing golf. It may be that the detective is used sometimes as an additional caddie, but that is a secret of a Cabinet description which, perhaps, the Home Secretary will not be in a position to reveal. But even as regards other and more highly placed persons than Cabinet Ministers, there have been occasions recently which has necessitated the employment of many more members of the detective force.
Turning from the detective branch, let us consider the case of the uniform branch. Here, again, it is a matter of common knowledge—it is well known to Members of this House—that on very many occasions the police are assembled in force all over London, but especially within the precincts of this House and in the West End, in order to prevent in the case of suffragist raids, riots and other disturbances. In ordinary normal times, if he is called upon to do extra duty, the policeman is subsequently allowed time oft in consideration of the extra work, but that under present conditions is absolutely impossible, and many a man coming off his tour of duty, after, it may be, a long day's, work, suddenly finds himself in the position of being drafted to another part of London, under most disadvantageous circumstances, in order to prevent a raid of suffragettes. That is not all. There is the question of the traffic. Everybody who understands the conditions under which traffic in London is now carried on, appreciates how much is due to the action of the police in preventing accidents. It is their duty to regulate the traffic, and very ably they do it. If it were not for their skill and ability, I do not know what would become, not only of the unfortunate pedestrian, but of many drivers of motor cars and other vehicles. That work puts a great and increasing strain on the members of the police force, and a police man's lot, never a very happy one, is getting more unhappy each day. A great deal more is expected of him than formerly. He has to be extremely courteous. He must be most diplomatic. He has to display the tact almost of a Chief Whip in the House of Commons in his dealings with the public. He has to be as active as a cat in getting out of the way of traffic, and he must have the strength of a bull in order to stop some runaway horse. He has to know the law, and, in addition, he has to be a sort of doctor. All these multifarious duties the policeman is called upon to perform, and the labourer is surely worthy of his hire.
What do you pay this paragon? His commencing wage is 27s. a week, and I may remind the Home Secretary that many London borough councils pay their sweepers from 26s. to 30s. weekly. I know the Home Secretary will say that the sweepers do not get a pension, but most borough councils in London are sufficiently enlightened to have a contribution fund to which the men subscribe, with the result that they do get a pension of some kind—it may be to the extent of two-thirds of their pay. I do not want to cover the same ground as the hon. Member who spoke last. He has stated that many provincial towns pay better wages to their policemen than is the case in London. I maintain with all due deference that the duties of the London policeman are of a more irksome nature than those of policemen in any other part of the country. The police are often used as a sort of expeditionary force. Sometimes they are sent to Wales, at another time to Hull, and they are sent to these places often under the most unpleasant conditions, and there has been a good deal of grumbling among members of the force on account of the bad accommodation provided for them on various occasions. They are used as a sort of expeditionary force wherever trouble is brewing. The right hon. Gentleman I believe granted an extra 2s. 6d. a week to the older constable when he abolished the reserve number. A great deal of talk has been made at the Home Office as to the right hon. Gentleman's generosity in giving some senior constables an additional 2s. 6d., but it did not come to so very much after all, because when the reserve number was in existence at least 10 per cent. of the men in each division got the extra money. The new regulation is that all men with over fifteen years' service are to get the extra 2s. 6d., and as 10 per cent. of the force were already enjoying the reserve number which carried with it 1s. 6d., it does not represent so very much more than before.
Again, complaint is made with regard to the lodging allowance. In some divisions it is 2s. 6d. a week. In other divisions it is only 1s. 6d. The ordinary constable has to live within a certain radius of his section. It is often very difficult to get lodgings within that area. Take the man in the G Division. He gets a lodging allowance of 1s. 6d., and he has to go into the next division to get lodgings because he can find no place in his own division. In the next division the lodging allowance is 2s. 6d., but this man In the G Division, although he lives in the division where the higher allowance obtains for men of that division, gets only the 1s. 6d. He is thus on a lower rate of wage than the other men. In the course of the Debate on the Holt Report yesterday this question was thoroughly discussed, so far as it affected postmen, and it was shown that there was a difference of as much as 4s. between classes of postmen living in one part of London and another. There was not a single member of this House who defended that system, not even the members of the Holt Committee. The time has now come when the right hon. Gentleman should abolish the difference between the rates of lodging allowance in different parts of London. It is true it is more expensive to live in the centre of London than on the outskirts, but on the other hand, articles of food are cheaper in the centre of London, and those who live on the outskirts find it desirable to come into the centre in order to purchase their necessaries of life. Another question which I wish to bring to the notice of the Home Secretary arises out of the complaint of the men who live in section houses, that Is. per week is deducted from their pay. That is a material reduction. In addition, to that, they have to pay for various things, such as window-cleaning, which do not appear to be very much, but which are very annoying to many of the constables.
Another bigger question to which I should like to call the attention of the Home Secretary is what is known as the right to confer. Everybody will agree that in a disciplined force it is impossible to have anything in the nature of a trade union. Hon. Members below the Gangway opposite who are strong advocates of trade unions will agree with me in that, and the hon. Member for Blackburn (Mr. Snowden), who has taken a great and very natural interest in this subject, has admitted that to be the case. But why cannot the Home Secretary allow the Metropolitan Police the right to confer and a certain number of constables representing certain ranks to lay their complaints in an official manner before the authorities? I believe that if he could get into touch with the force in this way he would get rid of a lot of the grumbling that now goes on in the force. They have tried that system with great success at Bradford, although it has not been tried very long. From what I hear from members of the force there is among them, very naturally, the idea that all these matters, which may seem to be little matters of detail to members of this Committee, do not receive sufficient attention from the authorities. You may justly argue that men in the Metropolitan Police, especially the men who have risen, should know all about these matters, because they come from the ranks themselves. Every man who is a sergeant or a superintendent has joined the force as a constable. It is a curious thing that when officers in the Army have-risen from the ranks it is found very often that they are not so much in touch with the men as other officers who have no risen from the ranks, and they often for- get what happened to them when they were in the ranks.
If you take the fire brigade in London you find that they have a staff committee composed entirely of men in the brigade, which can approach the official committee and lay their views before them. In other places the fire brigade and the police are under the corporation, and in Paris they are under the prféct de paix. If it works well there I do not see why it should not apply to the Metropolitan Police I should like to see the matter dealt with by the authorities, because it would make for the efficiency of the force. The House of Commons and the Home Secretary ought to be very tender in dealing with the police force of London, because they have nobody to represent their case, they have no trade union, and there is no organised force of any sort behind them. The younger and worst paid men in the force are single men who live in the section houses and have no vote. I once tried to get the vote for the men who lived in the cubicles, and the Home Secretary may remember his wonderful Parliamentary skill when he moved an Amendment on a certain Wednesday at ten minutes past twelve which prevented the people who lived in cubicles getting the vote, and killed the Bill that I introduced with the late Sir Blundell Maple.
And thereby secured the raising of the school age.
I do not understand the interruption.
The subsequent Bill which was then introduced and carried was one under which the age of school children was raised.
I do not see what school children have to do with it.
The hon. Gentleman charged me with having obstructed one Bill. As a consequence of obstructing that Bill we secured the enormous advantage of raising the age of school children.
There are so many episodes which have occurred to the right hon. Gentleman in his high office that perhaps he has forgotten the effect on the cubicle votes.
I remember it very well.
I do not wish to press that point, which was only a personal reminiscence. The fact is that the men who live in cubicles are the junior members of the force, and have no vote. [An HON. MEMBER: "Like a good many other people."] We know perfectly well where the hon. Member's sympathies are, and how antagonistic he is to anybody who seeks to trench upon his monopoly. Yesterday the Postmaster-General foreshadowed the appointment of a Committee dealing with State employés. The Metropolitan Police are in the same position as Civil servants, because they are under the direct employ of the Home Secretary. What is going to be the position of the Metropolitan Police in this matter? A great innovation was announced by the Postmaster General with regard to dealing with the grievances of Civil servants. What part are the police to play in that? Are they to have the right to appear before this Committee for the purpose of laying their claims to increased pay before them, and, if so, who is going to represent them? On that point I would challenge the Home Secretary to say whether the Government were really in earnest in putting forward that proposal. I do not accuse them of not being in earnest, but have they thought the matter out? I do not blame them if they have not done so, because we all know that the proposed Committee was put forward at the last moment for the purpose of saving them from a very bad Division. I ask that if such a Committee does come into being that they will consider the position of the Metropolitan Police. They are in a position different from that of the Post Office servants and a great many other Civil servants in this country, who can agitate and apply electoral pressure, for the Metropolitan Police have no union or organised force. I hope that when the Home Secretary replies he will indicate what line the Government is going to take when it sets up the Committee that was foreshadowed last night.
I do not propose to follow the last speaker into his discussion of the position of the police. I sympathise very much indeed with the police force in the very difficult duties thrown upon them in connection with the suffragette outrages, and I am sure the Committee will agree that they are deserving of special consideration in connection with that matter. The feeling in Scotland against militancy at the present moment is extremely strong, and I am sure that the declaration which the right hon. Gentleman has made to-day that he intends to take further steps to prevent the destruction of property and to discourage any further outbreaks will cause great satisfaction in Scotland. We have there had a series of attacks made on property. A number of country mansions have been destroyed, and an attempt has been made to blow up the main waterpipe in connection with the Glasgow water supply, and we feel in Scotland that the need for preventive measures is very strong indeed. I entirely agree with the Home Secretary that we have really to deal with those who are behind this movement, who are using, in many cases, a band of paid agents to commit the worst crimes and who are really responsible for financing the movement and encouraging it by publishing the "Suffragette," and by inciting people to commit further outrages.
Mines (Rescue Appliances)
8 0 P M.
I rose chiefly to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question with regard to the administration of the new Regulations which have been recently issued in connection with rescue appliances in Scotland. I welcome very much the fact that the Regulations have been amended quite recently and that a new definition has been given of the words "breathing apparatus " as they appeared in the original Regulations issued under the Coal Mines Act so as to make it clear that the apparatus must be of a self-contained character. Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the Committee if any steps have yet been taken in Lanarkshire to secure the setting up of any central rescue stations? Under the amended Regulations just issued one of the proposals is to relieve the coal owners from the necessity of providing breathing apparatus of a self-contained character at all mines which are within ten miles radius of a central rescue station. It is imperative that some such central stations should be erected within the Lanarkshire coalfield. It does not appear from the Regulations who are responsible for the formation of these stations, and I should like the right hon. Gentleman to give us, if possible, an undertaking that this matter is going to be dealt with at a very early date, and that steps will be taken to ensure that one or more central rescue stations will be provided by the coal-Downers within the Lanarkshire I would remind the Committee that unless central stations are provided, where at least fifteen complete suits of breathing apparatus are to be kept, each pit will have to provide its own appliances. It is desirable that it should now be made perfectly clear to the Lanarkshire coal-owners that no further delay will be permitted in dealing with this very important matter for the safety of the miners.
