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Commons Chamber

Volume 96: debated on Friday 20 July 1917

House of Commons

Friday, July 20, 1917

New Writs

For the County of Cambridge (Western or Chesterton Division), in the room of the Right Hon. Edwin Samuel Montagu, one of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State.—[ Captain Guest. ]

For the Borough of Dundee, in the room of the Right Hon. Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill, Minister of Munitions.—[ Captain Guest. ]

For the Borough of Cambridge, in the room of Almeric Hugh Paget, Esquire (Manor of Northstead).—[ Mr. James Hope. ]

Navy and Army Services, Warlike Operations, and Other Expenditure Arising Out of the War, 1917–18 (Supplementary Vote of Credit)

Supplementary Estimate presented of the Sum required to be voted during the year ending 31st March, 1918, for general Naval and Army Services, Warlike Operations, and other Expenditure arising out of the War [by Command]; referred to the Committee of Supply, and to be printed. [No. 113.]

Ministry of Food

Copy presented of the Raspberries (Jam Manufacturers' Prices) Order, 1917, and the 1917 Crop (Restriction) Order, 1917, made by the Food Controller under the Defence of the Realm Regulations [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

University of Aberdeen

Copy presented of Abstract of Accounts of the University of Aberdeen for the year ending 30th September, 1916, [by Act]; to lie upon, the Table.

Corn Production Bill

Copy ordered, "of Clauses 3 and 4 of the Corn Production Bill, as amended in Committee."—[ Mr. Prothero. ]

Copy presented accordingly; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 114.]

Oral Answers to Questions

War

Merchant Service (Steaming Without Lights)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the decision of Mr. Justice Rowlatt on the 13th instant in the case of the British and Foreign Steamship Company v. the King, in which judgment was given for the plaintiff company, owners of the steamship "St. Oswald," sunk in collision with the "Suffran," due to steaming without lights; and whether his Department will now recognise loss of life or effects in these collisions as due to warlike operations, and compensate officers and men of the merchant service or their dependants accordingly?

I have seen a report of the case referred to. The Board of Trade have for some time recognised and acted on the principle that loss of life or effects caused by a collision due to steaming without lights should, for the purposes of the officers' and seamen's compensation scheme or insurance of effects, be regarded as being caused by a war risk.

Does the reply cover the very serious question of loss of life in these collisions, and compensation to the widows and dependants of the officers and seamen?

Yes; we have already made provision for that. If the hon. Gentleman will put down a question, I will give him a full explanation.

With respect to the conditions, will they be retrospective in regard to collisions which have occurred?

Railway Fares

asked whether the extra charges of 50 per cent. on railway fares recently imposed do not become the property of the railway companies but pass into the coffers of the Government; and, if the latter, in what account or accounts of the Government these sums appear?

All sums received for passenger fares are credited to the gross receipts of the railways, and, should there be any increase owing to the higher fares, this would cause a corresponding reduction in the deficiencies in the net receipts as compared with those of 1913, which, under the Government agreement with the railway companies, fall to be paid by the State. I would remind the hon. Member that the real object of the extra charges is to discourage unnecessary travelling.

Am I right in understanding that the 50 per cent. goes to maintain the pre-war dividends of the railway companies?

Is it not the case that very large profits have been made under railway control?

Windsor Great Park (Employes)

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether the workmen employed in Windsor Great Park are receiving a war bonus; and, if not, will he, in view of the cost of living, either give them an increase of pay or grant them a bonus?

Bonuses have been granted to employés on the permanent staff, and the grant of a further bonus is now under consideration. Casual labourers are paid in accordance with the rates current in the district.

Is it not proposed to pay the casual labourers who have done this work for five or six years a bonus?

A person who has been working for five or six years cannot be considered a casual labourer.

Food Supplies

Middlesbrough Prosecution

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the prosecution of a fish and poultry dealer at Middlesbrough for selling a chicken between 9 and 9.30 p.m. on Saturday, 7th July; whether this man was convicted and fined £3 and costs for this offence; and whether, having regard to the shortage of food and the enormous waste occasioned by the impossibility in poorer districts of keeping perishable food over the week-end, these Regulations can be rendered more reasonable?

My right hon. Friend's attention has not previously been called to this case, but he is having inquiry made, and will let the hon. Member know the result.

Military Service

Conscientious Objectors

asked the Home Secretary why Herbert Holt, a conscientious objector who was working under the Foodstuffs Special Committee at Manchester, has been summarily arrested and sent to Strangeways Prison; and whether a number of other conscientious objectors at Platt Hall camp were placed on definite war work, and, on raising objection, were returned to the Army or to prison?

The reason why Holt was sent back to prison is that he refused to perform the work allotted to him by the Committee on Employment of Conscientious Objectors. Three other men employed at the Platt Hall centre were similarly dealt with for a similar offence. The work which they refused to perform was the upkeep of the parks and cemeteries of the Manchester Corporation. The only other work which the men employed at this centre were called on to perform was the production of foodstuffs under the Foodstuffs Special Committee of the Manchester Corporation.

asked whether the stone being quarried at Ewesley, Northumberland, by conscientious objectors is intended to be used in connection with definite war work?

The attention of the Committee on Employment of Conscientious Objectors was drawn early in June to the fact that some of the stone from this quarry was being used in connection with the construction of an aerodrome, and that some of the men employed under the Committee at the quarry had, in consequence, refused to work. The Committee immediately gave instructions that the men were to be put on other work not connected with the War, and this was done.

asked whether Mark Cunningham, of Bolton, a conscientious objector, was employed at Thetford on timber felling under the direction of Messrs. Henderson and Company; whether, owing to an objection raised by Lady Montgomery to conscientious objectors, Cunningham was returned to the camp and subsequently sent to work at Messrs. Rough, Broxburn, Scotland; whether he was again returned to camp and afterwards arrested and handed over to the military; whether, in view of the character given to Cunningham while working at Thetford, any explanation can be given as to his return to the Army; and whether he will be allowed to return to useful service?

This man was employed at Garboldisham on timber felling under Messrs. George Anderson and Andersons, who after a time declined to employ him any further, on the ground that he would not try to work, and could not be made to work. He had previously been punished for absenting himself from work without leave for two days. As he had failed to observe the conditions of his release, which required him to carry out diligently the work allotted to him by the Committee, the Committee decided to request the Army Council to recall Cunningham to his unit. As he had meanwhile been sent for employment to Broxburn he was returned to Wakefield to await recall. The Committee are not prepared to take the man back into their employment.

Was it because the timber might be used in aeroplanes that this gentleman refused to work?

Civil Liabilities Department

asked the Pensions Minister whether Irishmen who have joined the Army and Navy are entitled to receive grants towards the discharge of their civil liabilities; and, if so, can he say why they have been refused these grants by the Military Service (Civil Liabilities) Department under circumstances similar to those under which they are granted to, Englishmen?

I have been asked by my right hon. Friend to answer this question. Irishmen who have joined the Navy and Army are eligible for assistance under the Civil Liabilities scheme, and in cases in which the circumstances warrant the grant of assistance, such grants are made to Irishmen under exactly the same conditions as they are made to Englishmen. I know of no case in which a grant has been refused to an Irishman in circumstances in which it would have been given to an Englishman.

Excise Department Transfers

The following question stood on the Paper in the name of Mr. BYRNE:

20. To ask the Under-Secretary of State for War if he will state the number of Irishmen who were sent from the Excise Department in Ireland to perform duties in Great Britain in Government Departments and who have since received calling-up papers; if he is aware that the Excise Department in Great Britain have since served notices on these Irishmen releasing them for military service; and if, having regard to the fact that these men are ordinarily resident in Ireland and only left that country on the instructions of the Government to perform Government duties, he will see that this arrangement to conscript Irishmen will not be enforced?

I have been asked to postpone this question, but notices are being served, and the men are being called up by the military authorities.

Home Service Men (Training)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether men called up for military service who have been passed by an Army medical board in Class C 3 for Home Service only, sedentary work, can legally be obliged to undergo the full training of Infantry soldiers; and what remedy is available for men subjected to this strain for which an Army medical board has declared them unfit?

My hon. Friend is under a misapprehension. These men are not put through the full course of training for Infantry, but through a modified course at the discretion of the commanding officer in consultation with the medical officer of the unit. The second part of the question therefore does not arise.

If I can give the hon. Gentleman any instances of such men, will he make inquiries?

Re-Examination

asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether men called up for medical re-examination are allowed a half-day's pay and ration allowance amounting to 2s. 9d.; if so, is he aware that his Department is refusing to pay this sum to any men who were so called up for re-examination before 19th June; has this distinction got the sanction of the War Office; and, if not, will he see that all are paid equally?

Men called up for medical re-examination receive a whole day's pay and ration allowance amounting to 2s. 9d. in all. As complaints had been received, such as my hon. Friend brings to notice, special instructions were issued on the 5th instant calling attention to the fact that all men called up for medical re-examination were to receive the 2s. 9d. irrespective of the date on which they were called up.

Are we to understand that arrears will be paid to the men who have been called up since the passing of the Act?

In cases where there is an examination form sent in which the men are called up for one day, and have to go on the second day, will they be paid for the second day the same as on the first day?

I think that is a very reasonable request, and I will place it before my right hon. Friend.

Will the arrears be paid to the men called up for re-examination as well as the 2s. 9d.?

I have not personally considered that. I am answering the question put by my hon. Friend, but I will take every precaution to see that the matter is carefully considered.

Post Office Employes (War Bonus)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he has received a formal intimation from any union or association of Post Office employés to the effect that, unless some satisfactory arrangement is made as to the payment of the full war bonus promised to temporary male sorters and others, a strike will be declared within the next twenty-one days; and, if so, in consideration of the inconvenience and dislocation of business such a strike would involve, will he say what action he proposes to take?

No such intimation has reached me.

Perhaps the hon. Gentleman knows this question of wages is decided by a body outside our Department altogether.

Will the hon. Gentleman say whether there is any connection between the Post Office Department and the Department which conducts this matter, to prevent a strike occurring with-out the Department knowing anything about it?

Flax Seed (Ireland)

asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) whether, in view of the uncertainty of supplies of flax seed from abroad for next season's sowing and the recent Report of the Department that the yield of the flax crop in Ireland is not expected to be up to the average, any steps are in contemplation to secure an adequate supply of seed for next year other than advising flax growers to preserve seed from the present crop?

Under the Defence of the Realm Regulations the Army Council issued an Order on the 12th July, 1917, imposing on every grower of flax in Ireland during the season 1917 the obligation to dry one-eighth of the total crop grown by him, with the object of saving the seed therefrom for seed purposes. Arrangements are also being made by the Army Council to have a quantity of seed saved off certain other areas now under a flax crop. By both of these means it is hoped that a fair proportion of seed will be available for next year's sowing.

National School Teachers, Ireland (Pensions)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether it is proposed to consider the low pensions at present paid to ex-national school teachers in Ireland with a view to granting them pensions adequate to cover the increased cost of living?

I would refer to the answer given on the 16th instant on the question put by the hon. Member for Dublin Harbour as to a war bonus for Government pensioners generally. The Government cannot contemplate any special treatment of the particular class referred to.

Irish Rebellion

Public Servants Dismissed

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he will state the number of Irish public servants dismissed in connection with the Irish insurrection of 1916, with the specific grounds of dismissal in each case; what opportunities were afforded these officials of meeting the charges, where specific charges were formulated, and of testing the evidence, where evidence was forthcoming, in accordance with the established rules of evidence; if he is aware of the fact that at the inquiry held in Dublin by Sir W. Byrne and Sir Guy Fleetwood Wilson, where no evidence was produced and no witnesses were examined and which therefore afforded no basis on which it would be reasonable to assume the guilt or innocence of any person affected, officials were assured that any disclosures made by them would not be used against them afterwards; and whether, in view of the fact that the English Government in dealing with English public officials consider that they are entitled to a judicial trial with an opportunity to hear and test the evidence against them, he will definitely say if the English Government in Ireland refuses to treat Irish public officials in a similar manner?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave yesterday. There is no analogy between the cases of the classes of officials cited in the question.

Can the right hon. Gentleman answer the last part of the question, whether he will give these men a judicial trial?

The answer the right hon. Gentleman gave yesterday did not reply to that point.

Prisoners Executed (Remains)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he will consult representatives of Irish opinion, including those of local governing bodies in Ireland, on the question of the burial in consecrated ground of the remains of the rebellion prisoners who were executed; and whether, in the event of overwhelming advice in that direction, he will consent to the remains being handed over to the relatives?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some time ago there was a promise in this House that this matter would be considered, and will he see that that promise will be carried out, or is it like your usual promises to Ireland?

Attack on Police Barrack (County Kerry)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that a man named Daniel Scanlon was killed at Ballybunion last week; whether he is aware that an inquest was held concerning the death of Daniel Scanlon when the coroner's jury, as a result of the evidence given before them, brought in a verdict of wilful murder against Constable Lyons and Sergeant Macaulay; and, if so, will he say what action the authorities have taken or propose to take to give effect to the finding of the coroner's jury?

I am not yet able to add anything to the answer I gave yesterday to the hon. and gallant Member for the Enfield Division.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a coroner's inquest returned a verdict of wilful murder against a policeman for killing this man, and will he see that this policeman is put under arrest?