I am entirely with the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Butcher) in thinking there is need for increasing the number of inspectors of pit ponies, and, while he has mentioned some very urgent cases, I am inclined to think that he has rather overstated his case. My experience of the miners is that they are not by any means cruel as a class, that they do not like to see horses overworked, and that they take every opportunity to prevent this, but it is desirable when we are dealing with such large numbers that there should be an additional number of inspectors for the purpose. Not only with regard to pit ponies, but with regard to the workers themselves, the inspection of mines is a" very important and urgent question. I would ask the sympathy of the Home Secretary in considering as to making an increase in the number of inspectors who have to inspect the mines of this country. I am glad to see that he has recently taken the step of making a further appointment of a deputy-chief inspector for mines to assist the chief inspector himself, and I am sure that appointment will be welcomed as partially releasing the chief inspector from the very important duties which he has to fulfil at inquiries at other times, and in providing further assistance in regard to the inspection of mines. I hope the Home Secretary will see his way to carry the matter a little further still, and to provide, as ho indicated on a former occasion, a larger number of inspectors to deal with the coal-fields of the United Kingdom, and that he will also give a sympathetic ear to the plea which has been made on behalf of the pit ponies.
I wish to bring before the Home Secretary the question of shuttle-kissing in cotton factories and the action of the Home Office in regard to it. It is rather more than three years ago since I asked a question of the then Home Secretary, the present First Lord of the Admiralty, on this very question. I asked him whether he had had submitted to him any devices to make the practice of shuttle-kissing unnecessary in cotton mills, whether any such device had been found satisfactory, and, if so, would the attention of mill-owners be drawn to such device? The reply I got was eminently satisfactory, because I was told an inquiry was then being made by the Factory Department in conjunction with the medical officer of the Local Government Board into the practice of shuttle-kissing, its effect on the health of the workers, and the possibility of adopting some arrangement which would render the practice unnecessary. Several devices had been submitted and would be considered, but the right hon. Gentleman could not state at that time when the inquiry, which had only just commenced, would be concluded. That was very satisfactory at that time, but that was three years ago. A Report was subsequently issued on the question after the Committee had sat. I do not know the exact date, but I think it was somewhere about two years ago. In it the following statements were made. It was said:—
"An overwhelming majority of the medical officers of health are opposed to the present prevailing custom.
The Report further said:—
"We think that the case is fairly summed up in a resolution passed at a meeting of the North-Western Branch of the Society of Medical Officers of Health to the following effect, That this branch is of opinion that the habit of shuttle-kissing common in many districts in Lancashire is objectionable and potentially dangerous to health and thinks it desirable that means be taken by which the continuance of this practice may be rendered unnecessary.'"
They further said they believed that the employers as a whole were favourably disposed towards a more hygienic method, provided a practical alternative could be available, and they hoped that if inspectors would use their influence and keep the question in the foreground, the newer forms of shuttle might come to be gradually adopted. I believe it is contended in some cases that shuttle-kissing may not spread infection. I protest against the assumption that it cannot spread disease. You may say you cannot directly trace a disease to the shuttle-kissing, but, after all, that hardly applies, because a man may have diphtheria and drink out of a glass, and someone else drinking out of the same glass might get diphtheria, and though it would not be proof positive that contagion had been carried in that way, I think it is fairly clear that it is conveyed in that way, and I believe myself that there is considerable infection spread by this practice, and especially do I think that something should be done to prevent any possibility of contagion being spread in the case of two diseases which are very much exercising the country at the present time, and which are generally referred to, one as the hidden plague, and the other as the white scourge. About the first, I inquired of a doctor who has taken a great interest in this question and whose name if I told it, the right hon. Gentleman would know. He replied:—
"The possibility of its transmission by means of shuttle-kissing is quite obvious. In my evidence given before the Commission, I cited a case. The report states in the first instance that there was no allegation that this disease was transmitted to the tenter, though we quite recognise the possibility that this might have occurred, and we agreed that it was a horrible incident."
The actual facts were as follows: A man suffering from this disease consulted this gentleman and remained under his care for some months, and then, contrary to his wishes, ceased the treatment. Some little time after this, his innocent wife came to the doctor and he found that she had contracted the disease. She was a weaver. There was no evidence of transmission. A slight abrasion on the lip of that poor child and inoculation would have been the inevitable result. That shows in that particular case that something must be done to prevent this practice, even if it was only to prevent any possibility of transmission of that disease; but when we come to the question of tuberculosis, I have direct evidence of cases from a tuberculosis officer whose name I will give the right hon. Gentleman if he desires. I should like to read what he says because it is most clear. He was considering first the risk of transference of infection from person to person via the shuttle:—
"I think it will be clear that if a weaver is suffering from tuberculosis of the lungs, he can, by placing the shuttle against his lips, leave the tubercle bacilli on the shuttle. If the shuttle is subsequently kissed by a healthy person, say by a tackler or tenter or another weaver at the same loom, that person can retain the tubercle bacilli on his lips and become infected thereby."
This tuberculosis officer also had recently been sent photographs showing the amount of dirt, etc., which is caught in the filter in a patent mechanical shuttle-kisser, and it is obvious that a corresponding amount of dirt must be inhaled by the weaver where shuttle-kissing is in operation. I have had a photograph, sent to me, and I will send it to the right hon. Gentleman. The tuberculosis officer gives me six cases in which he knows that consumption must have been transmitted by this means. I will not quote more than two of them. A patient dying of tuberculosis of the lungs alleges that the previous worker at her loom suffering from tuberculosis had kissed the same shuttle. Another case is that of a four-loomed weaver with a tenter. She has been ill with tuberculosis of the lungs, and for two years has been off and on work all that time kissing the same shuttle as the tenter. This gentleman says:—
"In addition to these cases, although I have only been here three months, I have notes of no fewer than twenty-five weavers suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis. Please do not think that because I emphasise the risk of tubercular infection I in any way wish to minimise the risk of the transference of other diseases by shuttle-kissing. Apart altogether even from the risk of conveyance of disease, I consider shuttle-kissing a most disgusting practice owing to the filthy state of most of the shuttles."
I think most people will corroborate that. I said I had asked a question about it some three years ago, and received a satisfactory answer then from the Home Office: but I think since then their action has been somewhat dilatory. I know the question has been raised more than once since. The hon. Member (Mr. Albert Smith) who probably knows more about it than any man in the House has raised it with much emphasis, and has asked several questions about it. I asked a question only a short time ago, and the right hon. Gentleman told me there had been a conference—the last conference was in October—and though they had not got any definite scheme, still, at the same time, they were considering different kinds of non-Kissable shuttles. I think the right hon. Gentleman himself saw one mill at least where there was a non-kissable shuttle. Surely it is time that the Home Office should take some further action and insist upon some shuttle being brought forward which shall obviate this disgusting practice. I am not sure, but I believe that in one State of America, Massachusetts, they have already made the kissable shuttle illegal. Surely we are not going to be behindhand in this matter! It is a disgusting practice. It may lead to considerable infection, and I am perfectly certain that if the right hon. Gentleman would only set proper machinery in motion, something would be produced by which this horrible practice might be obviated, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will do his best to see the some satisfactory device is brought forward which shall replace the present system, and do away with it as far as the cotton mills of Lancashire are concerned.
I want to call attention to another branch of the activities of the Home Office. It is, I think, one of the most considerable anomalies of municipal activity in this country that the Home Office is responsible for the control of London traffic, and it is in regard to the way in which the Home Office has discharged that responsibility that I want to make some observations. I do rot think it is sufficiently realised inside the House, and I doubt if it is outside, the extent to which, during the past few years in London, the danger of the London streets has been increasing.
It being Quarter-past Eight of the clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means, under Standing Order No. 8, further Proceeding was postponed without Question put.
Private Business
BRECON AND MERTHYE TYDVIL JUNCTION RAILWAY BILL.—(By Order.)
Order for consideration read.
Bill, as amended, considered.
CLAUSE 16.—(Running Powers over Bargoed Branch Railway of Rhymney Company.)
So much of Section 12 of the Rumney Act, 1863, as restricts the exercise by the Company of the running powers over the Bargoed Branch Railway of the Rhymney Company referred to in such Section, to the forwarding of traffic to or from Newport or any places on the then existing Rumney Railway, and so much of Section 28 of the Act of 1864, and of Section 27 of the Rhymney Act, 1864, and of the Heads of Arrangement as imposes any restrictions with regard to the traffic in respect of which the running powers over the Bargoed Branch Railway aforesaid referred to in such Sections or the Heads of Arrangement may be exercised are hereby repealed, and from and after the passing of this Act the Company may exercise the powers of running over, working, and using the Bargoed Branch Railway of the Rhymney Company, together with all other powers and privileges connected therewith, or incidental thereto, conferred on them by the Rumney Act, 1863, the Act of 1864, the Rhymney Act, 1864, and the Heads of Arrangement, for the forwarding of all traffic, without regard to its origin or destination.
I beg formally to move to leave out the Clause.
Since this Amendment was put down by me I understand that further negotiations have taken place between the promoters of the Bill and those who are opposing it, namely, the Rhymney Company. I understand that there has been during the past few hours an agreement come to, and I should be very sorry to detain the House in any matter of this sort if I am satisfied that an agreement has been come to. I do not know whether I should be in order if I were to ask the hon. Member for Durham (Mr. Hills) if he is prepared to make any statement. If I am allowed to make that request, I might be able to withdraw the amendment.
I am informed that in the last two days an agreement has been come to between the general managers of these two lines which settles the points at issue raised under this Amendment, and I am authorised on behalf of the Brecon Company to state that if the Bill is now passed through this House they will amend it in another place in the sense of the agreement arrived at.
May I ask my hon. Friend whether they will then in effect delete Clauses 16 and 17 ( Revision of Terms and Conditions for Running Powers ) in respect to which I have given notice of Amendments? That is, I think, what would be necessary.
I am afraid I do not know enough of the merits of the Bill to answer that question, but I do give an assurance that the Bill shall be amended in order to meet the agreement which I understand has been arrived at. I think that ought to be sufficient.
I quite agree with my hon. Friend. I think it not only ought to be, but is, sufficient. If my hon. Friend tells me that an agreement has been come to, and that he will undertake, on behalf of those for whom he is speaking, that an Amendment shall be made in another place in order to carry out the agreement, then I feel that I have an ample assurance for which I am much obliged to him, and under these circumstances I beg leave to withdraw the Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Bill to be read the third time.
Great Eastern Railway Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Bill be now read a second time."
I beg to move, to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words, "upon this day three months."
My hon. Friend (Mr. J. H. Thomas) who gave notice of this Amendment, is, unfortunately, not in his place at the moment. I beg formally to move the Amendment, and as my hon Friend has now arrived I shall leave him to state the reasons for its being moved.
I beg to second the Amendment. I quite recognise that the Second Reading of any Bill ought not to be opposed on matters that might fairly be considered Committee points. On the other hand, I want to submit that in opposing this particular Bill to-night, while we are unable—and, indeed it is not our intention—to take exception to any particular Clause, we are basing our opposition on the ground that a railway company is coming to this House and asking for additional power which the House ought not to give, if we are able to show that they have failed to exercise properly the power which they already possess. Therefore, it will be necessary for me to prove, as I believe I shall be able to do, that the Great Eastern Railway Company has made an attack not only upon the fundamental principle of trade unionism, but in a manner that seriously interferes with the liberty of the subject. I think it is too late in the day to argue that trade unions are dangerous bodies which should be wiped out of existence. I think it will be admitted on all sides of the House that the right of combination is a right that should be enjoyed and exercised by all sections of the community. In this case the Great Eastern Railway Company not only said to one of their employés, "We deny to you the right of combination," but they went beyond that and said, "Because you, one of our workmen, in your private capacity, when you were off duty, when you were practically in your own time for which we do not pay you, and when we had no control, and ought to have no control over you, chose to do something that we do not agree with, we not only censure you, but we dismiss you from our service." I am going to submit that that is not only an extraordinary position to take up, but a position that I feel sure no Member of this House could attempt to justify.
The circumstances of the case are briefly as follows: There was a policeman named Fairweather employed by the Great Eastern Railway Company. His wages were 26s. per week. As far as I have been able to ascertain, his general record and character were beyond question. But at all events he was "billed" to take the chair at a meeting called by his trade union not to declare a strike, not to interfere with the company's property, but specifically called for the purpose of organising the Great Eastern Railway policemen. In other words, this man who had been a member of our organisation for some years, felt that there were certain advantages to him in membership of this society, and he very naturally regarded it as his duty to try and put these advantages before his fellow railway policemen, with the result that he was " billed " to take the chair at a meeting called for the purpose of organising the policemen. Immediately that came to the notice of the railway company, he was called before the chief of the police department and told that he was not to take the chair at that meeting. Here let me say that I think that it was very wise on the part of the man not immediately to say, as he might have done, "You have no right to question me; you. have no right to interfere with my civic rights; you have no right to concern yourself in any way with what I do in my time. "He might reasonably have taken up that attitude, but he did not. He said, "Very well, I have heard your will. I take note of what you say, and I will consider the matter "; and he immediately went back to his work. Next day he came to our office.
Here was the action of a good trade unionist. He said to himself, "Though I have a good case, though I have been interfered with unwarrantably—for the railway company have done something that I think they ought not to have done— yet, instead of taking any hasty or impulsive action of my own, I will immediately go to my trade union officials and consult them, and see what their advice is. "Fairweather came to our office and saw me. He explained all that took place. He brought with him the bill announcing that he was to preside at the meeting, and told me, as far as he could remember, all that took place between him and the chief of the police department. He asked frankly, "What is your advice, Mr. Thomas, in the circumstances?" I said, "In the first place, I do not think it right on the company's part to interfere with you at all. I think that they have gone beyond their duty, but there are two things to consider. In the first place, you have been warned, and I do not agree with anyone being insubordinate to his superior officials. On. the other hand, I think that you have legitimate cause to complain. What I recommend you to do is not to take the chair at the meeting for which you were billed. "That is to say, I actually advised him, though I disagreed entirely with the action of the company, that this was not the time or the occasion to have rows if we can help it. I said, "I want as far as possible to work amicably so far as the company and the men are concerned, and therefore my advice to you is not to take the chair at the meeting over which you are billed to preside and to which the company take exception."
He said, "That may be all right, but there are numerous grievances from which we policemen suffer, and there are no means by which we can have an opportunity of laying our grievances before the company. There a hundred and one things that we want rectified, and if we are to be deprived absolutely of the right of organisation or association, how can we expect to get these grievances remedied?" I said again, "I do not want you to be accused eventually of insubordination, and I would suggest that you still give effect to the company's wishes and not preside at this meeting, but either afterwards, or at some other time, call a meeting of your own policemen, limited to your own grade, and at that meeting discuss the position so far as your grievances are concerned, and then take some constitutional means by which you can bring them to the notice of the company." "Very well," he said, "I will take your advice." He left the office, and I presumed that that would be the end of the case. But the next I heard was that Fairweather, who did not preside at this first meeting, who did not take the chair as he was billed to do, but acted strictly in accordance with the advice that I gave him, as a responsible trade unionist, and simply took the chair at an informal and almost private meeting limited to policemen, of whom not more than six or seven were present, simply because he did that and because he took our advice, received an intimation from the company that he had to resign his position. Again he came to see us. He said, "I am not now dismissed for something that the company originally took exception to; I am not dismissed because I refused to take note of what my chief had told me, but I am now dismissed because I acted strictly in accordance with your advice, and with what you, as an official, thought was the clear and the proper method to pursue. I need hardly say that the men are up in arms with regard to the question. There are at the moment mass meetings being arranged in all parts of the Great Eastern system, and they think that this is a challenge to us, and unless we take it up immediately we do not know who will be the next."
I again urged upon him to be no party whatever to encouraging meetings of any description. I said, "That will not help the matter, in my opinion, in this case. It is not a case were we ought to have a strike; it would be absurd, in my opinion, to talk about a strike on a matter of this kind. There is, in my view, a constitutional means whereby we can deal with this case." Again let it be said, in fairness to Fair-weather, that he took my advice, and promised that so far as he was concerned he would not take part in any meetings, that he would have nothing to do with them, and that he would advise that no publicity should be given to the case so far as he was concerned until we had an opportunity of dealing with the matter. I carefully considered the best step to take. Here, let me say, that we had a similar difficulty about six months, or more, ago. The London and South-Western Railway Company called the whole of their policemen, seventy in number, before them one morning, and said, "Are you a member of your trade union?" The answer was "Yes." They said, "Then we will give you until to-morrow morning either to leave your trade union or leave the service of the company." They were all given that intimation, and naturally they were alarmed, with the result that in a few hours the whole of the South-Western system in London was seething with discontent. The men were prepared to say at that time, "If these men are 'sacked' for no other reason than that they are trade union men, then we are prepared to stop with them." I immediately wired in that case to the general manager of the London and South-Western Railway, telling him that the position was urgent, and asking him if he would see me. He cordially agreed, and I went over to Waterloo, and I put this position to him, just as I am putting it to the House to- night, and as it is being put to the Great Eastern Railway Company.
I said, "Whatever your view may be with regard to a policeman being a member of a trade union, surely you have no right to baldly say to him, 'Leave your trade union or leave our service!' Surely you are justified in at least giving these men an opportunity of saying that if they will not leave their union there should be a position found for them with a wage equivalent to that which they now obtain!" After a few hours' debate the general manager of the South-Western Railway agreed to that, not, as in this case, in regard to one man, but in regard to seventy men. He said, "The notice shall be cancelled immediately, and a fresh order shall be issued, clearly pointing out to these men that we do not intend to demand that they shall leave the union or leave the service. Whilst we believe that it would be impossible for a policeman, with his oath of allegiance, to be able to be loyal to the society, as well as loyal to the employer" —and here let me say there is much to be said on that point—"we agree that we have no right simply to dismiss these men without giving them an opportunity of fresh appointments." The result was that these fresh orders were issued, the men were given the opportunity of choosing their union and equivalent employment, and the whole matter went off smoothly so far as the London and South-Western Company were concerned. Having that precedent in mind, and knowing how one railway company in London were prepared to deal with seventy men, it did occur to me as being only reasonable to suppose that the Great Eastern Railway Company would be equally reasonable with regard to one man. The result was that I took up the matter with the Noble Lord opposite, who is chairman of the Great Eastern Company (Lord Claud Hamilton). Let me here, so far as his Lordship is concerned, bear testimony to his courtesy and consideration in all our negotiations and conversations throughout. I have nothing whatsoever to say with regard to his personal attitude in regard to the matter, in which he will say it is not a question of his personal views at all, and that it is a matter in which he is simply acting and speaking for his colleagues, the railway directors.
But I come back to this point, that in our negotiations and in all our efforts we tried to get the Great Eastern Railway Company not to say that Fairweather should even go back as a policeman—note that point! I was careful at first—when I told Fairweather to say nothing about it, to keep quiet, and that we would enter into negotiations—to extract a promise from him, which he gave, that he would not press, and neither would he ask his fellow workmen to press, that he should be reinstated as a policeman. I got him to agree that if the company would give him a job with an equivalent wage, so far as he was concerned that would be accepted as satisfactory. Therefore it was on those lines, and with that object, we used all the power we possessed in the matter. Every communication was conducted in the most courteous way, and we said to the Great Eastern Railway Company, "Will you at least give this man an opportunity of employment at an equivalent wage?" The company did concede to him an interview and offered him employment at a £1 per week, as against 26s., which he formerly received. He felt that he had done nothing to warrant such a reduction and that his offer to take employment at an equivalent wage and to sacrifice his position as a policeman was an offer that ought to have been accepted by the company. We thought the same, but, unfortunately, the Great Eastern Railway Company did not think so.
I am here to say, whatever excuse may be offered, knowing the difficulties of railway companies, and trying to put myself on their side of the case, I cannot see at this moment why this company could not, had they so desired, done for one man what other railway companies were prepared to do for seventy men. Let it be distinctly understood that whilst I have mentioned the London and South Western Railway Company, other railway companies have had the same difficulty with their policemen, and they have all, without a solitary exception, given them the alternative of a job equivalent in wages. But since the Fairweather case, the Great Eastern have gone beyond their action. It might be argued that after the warning Fairweather had that he ought not to have taken any part whatever in the meetings. I leave the House to judge, on the plain and unvarnished statement which I have given, on that side of the case. The Great Eastern Company a fortnight ago had every other member who was a policeman, and how they knew they were members we do not know, brought before them and said, "We give you the alternative of leaving the union or leaving your job as a policeman." Even in that case they did not give the offer of an equivalent wage.
This case has caused so much bitterness and feeling that a ballot was taken of the Great Eastern men, with a view to asking them whether they were prepared to withhold their labour or not. I am the last man, as the House well knows, to attempt any threats of railway strikes, because I am persuaded that it would be a reflection both on the company and everybody else if a case of this description could not be settled without resorting to a strike. Therefore, that aspect of the question I rule out, except to mention it, because it is. public property that such a ballot is being taken. Even now at this stage I make what I believe is a fair offer to the company. I am not desirous, and neither are any of my colleagues on these benches, of interfering with the progress of this Bill or any other Bill. We are prepared to admit that there may be strong reasons why the railway companies should say that their policemen ought not to be combined in the same union as other grades. By that we do not concede that policemen ought to be denied the value and benefits of combination. But we are prepared even to go to that length and to say that we would be prepared to consider that side of the case, if in return for that the Great Eastern Company are this evening prepared to say, so far as their policemen are concerned, that they are not going to deny to them the right of combination, while they are prepared and willing to fulfil the oath they have taken, and they are prepared to do their duty in accordance' with their conditions of service and the oath that is administered. But if, on the other hand, those men prefer and feel that that they ought to be associated in a trade union with their fellows, you will not deny them that right, and will afford facilities for other employment to be found for them. The greatest justification of that argument is that it has already been done and given effect to by other railway companies. Unless some such guarantee as that is given, and unless the Great Eastern Company are prepared to put themselves in line with other railway companies, and to say freely and frankly that they do not intend to interfere with the liberty of the subject, or to interfere unnecessarily with the men's private position after their working hours, then, I say, there is strong reason why this House should show its protest against this conduct by rejecting the Second Beading of this Bill. I do hope, trying to take a broad view of the situation, and trying to appreciate that we want to do nothing at this stage to embitter the relationships between the railway companies and their employés, and trying to recognise that we are engaged in a great national movement affecting the railway men throughout the length and breadth of the land, I want to do nothing that would, as I say, embitter the relationships, or that would render it more difficult to come to agreement, and I believe that if the Noble Lord could take up tonight the attitude, reasonable as I think, that I have already suggested, not only would we be prepared to give a Second Reading to this Bill, but I believe it would tend to pave the way for peace in the railway service, and be fully appreciated by the employés of the Great Eastern Railway Company.