The facts, so far as I know them, are that an armed party fired shots into a police barrack, with the result of the nearest possible escape from murdering members of the police and their families. It does not seem, therefore, that the question is so simple as the hon. Member supposes.

Will he say if that statement is true, why did the police who were invited by the coroner to give evidence, refuse to give any evidence whatever?

As I said yesterday, I have not seen the report of those proceedings yet, but I shall do so.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a Miss Mason swore on oath that the only damage to the police barrack was one stone thrown at it and one pane of glass broken?

The right hon. Gentleman has already said that he has not seen the report.

Where it is a question of death, have the authorities of Dublin Castle taken any steps to place under arrest this policeman, against whom a coroner's jury have returned a verdict of wilful murder?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the police officer for the district has withdrawn the police from the district because they were a standing menace to public peace and order there?

Bull Wall (Dublin)

asked the Undersecretary of State for War if he will issue Instructions that will enable the children of the working classes in Dublin to use the Bull Wall strand and bathing place during the months of August and September; if he is aware that the occupation of this position by the military has deprived thousands of children of the only open-air space and seaside resort on the north side of Dublin; and if he will see that these people will be allowed the use of the strand without having to apply for passes to the military authorities?

I am afraid that I can add nothing to the reply which I gave the hon. Member yesterday.

Can they not open this place at certain hours in the evening, when it is not being used by the military authorities at all?

I am told that the military authorities have carefully considered the whole question, and it is not possible to dispense with permits altogether.

Air Services

Damaged Machines

asked the Undersecretary of State for War whether it is the practice in the Royal Flying Corps, when a machine is wrecked or badly damaged, immediately to destroy by fire those parts which are combustible and to bury non-combustible parts; and, in view of the present shortage of metal, if he will see that this procedure is discontinued?

Surely my hon. Friend is aware that this has been done repeatedly and is being done, and under those circumstances will he issue an order to see that it is restrained?

I cannot add anything to the very definite answer I have given, in which I said it was not being done.

Defence of London

asked the Undersecretary of State for War whether, in view of our shortage of pilots for the defence of London, he will see his way clear to recall all pilots who have been dismissed from the Royal Flying Corps, or are in process of being dismissed, or who have been or are being called upon to resign their commissions from the same on account of their refusing to fly the R.E.8 machine or criticising other aeroplanes of official design and provide them with a suitable fighting machine, and arrange that they shall be formed into a special squadron for the defence of London?

May I ask whether it is not the fact that there are hundreds of pilots, first-class, skilled pilots, who for social and service reasons have been dismissed or requested to send in their resignations to the Flying Corps, and will these men be put to some useful purpose in view of the shortage of pilots?

My hon. Friend's supplementary question has no relation to the question on the Paper. I have already denied that any man has been dismissed from the Air Services on account of social reasons. The question my hon. Friend asks me here is whether the authorities are prepared to take back to the Flying Corps men that he himself states refused to obey orders.

Is the hon. Member aware that many of the pilots who refused to fly in the air raid are skilled competent pilots, and only refused to fly because they did not believe the machines were safe? Will they be given an opportunity to try something else?

Aerodromes (Employment of German Prisoners)

asked whether a number of German prisoners are being employed at an aerodrome as mechanics or in any other capacity?

German prisoners are being employed on the construction of aerodromes, etc., and not otherwise. Their employment has been found necessary in cases where free labour is scarce or difficult to procure, in order that the completion of these urgent works may not be delayed.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in aerodromes throughout the country—I put several names in the question which do not appear—these German prisoners are employed, and in aerodromes which are actually engaged in the defence of this country, and will the machines have to be used—

May I ask whether the hon. Gentleman is prepared to issue an immediate order to remove all German prisoners, and all Germans, from the precincts of aerodromes in which Home Service Defence machines are stationed?

I will have that matter very carefully considered, and will place my right hon. Friend's representations before the military authorities. But I should like to say that my information is quite definite that no German prisoners are employed in existing aerodromes. They are employed on construction work.

Will the hon. Gentleman make special inquiry as to whether, as a matter of fact, German prisoners were not employed in the grounds of a special aerodrome near London last Saturday?

Questions

Officer Casualties

The following question stood on the Paper in the name of Mr. OUTHWAITE:

32. To ask the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he can state, of the total number of officers killed during the War, what percentage held the rank of second-lieutenant?

Before I put this question I should like to express my sincere regret to the hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for War. On a recent occasion when I put a question to him I made an interjection which apparently he took as being directed to him. I was provoked to that interjection by an observation made by an hon. Member alongside me. My interjection appeared to convey the imputation that as regards the casualties to airmen—

I accept the statement of the hon. Gentleman. In reply to the question, I would refer my hon. Friend to a full answer which I gave on this subject to my hon. Friend the Member for Monaghan on 30th April. I then stated that no general statistics had been prepared. These would be difficult to compile, and, if compiled, I am informed that it would not be in the public interest to publish them.

Original Expeditionary Force

asked the Undersecretary of State for War if arrangements can be made to bring home for at least three months' home service all the survivors of the original Expeditionary Force who have been in or near the firing line during the greater part of the last three years and have had no more than the usual short leave during that time?

The question is one that affects the strength and efficiency of the forces in the field. If and when the drafts at the disposal of the military authorities enable the withdrawal of these men, the matter will be sympathetically considered.

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether it is with his knowledge and sanction that in the event of slackness, disputes, or clerical errors arising between the Paymaster's Department and the Post Office, payment of separation allowances to soldiers' wives is stopped, notwithstanding that the soldiers concerned are carrying out their part of their contracts with the Government; in particular will he inquire why payment was stopped to Mrs. Firmin by the Epsom post office owing to the slackness of the Government Departments concerned when the money was due to her; whether he is aware that she and her child had to walk about Epsom begging for money for food and lodging; what action it is proposed to take against the officials responsible for such a system; and what compensation the Department concerned is prepared to make to Mrs. Firmin for the degradation caused to her through being compelled to beg when money due to her was refused by the Epsom post office?

The reply to the first part of the question is in the negative. I will inquire into the case of Mrs. Firmin if my hon. Friend will send me particulars (name, regimental number, and unit) of the soldier in respect of whom she receives separation allowance.

Mesopotamia Commission

Lord Hardinge

asked the Prime Minister whether Lord Hardinge's position in the Foreign Office is one of complete subordination to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; whether he has any powers of his own motion or exercises any independent authority in respect of any branch of the foreign consular, foreign trade, or other branches of the Foreign Office?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. Lord Hardinge's powers in no way differ from those of the Permanent Secretary in other Government Departments.

In relation to the objections lately raised to Lord Hardinge's continued employment, do not the facts elicited very much tend to diminish the force of those objections?

Having regard to the reply that Lord Hardinge's position mow as Permanent Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs is distinctly subordinate to that of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, is the right hon. Gentleman aware that during the last tenure of office of Lord Hardinge as Permanent Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs his position was distinctly in substitution for that of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, especially in relation to Russian policy—and that is true?

I am certainly not aware of any such thing. But if it is true, the Foreign Secretary who was at the head of the Department was greatly to blame.

Has the attention of the right hon. Gentleman been called to the extremely violent outbursts of the Indian Press attending the refusal of the Government to accept the resignation of Lord Hardinge?

Questions

German Names (Change)

asked the Prime Minister whether facilities will be given to persons of German origin but well affected towards this country to change their German names to English names by announcement in the Press; and whether, if legislation be necessary for this purpose, he will at once introduce a Bill?

Is a distinction not made in the law between the different classes of citizens and against enabling persons of German origin to do as suggested?

So far as I know—I cannot speak with any authority—there are facilities to enable people to change their names. I do not think that in respect to these people the terms are different from that of other people.

My question distinctly is: are there different facilities for one class of citizens and not for the others?

Western Front (Casualties)

asked the Prime Minister whether he proposes to accord the House of Commons information as to the British casualties incurred in France since 1st July, 1916, and to give any assurance in relation to them that the generalship has been such as to assure the greatest possible economy in life?

The lists are published day by day. I do not know why the hon. Member should assume that either the Commander-in-Chief or the Government are less anxious than he to save the lives of our soldiers.

Is it not a disadvantage that the same opportunity should not be given to the House of Commons as has been given to the French Chamber of Deputies in this matter? Does not the same necessity exist in regard to both countries to take the question into consideration?

I do not know exactly what has been done in the French Chamber of Deputies, but the British House of Commons must make its own arrangements.

Ministerial Changes

Mr. Churchill's Appointment

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the feeling which exists in many quarters in this House and in the country that the inclusion of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dundee in His Majesty's Government, and particularly at this time, as Minister of Munitions, is a national danger, he will give a day for a discussion of the appointment?

The subject can, I understand, be raised on the Vote of Credit if my right hon. Friend desires.

Arising out of that answer, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman to convey to the Prime Minister that in the opinion of many of the usual followers of the Government such an appointment must gravely compromise the policy of successfully getting on with the War?

Questions

Civil Service (Arbitration)

asked the Chanellor of the Exchequer if the Arbitration Board appointed to settle all disputes in the Civil Service will be instructed to consider at once the claims of the County Court officers who have not received a war bonus, seeing that all salaries received by them come from His Majesty's Treasury and that there is no one else they can appeal to but the Treasury?

No, Sir; the Arbitration Board is concerned with Government employés. The County Court officers are the employés of the registrars and high bailiffs. As stated in my reply of 21st December last, to a question by the hon. Member for Huddersfield, the Treasury, in suitable cases, authorises registrars and high bailiffs to grant their employés an increase of salary in the nature of a war bonus.

Old Age Pensions

asked the date upon which the increase of 2s. 6d. will be paid to the old age pensioners?

I hope that it will be possible to make arrangements for the payment of this allowance on and as from Friday, 10th August.

Has any estimate been made as to the total cost of this increase in the pensions?

asked if the Treasury will issue a statement in popular form and language indicating who are entitled to the extra 2s. 6d. per week or who are excepted?

Will this payment be automatic or will it require on the part of the old age pensioner any application—will it come to him or her without any application?

Will a statement be put up in the post offices for the convenience of the old age pensioners?

Representation of the People Bill (Ireland)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Government propose to cut Ireland out of the Representation of the People Bill?

I can only refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave to a similar question on Wednesday last.

Excise Duty

asked what Excise duty will be payable under the Budget now before Parliament upon a gallon of ginger beer and of light brewers' beer, respectively; land what are the respective alcoholic strengths of these two liquors?

Ginger beer is taxed as a table water at 4d. per gallon. Beer is taxed according to its original specific gravity; thus on beer of an original gravity of 1,036 degrees (the limit fixed by the Food Controller in connection with the light beer which brewers are allowed to brew during the current quarter in excess of the amount allowed under existing restrictions) the duty is about 5½d. per gallon. There is no fixed percentage of alcohol in either ginger beer or beer of any particular gravity.

Is it not the fact that ginger beer is liable to pay a higher duty if it is over a certain gravity?

German Prisoners (Escapes)

asked the Home Secretary how many German prisoners have succeeded in effecting their escape from Donington Hall; whether they have been recaptured in all cases; whether, in some cases, they were found to have obtained civilian clothing and other means of support; and whether any action has been taken against the person who provided these facilities for their escape?

I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to similar questions by the right hon. Member for Kirkcaldy Burghs and the hon. and gallant Member for Enfield on Wednesday last. I may add that the third officer has now been recaptured.

Will the hon. Gentleman answer that part of the question in which I asked whether any action has' been taken against people who have provided facilities for escape?

A Court of Inquiry has been held, but the report of the Court of Inquiry has not yet been received.

Will the hon. Gentleman see that the report of the inquiry and the names of the persons will be published in the Press?

Will the hon. Gentleman represent to the Secretary of State for War that the people wish it?

Scottish Prisons (Correspondence)

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether the arrangement by which the privilege of receiving a letter once a month, which has long been in force in English prisons, has now been extended to all Scottish prisons?

A rule allowing prisoners in Scotland this privilege was presented to the House on the 26th June and will shortly become operative.

Mid-Scotland Canal

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty whether the plans and estimates for the Loch Lomond route of the Mid-Scotland canal are in several bound and printed duplicate volumes; if so, will the Admiralty obtain the permission of the owners of these plans to allow an eminent engineer to examine them on behalf of the Corporation of Glasgow or other corporations who are supporters of the sea-level canal by the direct route, with a view to their submitting to the Admiralty similar plans of that route?

This is a matter for the corporation of Glasgow to settle with Messrs. Armstrong, who submited the plans referred to. There is no Admiralty objection.

Are all plans received so long as it is not at the cost of the Government?

Elementary Education, Ireland (Resident Commissioner)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he will state the present salary and emoluments of the Resident Commissioner for Elementary Education in Ireland, derivable from all sources; whether it is proposed to increase his salary or that of any other members of the educational staff; if so, will he state the names and the amounts, respectively, of the proposed increase; and is he aware of the growing dissatisfaction of both teachers and managers with the methods of the Resident Commissioner and his staff?

The present salary of the Resident Commissioner is £l,500. I hope to explain presently my proposals for new expenditure. The answer to the last part of this question is in the negative.

Surely the right hon. Gentleman can see his way to give an undertaking that there will be no increases of the salaries of the higher officials without full opportunity of this House debating them?

The time at which I shall deal with this whole matter is now only a few minutes distant, and there will be opportunities then for any discussion that may arise.