I am particularly obliged to the hon. Member for Derby (Mr. J. H. Thomas) for the moderation of his tone in bringing this question forward. He was good enough to admit at the commencement that it was entirely extraneous to any provision in the Bill now before the House for Second Reading, but at the same time he said he felt it to be his duty, on behalf of those he represented, to lay the statement that the House has heard before it. There is an old saying that there are two sides to every question. We have heard the hon. Member's story related to us with perfect good faith. I think I can show the House that the question may be looked at from an entirely different point of view. This man, Fairweather, I think on 2nd February, wrote to the superintendent of police, his superior officer, announcing his intention to preside at a trade union meeting, and forwarding at the same time a poster containing notice of the same. The superintendent thereupon sent for him, and tried to point out that it was perfectly incompatible with his duties as a policeman—that is to say, as a man whose duty is to preserve law and order and peace—to take the chair at a meeting which might have the effect of setting up strife and producing disorder, to put down which it was quite possible that he as a policeman, might be called upon to intervene. Fairweather said that he did not regard it in that light, and that he would go and consult his union. I wish to point to the attitude of the man in taking that view. Anybody who has had anything to do as a large employer of labour with bodies of men, especially with such a body as police, would know that this man, if he thought his superintendent had taken a wrong view or was too strict in his interpretation of his duty, would naturally complain, as he had a perfect right to do, either to the general manager of the company or to myself as chairman, or to both of us.
9.0 P.M.
But no. Fairweather was not out for any legitimate purpose; he was what I call out for mischief. He gave the go-by to myself and the general manager. Had he come to us, I do not say what our position might have been, but the hon. Member for Derby knows perfectly well that I should have received him with every consideration, and endeavoured, so far as I was able, to give a decision on the question. But he went and consulted the hon. Member for Derby, who, I think, gave him very sound advice. He then went and informed his superintendent that he was not going to preside at the meeting, but that he intended to preside, directly afterwards, at another meeting, called a grievance meeting of police and their wives. The superintendent replied, "I consider that a mere quibble. You are resolved to disobey my orders, and you use this as a means of doing so by saying that it is not a trade union meeting, but simply a meeting of men of the same body as yourself." Then Fairweather informed the hon. Member for Derby, most erroneously. that this was the only way the police had of bringing forward their grievances. The relations between the head of the police and the men under him have always been of a most satisfactory character. Whenever the men wanted improvements in their position they have gone to the superintendent. I will not say that they have always received all that they wanted, but by that process their wages were raised in November, 1911, and again on 1st January of this year; while in the course of this spring I myself interviewed some of the police in order to get their opinion upon an improvement of their uniform, which was duly arranged between myself and them, and they are now wearing it It was, therefore, absolutely untrue to say that the only way the police had of obtaining an amelioration of their position was by organisation. The hon. Mem- ber for Derby on several occasions used the term "the company." This was entirely a matter of discipline between the superintendent and his men. When the superintendent understood that Fairweather had presided over this second meeting, he said, "After the double warning which I gave you, and which you have chosen to disregard in a flagrant manner, I shall consider it necessary to dismiss you from the force." He then came and reported the matter to me. I was very much astonished, because the conduct of the police of the Great Eastern Railway as long as I have been associated with the company has been beyond praise. We have never had any trouble of this kind—that is, insubordination. So I said to the superintendent of police, "I should like to know something about this man's past." He said: "I will bring you his record." His record included a discharge certificate from the Royal Navy. When I looked through it I found to my amazement that this man had deserted from the Royal Navy at Simons Town during the Boer War, and that when he was either recaptured or surrendered, I do not know which, he was tried by court-martial and sentenced to eighteen months' hard labour. I asked how on earth such a man was ever engaged in the service of the Great Eastern Railway. I considered it a slur upon our men that they should have to associate with a deserter from the public service. The explanation was satisfactory. I do not know whether the House is aware of the fact, but in the Royal Navy all such matters as desertions, courts-martials, etc., are entered in abbreviated characters which an ordinary civilian may not be able to decipher. Having been in the Army, I at once saw that the man had deserted, been tried and sentenced to eighteen months' hard labour. I immediately said, "A man who has been a deserter from the service of his King and country is not a man who, in my opinion, should remain in the police force of the Great Eastern Railway." I said therefore that I was glad he was going to be dismissed.
I want to have the point perfectly clear. Did the company not at any stage say that the man was not to blame—that is to say, that his character was sent; he withheld nothing. It was not his fault that you did not know; it was your official's fault.
I agree with the hon. Member. I think that the late superintendent who engaged him, not understanding his discharge certificate, engaged him without knowledge of these facts. However, the fact remains that the man was a deserter, and therefore not a fit man for our police. The hon. Member for Derby came to me in a very courteous manner and said, "Can we not do something to prevent trouble over the dismissal of this man? He would like to see the board." I said, "Most certainly. He has a right to do so." The hon. Member said, "Can he not be given employment in some other department of the company? " I said, "I cannot answer for that. That is a matter which must be collectively decided by the board, but I will certainly bring it before them." We interviewed Fairweather. I have lived long enough to have some knowledge of character, and I at once put him down as being what you call a "sea lawyer"—a term which will be familiar to hon. Members present. The board were very averse to offering him any position in the company's service, but I said, "I am very anxious to oblige the hon. Member for Derby, who has approached me in a most conciliatory manner. I wish you could agree to do something for this man, though I do not like him. Of course it cannot be at the wages that he has been receiving, as he has been guilty of gross insubordination." The directors said, "If he likes to accept an appointment as ordinary goods porter at £l a week— instead of at, not 26s., but 27s.— we will keep him in the service. "We informed him of this, and he said he would not accept it. I then said to him, "We have no alternative, I am sorry to-say, but to dismiss you from our service." That is how the matter stands.
This raises a very broad question to which I should like for a moment or two to call the attention of the House. Hon. Members below the Gangway, especially on the other side, will recollect the railway strike of August, 1911, which was followed by the appointment—by agreement—I was one of those who disagreed, as I have always candidly said, but when I found the majority wished it, I loyally fell in with their wishes—by the appointment of the Commission. The employers on the one side, and the men's representatives on the other side, said that they would abide by the Report of that Commission, or, at all events, abide by a scheme which should be founded upon the Report of that Commission. The moment I had given my pledge as one of the companies' representatives to adopt that course, I informed my Board, and I said, "We must both in the letter and in the spirit loyally abide by what I have said." We have always endeavoured to do so. I will point out that the hon. Member for Derby was as anxious as we were to give fair play to the Conciliation Scheme.
We appointed not one of our chief officials as chairman of our side, but we appointed a director, who has taken an immense amount of pain and trouble to make himself acquainted with every aspect of the question. He has conducted all the meetings between ourselves on the one side, and the men on the other, which had resulted in the most harmonious agreement between us. I do not think that there has been really one rift in the lute since this Conciliation Board first met, with the exception of a slight trouble, the fault of An official, at Ipswich, which was remedied as soon as it was known by the chairman of the Conciliation Board and the Board. We have endeavoured, so far as we were concerned, loyally to carry out our part of the agreement. That Commission, as hon. Members below the Gangway may recollect, was composed of two independent gentlemen, the hon. Member for Barnard Castle (Mr. A. Henderson) as representing Labour, and the late Mr. Burnett, the Labour correspondent of the Board of Trade. Nobody could say that that Commission was unduly biassed in the favour of the employers. On the contrary, if there was any bias—I do not say that there was— it was clearly on the side of the men. In the course of the Report that Commission have the following resolution in Clause 52. I will read it to the House, because it is a thing which should be borne in mind when such Motions as that of the hon. Member for Derby are brought forward.
I want the House to have the facts. The Noble Lord has read Clause 52. Will he tell the House if Fairweather is covered by that scheme? If he is not covered by the scheme, how can it affect him? Fairweather was denied that machinery that the Noble Lord has quoted. Secondly, will the Noble Lord read Clause 72, which says how discipline and management should be dealt with—again which had been denied Fairweather? The House should be informed that the Clause which the Noble Lord has quoted is denied Fairweather, and therefore it has no bearing upon the case.
The hon. Member for Derby is correct in his statement. The reason why the police are not included in the conciliation scheme is because it would not appear that they were disciplined if they were. They are excluded from it.
That is what I said.
Men subject to discipline must be outside the conciliation scheme. That is a very proper and wise decision. Hon. Members know as well as I do what a difficult position the railway companies have in regard to the management of their police. The high discipline and efficiency of that body are of just as much importance to the public as they are to the railway company. These men have most delicate duties to perform, and, on the whole, I think they perform them with great discretion, and to the satisfaction of the public. Whenever there is trouble at the station they have to be there. Whenever there is a riot outside the station, or the precincts of the station, they have to be there. They have to apprehend thieves. They have to guard the goods of the railway companies in the sidings, and in the performance of these duties they show a discretion and a delicacy which does them the highest credit. But that can only be achieved by their being under discipline. If you allow men in the position of Fairweather. who has been five or six years in the service, and is receiving the highest pay of a constable, deliberately to flout his superintendent and disobey his orders, there absolutely is an end to all discipline in the force; it would be impossible for the railway company to be responsible for it as they are. I therefore feel that we as a company, in acting as we have done, have taken the right course, not only in the interests of the country, but which to my mind is more important, in the interest of the general public.
The speech of the Noble Lord has not helped us to get over the difficulty pointed out by the hon. Member for Derby, nor has he given us any intimation that the offer which has been made by other companies to get over the difficulty of their policemen in the matter of organisation is likely to be followed. Surely the Noble Lord can give us some answer upon that point. In the various cases supporting the statement made by the hon. Member for Derby the companies have made an alternative offer. Why not have offered this man a position at a wage equal to what he has been having?
The answer to the hon. Member is that no members of the police force are now members of the union.
I am rather loath to interfere in this matter, but in view of the conciliatory speeches which have been delivered by my hon. Friend beside me (Mr. Thomas), and by the Noble Lord opposite, is it not possible to make a further appeal to the Noble Lord to deal with this matter in the same way that my hon. Friend says another railway company has done? These difficulties constantly arise. I do not know very much about the administration of railways, but in other businesses that I do know something about, they are constantly arising. A rigid application of red tape, may I say, whilst absolutely justified from the point of view of one side, is very often an uneconomical and expensive way of trying to settle the problem. And in view of the whole situation that has developed, and the necessity for trying to keep the peace on both sides, I venture to appeal to the Noble Lord to go somewhat further on the lines he has already gone to meet the difficulties with which this case presents. He made certain observations of very considerable weight, and would he allow me to suggest that on one or two points I think he laid a little too much stress. For instance, take the point he made, a very serious point, that this man once deserted from the Navy under circumstances which probably aggravated his offence, namely, whilst war, and practically civil war, was on. It was never alleged, and cannot be alleged, that the man tried to hide up that error or fault on his part. He produced the paper, but never got it back, and it was his superior officer who accepted him with the full knowledge of the facts. I think that goes more to the man's credit. I do not know—I have asked many hon. Members but I have not got an answer—what a sea-lawyer is. I do not know whether the Board of Trade can give any information upon that subject.
A litigious seaman.
The Board of Trade has come to my assistance, as the Board of Trade always does, and especially my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary, whose knowledge of things is universal. But sea-lawyer or not, this man deserted, and he joined the service of the Great Eastern Company, and I understand that, until this matter cropped up, he was a trustworthy and efficient servant against whom no complaints had been lodged. Surely the Noble Lord would not contend that once a deserter, always a deserter. We have all made mistakes some time in our lives, and I hope we have been wise enough and good enough to live them down, and I think in that respect I might very well appeal to the Noble Lord to allow this man to live down this fault. Then, with reference to wages, there has been a desire manifested in various railways on the part of its policemen to join trade unions. Some of them have joined the union of which my hon. Friend the Member for Derby is an officer. When the matter was brought before the responsible authorities in various railway companies they fully admitted that they would not go against that action, and what I submit to the House and the Noble Lord is that in these circumstances where a man is willing to be transferred from the police service to another service it is wise—and if I may use another word I might say it is becoming—that the transference should not take the form of punishment, but that the transfer should be from one service to another, and that a man should be in the same position with regard to wages as before he was transferred. I have felt the desire of the Noble Lord to meet us in this matter, and I should personally regret very much if we had to go to a Division, but I am afraid it will have to be done on the statement made by the Noble Lord. If he can see his way to meet us a little further, I think this Bill could be got through Second Reading without any further opposition upon our part. The less interference with the position of a man who takes part in an organisation to protect himself, and which is a legitimate thing for him to do, the better. In that respect the statement about this man taking the chair at a meeting attended by a few policemen and their wives, though it may have been a breach of discipline technically, entailed punishment, as far as the Noble Lord and superintendent of police have pushed it, that went a little too far. Under these circumstances, I hope that something may yet be said by the Noble Lord that will enable us to allow this Bill to be read a second time.
With your leave, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, and the leave of the House, I will reply to the hon. Member. I fully appreciate the tone in which he made his appeal, but it is one I regret I cannot concede. If this man returned to the police force after what has taken place, or to the service of our company, I could not feel responsible for the discipline and efficiency of our police.
I am sure the Noble Lord rather misunderstood the appeal we make. We do not say that Fair-weather should be reinstated to his position. We do not even say now reinstate him, but we want the Noble Lord to say that he has power on behalf of the Great Eastern Railway Company to do what all the other railway companies up to now have done, namely, that if they call on a policeman to sever his connection with his trade union, they will give him the option of not leaving the service entirely, but will provide him with a job with an equivalent wage. That is all we ask, and if the Noble Lord says now they have that leave in the service, then we are asking nothing from the Great Eastern.
I am not prepared to give any undertaking of that kind.
Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 62; Noes, 140.
Division No. 122.] AYES. [9.25 p.m. Acland, Francis Dyke Ganzoni, Francis John C. Pryce-Jones, Colonel E. Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Gelder, Sir W. A. Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Armitage, Robert Gilmour, Captain John Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields) Baldwin, Stanley Gladstone, W. G. C. Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark) Gretton, John Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs) Banbury, Sir Frederick George Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.) Robertson, John M. (Tyneside) Beale, Sir William Phipson Guinness, Hon.W. E. (Bury S. Edmunds) Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich) Gulland, John William Sanders, Robert Arthur Bridgeman, William Clive Hambro, Angus Valdemar Sanderson, Lancelot Burns, Rt. Hon. John Hamilton, C. G. C. (ches., Altrincham) Soames, Arthur Wellesley Butcher, John George Henderson, Major H. (Berks, Abingdon) Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston) Cave, George Hills, John Waller Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, North) Chaloner, Colonel R. G. W. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Talbot, Lord Edmund Collins, Sir Stephen (Lambeth) Houston, Robert Paterson Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. Howard, Hon. Geoffrey Verney, Sir Harry Cory, Sir Clifford John Jardine, Sir J. (Roxburgh) Weston, Colonel J. W. Currie, George W. John, Edward Thomas Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. Davies, David (Montgomery Co.) Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Worcs., N.) Duke, Henry Edward Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs) Duncan, J. Hastings (Yorks, Otley) Marks, Sir George Croydon TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Lord Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M. Pearce, William (Limehouse) C. Hamilton and Mr. Boyton. Fell, Arthur Pollock, Ernest Murray
NOES. Abraham, William (Dublin, Harbour) Crooks, William Glanville, Harold James Arnold, Sydney Crumley, Patrick Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford Baker, Harold T. (Accrington) Cullinan, John Goldstone, Frank Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.) Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth) Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway) Barnes, Grorge N. Dawes, James Arthur Hackett, John Benn, W. W. (T. Hamlets, St. George) De Forest. Baron Hancock, John George Bentham, George Jackson Devlin, Joseph Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds) Boland, John Plus Dillon, John Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West) Booth, Frederick Handel Donelan, Captain A. Hayden, John Patrick Bowerman, Charles W. Doris, William J. Henderson, Arthur (Durham) Boyie, Daniel (Mayo, North) Duffy, William J. Henry, Sir Charles Brace, William Edwards, Clement (Glamorgan, E.) Higham, John Sharp Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas Elverston, Sir Harold Hogge, James Myles Byles, Sir William Pollard Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.) Holniss, Daniel Turner Chancellor, Henry George Farrell, James Patrick Hudson, Walter Clancy, John Joseph Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles Hughes, Spencer Leigh Clough, William Ffrench, Peter Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil) Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock) Flavin, Michael Joseph Jones, J. Towyn (Carmarthen, East) Condon, Thomas Joseph Furness, Sir Stephen Wilson Jones, Leif (Notts, Rushcliffe) Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) Rowlands, James Jones, William S. Glyn- (Stepney) O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool). Rowntree, Arnold Joyce, Michael O'Doherty, Philip Russell, Rt. Hon. Thomas W. Kellaway, Frederick George O'Donnell, Thomas Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees) Kelly, Edward O'Dowd, John Scanian, Thomas King, Joseph O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.) Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas., Bridgeton) Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) O'Malley, William Shortt, Edward Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West) O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.) Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rid, Cockerm'th) O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Spicer, Rt. Hon. Sir Albert Levy, Sir Maurice O'Shee, James John Strauss, Edward (Southwark, West) Lundon, Thomas Outhwaite, R. L. Sutton, John E. Lynch, Arthur Alfred Palmer, Godfrey Mark Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton) Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester) Parker, James (Halifax) Wedgwood, Josiah C. McGhee, Richard Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek) White, J. Dundas (Glasgow, Tradeston) MacNeill, J. G. Swift (Donegal, South) Phillips, John (Longford, S.) White, Patrick (Meath, North) M'Callum, Sir John M. Pollard, Sir George H. Whyte, Alexander F. (Perth) Mason, David M. (Coventry) Pratt, J. W. Wiles, Thomas Meagher, Michael Pringle, William M. R. Wilkie, Alexander Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) Raffan, Peter Wilson Williams, John (Glamorgan) Meehan, Patrick (Queen's Co., Leix.) Reddy, Michael Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough) Millar, James Duncan Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) Molloy, Michael Redmond, William (Clare, E.) Winfrey, Sir Richard Mooney, John J. Redmond, William Archer (Tyrone, E.) Wing, Thomas Edward Morgan, George Hay Rendall, Athelstan Yeo, Alfred William Muldoon, John Richardson, Albion (Peckham) Young, William (Perthshire, East) Munro, Rt Hon. Robert Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) Murphy, Martin J. Roberts, George H. (Norwich) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Nolan, Joseph Robinson, Sidney Wardle and Mr. J. H. Thomas. O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Roe, Sir Thomas
Words added.
Main Question, as amended, put, and agreed to.
Second Reading put off for three months.
Supply
Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1914–15
Considered in Committee.
Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question proposed on consideration of Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £178,600, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1915, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Home Department and Subordinate Offices."
Question again proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £178,500, be granted for the said Service."—[ Lord Robert Cecil. ] Debate resumed.
London Street Traffic
Whether we are discussing public or private Bills, we do not seem able to get away from the question of the police. I wish to draw attention to one of the activities of the police in regard to the manner in which they control London traffic. I regard it as one of the most remarkable anomalies connected with municipal activities in this country, that the control of so distinctly a municipal function as the traffic, should in London be under a Government Department. I know that the Home Secretary is not responsible for that, but he has to take the situation as he finds it, and I am quite sure he will agree that the fact that traffic in London is controlled by the Home Office, does not relieve that Department from the criticism which all traffic authorities have to submit to. The criticism I make against the police as a traffic authority in London is that they alone of all the traffic authorities in this country have been unable during the last three or four years to prevent an extraordinary and appalling increase in the danger of the streets. The only traffic authority in this country which has been unable to prevent an extraordinary increase in the number of fatal accidents in the streets is Scotland Yard which, at the present time, controls traffic in London. Last year there were killed in the streets of London by vehicles 625 people and 20,000 persons were injured. If we read in the papers that there had been a colliery explosion in which anything like that number of people had been killed, or if we read of a great battle were such a large number as that had been killed, or if those fatalities bad occurred by the loss of a great vessel, the heart of the country would practically stand still. But because these fatalities and accidents are spread over the whole of the year and occurring ten, twenty, or more in a week or a month, practically no notice is taken of them by the London Press.
When I first raised this subject by questions addressed to the Home Secretary, I am afraid the right hon. Gentleman came to regard me as an intolerable nuisance, and Scotland Yard did not seem to realise that there was any state of things in London which called for explanation. I remember very well that almost the first question I addressed to my right hon. Friend on this subject was whether he was prepared to call the attention of the Traffic Trust in London to the fact that the number of fatalities caused by their vehicles was increasing seriously, and the answer of my right hon. Friend was, "Is it a fact?" I take it that is the ministerial way of indicating to a follower that it is not a fact. I suppose he will admit now that at least I was better informed on that point than he was. It certainly was a fact and, indeed, so serious did the facts become that at last it became necessary to appoint a Select Committee to inquire into the question. I have stated that the traffic authority in London is the only traffic authority in the country which has failed to preserve the safety of its streets during the past few years. I have given the figures for last year, but the increase which has taken place in London in the course of the last four years since 1910 has been an increase of hundreds. Is there any such difference in the condition of things in London as compared with the great provincial cities as to justify that distinction? Why is it that the fatalities in London go up in four years from 350 to 625, whilst in nine great provincial cities, places like Liverpool, Manchester, and Glasgow, and the next six greatest cities, between 1910 and 1912, instead of an increase of hundreds there was an increase of only eleven fatalities. Those nine cities have a combined population of 5,000,000 people. Is there such a distinction in the condition of traffic in London as to justify an increase of hundreds in London, whilst in these nine provincial cities with a population of 5,000,000 the total increase of fatalities was only eleven, which is not greater than the natural increase in the population?
The London traffic is controlled by a bureaucracy, and the bureaucracy in Scotland Yard, like all bureaucracies, is exceedingly content with itself. It is in the habit of issuing tables making com- parisons, which, to the surprise of everybody who knows the facts, make out that London after all is not in such a bad position. That result is obtained in an interesting way. The Metropolitan Police district, which is controlled by this bureaucracy, consists of 691 square miles, and I think the Home Secretary will be surprised to know that in the Metropolitan Police district the density of population, which may be taken as one cause of fatalities in the street, is not nearly so great as the density of population in Glasgow, Liverpool, Manchester, or those other cities. You have in the Metropolitan Police district 10,000 persons per square mile, while you have, in Glasgow 39,000 persons per square mile, or nearly four times the density of population that there is in the Metropolitan Police district.
The hon. Member should remind the House that the Metropolitan Police district covers a radius of 15 miles. It is not all London.
That is exactly the point I wanted to establish, and I think my right hon. Friend now will see the fallacy to which Scotland Yard has committed itself by making a comparison between these great country districts, which are included in the Metropolitan Police district, and the dense population contained in Glasgow and in Liverpool. That is exactly my point.