Afforestation (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary if he has considered the resolution forwarded to him by the Irish Forestry Society with reference to the denudation of forest areas in Ireland; if any steps are to be taken to encourage owners of suitable planting areas to assist in reafforestation; and if the Department of Agriculture will be furnished with adequate funds to carry out planting schemes on a sufficient scale?

I would refer to the answers I gave on the 28th June and the 5th July in reply to the hon. Members for West Cavan and South Kilkenny.

Am I to understand that the Department is to receive a grant for this purpose?

The House votes a subvention to the Department of Agriculture, but I am not aware of a proposal for additional funds.

Orders of the Day

Supply

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates and Supplementary Estimates, 1917–18

Considered in Committee.—[ Progress. ]

[Mr. MACLEAN in the Chair.]

PUBLIC EDUCATION, IRELAND.—Class IV

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £1,242,018 (including a Supplementary sum of £384,000) be "granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for the Expenses of the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland, including Grants-in-Aid of the Teachers' Pension Fund, Ireland. "—[NOTE.—£960,000 has been voted on account.]

As the Committee will have appreciated, the subject-matter with which I have to deal is an additional sum of £384,000 on the Estimate. That supplementary sum is an agreeable fact to those who may be the recipients, but the question is as to the mode of dealing with the additional expendiure of £384,000 in respect of Irish elementary education. In previous Votes issued in the ordinary course was a Vote for a sum of, roughly, £1,818,000, and in pursuance of the policy of improved provision for the needs of education, which was explained in regard to England and Wales recently by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Education, in a speech which delighted all of us, and which I am sure none of us is likely to forget, there arose the question of what was the proper equivalent to be provided on the Irish Education Estimates for the increased expenditure in the English Education Estimates in respect of elementary education of a sum of £3,420,000. I dare say hon. Members who are interested particularly in this subject will bear in mind that, while my right hon. Friend had secured for England and Wales the sum of £3,420,000 for elementary education, he had also secured for secondary education £433,500. In respect of that second sum, all I would say to-day is that this Estimate does not deal with it. The Elementary Education Estimate will be issued on the footing of the Grant-in-Aid of Irish Secondary Education for an amount which will be proportionately on the basis of the amount which was sanctioned in principle by the House with regard to English education. That sum of, roughly, £48,000 does not come into consideration to-day in the explanation which I have to make to the Committee.

I want to emphasise that fact, because, putting that out of the case, I shall devote myself entirely to the question of what are the most urgent necessities of elementary education for which this present sum of £384,000 is to be applied. The veriest beginner in Irish affairs, as soon as he comes into contact with the problem of Irish education, realises that he is dealing there with a scheme of things wholly different from the scheme of things which exists on this side of the Irish Channel, and presents difficulties of its own. I am afraid the beginner will find enormous difficulty in dealing with Irish education upon anything like the comprehensive plan or on anything like those broad and attractive lines that were presented to us in this country in the speech of my right hon. Friend the Minister of Education. There is one thing in regard to finance which underlies the question with which I have to deal here, when I had to approach my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer and ascertain his views as to what was the equivalent Grant in respect of Irish education for the sum which had been authorised in the case of English education. As hon. Members know, the Grant in respect of English education was a Grant conditional upon a payment by the local authorities in England. My right hon. Friend when he was framing his proposals based them upon the fact that the responsibility for education in this country was the responsibility of the locality in which the education was needed and in which it had to be administered. I do not say that you can introduce a system of that kind in Ireland suddenly, but I envy my right hon. Friend the advantage that gave him a proportionate aid from the Exchequer based upon the effort of the community. As we all know, the system of elementary education in Ireland is one which is under the direct authority of the State. There is no local authority, consequently there are no local rates, and since something like 1892 in all but a minute fraction of cases there have been no school fees. Therefore, in discussing this question of the Irish equivalent with the Chancellor of the Exchequer I had to recognise that these comparisons were made with things which differ in their fundamental essentials. But that has not affected the amount of this Grant, and it has been taken upon the footing that the Grant-in-aid will be an absolute Grant from the Exchequer and that Irish education will require the assistance of a Grant arithmetically equivalent. Such questions as contingent liabilities and reciprocal contributions are dismissed from the case.

Coming to the immediate question of the appropriation of the £384,000 in Ireland, the pleasure of a Minister announcing the additional Grant is a good deal modified by the consciousness of the very great number of possible applicants and the serious responsibility of so appropriating a large sum of money in an Educational Estimate as to secure the maximum amount of benefit to the present system, and it seems to me that as an administrator it is my duty to see that the expenditure is made in such a way that it does not hinder the reforms which some day I hope will be adopted either in Dublin or here which will put the Irish educational system on a basis upon which educationists in Ireland would like to see it. As I have said in answer to some questions which I thought were a little impatient, I have to-day, in order to decide where this money ought to go to look over the whole field, and consider the condition of the children in a great agricultural country, in certain large industrial centres and certain old and congested cities. I had to consider the question of provision for medical care in looking after the children and also the question of buildings. I had also to consider the question of the educational organisation. Someone thought fit to circulate a statement suggesting that our primary object was to secure large salaries for officials. Only to-day I was asked an urgent question as to whether it was intended that a particular official should receive an increase of salary. The Irish educational organisation and the administrative organisation has existed a good many years, and as this is known to be a time of exceptional financial stress, I need hardly say that there is no such idea as that which has been suggested. This is a Grant to meet the necessities of the time and its difficulties, and although it may be that those who earn large salaries as. well as those who earn small incomes may expect to be considered with regard to the necessities of this trying time, I could not consider at this moment any question of increasing high salaries. I have to consider the immediate necessities in wartime of the Irish educational system. I hope that disposes of the particular inquiry to which I have referred.

There are certain changes which I will indicate later with regard to the point of contact between the administrative organisation and the great body of the teachers where certain changes are necessary with a view to fair play as well as to efficiency, and those I shall explain. Of course there is the great and attractive question of your curriculum, as to what you are going to teach, and whether the practical should displace the theoretical, to what extent you should extend your system, and how to develop evening schools and continuation schools. There is this great question which in recent years has overshadowed all others and is overshadowing them to-day, and that is the question of the supply, the organisation and remuneration, and the prospects of the men and women engaged. I mention that last, and indeed I do not want it to be supposed that I have given no consideration to the other subjects, but I have come to the subject which will necessarily bulk most largely in the explanation I have to give to the Committee.

There are in Ireland something like 13,500 trained certificated teachers, and there are something like 2,300 other teachers not trained and not certificated, but full-time employés of the Department of Elementary Education, and in the case of that last body of employés one of the strongest reproaches that could be cast upon the fairness and sufficiency of the provision of the existing system has been made. With regard to the 13,500 teachers, one of the great difficulties in framing and working a system and in making anything like reasonable provision for a prospect for the teacher arises out of the size of the school. There are for the 500,000 or so of children in average daily attendance something dike 8,200 schools. That in this country would suggest an average attendance of sixty or seventy children, but averages are wholly misleading with regard to Ireland. The English analogy is misleading. Let me say, not because it is not a fact in the constant appreciation of hon. Members who know Ireland so well, but because it is a fact which underlies everything that I have to consider here, that the Irish school is not a school ordinarily of even fifty or sixty children. There is State aid for schools of seven children and upwards. There are schools of ten, fifteen, and twenty children in remote parts of the country, and it is due to the growing youth of the population in those parts, and to the parents, that you should have an efficient teacher. You must give him, if you can, a prospect in life, and you are confronted with an enormous difficulty in framing and devising a scheme and in the administration of it and in keeping it in operation. There are 400 schools in Ireland in which there are less than twenty in average attendance. There are a good part of 1,500 schools in which there are less than thirty in average attendance, and, when officers of the Board of Education or the National Board speak of a large school, I find that they mean a school of 140 children, which is entitled to three teachers.

1.0 P.M.

There are also schools which run up to 1,100 and 1,200 children in the great centres of population. Some of the convents have very large and very efficient schools. I do not think anybody would suggest that the boys and girls in the great centres and even in the more moderately peopled towns would not get the basis of a good education or could not get it if you had a body of teachers who were able to deal with their task, but the mode in which they are dealt with strikes one with something like dismay. You find a number of schools in Belfast and Dublin with 200 or 300 children, and the head master, with many years' service behind him, may have a salary of something like £100 a year, and very likely in such a case an assistant earning more than he is earning himself. That is topsy-turvy, and it is not good sense or good administration, but these anomalies arise out of the enormous difficulty of making a comprehensive scheme for the grading of teachers and the payment of teachers when in that scheme you have to include both the schools with seven, ten and fifteen pupils and these larger schools, and when your grades of payment have to comprise the whole body of teachers. I am sure the scheme, when it was framed, was well intentioned and very likely at the moment it met the necessities of the case, but it does not meet the necessities of the case to-day. In those inequalities, in the deadlock upon promotion in some cases, and in the restrictions upon the possibility of increasing their earnings in other cases, there are reasons for discontent which ought to be removed, and the satisfaction with which I approached the task of adding £384,000 to the expenditure on elementary education in Ireland was tempered by the difficulty of proposing channels for that expenditure which would do some good in connection with the system as it exists.

I said that my mind had been increasingly occupied with this problem of the teachers, and I have been helped in my view by a practically universal consensus of opinion, expressed in all parts of the country by representative bodies and by public meetings, to the effect that the Government would do well to devote every penny that could be devoted to the betterment of the position of the teachers, and to put them into a condition with regard to pay in which it may be fairly said that they have a living wage and a reasonable prospect, and with regard to promotion that there are not the hindrances which have developed in the existing system, but that a man when he has entered upon his. vocation in life and has shown diligence and efficiency in the conduct of his duties shall, at any rate, have a reasonable prospect of arriving at some satisfactory state of things fairly early in life with the further prospect of something like the moderate prizes which ought to encourage ambition in the general body of the teachers. That is not easy. Hon. Members from Ireland will know why I say it is not easy. Where you have a system in which there are vested rights to increments of pay and systematic increments where £10 given to-day means £20, or £30 presently, when your present distribution commits you to a basis of distribution for the future—unless you are going to adopt the clumsy expedient of taking your money, dividing it up and scattering it, it is not easy to propose a scheme for the distribution of this sum of money which will be sure to amend the present state of things with regard to pay, promotion, and prospects. I trust that the proposals I shall make to the Committee will in some degree secure those objects.

There is one difficulty which has constantly confronted those who have had to-deal with questions of this kind. Where you take in hand a complex problem, and, at the commencement of a year, you have to distribute money with regard to those complexities and to make estimates which will meet them, you may over-estimate or under-estimate. The Treasury has to take the risk of an over-estimate, but with regard to an under-estimate in past times there has been a perfectly wholesome general rule with regard to ordinary cases, that unexpended balances must be repaid to the Exchequer. With regard to this case, I have had communications with my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he has agreed with me that it would be entirely unreasonable that anything in the nature of an under-estimate here should be followed by the loss of any part of this sum of money which has been earmarked for the betterment of Irish education. So I have an assurance from my right hon. Friend that if something more should be found possible to be done than that which I am advised at the present time can be done, I shall not be met, when that question of something more comes to be discussed, with any Treasury rule that there was a balance which had to be returned. I mention that matter in order that the teachers themselves may be reassured, and may see that it is intended that this sum, so far as it is being devoted to the betterment of the teachers' position, is going to be wholly dealt with in that way, and that the object is to secure a better scheme for them and to give them not only better pay, but better prospects. Here, may I say two or three words about the grades, not so much by way of explanation "to the Irish Members, but because it will interest some English Members?

The hon. Member for South Kildare will observe that there is a select few. He will see that I have here a tower of strength in my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Education, who has devoted such attention to the matter, and who will make up for the absence of a greater number of hon. Gentlemen who may have only a casual or indirect interest in the question. With regard to grades, there are substantially four. There is the third grade, into which at the present time a teacher comes when he leaves the training college when he has done his period as monitor and pupil teacher and got his certificate at the training college. He gets £56 a year, plus a sum of £7 at the end of it, and by triennial increments, which extend over a period of nine years, he can arrive at a maximum salary of £77, plus £7, in all £84. He has an off-chance of getting some share of a capitation Grant if he happens to be in one of the larger schools. Of the total of 5,700 male teachers in Ireland, about 3,000 are in Grade III., and are destined to remain there at the present time, because there is a barrier in their case which, in the ordinary course, they cannot get over. If they display some pre-eminent ability, they may bound the bar, but in the ordinary course the man who has come into the work for which he is fitted, when he does not display genius, may find that he is bounded by these figures, which begin at £63 and stop at £84. He may be an assistant in a school in a city or in a town, and probably will have the greatest responsibilities in life, because the Irish teacher has not been a coward; he usually is married, and may find himself with a wife and, shall I say, a thriving family, or, at any rate, with a numerous family. I had the other day a letter from a man who told me he had twelve. I have had letters from the wives of some of these teachers giving me their balance sheets, and I have had some from teachers perhaps of schools of 200 or 300 or more and I have seen their balance sheets. With breadth of view, combined with the economy they have displayed, every one of them should be competent to be a Chancellor of the Exchequer and run the national establishment very cheaply.