The point is that the accidents occur, not in the outlying districts, but in the densely populated centres of London. My hon. Friend must be fair, and compare the densely populated centres of London with the densely populated areas of other cities. It is not fair to take the whole Metropolitan Police area, which includes rural districts.
My right hon. Friend has pointed out that which I have pointed out on more than one occasion to the authorities of Scotland Yard. That is one point I wanted to establish. I will take the other comparison, which I agree is a much fairer comparison, the comparison between the County of London and these other great provincial districts. In the County of London the death rate in the streets is very nearly 10 per 100,000. At Glasgow it is 3.44, and at Liverpool 2.27. That is the comparison to which my right hon. Friend refers. I do not know whether he thinks that is likely to strengthen public confidence in the efficiency of the control of the traffic by Scotland Yard. I now want to draw the attention of the Committee to the explanation which is offered for this state of things by Scotland Yard. How does Scotland Yard explain this extraordinary difference in the danger of London streets as compared with the danger of the streets in the great provincial cities? Sir Edward Henry, the Chief Commissioner, gave his explanation to the Select Committee, and it is this: examined, and this is what I found:—Out of 215 miles, mostly bus routes, on an average, over the period taken, only fifty miles were bus routes. I think Scotland Yard cannot contend that fifty out of 215 miles can be said to be "mostly" or anything like it. It is grossly unfair to take 215 miles when only fifty miles had bus routes, and to compare them with 149 miles, all of which were busy tram routes. They were, further, all said to be busy traffic streets. Were they? Included in this 215 miles there were dead ends, quiet suburban thoroughfares, and they actually took the road across the Royal Blackheath Golf Course. How can you possibly compare with tramway thoroughfares if you take quiet suburban streets, leafy lanes, dead ends, professional roads, and roads across golf courses. It cannot but be said that comparisons such as these which were put before the Committee and which were prepared by officials under the control of my right hon. Friend indicate a bias against one form of locomotion in London which a traffic authority ought not to show. The criticisms I have now made have been submitted to Scotland Yard. They had the analysis on which I based these figures. They had them in their possession for months, and they have never yet disputed the criticism which I then offered, and which I have again made to-night. It would be equally fair if I ventured to make a comparison between the dangers of 'bus routes and of non-'bus routes. If I did that, I could show that the incidence of fatalities on 'bus routes in London was nineteen times as great as the incidence of fatalities on non-'bus routes.
It was most unfortunate that the Commissioner should, from the very beginning, when giving his evidence, have made this a question as between trams and 'buses. It is not any business of his to take that attitude. A traffic authority should try to fairly maintain the balance as between one form of traffic and another. Considering the great service the trams are doing in London for the majority of people by providing cheap means of transit and enforcing other forms of competing traffic to bring down their charges, it is, indeed, hard to have to submit to hostility—unveiled hostility—on the port of an authority whose duty it should be to hold the balance even between the two. A complaint was made by the chairman of the Highways Committee of the London County Council, who is not a Radical or Progressive—I refer to Sir Edward White—of the way in which the trams are hampered by police action. It is continually the case. Week after week and year after year in London the trams are being continually hampered by the action of the police. I believe my right hon. Friend has had deputations from the London County Council on this and similar points, and I hope he will be able to give the House an assurance that it is his intention to see that the Department which he controls shall, in the future, drop this attitude of hostility towards one form of traffic and of favouritism towards another, and shall hold the balance even as between the two.
I should like to give the Committee one or two instances of the administrative difficulty that has been put in the way of the tramways in London. Will it be believed that until within the past twelve months there was but one official at Scotland Yard who was held to be competent to allow a tram to be moved in case of accident! What happened? A tram broke down. In one case a couple of motor 'buses broke down in front of the tram, and that tram could not be taken back to the depot until one omniscient and essential official had been fetched from Scotland Yard, or wherever he happened to be. In some instances the whole traffic of the road was held up for two or three hours until this absolutely essential official could be found. I believe there has been an improvement in that respect of late, and I hope it is due to a different system having been introduced. I hope my right hon. Friend will give us an assurance that greater liberty of action will be given to the local police to deal with cases of this kind. I think he is familiar with the point. I want an assurance that in future the local police shall have power to allow a tram to be moved as soon as it has found out all the information to which he is properly entitled. I will just refer to the hostility of the police towards the proposal of the county council to run trailer trams. They admitted they knew nothing about them. They had never seen them in working. I am glad to think that the House overruled that administrative attitude of Scotland Yard, and the trailer cars are now being run in spite of the opposition of the police.
A good deal has been done in regard to the manipulation of stopping places of these two forms of traffic. I understand at the present time Scotland Yard is endeavouring to come to some arrangement as between the trams and the motor bus companies in regard to stopping places. But why have they waited so long? It has been within the power of Scotland Yard at any time to fix the stopping places of the buses at any point within a six miles radius of Charing Cross. They had that legal power. I put a question to Sir Wm. Byrne of the Home Office, and he admitted that if the police were not fixing stopping places for motor buses it must be because they did not think it was necessary to do so. I am glad that at last the police in that respect are beginning to take some action, but I hope it is going to be impartial. There is one instance with which I am very familiar where they are altering the stopping places at New Cross Gate. So far as I can see what is being done there is to hand over to the motor bus trust in London all the stopping places which have been continually used by the London County Council trams ever since electric trams have been running. The trams are not now being allowed to stop there, and the motor bus companies are taking their place. I would submit that the first form of traffic making and using a stopping point should, in all fairness, be entitled to continue to use it. London Members know the notorious Dalston Road case, and I hope, in that instance, my right hon. Friend has brought the Commissioner of Police to a more reasonable frame of mind.
I do not think it will be disputed that the police have had that power at any time to make the special limits of the Metropolitan Streets Act, 1867, co-terminus with the general limits, and, if so, it gives them power to fix stopping places for any hackney carriages plying within those limits. I want to make a suggestion in that connection. It is that my right hon. Friend should take the steps that are necessary to get the Act of 1867—the general limits of that Act—extended to the whole of the Metropolitan Police area. I am not sure whether it requires legislation. If it does, I hope my right hon. Friend will see that the alteration which has taken place in the character of the traffic throughout the whole Metropolitan Police area, does require that the traffic authorities shall have the powers they now possess within that narrow area. I hope I have made that point clear to my right hon. Friend and that he will be able to give an answer upon it. I will next refer to what I regard as the unfair attitude which Scotland Yard of late has been taking up with regard to this one form of traffic. There is a great contrast between that attitude and the attitude which the Yard has taken up with regard to the operations of the London General Omnibus Company. An interview was given some time ago by the general manager of the London General Omnibus Company, Mr. Stanley, and this is what he conveyed to the interviewer:— want to make an observation or two. The mechanical gearing which Scotland Yard says must be present on motor buses is condemned by Mr. Worley Beaumont; the lifeguards are condemned by Mr. Worley Beaumont; the proposal to have an audible warning is condemned by Mr. Worley Beaumont. I want to ask who is Mr. Worley Beaumont, the technical adviser to the Chief Commissioner? I asked Mr. Worley Beaumont this question, whether when he was appointed to his official position, he was connected with the motor bus companies in any way. His reply was that he was in the habit of giving expert advice to the builders of motor vehicles. I asked whether that included the motor bus companies, and he said that it included any of the persons who made motor vehicles. I asked:—
By the Home Office.
I want to know whether they have carried out the recommendation that the expert adviser to the traffic branch should be an independent official? It is obvious that a man who has to discharge this sort of duty should be an independent expert.
The recommendation was that the design of mechanical stage carriages should be subject to the new traffic branch with an independent expert. The new traffic branch cannot be established without legislation.
10.0 P.M.
That defence is not so strong as my right hon. Friend is capable of making. It is quite clear that if the opinion of the Select Committee was that the adviser to the traffic branch should be an independent official—
That is not the point. My hon. Friend said the Committee had recommended that Scotland Yard should be represented by an independent expert. That is not what they recommended.
My right hon. Friend himself admits the technical adviser to the traffic branch which was to be set up should be an independent official. If that is desirable for a traffic authority which is to be set up in the future, is it not equally advisable that the technical adviser to Scotland Yard should be an independent official? The present arrangement is indefensible, and I can see nothing reasonable to be said in its defence. Before I sit down I want to make one or two suggestions. I have suggested that the limits of the Metropolitan Street Act, 1867, should be extended to the whole of the London police district. I hope that my right hon. Friend will continue what I believe is now being done to increase the police on traffic points outside the inner circle in London. The way in which the conditions of traffic are altering in the outer circle of London calls for the provision of more police on the traffic points. I hope that Scotland Yard will deal much more drastically than now with the presence of obstructions in many of the streets, and especially in those streets which have been widened at great expense to the ratepayers. An instance was brought before the Select Committee in which in the East End of London £70,000 had been expended on widening a road, and the chairman of the Highways Committee of the London County Council said that the money spent on the widening had been wasted because a coffee house had been set up there, and it was the habit of farmers to draw up there, and the police refused to exercise the powers they undoubtedly had of dealing with the obstruction.
I hope that the bye-law with regard to slow-moving traffic which, after some thirteen years of consideration by the Home Office has, at last, I understand, received approval—[An HON. MEMBER: "Not thirteen years!"]—it was certainly before the Home Office, in 1905, after the recommendation of the Royal Commission, and it had had their attention before then—I am very glad that after all that consideration, certainly between 1905 and 1914, it has at last received the assent of the Home Secretary, and I hope it is going to be enforced rather more drastically than it appears to be enforced to-day. I venture to make these criticisms because it is the only wax in which it is possible to consider the question of London traffic. Before sitting down I should like to be permitted to offer my hearty congratulations on a piece of public service which I think has not yet been sufficiently recognised, namely, the way in which the Chairman of the Select Committee, the hon. Member for Bury (Sir George Toulmin) managed to accommodate the differences which existed on that Committee, on the patience and skill with which he accommodated those differences and enabled the Committee to bring forward a unanimous Report. The faults of the system, I believe, are inherent in that system. We are seeing in the London Press, day by day, proposals for the solving of this traffic problem—fantastic, foreign, and strange proposals. In my opinion there is only one way by which it will be solved. It is the way in which it has been solved in the great provincial centres, of giving to the people who find the money for the maintenance of the roads, control of the roads.
My hon. Friend speaks with so much ability, and with such evident conviction of the truth of his case that those who are not familiar with all the circumstances are naturally led to believe that his criticisms are well founded. My hon. Friend has taken a very great and most laudable interest in the safety of the London streets, but like many persons who desire to undertake a public reform, he has allowed himself to be a little blinded as to the full facts of the case. He spoke of a by-law, which he said the Home Office has been considering for thirteen years, with regard to slow-moving traffic. The by-law is a county council bylaw, and when the county council brought it before the Home Office, the Home Office approved it. What is my hon. Friend's case, when he says the Home Office have been considering it for thirteen years? Does he mean to say that the Home Office are responsible for making the by-laws?
The complaint is that the Home Office were asked to sanction the by-law and refused to sanction it.
My hon. Friend is making a case against me.
made an observation which was not heard in the Reporters' Gallery.
I have had a great deal of rudeness from the hon. Member. He will have an opportunity of making a speech, and I trust he will remain silent now. This is a Debate upon the conduct of the Home Secretary during the preceding year. The London County Council during this year have brought forward this by-law, and I have approved it.
You should talk to the suffragettes like that.