With regard to female teachers, you have 7,725 of them, of whom 5,700 are in grade three, and, as to the great majority of them, destined to remain there, because there is at present a limit on the number in the upper grades which prevents them getting a vacancy, unless they get what used to be called paper promotion, which has gone out of fashion. Their salaries begin at £44 plus £7—that is, £51—and when the three triennial increments have been secured it is £65 plus £7, so that these 5,700 women teachers have the prospect before them, when they have begun at £51 a year, of ultimately reaching a sum of money less than 30s. a week as their earnings in an occupation for which they have been apprenticed and trained in college and have secured a certificate. I confess it has amazed me that the Irish teachers, through love of their country and their own home, which has rooted them to the soil under these con- ditions, have not made an exodus over to this country in very large numbers, and thereby diminished the difficulty which my right hon. Friend has of supplying his schools "with men and women teachers. These certificated teachers are qualified to teach in practically any school, but they have stayed at home. There seems to be a magnetism which holds them with a bond they cannot break. These are the conditions on which they stay. The numbers in the higher grades, both male and female teachers, can be guessed. There are 1,700 male teachers in the second grade, there are 600 in the second of first, and there cannot be more than 700 in the grade. And in the first grade, which is the object of a man's ambition, with whatever qualification and with whatever class of school, there are 435 male teachers and 286 female teachers. The highest salary of the female teachers is £151 at present. The conditions in the lower grades, of course, condemn those who are destined to spend their lives in those grades either to celibacy or to indigence. That is a matter which is essential to be considered in this case. The practical effect of the system of grading, with its stereotyped regulations and its hard and fast exclusions, is that of the 1,300 male assistant-teachers in Ireland all except about forty are in grade three, and accidental circumstances would be required to alter the proportion under the present system. Of the female assistant-teachers, of whom there are 4,500, 4,000 are in grade three, and all but a negligible number are destined to stay there. That state of things suggests a course which is essential to be entered upon at once—namely, that of improving their pay and amending the system of promotion and improving their prospects. My right hon. Friend (Mr. Fisher), when he was speaking of the lot of the teacher, pointed out what a lamentable thing it is with a man or a woman whose daily task is the inspiring of youth and the formation of the young character if he or she is discontented and soured by the conditions of life. Just apply those observations to the conditions to which I have referred. The practical assistance I have had with the explanations they have given me of their difficulties, and the little balance sheets they have furnished me showing what becomes of this money and how much they are in debt, have made me take the view that whatever was available here ought to be distributed to improve this system, not for a hasty distribution of a bonus, but for the application of the money in a systematic way so that the whole system shall be better for it.

I come now to deal with that aspect of the case. First of all I will deal with the question of pay. At present the teacher's pay will consist of his grade pay and the Grant given by my predecessor, the Birrell Grant, and in the case of an assistant teacher of five years' service some other special bonus, and in the case of some teachers a larger or smaller share of the capitation Grant. What is proposed to be done here is, as far as possible, to consolidate the teacher's income, to let him know what his income is, subject to a certain provision which at present must statutorily be postponed and with which at the moment I do not see my way to deal. That is the statutory Grant which becomes payable at the end of the year and as to which legislation might be required, but, speaking generally, with regard to the salary as a whole, to consolidate it and make your distribution so that he will know what his income is and make your payment by the changed system which I was happy to find my way to introduce earlier in the year on a monthly basis. To have such money as is going to him month by month, subject to anything which it may be essential to postpone, is of great advantage with regard to the teacher, and it has a great advantage also in administration. I hope that in place of this endless system of subventions and supplements, with a solid organic plan, with proper continuity and with a proper method of distribution, the endless work of accounting may be got rid of, or, at any rate, greatly reduced at no very distant date. The scales of salaries which I am going to mention are scales of salaries which will cover not only the grade salary but the casual sums with which the grade salary is slightly supplemented.

I come to deal with the emoluments of male teachers in grade three, and that is the grade in which the very large proportion of the teachers are. At present they have an initial salary of £56, plus £7—£63—and they may rise by three triennial increments of £7 each if they satisfy the inspectors and so on with the class of work they are doing, ultimately to £84. It is proposed that the initial salary, instead of £63, shall be £78, that this system of triennial increments shall be abolished, that the teacher shall have a series of six annual increments, so that instead of an increment extending over nine years and amounting to £21, he shall be sure, subject to satisfying the conditions of Ms service, of an increment in six years of £24, which gives him, added to his initial salary of £78, an assured income, after his year at the initial salary and his six increases, at the end of seven years, of not less than £102, instead of the income which he gets under the present system of £84. That is the position with regard to the male teacher. With regard to the women teachers in the third grade the general basis is substantially the same. In lieu of the triennial increment there will be an annual increment. In lieu of the initial salary of £51, made up of the grade salary and with the additions, there will be a commencing salary of £64, and instead of an increment extending over nine subsequent years and amounting only to £21, there will be an increment in the course of the six years of £24, so that the range of the salary for women teachers in that grade will be from £64 to £88. I come now to the second grade, in which there is a greatly diminished number of teachers. I am happy to say that from this time forward, after the adoption of the scheme, the lines of which I am merely indicating here to-day, the virtual impossibility of the assistant teacher rising to the second grade will be removed and he will be able to rise in all cases where he is teaching in schools to which the higher salary is appropriate, and where he is getting a certificate for special efficiency and a certificate which designates the class of teacher who is doing really valuable work in the cause of education, he will be able to reach the second grade. The mode by which the progress will be regulated will be explained in rules. The object in view is to make it reasonably easy for the man who had heretofore been limited to the third grade to pass to the second grade as a matter of normal promotion. In the second grade the commencing salary was £87 plus £7, and the maximum salary £107 plus £7. That was for men. What is proposed now instead of the £87 plus £7, which was arrived at by triennial increments extending over not less than six years, is a graduated annual increase. There will be a commencing salary of £110 and a graduated increase by £6 a year until a maximum salary of £134 a year is reached in the second grade. If our anticipation is realised to the extent to which I hope it will be then £134 is the actual prospect in view for a diligent and capable assistant-teacher in that grade. Between the third and second grade and the second class in the first grade there will be a longer interval, and, of course, the conditions of promotion are more stringent, because, however benevolent your intentions, you cannot have a school of ten children In a remote rural district and plant a teacher there with the prospect of spending his life educating ten children and arriving at the end of a blameless career at the same salary which a man gets who bears the burden and heat of the day in one of the great cities or in a busy town or in a big school. In regard to the women in the second grade, they at present begin at £80 and increase to £96 by two triennial increments. They will now begin at £94 in the second grade—that is, they will get £94 on attaining their promotion to the second grade—and by annual increments of £5 it is proposed that they will rise to £114. I mention the position as to the mode of promotion between these two grades. The grade between the top of the second grade and the bottom of the entrance to the second class of the first grade will be a longer one than that between the two classes to which I have referred. The detailed changes I cannot at present supply from my memory, but they will appear in the rules which will be issued.

With regard to the higher grades, at present in the second of first the men get, from £127 to £137. That is, a man gets £127, and is eligible for a triennial increment of £10, and there he stops. It is proposed that the commencing salary in the second of first shall be £146, and that there shall be annual increments of £7, and the top salary in that division of the first grade shall be £160 for men. For women, at present the salary is £107 to commence, with one triennial increment, so that the teacher goes on for three years with the £107 to the triennial increment, £8, which makes the salary £115. It is proposed that the commencing salary in that grade shall be £123, and that there shall be two annual increments of £6, and the top salary in that grade shall be £135. Now I come to the highest grade of all, the first of first. There the man begins at present with £149, and he may rise by three triennial advances, if he is fortunate, in nine years, to £185. It is proposed to raise the commencing salary in that grade to £168, and to make the advances annually by three annual advances, so that the man will proceed from £168 to £178, £188 and £198, and the salary at the top of that grade will be £198. As usual, if he is a principal teacher he will be receiving his capitation fees, and he will have an encouragement which I will mention presently. In regard to the women, their present position is that they commence with £124, and rise by three triennial instalments, so that at the end of nine years they get to £151. The commencing salary which is proposed for the future is £141, the advances to be by annual increments of £9 for three years, with the result that at the end of three years in that grade—that is after three increments in that grade—the woman teacher will be eligible for a salary of £168. If she is a principal teacher she may also get the advantage to which I have referred.

I should like to illustrate the application of these proposed changes in a case which I put at random in conversation with one of the accounting officers, and that is the case of a teacher in the third grade with one triennial increment and two years of service. I wanted to see how this thing would operate in practice, and I hit upon that case. He is a teacher who has left college and is doing satisfactory work, and so receives the triennial advance, and is two years beyond it, and in another year will be eligible for a second triennial advance. At the present time that teacher will be getting £70, and in twelve months' time will be eligible for £77. As matters stand now, and assuming this new scheme comes into operation, that teacher will be receiving £78—of course, the past services will be reckoned for and provided for—the initial salary of £78, with two increments of £4 and a third increment of £4, making in all at the present time £90 in lieu of the £70, and that teacher will be four months on—we shall graduate these increments—towards another £4, with the net result that after the eight months his pay will be £94 instead of the £70, which it would be under the existing system. If hon. Members, or if the teachers, will take the trouble to work out the actual receipts by the teacher from the new scale, and to see the benefit which he gets from the annual increment, it would be found that the degree of benefit is very appreciably increased by the method of waking the increment annual. If a man who was entitled to get, at the end of the three years, £12, becomes entitled by the new system to an annual increment of £4, he will have had £4 and £8 now before he gets the £12, so, of course, there is an appreciable difference. That is a matter which could be elaborated, but I shall not do so.

I hope that I have indicated to the Committee, at any rate sufficiently for this stage, what I regard as the main advantages of the proposal which I am presenting here. They are an all-round increase of salary which will be paid monthly, annual increments instead of triennial increments, shortened service to come to the maximum grade, the opening of grade two to the assistants in a degree which removes the present reproach that it is practically closed to them everywhere. I do not suggest that everything should be automatic. Hon. Members know that there are conditions as to class of school and efficiency of service which regulate promotion. The grade will be opened, and there is given to the whole of the grades an improved maximum. I have discussed with those who are capable of giving me expert advice on this matter the position of the principal teachers. I mention the case of the principal teacher of a big school with £100 a year and no particular prospects and with assistants earning more than he has earned himself. That is a burlesque of the reasonable method of carrying on educational administration. With regard to the principals of large schools, they will get their capitation, but in the case of schools of above 140, and in order to produce the reasonable competition for the better places which is desirable and which may prove a stimulus to activity amongst teachers in these large schools, it is proposed to establish a supplemental salary beginning with a supplemental salary of £30 and, subject to all the conditions which safeguard the funds against being encroached upon by those who have not done their duty, rising by annual increments of £5 to a supplement of £50. That mode of dealing with the principal teacher is designed with the object of making the responsible position of the principal teacher in a large school an object of reasonable ambition on the part of teachers and encouraging them to break the bounds, to get out of this wretched system by which they remain tied down. It leads to something.

Those are the proposals with regard to remuneration and with regard to prospects in the great body of the schools. There is a large body of other schools in Ireland. I have referred to them incidentally before. They are schools which are under the National Board—convents and monastries. I will go back for a moment. I had forgotten for a moment one class of the teachers whose claims have been so often pressed upon me, that of the 2,300 girl assistants. I have not forgotten them in fact. It must not be supposed that they are young women who are starving on account of the existing system. They are young women, many of them daughters of schoolmasters or daughters of people in the neighbourhood, who took the salaries mentioned owing to the possibility of adding to their positions by these small salaries But that is not the mode in which a public Department ought to get its labour. It ought to pay for what it gets some reasonable remuneration which will attract an abundant supply, and there should be some reasonable proportion between the work given and remuneration received. The present salary of these young women is £24 a year, with a supplementary grant of £4 for those who have given two years of satisfactory service. Now it is proposed that no teacher who is appointed to these posts or no untrained assistant—these are untrained; they may find their way into the profession, find their way into training colleges ultimately—shall be engaged at less than £40, and that every such teacher shall be entitled to annual increments which, at the end of the fourth year, will give a salary of £l a week. That is not an ideal salary, but one has to have regard to the fact that teaching is necessary for classes of young children, and these teachers are untrained and uncertified, and there is no desire to withdraw those teachers from what I hope may still be the great vocation and ambition of every healthy woman—that is, to be honestly married. That has not been left out of view. There is a proposal for the appropriation of a modest sum to give each of these teachers whenever she retires, if she is retired by illness or on marriage, a modest gratuity, so that we may part with these teachers in a reasonable way as one parts with a young lady who has been a useful member of his household.

The schools in Ireland include a great number of convent and monastery schools. Some of them are staffed by certificated teachers, and they receive from the Departments, in the same way as the managers of national schools, the appropriate salary, the grade salary, for the certificated teacher. No difficulty arises with regard to those schools. They will get that graded salary, and those managers of schools, efficient schools, who desire to extend their system may extend it, and they will be welcomed by the Department in their extension as a school. But there are other schools where, owing to circumstances and views which it is not difficult to understand, the managers of the schools do not employ graded teachers; they employ teachers whom they pay, and the security the State has for the efficiency of education is in the result in that school, in the result that is gained upon the inspection of the school. Consideration has been given to the question of what to do in that class of case. You have not a graded teacher, you cannot have a graded teacher, you have not a, teacher who is within your system of promotion, and I have been advised that this is a method of dealing with it. Those schools have a subvention from the State in the form of a Capitation Grant, which at present could be 40s., I think, and which works out in practice at something like 38s. I have had calculations made to ascertain what would be the amount in the case of a school with a principal, two-assistants of the second grade, and three assistants of the third grade—that is in Ireland a large school, bearing in mind that these schools are of varying sizes. I have ascertained that with an increased Capitation Grant of 10s., which if the averages work as they do now would make the average 48s. and the maximum 50s., the managers of that school would receive out of their Capitation Grant the total amount necessary to provide the full salaries of the staff of teachers I have mentioned—a principal, two second grade, and three third grade assistants, and not leave them out of pocket. Therefore, what is proposed with regard to the convent schools, which are not graded, is that there shall be an increase of the Capitation Grant in the school I have mentioned and with the practical results I have mentioned. It must, of course, be a uniform increase, and this increase deals with schools of considerable size and with teachers of considerable position in their profession. There is only one other class in elementary education to which I want to refer, and that is teachers in workhouse schools. It is true of them, as it is true of other elementary teachers, that they are not in the direct service of the State, but they are paid by the State, and so I propose by such means as I am inclined to think—I am not quite sure at present having regard to the position in which they stand—will better the position of the workhouse teacher in some such manner—I do not say on precisely the same lines because conditions are different, they are rationed persons in public institutions—as I propose to deal with the other teachers.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say what he proposes to do with regard to the pensions of teachers?

I am coming to that; I cannot deal retrospectively with pensions. I want to say this, that the effect of this scheme on the increase of pensions will, I believe, add a contribution of something like £20,000 a year in pensions to the pension fund as they accrue and are paid. I mention that as one of the indirect effects of the scheme. It is one of the incidents of this graded system in which as you begin you must go on, one circumstance which makes it difficult as compared with a scheme where you make a present payment and there is an end of your liability. I said just now that there was one other particular in which I hoped that the ambitious teacher might be encouraged. From time to time in recent years there have been constant complaints of the inability of the teachers to secure uniformity of the standard upon which they were judged for their Grants and their promotion, an inability sometimes, as it was said, to secure attention to appeals. There is another matter which is of very considerable consequence, and that is the position of the junior inspectors. I desire to say, and I am sure Members from Ireland are aware, that there are two classes of junior inspectors, and that thirty of them at the present time are appointed on a commencing salary of £150. Just consider; assume that you are a school teacher, who is the most natural candidate? Your experienced teacher who has displayed his qualities, who is the most natural candidate for one of these junior posts,, and a candidate who is welcome and certainly ought to be welcome. There he is with his maximum, under the existing scale, appreciably above the sum at which it would be suggested that he should undertake more responsible duties. The practical consequence is, of course, to shut him out. He has to ask his wife, and she has to consider her interest in the case. We are going to alter it, and out of this fund, with regard to junior inspectors, it is proposed that the commencing salary shall be £250 a year, and that it shall rise by incre ments of £15 to the salary which the higher grade of junior inspector gets at present, that is, £400. That is what I venture to describe as an additional prize for the profession, and I hope it will be an inducement to the energy, diligence, and ambition of the teachers who look to make their way and to be in a position of influence in their own country.

I do not administer education inside in Ireland, but teachers are eligible, and my own view is that so far as you reasonably can you should not do anything that will necessarily exclude them; but I would not myself draw a distinction between a young fellow who as a graduate from one of the Irish colleges or universities comes down as an inspector, having such teaching experience as may be required, and the teacher who has worked his way up and is qualified to become an inspector, and comes in from what I call another branch of the profession. I would not draw that distinction. There is the matter of uniformity and of appeal. The Dill Committee, with which hon. Members are familiar, urgently recommend that there should be a class of inspectors of the higher grade—in fact, substantially of the highest grade—as divisional inspectors. That is a grade very little subordinate to the two chief inspectors, inspectors who can go through the country and see that there is a reasonable equality in the demands made on teachers, and if there is a difference between inspectors and teachers can compose it and remove a cause of irritation. Though I do not regard this as an occasion when it is justifiable to consider questions of increases of salaries where large salaries exist, the demand for these additional inspectors has been so great, and is, I think, so well-founded, that my proposals include the establish- ment of three divisional inspectors—I am told the work can probably be done by three, but at any rate we may reasonably begin with three—with the object in view to which I have referred.

Will the right hon. Gentleman state how these man will be selected? Is it by competitive examination?

I cannot myself conceive the inspector who is got by competitive examination. I know excellent students, perfect monuments of learning, who are as little fit to conduct the business of inspecting schools as any baby. The object is to invigorate the system, to give better chances to teachers wherever there are difficulties and doubts, and to introduce something like equality of demand and fair means of removing difficulties and discords before they become acute.

What about organising inspectors of Irish—they are in the same category?

That is not a case to which at the moment I have devoted part of this sum. I do not say that that is final, but at the moment it is not so. That is a matter, however, which I will consider. There are one or two other matters. I spoke of the schools. It was pointed out to me that at boys' schools you can have training in gardening, and you ought to be able to have it in girls' schools. That will be put right. It is pointed out that the head teacher, who is a woman, of a model school has not the advantage which a head teacher who is a man has, of an allowance for residence. Well, she must live somewhere, and it is proposed to remove that grievance. In the case of the training colleges and the provision of teachers, two steps are proposed. One is with regard to the training of the monitors and pupil teachers. At present there is not the inducement there should be to the teacher who is in charge of them to cause him to be specially active in the matter. It is proposed to make him an award for each teacher whom he successfully presents when that teacher has completed the course. With regard to the training colleges, these are very hard times, and it is proposed to make a modest increase in the capitation allowance which is necessary for the maintenance of the students in the training colleges, which will somewhat ease their position. I am greatly indebted to the Committee for the patience with which it has listened to an involved and a somewhat difficult explanation. I can only hope that upon consideration these changes will be found to be changes which will not worsen the conditions of the education problem in Ireland, but on the contrary will give it an impetus towards development and steady improvement.

2.0 P.M.

I have listened with the greatest interest to the very exhaustive, elaborate, and interesting survey which the Chief Secretary has given of the condition of elementary education in Ireland. He has shown the Hosue that as Irish education has been worked in the past it was practically impossible that that very important public service could attract to it men of high education, and what I think was even more important than that in a nation such as ours, that if they did happen to go into the education service with the intention of devoting their lives to education they found in time, owing to the meagre salaries and very limited prospects of promotion, that it was impossible for them to stay in it. The result has been in many cases, that the best of our teachers, trained and paid for out of Irish funds, either left that service for some other walk of life, or, as I know of my own knowledge, by the hundred and by the thousand came to England, or went to the Colonies, to teach to those countries. The Chief Secretary's survey of the whole system of elementary education in Ireland must have proved to the House, if proof were necessary, that at least up to the present the salaries paid to teachers were utterly absurd, and inadequate. I am sure that having gone so exhaustively into the matter and made such full inquiries as he must have done, the right hon. Gentleman realises, even after the proposed increases of which he has told the House, that the new salaries, considering the new times in which we are living, not alone war times, but the increased cost of labour of every kind in the community—he must be satisfied that the salaries paid to teachers of the various grades are not such as he, or I, or any educationist would consider sufficient to attract really educated and enthusiastic men into the service of education. He must be equally satisfied, if he has contrasted these salaries with those paid in England and Scotland, that the salaries in Ireland stand far behind those that are paid to either English or Scottish teachers. Irish teachers and Irishmen as a whole have resented this distinction which is drawn between Irish, English and Scottish teachers. They feel that the Irish teacher takes as long a time to prepare for his important work, that he is as well educated and trained for that work, and that he does it with at least as great efficiency and enthusiasm as English or Scottish teachers.

I do not want to make comparisons, but I am satisfied that all who study and compare the systems of the three countries will admit that the Irish teacher is a most excellent servant, and, in spite of the fact that there are scores of obstacles to discourage and annoy, he is really a most efficient servant for the salary he gets. Contrast the English and Scottish systems. The salaries proposed to be paid under the new scheme, I admit freely, are a considerable increase on the old system. I admit the sweeping away of obstacles on the long and toilsome road that had to be travelled by teachers before they reached the maximum of their grade. That is an excellent thing. But why is it that there should be this distinction between the teachers of the three countries? The right hon. Gentleman said truly that in Scotland and in England the rates contribute to the salaries of the teachers, whereas in Ireland there is no such contribution. I am not going into that question further than to say that this House and the Government of this country have been responsible for the education which is given in Ireland, and neither the Irish teachers nor the Irish people are to blame if the system which exists in Ireland does not provide for the granting of local assistance to improve teachers' salaries. This House and the Chief Secretary are responsible for seeing that Irish education is conducted on at least as favourable lines as education is conducted in England and Scotland. I think I am right in saying that the view of most educationists is that the system of rate-aided or locally aided education is not really good, and that the State should be responsible for the education of the children, and should not leave to local districts to have it in their power to withhold from children in those districts facilities for education that are given in the richer districts and in districts where the inhabitants are more generous.

This House is responsible for the conduct of Education in Ireland. We have no local rates or assistance from the districts concerned. That is not our position. We, as Irish representatives, would be most anxious, if we had the power, to do every-thing we could to bring Irish education up to the needs and necessities of the country. We have not that power; we are not responsible, not having the power. And I submit to the right hon. Gentleman—and I think he will agree with the proposition—that it is not fair to the Irish teacher nor to the Irish child that the condition of education in Ireland should be what it is at present because this House, having had control for seventy years of Irish education, has not had the time nor the desire to make such alterations as would have enabled the Irish teacher and the Irish child to have all the advantages possessed by Irish and Scotch children and teachers. The Government of this country, while it remains as it is, is bound to see that the Irish teacher is paid as good a salary, and that the Irish child receives as good an education, as are given to teachers and children in England and Scotland. The right hon. Gentleman in the course of his remarks expressed the hope that the present system of management of Irish education would be altered. I only wish that I could have the same hope. But at least I am with him, and if the right hon. Gentleman is looking for trouble, which I know he has the courage to face, if he and the Government are anxious to take this matter in hand, no one will be more ready to assist him and work with him and fight with him to bring about such an alteration, than I personally would be. The condition of education in Ireland is disgraceful; but, at the same time, nowhere in the world are the parents of the children more anxious to see that their offspring are brought up under a system of teaching which will enable them to get on in life, and prepare them for the employments into which they desire to enter.

There is no country where the parents are so completely devoted to education as are the parents in Ireland; yet in that country they have nothing whatever to say in regard to education, and that is the condition we have in our country. If the right hon. Gentleman is prepared to do something he will find that he has many supporters in this most excellent and necessary work. The first question on which I think the right hon. Gentleman must feel that he has not completely satisfied the House has reference to the amount of the Grants which are given. I listened with the greatest interest to the statement of the English Minister of Education recently. Having made a careful survey of the needs of education in England, so far as finance is concerned, and having stated those needs, he simply pointed out that so much money was necessary. He went to the Treasury and he got the amount he required. The right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary is responsible for education in Ireland in the same way as the Minister of Education in England. He equally made an inquiry, and he was equally convinced of the needs of Irish education. I think if we had access to his private documents we would become aware that he knows that Irish education requires not merely £384,000, but I think I would be within the mark if I said that the amount required is nearer £1,000,000. Anyone who listened to the figures which the right hon. Gentleman gave this morning, and contrasted those figures with the figures in relation to England and Scotland, would be satisfied that the amount required is at least double the amount he has been able to get. If we are driven back to the old and absurd principle of proportion, and comparison of Irish education with education in England and Scotland, if the neglected condition of education in Ireland is not realised, if instead of your going to put it in a proper condition and bring it up to the level of modern requirements, getting the money required—if, instead of that, you say, "We do not care how badly Irish education has been treated in the. past, we do not care how poor the teachers' salaries have been, how miserable the schools have been, how inadequate the education of the children, we pass by all that, but we will insist that the only step shall be that England shall get so much, Scotland so much, and that Ireland shall only get a certain proportion," then I submit that it is a wholly uneducational test to apply; it is a wrong test to apply.

And we have had so many tests in this matter. We had the Goschen ratio of eighteen, eleven, and nine, but Mr. Wyndham in 1902 discarded it, and instead he adopted the population basis. As to the right hon. Gentleman's figures, I have gone through the Estimates of the three countries as well as I can, and it is not an easy matter to do in the case of England, where primary and secondary education are so mixed up, whereas in Ireland we have only the primary education to deal with. I have gone through the figures, and I find that even on the Goschen ratio of eighteen, eleven, and nine we have not got our due proportion. Scotland gets £530,000 on the ratio of eleven, and £530,000 is greater than £384,000. That would be only taking the figures in the new Supplementary Estimate, but even on those figures the right hon. Gentleman will find that Ireland has not got its proportion on the Goschen ratio. I go further and I take the Goschen basis on the total Grant, not merely the Supplementary for England, Scotland, and Ireland, and I find that we have not got our proportion, for instead of being £350,000 it should be very nearly £450,000—that is, on the proportion basis. The Goschen basis has long since been discarded. When the Wyndham education Act of 1902 was before this House, and when the new Grant was being proposed for England, it was clearly and definitely stated that the Goschen ratio would be discarded and that the population basis would be adopted. Working that out, and making a comparison between the amounts of the three countries, I find that Ireland, instead of getting as she now gets £384,000, ought to get £784,000. That is the amount she would be entitled to under the operation of this basis. I submit that this old Goschen basis, which we have not even got, has long since been discarded and should not now be revived, and that the population basis, which was adopted fifteen years ago and has been followed ever since, should not now be departed from. Are we to assume, if the population of Ireland had gone up instead of, unfortunately, having gone down, and if, instead of four and a half millions, it had become five and a half millions, that a different basis would have been adopted? I think it is clearly established that the population basis should be continued, as it has been in operation for fifteen years, not alone in education, but in practically every other matter. I know the right hon. Gentleman himself is not responsible, but I cannot understand why those who are should revert to the old and discredited and discarded system where it is to the disadvantage of Ireland and that most important service—Irish education.