May I call your attention, Sir, to the unmannerly interruptions of the hon. Member.
The hon. Member for Eastbourne is too apt to indulge in these interruptions. I hope he will not continue.
My responsibility is confined to approving this by-law, and I have approved it, but the hon. Member makes it a ground for complaint. He opened by describing the police as the London traffic authority. My hon. Friend knows as well as I do that one of the points that we had to investigate on the Committee was the desirability of establishing some traffic authority, and he knows that the police are not the traffic authority for London. The difficulty under which we labour is that we have not got a traffic authority in London. The police have no such control as my hon. Friend suggests they have, and ought to exercise. The Committee recommend that the traffic duties, which are now divided between the Home Office, the Local Government Board, and the Board of Trade, including the framing of by-laws, should all be concentrated in the new authority. It is idle for him to suggest—no one knows the real facts of the case better than he does—that the police are now responsible. They are not. They have certain duties with regard to the regulation of traffic, but only from the point of view of safety. He speaks of the great increase in fatalities during the last four years, and he deplores, as we all do, the terrible increase from 350 to 625. How far are the police responsible for that? My hon. Friend by bringing in an interview, for which after all I have not the smallest responsibility, with Mr. Stanley, who I think is an official of the General Omnibus Company, endeavours to show that the police have got some responsibility for the number of motor omnibuses in the streets of London. They have none. They have no more control than my hon. Friend has over the number of omnibuses. It is quite true that this increase in fatalities has accompanied the increase in the number of omnibuses, and it is more than a probable conclusion that the increase in the number of omnibuses is partly responsible for the increase in the number of fatalities. But that is not the fault of the police.
made an observation which was not heard in the Reporters' Gallery.
Absolutely. They have no control whatever. They are not the traffic Board, and that is where the case put forward by my hon. Friend fails.
I am quite aware of the conditions under which Scotland Yard carry out their duties. They lay down certain Regulations. I have called my right hon. Friend's attention to two. They made no attempt whatever to apply either of those Regulations, though they admit they have the power to do so.
I was called to order because I made one interjection. The hon. Member has made two interruptions.
Those were points of argument in the course of the Debate which hon. Members are quite entitled to make to elucidate the matter under discussion. What I reprimanded the hon. Member for was for making interjections which had nothing to do with the discussion at all.
I must ask you if you heard my interjection. I submit that it was to do with the discussion.
If I misunderstood the hon. Member I am afraid I misjudged him from what I have heard on other occasions. I took his interruption as having nothing to do with the subject under discussion. If I was wrong I am sorry, and I hope that will always be the case in future.
I allege, and my hon. Friend does not dispute, that the police have no power to limit the number of omnibuses or to direct the routes which they shall take.
Is my right hon. Friend speaking of the City of London?
The Home Office have no control over the City of London Police. I am dealing with the police control outside the City. The police in London have no power to limit the number of omnibuses or to direct the routes which they shall take. Consequently the accidents, which have greatly increased in congested routes—owing to a considerable extent to the great increase of the motor omnibuses, have been due to causes over which the police have no more control than my hon. Friend has. So much for that point. The next point is that he says the police might have insisted upon guards. Surely no one would suggest that there could be any desire on the part of the police not to have safeguards adopted, if practical safeguards can be found! Not even my hon. Friend will suggest that of malice the police are really going to exclude the use of proper guards for omnibuses if proper guards could be found. For a very considerable time experiments have been made, and guard after guard has been tried. Experiments have been carried out on a large scale, and we have, we believe, secured a side-guard. The omnibuses have now such guards, or are in course of having them put on. So much for that point. The hon. Member raised another point.
My point is that you should get independent expert advice.
My hon. Friend has made a point about that when he was challenging me by stating I had not carried out all that I could do. The recommendation of the Committee is that the new Traffic Board, who are to have far greater powers than the police have now got, should have independent expert advice. I am bound to say that I never read that recommendation as having the slightest application to the Home Office.
Certainly that was my point.
I never so read the recommendation. I read the recommendation as meaning that the new Traffic Board should have independent expert advice. I believe the Chief Commissioner has got the advice of an expert as to the character and fitness of vehicles. Where are we to get in the trade, or out of it, a better opinion than the opinion of a man who is regarded as a leading expert in the trade? He has only to advise us as to whether vehicles are mechanically fit—that is to say, whether the engine is right, whether the sitting accommodation is right, and whether the balance of the omnibus is right—all matters of pure business, expert advice. I doubt whether we could get a better man to give us an opinion on these points. I quite agree that if you had your Traffic Board, which would have to decide questions as to the regulation of traffic, and which would have powers which my hon. Friend unwittingly conveyed to the House—powers not now enjoyed by the police—such a Board ought to have fully qualified expert opinion. My hon. Friend wants one totally unconnected with the trade, but in the existing powers of the police I really do not think that his point has the smallest substance. I agree so far with the opinions put forward by my right hon. Friend, and I assure him that if I had any evidence before me that there was any prejudice shown in Scotland Yard in favour of omnibuses as against tramways, I would be as strongly against such a prejudice as he is, but I have not found it. I will inquire further into the case put forward by my hon. Friend, and if I find that there is any ground for the charge, I will take some action in the matter. I am bound to say that that is not how the case was presented to me, nor how I read the evidence of the Chief Commissioner. Nor do I think it is how he stated the case to me. All he meant to convey was with respect to the question of accidents.
Where do these accidents occur? We have had tables drawn out of all the routes in the county of London, and it has been found that accidents were invariably most frequent where the traffic is greatest, and that they were more frequent on the tramway routes than anywhere else—not caused by the tramways, but by other forms of vehicles. Where there is congestion on tramway and non-tramway routes, there would be more accidents—not due to the fault of the tramways—on the tramway routes than elsewhere. I was very much struck with this evidence. It was only giving evidence on the question of fact, because the Chief Commissioner went on to explain to me as he explained to the Committee that that was not the fault of the trams. The reason was that when two trams are passing each other in the centre of the road, as hon. Members are aware, a person crossing the road has a very large portion of the opposite side obscured from his vision by the long extent of the two trams. Consequently as a person passes from behind the trams he is very liable to get run over by some other form of vehicle. That is chiefly how the accidents occur. It may be said that where trams run omnibuses should not be allowed to run. That is a conceivable proposition, but the Chief Commissioner is bound to give his evidence of the facts as to where the accidents do mostly occur. He holds the opinion, not as an opinion but as a result of an examination of arithmetical facts, that the accidents do most frequently occur on congested tram routes.
So far as the remedies are concerned, I may point out to my hon. Friend that we have established some thirty new permanent traffic points. All the matters in question are the subject of consideration by the representatives of the various bodies concerned, including the police, the county council, the local authorities. They have all been considering what should be done in order to carry out the recommendations of the Committee, and we have, in fact, done anything that can be done to carry out to the full the very valuable recommendations which the Committee made. It was found that to gear an omnibus to a limit of twelve miles an hour was more likely to produce accidents than to prevent them. In crowded traffic you have from time to time to speed up as well as to slow down in order to avoid collision, and to use the contrivance that was suggested it was believed—it is all a matter of opinion—would not tend to safety. The true remedy would be prosecutions for exceeding the speed limit. Upon that I am advised that a number of prosecutions have taken place for driving at an excessive speed for obstruction and similar offences. The other suggestion that was made was one for which it always appeared to me there was a great deal to be said. It was that every vehicle, not merely omnibuses, but private motor cars and taxi-cabs and trams, should all have an automatic whistle warning the public when they are exceeding the speed limit. It is a matter to be considered certainly, but you could not impose such a restriction on one kind of vehicle only. I am afraid that the speed limit is sometimes exceeded by all kinds of vehicles.
made an observation which was inaudible in the Reporters' Gallery.
I will inquire into that matter. I am not sure that it is a subject of regulation; it is certainly nothing that I have done in the course of last year. There was another point made as to the delay in holding up trams for accidents. There was a recent case into which I made inquiry, and undoubtedly in this case there was far too long delay before the obstructing vehicle was removed. I admit it was a defect in management in that particular case. The Chief Commissioner has under his control something like 20,000 police, and if here and there a defective piece of management should occur in regard to traffic, my hon. Friend must not base on that the charge of a general desire to obstruct the development of the traffic of London. Nothing is further from their thoughts, and if I believed there was any such idea anywhere in Scotland Yard, I should do my utmost to eradicate it without delay.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the point of extending the Metropolitan Police Act to the whole area of London, and ascertain what steps are necessary to effect that extension?
I had already sent for the Act, but it has not reached me. I had no notice of this point, and, consequently, I have not informed myself on the matter, which is of a highly technical kind. If the hon. Member will put a question down, I will endeavour to answer it. My hon. Friend the Member for Islington raised the question of police pay, and he was supported by the hon. Member for South St. Pancras. They both of them put forward the case on various grounds—partly on the ground of the extra duties of the police in consequence of the action of the suffragists, and partly on the general ground of the increased cost of living. For my own part, I would have preferred to leave out the question of a rise of pay consequent upon the extra duties thrown upon the police. They are. I am happy to say, perfectly willing to undertake all duties which fall to their lot in the exercise of their functions. I am bound to say that a more loyal, devoted, and willing body of men it would be impossible to find. There are other and much larger considerations which my hon. Friend put forward.
Not long ago I announced an increase of pay, which would affect only those who had already had fifteen years' service. That increase was prompted, was compelled, not prompted by the proposed increases that were to be given to particular classes of other public servants, whose claims could be no greater than the claims of the police. But, on a review of the whole question of police pay, I have been led to the unavoidable conclusion that, having regard both to the general increased cost of living in London, and that other police forces in different parts of the country are getting a considerable increase of pay, the whole condition of the Metropolitan Police Force requires to be reconsidered. I must say that those Members who represent London constituencies, and the ratepayers of London, will be quite ready to bear their share of the cost in establishing a fair scale of pay for every man in the police. I asked the Chief Commissioner before the holidays to invite a conference of representatives of the police forces all over the country, in order that we might have a general consideration of the scale of pay amongst the different forces, and that we might establish, so far as we could, an extended view over a wide area of the rates which ought to be paid. I hope very shortly to be able to announce the result of our deliberations, and I sincerely trust both my hon. Friend who raised this question and the hon. Member opposite will be satisfied that the just and reasonable claims of the police have been put forward. They rightly insisted on the fact that the police are not allowed to form a trade union. That disability, in my judgment, throws upon me the duty of seeing that they are not prejudiced, and I have publicly undertaken that I would carry out that duty to the full, and I am sure I shall be supported in every quarter of the House in seeing that the police, who are quite willing to accept the position as a disciplined force, that they cannot be allowed to form a trade union, shall have as great benefits in pay and hours of labour and in other conditions as would be given to any other class of public servant who has a trade union behind him.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when that conference will report?
It will not report. There is no report from them. I invited this conference in order to have a general consideration, before the authorities of the rates of pay which were then in existence or in prospect, so that we might have an extended view of the conditions under which the police are employed amongst the leading police forces of the country. With this information I think we are now in a position shortly to make a statement to the House.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say if the conference considered the question of lodging allowance or that it will be taken into consideration. I pointed out the differences in some of the conditions of lodging as between the north and the south side of London.
The conference will not have anything to do in the way of advising the Home Office. The conference has met and finished its deliberations, which were in order to bring before the various police authorities an extended view of the rates of pay all over the whole country.
To collect information?