Therefore, I contend that Ireland in this matter of finance has been very scandalously treated, and that the right hon. Gentleman, in framing his scheme of the salaries and promotions of teachers and for junior assistant-mistresses for inspectors and for all those who work in the education service, has been driven and forced to fix salaries that are wholly inadequate and that really will not satisfy anybody. I trust we have not heard the last of this question of the meanness and stinginess of the Treasury in dealing with Irish education. Another question that has been raised is that of the difficulty of dealing with Irish education because of the number of small schools. I admit that when it comes to a question of ten children in a school that really it is nearly time that something should be done, if possible, to get rid of it, but I am not one of those who believe that it is to the advantage of Irish education or of education in any country to herd children together in schools of 500 or more. I think that when you get to more than 500 you get beyond efficiency. No true education and no true connection between the teacher and the child and none of the relations of life that are necessary in order to make education really effective can be attained if your school is too large. Therefore, I think too much stress should not be laid on the advantage of the large school. Schools in Ireland of from thirty to a hundred are essential. Many of our districts are remote, and it is impossible for the children to get to town centres. I was extremely glad to find that the right hon. Gentleman is prepared to go a very considerable distance in order to meet the necessities of those schools. With regard to the question of the unexpended balance, did I understand the right hon. Gentleman in thinking that in future, if there is a certain amount left, the National Board are to get that or are they to return it to the Treasury, or only part of it?

I did not refer in my statement to the question of unexpended balances on the whole Education Estimates. I merely pointed out that I had received an assurance from the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the proposed increases of salary, etc., to be made from this new equivalent Grant would not be prejudiced by the Treasury rule as to the surrender of unexpended balances.

I hope that the whole question will be dealt with in the same manner as that in which the right hon. Gentleman has got the Treasury to deal with this particular portion of it. Let me come to the question of the teachers. Everybody who takes an interest in Irish education realises that the old system of grading and promotion is really an impossible system. It took thirty-nine years for a teacher to reach the maximum of his grade. I have tried to follow the new proposed scheme, and as far as I can learn it takes twenty years without any break, and under the best conditions, for a teacher to reach the maximum. I wonder if the right hon. Gentleman is aware that under the old system there were so many marks and grades and methods of distinction. I do not want to go into it now in detail, but you had "good," "very good," "efficient," "highly efficient," "fair," "middling," and "bad." I think it required "highly efficient" or "excellent," I forget which, to enable a teacher to go from one grade to another. What is to be the test of going from one grade to another? I assume that the right hon. Gentleman says one may go from the minimum to the maximum of grade by annual and automatic increments without any special distinction given by the inspector. At the end of this grade, and before he goes from that to the next grade, what is to be the standard? Is it to be "highly efficient," or "efficient," or "good"?

The standard which is known at present as "highly efficient," I think. I am not sure, but that is a matter of internal administration, and depends on examinations and regulations which the Board will issue to give effect to the matter.

I am not one of those who believe or who would ask that the Irish teacher should be promoted if he does not deserve it; far from it. But at the same time I do not think that a. number of stringent and difficult rules should be laid down to prevent a man going from one grade to another after a certain period has elapsed. I think-where the teacher has been trained and is a man who has spent years in a training college and gone to the country where he has improved by experience, and where he has done his work faithfully and where there has been no mark against him, this over-inspection and over-criticism and this suspicion haunting him day and night does not improve the man. He feels that at every turn of the road there is the inspector, and that his prospects may be thereby affected. We are, indeed, over-inspected in Ireland in everything, and nobody seems to trust ourselves. I am one of those who believe that education is a thing which depends on the "teacher. It depends on his willingness to do the work, and you only get the best out of him when you say to him, go and teach. I do not suggest that there should be no inspection. Nothing of the kind, but I would give the man freedom to do his work, which is a high and noble work which calls forth the best instincts of man. You will not get that best work if the man is over-inspected. Therefore, I would suggest that too much inspection and too much criticism and too much direction from outside is really a bad thing for Irish education I do not mean to suggest that Irish inspectors are not good men. I believe in the main they are, but they are human, and too many of them in the past at least had not that intimate and practical knowledge of Irish education which would enable them to be the best persons to assist and advise the teacher.

According to the system here it takes about twenty years before a teacher reaches his maximum. I do not suggest that would not be fair, but I think the beginning salary is too low. You begin at £78 for a man who has reached about twenty-one years of age, and who has spent, we will say, two or three years in Dublin in a training college, having previously spent five years as a monitor in a national school. I am afraid that even in Ireland you will not attract good men into your service at that figure. There is then the position of assistant teacher. As the right hon. Gentleman is aware, the assistant teacher loses his position altogether if the attendance falls below forty, the exact figure being 39.5. What is the position of the man? I do not suggest that he should be kept on in a school with an attendance of less than 39.5, but here is the case I wish to present. This man began training and educated himself for the profession of teacher. He spent his youth in preparation, and has passed the same examination and the same courses, and went down to the country to teach and to spend his life in the profession. He finds himself after five, ten, or twenty years a local parish servant—and that is all he is If the attendance in his particular school drops to 39.4 there is absolutely nothing for him to do. He may be a married man, too. He finds himself with his wife and children absolutely with nothing to do, and wholly unfitted to do any other work. Is it right that that system should continue? I would suggest to the right hon. and learned Gentleman a remedy for that. The man has been trained at the expense of the State, first as a monitor, then as a pupil teacher, and finally he has gone through one of the training colleges. He gives his teaching by the authority of the State, and receives his salary from the State. After some years' teaching in a particular parish the attendance drops, and he drops out. Could not the National Board make it a rule that the next vacancy somewhere throughout the country should not be filled whilst there was such a man as this without employment? Some such rule as that might be made to get over the difficulty; for really it is a disgrace that a man should, after a number of years in the way I have described, be thrown on the world, wrecked and useless for any other purpose. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will endeavour to do something in connection with this matter.

The training of the teacher is a question in which I have always taken a very great interest. Surely all other things are of minor importance to that of the man who is behind the work? It is the man who counts, not systems or programmes. In order to get a thoroughly efficient and really valuable educational system everything should be done to make the man efficient for his work. In this connection the system of training is to my mind of vital importance. I have always held the belief, and I hold it strongly now, that the man who is to train our children should not be taught, as he is at present, exclusively in training colleges, and entirely separate and apart from other professions and classes. Some arrangement should be come to by which the boys and girls from the different parts of the country, when they come to Dublin, or Belfast, or elsewhere, to undergo training for the teaching profession should avoid that training being in a narrow groove. They should be brought into contact with other professions and other educational forces in the country, and they should be encouraged, these men and women who are growing up to teach our children, to spend at least a year in one of the universities. Until such is done you cannot expect to have that high standard and type of education and that wide outlook on life which is really essential in order to make Irish education what it ought to be. I do not know how far the statement of the right hon. Gentleman has met that point. I have no doubt he is sympathetic, but this is really a most important matter. There may be difficulties in the way, but it is absolutely essential, if Irish education is to be the broadening influence that everyone of us would like it to be, that the teacher should have some connection with other professions; he ought not to be taught within the narrow groove of merely the few subjects that he has got to prepare for technically.

I was very pleased to find that in the matter of the junior inspectorships there is an increase in their salaries. Apparently in the future there is to be a greater number of these posts available to national teachers. These latter will be delighted to hear that. Many of the national teachers have undergone university training. They are highly trained and qualified men. This new move will be an incentive to work for the additional prize. I am entirely with the right hon. Gentleman in doing everything in this direction. I am not at all sure that the other scheme, that of £40 or £50 a year in the schools, will have quite the effect desired. I agree that under a proper system it would be, but as the right hon. Gentleman is aware, in Ireland the teacher is merely a parish servant; he is not a national teacher at all. It is a misnomer to call him so. He is paid by the State. He is subject to State rules. But he is merely a parish servant, and to that extent, of course, the opportunities of availing himself of this scheme are very limited. I only hope we had a system by which the hard-working efficient teacher would be able to go on from the smaller to better schools in another district, and until you have some such system Irish education will, I am afraid, suffer a great deal. The right hon. Gentleman has been to Ireland; he has seen what are some of our principal industries. Primary education, like all education in Ireland, is of a literary kind. There is practically no consideration given to the work that a boy or a girl will have to do in after life. I do not suggest—and here, of course, is the difficulty in dealing with one phase of education—that the boy who really learns to read, to write, and to cypher, has learnt all that he should before he is put to anything else, but really I think it is absurd how in some matters things go now. I have been in some of our primary schools recently. I have asked how many subjects are being taught, and I have been told the number is from fifteen to seventeen. I say that the boys and girls who learnt reading, writing, and arithmetic under the system that obtained when I went to school were, to my mind, much more efficiently and better educated than those of to-day who get a wholly inadequate smattering of fifteen or seventeen subjects. It is absurd, it is monstrous, to begin particular (branches of particular subjects until a boy reaches eleven or twelve. After that, if he is well grounded in the main subjects of reading and writing, and if he can do his multiplication table, then by all means let him commence to specialise.

To-day, however, in our national system, you have such a host of subjects that the teachers really do not know where they are. Speaking of my own. country, as an agricultural country, I think the situation is really hopeless. One casts ones eyes abroad and finds the world awakening to the necessity of an improved national system of education to enable the boys and girls to go out into life and to do those things which will improve their own condition and improve their country's condition. We find, on looking abroad, even in England, that matters are moving. England never bothered about education—that is really its history! But even in England there appears to be signs of an awakening. Scotland has always been stirring. The Scottish system of education from beginning to end is a model. So far as I know, it is superior to anything we have either in England or Ireland. There is a terrible road for us to travel in Ireland before we can approach anything Hike the Scottish system. We are forced by the rules of the House to deal only with primary education. We cannot deal with education if you tie it up in little batches. It is, I think, a pity that we have not an opportunity of just a few words in regard to secondary education. I do not know, Mr. Rawlinson, whether you will rule me out of order, and say that I cannot deal with secondary education.

The Estimate refers only to elementary education.

Then I do not propose to take up your time any further on that point. I notice that the White Paper says:

"Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates and Supplementary Estimates, 1917–18, Class 4, Votes 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17."

That includes secondary education, and, therefore, I am entitled to say a few words on the subject.

May I submit that when this question was raised a couple of days ago my hon. Friend the Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon), speaking for us, asked that the whole of the Education Votes might be put down for to-day in order to raise the whole subject of Irish education, including secondary education, and I submit, therefore, my hon. Friend is entitled to allude to the question of secondary education.

He will be, after this Vote is concluded. On the next Vote he will be able to discuss the question of intermediate education in Ireland, but this Vote only deals with primary education.

That rules me out in practice as well as in theory. There is only one other point with which I wish to deal. It is in relation to the six organising inspectors.

I will accept the right hon. Gentleman's promise, but I would point out that when considering it he must be influenced by the fact that their salary begins at £120 a year and goes up by increments of £5 to £200. All these have been teachers, who are very highly trained and very efficient, and it would be really absurd to leave them with their present salaries, in view of what the right hon. Gentleman proposes to do in the case of other teachers. The amount the right hon. Gentleman has got is wholly inadequate on any test that can be applied, and not one third of what it ought to be if the right hon. Gentleman were to adopt the principle that the Minister for Education in England adopted as to the needs of education in this country. If the same test were to be applied to Ireland instead of the £384,000, we would at least get £1,000,000, and if he were to ask some of us to tell him where the needs of education lie we should have no difficulty in showing, not fanciful schemes, but practical, useful schemes. We would not confine ourselves to primary education, but would show the road to advance in our country in commerce, agriculture and industry by true secondary education, and not farcical and absurd secondary education, such as we have got to-day. If the right hon. Gentleman would go to the trouble of getting a small committee of men, not merely theorists, not merely professors, but practical business men, men in commerce, men in industries, workers and engineers to inquire into the needs of higher and secondary education in Ireland, they would present a report to him showing the immense advantage and immense service that could be done to Ireland had we a proper system of education. He will not have done his duty—and I know he has strained every nerve to do it—by merely dealing with primary education. Secondary education in the broadest sense—not your classical, not your theoretical, not your literary education, but something which would prepare men and women for life—that is what I trust he will turn his attention to, and if he will appoint a committee such as I have suggested, they may frighten the Treasury, but they will serve one of the most neglected portions of Irish education.

I wish, in the first place, to congratulate the Chief Secretary on his statement, which will bring comfort to the hearts of many teachers and many interests affected in Ireland. I think none of us from any part of Ireland will think that the increases are not deserved, or that there are any excesses, but that in fact in some directions the Chief Secretary might have gone a little further. I should like to know as regards the increase suggested to-day how much of the Grant of £384,000 has been ear-marked, and how much is still in reserve. I should also like to point out to the Chief Secretary a difficulty which no doubt is a very real one, and that is, how to compensate in some way the teacher in small schools of seventy or seventy-five pupils, who cannot get away to the larger centres, although he is probably equally as excellent a man in every way as the man in the large town. With what he has done in connection with teachers in large towns I have no fault to find, but I do suggest that the teacher who has got no friends to ask him to come up higher should be borne in mind. It is not the Civil Service, and promotion is not automatic. Many a man is taken from a country district to city life in order that he may accomplish some service outside his teaching altogether, such as playing the organ or harmonium, or leading in singing, and things of that sort, which have nothing to do with teaching, but which may be the determining factor which ultimately gets a man a more lucrative post, whereas other men, not having those qualifications, but, so far as the Board of Education is concerned, equally good men, are passed over. I would ask the Chief Secretary to consider those men and try to meet their case in a more substantial manner. As there are now to be improved salaries, I think the time has come when we may hope that the educational authorities of Ireland will make an effort to get teachers of higher standing. When I say this I do not find fault with the teachers we have. They are excellent teachers, and do their work well, but I submit ft would be to the advantage of the children of the country if all our teachers had the advantage of passing through the secondary schools or even the universities. If they had experience of secondary schools and knew what university life was it would enable them to have a very great and cultivating effect upon the children they have to teach.

To my mind no patching up of the present system will suffice. The whole thing wants taking away, lock, stock, and barrel. It has outlived its time by about fifty years. There was a time when very little interest was taken in education, and clergymen—all honour to them—did what they could for education, but the time has come when we must nationalise our education, co-ordinate all the branches, primary, secondary, technical, and university, and when we ought to have a Minister here responsible to this House with an advisory committee in Ireland of a representative character which would be able to have a voice and bring people more into sympathy with education. So far as the ratepayers are concerned, I do not believe the Irish people object to a tax. If they can get something worth while, they are willing to pay a small tax for education. I say it is not altogether the fault of this House. It is not the fault of the various Chief Secretaries from time to time. I believe the fault is our own, and is equally that of my hon. Friends below the Gangway and my hon. Friends on this side. I see no reason why we should not put our heads together and go into the whole thing and recommend a system that would relieve us from the position of being the scandal of civilisation, and from our children being obliged to come over here and be mere hewers of wood and drawers of water for the English and Scottish people.

But behind it all, in my opinion, what has destroyed education in Ireland is clericalism; and if we do not get rid of that in its all-absorbing power, and bring the people into having some representation such as the English system of board schools affords, we are simply tinkering with education, and it will be like putting a new cloth on a moth-eaten garment. Many of the clergy are sick of the managerial system, and it is an awkward position for many of them at the present time to occupy. Even if they dismiss a teacher they are often open to the risk of various actions, and some such actions have already come before the Irish Courts. Of course, somebody must act as manager, but they have no committees, and in Irish schools the parents have no rights, and they might as well be schools sent into the country by some foreign Power. They ought to be our own schools, but we cannot interfere with them, and although our children go to them we can hardly look inside them. The power is in our own hands. I do not believe that the Government would interfere with the schools if they were conducted on right lines, and if we could bring forward a healthy system of education I think the Government would endorse it to-morrow. Along these lines a clergyman of the late Church of Ireland wrote to me yesterday as follows: the country, and have somebody responsible on these benches whom we can meet and talk to if the educational affairs of the country have been neglected. This is merely patching up the system, and, although it is giving some relief to those interested, it is not effectively dealing with the question of education in Ireland. With much of what the hon. Member for Kerry (Mr. O'Donnell) said I am in thorough agreement. I am amazed if these are his sentiments, and the sentiments of my hon. Friends below the Gangway, as I know they are, why we should not come together like men and see to it that these small schools disappear all over Ireland, and see that Protestants and Catholics sit together on the same bench and should be taught in the same classes, as they used to be in the old days in Ireland. What is doing most harm in Ireland is this denominationalism, and the feeling that Catholics must not be taught in Protestant schools and Protestants must not be taught in Catholic schools. I could never see why we could not have the same education for all these children in the same school and at the same time protect the religious side of the question. We ought to be able to take the small schools in every village and merge them into one, and thus secure decent teachers and equipment for those schools, instead of having two or three little schools with, perhaps, thirty children in each. It is very sad to see the little mites constantly passing a nearer school and going to some other school simply because of this denominationalism.

I agree with what the hon. Member for Kerry said on the technical side, because we do require greater facilities in this respect, and we have a long headway to make up. At present our youth has to come over to England and Scotland to be taught the textile industry, and they have to go to Gallashiels and Leeds to be taught the woollen trade, although I know that we have a good school in Belfast. I hold that a great sum of money should be earmarked for technical education in Ireland in order to enable us to take our place in competition with other parts of the world. After the War we shall have the keenest competition, and the men with trained minds and brains and intellect are going to succeed. I believe my countrymen are bound to be kept at the bottom if something is not done, and the poor Irish lad and girl will be down at the bottom if he or she is not provided with sufficient technical training to keep pace and meet face to face their brothers and sisters of the Scottish people in the various, commercial markets of the world. I hope I am not travelling wide of the mark, but I did wish to give expression to these views here to-day. I thank the Chief Secretary for the honest attempt he has made so far to try to help Irish education. Knowing the tremendous needs of my country, and the great strides we shall have to make if we are to take our part equally with other parts of the civilised world, I do hope the Chief Secretary will not leave this question where it is, and I am glad to hear that he is going to have the assistance of my hon. Friends below the Gangway; and, so far as we are concerned in the North, I can assure him he will have our sympathy and support. We want a thoroughly democratic system of education, and we want to eliminate all that is autocratic. We want everything; accounted for. We want value for our money in educational results, and along; these lines I hope the Chief Secretary will proceed. If he does he will deserve the lasting gratitude of the people of Ireland.

I should like to join with the hon. Member for West Kerry (Mr. O'Donnell) in impressing upon the Chief Secretary that in so far as the minimum, wage for the assistant-teacher is concerned, in fixing it at £78 he is certainly fixing it too low. At this time when the Corn Production Bill is under discussion, we have been discussing whether the agricultural labourer should get 25s. or 30s. a week, and the sum which is proposed for the assistant-teacher is the precise figure of 30s. Therefore, the wages suggested for the agricultural labourer in England is to be the sum fixed for the salary of the assistant-teacher in Ireland. The Chief Secretary is a lawyer, and he has a sense of proportion, and surely he must see that if the proposal in England is that the agricultural labourer is to have 30s. a week, at least it stands to reason that it is ridiculous that the salary of a male teacher in Ireland, who is to be entrusted' with the teaching of the youth of Ireland, should be the same as the agricultural labourer. I must follow the speech to which we have just listened, and I do so with more diffidence because the hon. Member for South Tyrone (Mr. Coote) supported me last night in an effort to improve the teaching of science in Ireland. He has raised again the very thorny question which for years has in England disturbed educational peace. He has alluded to the managerial system in Ireland. I am one of those who hold and will continue to hold that any attempt to interfere with the managerial system in Ireland is bound to lead to trouble. Irish Catholics have always held that dogmatic teaching of the Catholic church on the one side and of the Church of Ireland or Presbyterian church on the other is best suited to our country, and whilst you in England have had difficulties in the matter and have changed your views, going in for a different system, Scotland has maintained the same system. It is true that there are school boards in Scotland, but in those schools there is definite dogmatic teaching of the Presbyterian church or of the Catholic church, as the case may be.

I submit to my hon. Friend that so far from seeking to bring about a general democratisation of education in Ireland he is really by raising again this question of the managerial system doing a dis-service to education in Ireland. The way of advance is on the lines suggested by the Chief Secretary, namely, an increased Grant to secure efficiency in the schools by giving the teachers a living wage and enabling them to carry out their high educational functions. I do not question the good intentions of the hon. Member or the reasons which have induced him to bring this matter forward to-day—I sympathise with most of his educational efforts—but if an effort were now made, above all in the field of elementary education, to introduce the system which indeed has not been completely followed in England, because in England our Catholic schools in which Catholic teachers are appointed and the Catholic doctrine is taught still subsist, and may they long subsist, side by side with schools in which the doctrine of the Protestant church or the Church of England is taught, or in which the Cowper Temple Clause obtains and no dogmatic instruction is given, it would be a real disservice to education in Ireland. The Chief Secretary stated very wisely that when the Supplementary Estimate of £384,000 was settled the question of a local contribution was not taken into account. In England you have the system of local rating. We have no local rating for educational purposes, but we do bring something into the common stock, because the heating of the schools, for instance, has been carried out by the voluntary efforts of the teachers and by the children bringing turf to the school in the winter. There are numerous other services to which people voluntarily subscribe to improve the efficiency of our elementary education.

The hon. Member has failed to recognise that the State now pays half of that cost.

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That is so with regard to the heating and the lighting of the schools, but my argument was that there was a substantial contribution amounting to many thousands of pounds in the year, and it. takes the place of the contributions which in England are levied by means of rates. I believe that in Ireland any suggestion. for a system of local rating to assist education would meet with the most tremendous opposition. We know that any attempt to increase local taxation for any purpose is generally met with a storm of indignation. It would be most unfortunate at this time to raise this controversy about managerial control and at the same time to introduce a system of local rating for educational purposes. It would not commend itself to the great body of opinion in Ireland, though it might to a certain number of people who perhaps are bent on revolutionary and republican methods. Certainly, if such a system of local rating for educational purposes were combined with a complete revision of the system of managerial control and teaching of dogmatic religion, it would be most unfortunate in the interests of Irish education. The great majority of my fellow Catholics in Ireland desire to see a continuation of that system by which our Catholic children receive dogmatic religious instruction in our schools. We are not going to follow English methods in. this connection. We prefer to have the system which has been maintained for many a year past in Ireland, and I believe the real way of progress was shown to us to-day by the Chief Secretary. It is by increasing the salaries of the people and by providing additional buildings for the schools. Above all, I warn the hon. Member that he is really doing a very great disservice to the cause we all have at heart, namely, the improvement of elementary, secondary and university education in Ireland, if at this time particularly he makes any effort to upset the: existing system.

I confess that without having studied the matter very thoroughly I have a great deal of agreement with what was said by my hon. Friend the Member for South Tyrone (Mr. Coote). I consider very strongly that Irish education, above all, wants a thorough reorganisation from the bottom, and some of the platitudes which have been used by the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down (Mr. Boland) do not at all correspond with the more advanced opinion of to-day. I very greatly welcome the announcement of the Chief Secretary. We all know that the Irish teachers have been grossly underpaid in the past, and I am inclined to agree that the increase in salaries might have been even larger. Be that as it may, the effort to increase the salaries of the teachers in the primary schools in Ireland is one that must have the sympathy of every hon. Member who represents any part of Ireland; it certainly has mine. There is one matter to which I particularly wish to draw the attention of the Committee. We have heard about the proposed increase of the salaries of the teachers in primary schools. In many respects the question of Irish education to-day has a larger bearing upon the Irish position generally and the Imperial position as well than at any previous time in the history of the Empire. I say that because of the Sinn Fein movement, which has recently been so prominent before the world. That movement is of enormous importance. We all realise that, and most of us very greatly regret it. It was a movement which, to an enormous extent, was identified with the members of the teaching profession in Ireland. If there was one characteristic of the Sinn Fein movement and of the Irish rebellion of April of last year which stood out above all others, it was the fact that it was a movement connected with the teaching profession. That was its essential basis.

Might I ask the hon. and gallant Member is it not a fact that the Commissioners of National Education have published a Report showing that there has been a very small proportion of the national school teachers identified with that movement?

That is so, and I propose to refer to their Report. I should like to read a summary of the teaching qualifications of some of the principal movers of the Sinn Fein rebellion of last April. Thomas Ashe was a national school teacher at Corduff, near Swords. Francis Fahy, Bachelor of Arts, Galway, was a professor and school teacher at Tralee and professor of Castleknock College

On a point of Order, Sir. I should like to ask you whether a discussion about the particular opinions of any class in Ireland or of individual teachers in Ireland has any relevancy to the matter introduced by the Chief Secretary?

I understood that the hon. and gallant Member was going to make it relevant by showing, in some form or other, that the type of education was not sufficient. I certainly should hold that any discussion in detail of the opinions of any of the leaders of the Sinn Fein movement would be distinctly out of order.

I fully appreciate that. I wish, first of all, to point out that these men belonged to the teaching profession and that some of them, at any rate, were in a teaching profession which itself teaches the teachers of elementary schools; therefore it is perfectly relevant to the consideration of the Vote, the object of which is to benefit elementary education in Ireland. I have referred to two of them, and I will now refer to Mr. De Valera, whose name has been prominently before the public quite recently. He was a teacher at a number of schools. He was a professor of mathematics and taught in Rockwell University College, Maynooth, Belvedere, Dominican College, Eccles Street, Dublin, Loret's College, St. Stephen's Green, and Carysfort Training College for Teachers. I do not intend to read the whole list. There is Professor MacNeill, with whose name we are all acquainted. Without going into any further names and qualifications, I may say that it is a well-known fact that the leaders of this movement were to a large extent identified with the teaching profession in Ireland and that one of them was a teacher at a teachers' training college. What I have said does not apply only to the teachers in the universities and the highest type of schools. Here I should like to refer to what was mentioned a moment ago by the hon. Member below the Gangway (Mr. J. O'Connor)—that is, the Report of the Commissioners of National Education with regard to this matter. They so far recognised its existence that they referred to it in their Report for 1915–16. I should like to read what they say:

"The Commissioners have also caused a careful scrutiny to be made of the returns furnished of each school at the close of the last quarter to see how far the teachers had been identified with the recent rebellion, with the following result: Two National teachers are undergoing penal servitude, fifteen others were imprisoned, of whom seven were released subsequently—no decision, so far as the Commissioners are aware, having been come to in the cases of the remaining eight. In addition, three other teachers were reported to the Commissioners during the past year as having belonged to the Irish Volunteers, and were required to sever their connection with that body as a condition for further recognition in their positions."