Yes. That information has been collected, and I hope shortly to be in a position to make a statement as to the changes we propose. The hon. and learned Member for York (Mr. Butcher), who has taken, as I gratefully acknowledge, the keenest and most effective interest in the condition of pit ponies, raised to-night the subject of their treatment during last year. The hon. and learned Gentleman based his case statistically on the only statistics he had before him, those for the year 1912, but he knows that the operations of the inspectors of pit ponies only began in February of last year (1913). Therefore until he has the report for 1913 before him, he will not be able to form a judgment of what the effect of the appointment of these inspectors has been. I had the advantage of an interview with the gentleman whom he named, a great singer, who has taken an interest in pit ponies, and that gentleman assured me that he would depart for America quite happy in his mind if I could tell him that when I had the experience of the advice of the six inspectors, I would, if their advice pointed in that direction, appoint an additional number should it be considered necessary. That pledge I gave, and I gladly give it to the Committee; but I must have the opinion of the inspectors before me; I must weigh their opinion and be in a position to form a judgment. So far as I am at present advised, I believe that the inspectors have been able to do very valuable work, and that a great improvement has been effected in the condition of the ponies. The hon. Member fell, perhaps naturally, into one statistical error. He spoke of the number of mines in the country being over 3,200. He must not overlook the fact that the number of mines in which ponies or horses are employed is considerably less than that. There are only something over 2,000 mines with horses or ponies in them. Consequently the labours thrown upon the six inspectors are not as great as one would be led to suppose from the original figure of 3,200 mines. The hon. Gentleman called attention to the number of accidents, fatal and otherwise, to ponies. As he was reminded across the floor of the House, the accidents to human beings are at least as numerous.
The number of fatal accidents is nothing like the same. In the one case it is one in 740, and in the other one in 325.
The difference is largely owing to the fact that horses which meet with serious accidents are killed. Therefore we cannot compare one set of fatal accidents with the other. The figures in regard to horses include those cases where horses were subsequently killed in consequence of accident. You can hardly compare those cases with fatal accidents to human beings. If the hon. Member wishes to eliminate accidents absolutely from mines, there is only one way to do it: he must stop mining. Every precaution that can be taken is progressively now being taken in order to protect human life, but we still see this alarming total of accidents. We are endeavouring to take the utmost precautions to prevent accidents to ponies, but so long as mining is carried on accidents must occur. It is not due to any defect of inspection, nor to any large extent, I believe, to want of care on the part of employers or men that such accidents do occur. They are, in the true sense of the word, accidents.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say how1 many visits each inspector has to make per year?
The number of separate inspections made by the six horse inspectors in 1913 was 1,576.
That would not be the whole of the mines.
An inspection might include more than one mine. In the case of small mines, more than one might be inspected in a day. As I have said, the total number of mines is 2,005.
What is the number of horses?
About 71,000, according to the latest figures. Practically the inspectors have been able to cover the ground. Certainly the ground has been fully covered by the six inspectors, and by the ordinary inspection of the ordinary inspectors. But I will wait for their full report before I commit myself to any opinion as to whether it is necessary to appoint further inspectors.
Do these inspectors go more than once to the same mine?
Oh, yes. It depends on what they find. They follow the ordinary course of inspection. Where everything is found to be in order they do not go again, but where there is any defect then a another visit is made—a surprise visit.
Can the hon. Gentleman give me the figures of the fatal and non-fatal accidents for 1913?
No, I cannot at present, but I hope in a few days to be able to give the figures.
Will a Report be issued?
The Report will be out I trust in a very few days now—the first week in July. The hon. Member for Preston made a very interesting and sympathetic speech on the subject of shuttle-kissing. I quite agree with his criticism. Three years ago a very sympathetic answer was given. It would seem that there is undue delay in fulfilling the hopes which were naturally raised by the reply to a question three years ago. But the difficulty is a very serious one. Conferences have been invited, and there has been much discussion between employers and men, but they have never been able to agree upon a suitable device. I saw a suitable device, as I think, at work in Horrockses. They and other employers are perfectly willing, I think, to introduce it, but I am not sure it finds favour in all quarters. There is very great difficulty, as is known, in breaking down an old habit. Shuttle-kissing is so simple a process, and it seems to be a much easier way of doing the work. It is the method to which the operatives are accustomed, and there seems to be very great difficulty in replacing the system.
One of the hon. Members for Lanark raised the question of the supply of rescue apparatus. I can most confidently assure him that every step will be taken to see that the regulations are carried out. The regulations have only just come into force, and it is too early yet to give him an account, as I should like to be able to do, of the establishment of central rescue stations. I can, on behalf of the Home Office, undertake that we will see that the regulations are properly enforced. I have no reason to suppose that the employers will not of themselves quite readily undertake the duties which are thrown upon them. I have no reason to suppose that there will be any unnecessary delay. We do not ask anyone to give an undertaking that he will do his duty. We expect him to do it. We have no reason, not the slightest, to suppose that the employers will fail in their duty, but if they do we will see that the regulations are carried out.
I desire to ask the right hon. Gentleman to give me a reply to a question which I already addressed to him, both orally and in writing, as to the Series of calamities by drowning in Regent's Canal during the last four years. There have been twenty deaths of children in the last four years near Probyn Road, Regent's Canal. Only quite recently the "Times" called attention to this lamentable state of affairs, their attention having been drawn to the fact by a philanthropic lady. She wrote to the "Times" on the 20th May, calling attention to this matter, and owing to their action the Canal Company apparently took some steps to protect the towing-path by a gate. On the 24th of May she again wrote to the "Times," thanking them for having called attention to these calamities. Some protection it was hoped had been given by the gate which had been erected, but within two or three days afterwards there were more inquests. The gate is there, but the towing-path is not properly controlled. We have been begging for police protection at that particular spot. We are very appreciative of the power of the police in controlling traffic, and we want a policeman to be put on point duty at that particular place. We believe that nothing but the official in blue uniform will prevent the unfortunate children from frequenting the towing-path there. I know it has been advanced that the towing-path is private property; that no doubt is true. At nearly every inquest the Canal Company expresses regret, and the Commissioner of Police expresses his regret at his inability to interfere. School- masters and borough councillors express their regret that there is no cure for the disease. The only cure we can think of as likely to be at all effective is that of having a policeman on point duty It is surely within the power of the right hon. Gentleman to give us an officer in blue uniform to exercise some control over these children, who unfortunately will get on the towing-path. They get over the gate or through it. The towing path is in a disgraceful condition and there ought to be some alteration, and surely it is not beyond the power of the right hon. Gentleman to exercise his influence with the Canal Company not only to properly protect their property by putting up sufficient hoarding and fences but also to call upon them to employ, if necessary, a Metropolitan constable; and if they will not bear the expense, surely it is not asking too much of the right hon. Gentleman, who is spending so much money upon policemen on point duty in the Metropolis, to detail one to prevent loss of life in this unfortunate district! It is a long-standing grievance and a crying shame that some protection should not be given to those children and to the inhabitants of the neighbourhood. If the right hon. Gentleman could only realise the sad loss inflicted upon numerous families in this neighbourhood by such a record as twenty deaths in the last four years, he surely would give us some hope of alleviating this very sad state of affairs.
I wish to make a few observations with reference to the administration of the Mines Regulations Act. [An HON. MEMBER: "Speak up!"] In the speech of the hon. and learned Member for York (Mr. Butcher), which dealt with the sufferings of pit ponies, he was rather inclined to suggest that accidents to these ponies were unconnected with the causes which appertain to fatalities and acidents to the men employed underground. As a matter of fact, most of the ponies which contribute to the large number of fatalities are lost through identically the same causes which go to swell the large death and accident roll of the miners themselves. Explosions, bad atmosphere, bad ventilation and falls of roof are very frequent causes of accidents to ponies, and also a prolific source of accident to the human element employed below ground. The hon. and learned Member drew rather a gloomy future about the ill-treatment of these pit ponies, but I would like to give him an instance in the opposite direction. In the recent Senghenydd disaster in which there were a number of horses, when it was a matter of danger to life and limb through falling roof, there was an infinitude of people prepared to go down to take water to the horses that were suffering so much in that mine. I think that that kind of thing is more typical of the colliery population than the spirit indicated by some of the extracts which the hon. and learned Member for York read. To turn to the main considerations which I desire to address to the Committee, I wish to point out that in 1911 Parliament passed a very drastic and far-reaching Act of Parliament dealing with safety in mines. The success of that Act will largely depend upon the spirit and the manner in which it is administered. At present the inspection under that Act is totally insufficient and inadequate. It is not that there is any slackness on the part of the individual inspector—far from it. For the most part they and their assistants are very largely over-worked, and the amount of work which has been put upon them is much more than the present staff can effectively discharge. There are certain other elements that enter into the question of safety, like ventilation, gas, road planning in the mines, air tests, and so on—matters which are very often not within the knowledge of the individual collier or the individual miner in any particular instance, and therefore the individual miner cannot be depended upon to give the necessary information upon which to found action by the Mines Department of the Home Office. It is impossible with the present staff for an inspector of mines to get to a colliery more than once a year, and, when it is borne in mind that a colliery may possess 800 or 1,000, or more working places, and a very large number of miles of roads, the absurdity of an inspection which consists in an inspector being able to get there once a year will, I am quite sure, be apparent. There are special duties under the new Act imposed upon the inspectorate. They have to take air tests so often, and it is physically impossible for them to do it even supposing they had no other duties to perform. When one remember that a great part of their time is absorbed in attending inquiries or inquests when fatalities have occurred, it will be seen that the number of actual effective working days upon which it is possible for them to visit the colleries is reduced to a very fractional number indeed; and I do suggest, if this great code of regulations for securing safety is to be effectively carried out, that there must be a very large increase in the inspectorate. There are certain other considerations which also are closely linked up. There is nothing more painful than the present deficiency of knowledge on the part of even the great experts as to the constituent elements of pit gases, and as to the relationship between pit gases and electricity. The conditions under which sparks from an installation of electricity will fire gas in a mine are not certainly known, and I do very strongly urge upon the Home Secretary that there should be special steps taken—
May I call the hon. Member's attention to the fact that it is close upon Eleven o'clock?
In those circumstances I will not proceed.
There are a great number on this side of the House who want to continue the discussion on the lines—
May I suggest to the hon. Baronet that we should get the Amendment out of the way first. If he will allow us to have a Division on the Amendment the discussion can be resumed on the general topic. [HON. MEMBERS: "When?"] There is only one minute left for discussion of any kind, but it would perhaps be better to get the Amendment out of the way.
I have no objection to that if the right hon. Gentleman will give us an opportunity to discuss the other questions.
The hon. Baronet knows that I have no power to agree to any such understanding. The only question now is whether we should have a Division on the Amendment or not. If hon. Members do not want to divide on their own Amendment, I have nothing to say.
Perhaps we had better divide on our own Amendment on another occasion.
It being Eleven of the clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House.
Committee report Progress; to sit again upon Monday next, 15th June.
Hereditary Titles (Termination) Bill
Read a second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
National Insurance Act, 1911 (Part II. Amendment) [Money]
Committee to consider of authorising the payment out of moneys provided by Parliament of further contributions towards the cost of providing benefits in pursuance of any Act of the present Session to amend Part II. of the National Insurance Act, 1911. (King's Recommendation signified). To-morrow.—[ Mr. Gulland. ]
Adjourned at Four Minutes after Eleven o'clock.