Therefore, in their Report, the Commissioners recognise the fact that elementary teachers were to a certain extent connected with the Sinn Fein movement. Further on they say:

"In connection with the Commissioners' inquiries, statements were made by some of the managers of National schools that certain of the historical text books and readers used in the schools contained passages calculated to encourage disloyalty, and in consequence they ordered that all such books already sanctioned should be re-examined by a Committee of their number. The re-examination has not yet concluded, but they have found that some of the histories put on their list several years ago might, on account of their general tone, fairly be objected to, and they ordered that the use of these books be discontinued"

I hope that the Chief Secretary, if he makes any reply this afternoon, will tell us to what extent that inquiry is being continued, and how far these text books to which objection has been taken have been deleted up to now from the list of books used in the schools in Ireland. Professor Mahappy has also written about the matter. I remember a letter of his to the "Times" over a year ago, in which he described the principal driving force of the Sinn Fein movement as being found in the elementary teachers in the Irish schools. If this was true a year ago, how much more is it true to-day? The Report which I have read refers to the events which happened at a time when the world was told that the Sinn Fein movement consisted of an insignificant majority of the Irish people and was nothing worth thinking about, and that we need not even consider there was the slightest prospect that it would ever become a serious political movement. We know now from bitter experience that the Sinn Fein movement, far from being an insignificant political episode of a moment, is a great political campaign which will have its effect upon the history of Ireland. Under these considerations the power of the Irish teachers in the elementary schools, if they are to any extent imbued with the doctrines of Sinn Fein, is a power which no Government can afford to neglect. I therefore ask the Chief Secretary, if he can, to let us know to what extent the Commissioners of National Education are really seriously considering this question of the possible connection of the Irish national teachers with the Sinn Fein movement. I am perfectly certain hon. Members below the Gangway will agree with every word I have said because everyone in Ireland, they as much as I and those whom I represent, strongly deprecate this movement of physical force, because we know that so long as it exists and so long as it is a matter of paramount importance in Ireland, there will be no settlement of the Irish question.

On a point of Order. I should like to know whether we on our part may claim a similar privilege to deal with this matter?

I understand the point is this. Certain books", according to the hon. and gallant Gentleman, are supplied by the education authorities in Ireland to certain schools. Criticism has been made upon those books, and a Report apparently has been made that they tend to encourage disloyalty. An inquiry was to be held by certain Commissioners as regards that, and the hon. and gallant Gentleman is asking the Irish Secretary how far that inquiry has been carried out and presses him very strongly, as I understand it, to see that it is carried out and that these books are withdrawn as soon as possible. It would be out of order to deal with the Sinn Fein movement generally.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman wants the Government to hide the truth of the history of Ireland.

That may or may not be. It is perfectly in order, when the Commission has criticised certain books and said it was going to hold inquiry, to press that the inquiry should be carried out.

I was for the moment associating myself with hon. Members below the Gangway in our united desire to get rid of this incubus upon an Irish settlement, namely, a movement of the character of the Sinn Fein movement, and I know they agree with me just as much as hon. Members above the Gangway.

It is the desire of all those who have at heart the real good of Ireland that there should not be a movement of this kind continuing in Ireland which is bound to affect any prospect of an Irish settlement for ever. That being so, it is of enormous importance that this matter of the possible connection of the teachers of the elementary schools in Ireland with Sinn Fein doctrines should be gone into, because, after all, what a tremendous organisation that of the teachers is, what a tremendous power it has for good, and, in certain cases, a colossal power for evil. If any doctrine is identified with those who have to teach the youth of the country, it is given an incalculable advantage, and I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to see, as I do, that one of the most important points with regard to Irish education at present is the vital necessity, if we are ever to get peace in Ireland, of seeing that the teachers are dissociated from this movement. They have such a tremendous material to work on. Nothing, I suppose, is more beautiful, nothing is more remarkable, than the power which the teacher may have over the children. The material they have to work on is extraordinary. The children go to school young and innocent, with their views and their character unformed, and they are simply material ready to the hand of the moulder. And what an enormous influence it has on the future life of those children. That is the point to which I ask the most serious attention of the Chief Secretary. The Sinn Fein doctrine is essentially a doctrine which is at present imbuing the minds of the young generation in Ireland. I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman, and to all those who have the great trust of the Government of Ireland in their hands, for heavens sake let us see that that doctrine does not become the doctrine of the future. In order to bring that about it is of vital importance that this matter of the possible connection of the elementary teachers with Sinn Fein should be over and over again inquired into and examined by those responsible for education in Ireland. We can never be free of this terrible scourge which is taking place in Ireland if the elementary schools in certain parts of Ireland where these doctrines are rife, are not purged by the Board of Education once and for all of those teachers who may possibly secretly or in some other way imbue into the minds of the children they teach these pernicious, disloyal and seditious doctrines which at this moment are causing Ireland to be the one unhappy and the one troubled spot in the whole fabric of the Empire. I see the Minister of Education (Mr. Fisher) on the Government Bench. I read with great interest the speech he made when he introduced the Education Estimates for England. I have had interesting associations with my right hon. Friend in my university days, which I always look upon with the greatest happiness, and I hope he can say the same of me. In reading his speech there was one passage which particularly impressed itself on my mind. It was when he was speaking about the power which teachers have over the minds of those whom they teach. He used these words:

"In education almost everything depends upon the personal element. If the teacher is good and is thorough in his work, and if he is fond of children and is alert, understanding, sympathetic, firm and yet good humoured, success is assured. If the teacher is bad, the most costly buildings and equipment will not redeem your educational system from failure."

That is an eminently true statement, and it is up to the Commissioners of Education in Ireland to see that that which the right hon. Gentleman referred to is made a principle of the educational system in Ireland, and that those who may be connected with the teaching of undesirable doctrines of any kind should no longer have the power to do so. I assert with confidence that if the Board of Education in Ireland let this matter drift very much longer there will come a day of reckoning. The British people, for the moment, as we all know, are taking little or no interest in Irish affairs, because they have affairs of much more importance to consider, namely, the War, but there will come a day when the War is over when the British people, who now naturally think of nothing but the War, and whose whole interests are centred in the War, will pay attention once more to Irish affairs; and I suggest to the Chief Secretary that if when that time comes the Board of Education has been found wanting, in that it has not taken in hand the purging of the elementary schools of those who may be teaching seditious doctrines, the British people will have something to say, and possibly those who are now at the head of the Board of Education, or the Board of Education itself, may be swept away in one great sweep of wrath and indignation which may arise when the War is over, and when Irish matters receive that consideration from the British people which they have not received since the day when the War began.

I think that even the limited number of Members who are present will deeply regret the speech of the hon. and gallant Member (Captain O'Neill). I cannot understand why on an occasion of this character the hon. and gallant Gentleman should have considered it good taste or worthy of the occasion to introduce a political subject into what ought to be an educational discussion. However, I am not sorry that the hon. and gallant Gentleman has spoken, because he has made one or two statements which I was delighted to hear from a Member representing the political faith to which he belongs. He has stated that we should all deprecate any movement that encourages physical force in these islands. When did the hon. and gallant Gentleman commence to subscribe to that doctrine? I understand that the hon. and gallant Gentleman was one of the most militant members of the physical force party in Ulster. I notice he does not deny that. For what was he organising physical force in Ulster? Was it not to revolt against constituted authority, and against the operation of an Act of Parliament which "was passed by this House and sanctioned by the electors of these islands? I tell him frankly—and he had better understand it here and now—that if physical force has become an operating power in Ireland for public purposes, the responsibility and the blame rest primarily at the door of himself and his colleagues in this House. I have no desire to rake up these memories, but I tell the hon. and gallant Member this—that if he or any of his colleagues choose to invite a discussion on this question, we are prepared to prove to the House, and to the satisfaction of all thinking people, that there never would have been a Sinn Fein movement in Ireland if it had not been for the action of those whom he represents in this House.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman has given us a very interesting speech upon the functions of teaching. I am largely in agreement with him, but I go further. I think those functions belong to the citizen as well as to the teacher. To preach freedom and peace and union and love between all citizens who live in these parts is the function of us all. In my judgment, if there are teachers in the Sinn Fein movement to-day—and there are teachers in the Sinn Fein movement today just as there were teachers in the physical revolt in Ulster—countless teachers, as he will not deny—the responsibility largely lies with the Government of Ireland that has starved these teachers for half a century.

As the House will quite recognise, if you pay a teacher a salary less than a labouring man, and if you call upon men to take up the highest and the noblest function of citizenship, namely, to inculcate the virtue of love of the State in the minds of the young, how are you going to get the material to do it? Is it by paying £60 a year to the teacher who is compelled to live in circumstances of higher forms of decency and respectability than the working man? You ask the teacher to train himself for five years and to make the sacrifices incidental to that, and you ask him to start out on his career with £1 a week, and from the man so equipped you expect to have love of duty, and freedom, and peace, and loyalty to the State that treats that public servant in the fashion which I have indicated. What is the cause of unrest in every country in Europe to-day? It is the revolt of the under-dog, and the revolt of the underdog has affected the teaching community, and in my judgment you may talk about loyalty until you are blue in the face, but if you expect loyalty of the teachers or expect them to inculcate it in the youth where you treat the servants of the State, who bear upon their shoulders the highest and noblest of all responsibility, in this way, then you must be prepared to reap the harvest if you sow a seed like that. For that reason I rejoice that the Chief Secretary has made an attempt, to my mind a not altogether adequate attempt, but to some extent a satisfactory attempt, to deal with this problem of the payment of the teachers in Ireland.

We heard to-day that not only have men teachers, but women teachers, become Sinn Feiners in Ireland. Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman know that up to this moment there were 2,500 teachers in Ireland earning 10s. a week, the equivalent of 5s. a week before the War, and may I put this further? If it had not been for the tremendous pressure of English public opinion, which compelled the Minister for Education, who I have no doubt acted not only because of the pressure that was created, but because of his own instinctive and natural desire to improve education in this country, but if it was not for the fact that the Minister for Education was compelled to introduce a great scheme for the development of education in this country and for better payment for teachers, we never would have heard of the concessions of the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary. The male teacher would have gone on living on £1 a week, and the female teacher, as I have shown, on 10s. a week, if it were not that English necessities demanded that this great educational scheme should be introduced and that Ireland as a consequence should receive not an equivalent Grant but a substantial share of the equivalent Grant. And I would like the hon. and gallant Gentleman to understand that before the War, in which he has borne a very gallant and noble part, he belonged to a very rich and wealthy class. He did not understand these things. He does not understand me when—

I beg the hon. Gentleman's pardon. I prefaced my speech by saying that I fully approved of the proposed increases of the teacher's salary, and I think that it ought to be even larger, and I fully realise and deprecate, as much as the hon. Member for West Belfast, the disgraceful conditions of salary of the Irish teachers up to the present time.

I know that, but may I point out to the hon. and gallant Member, because he seems to think that it is his function to denounce a thing which is existing in Ireland, that we must go to bedrock to find out the causes of that discontent?

Our position and the position of the hon. and gallant Gentleman is different to this extent, that we have come here to remedy these causes and have been unsuccessful. It is because that for years and years we have been knocking at the door of this Parliament for justice, not only in the matter of education but in every matter that touches vitally every interest of our country, it was because of these things that we came helplessly knocking at the door, a minority of your Parliament, treated with contempt, English opinion overriding our judgment and our demands and the constitutional voice of the nation—that is what has brought about Sinn Fein in Ire- land. That is what has created a spirit of discontent. That is why the unrest was universal, and if there is a revolt against us to-day in Ireland, if there is a revolt against the constitutional party in Ireland, it is because those unrestful forces believes that nothing can be gained further by constitutional effort in Parliament and that in the end the only thing to do was to take advantage of the unconstitutional spirit that is permeating the whole of Europe and endeavour to do by revolution what, as I have endeavoured to point out, could be done if you are only prepared to meet us in a proper spirit, and to place upon Irish shoulders the responsibility which will create the soberising influence without which it would be impossible to bring peace, contentment or loyalty to any country. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman wants victims he has no reason to be more bitter against Sinn Feiners than we have. They are our opponents, not his. One of your Members on that bench, one of your un-uniformed Members, stood up in this House and declared that he rejoiced at the success of Sinn Fein—and he was a major in the Army! Another gentleman, known as the most notorious rack-renter and landlord in the South of Ireland, in a letter written the other day, declared that he rejoiced at the success of Sinn Fein.

Take the case of the newspapers in Ulster. The "Belfast Evening Telegraph," the great representative journal of the Ulster party, the "Whig," and "Newsletter." I ask the hon. and gallant Gentleman does he read these papers? Does he never derive inspiration from them? What will he find if he does read them? That, after all, the Sinn Feiners are bold, revolutionary, noble fellows compared with the wretched creatures who belong to the Irish party, and they are glad to see that party out of the way. Of course they are glad to see us out of the way. You know yourselves that if reaction and descendency are going to continue as a permanent feature in the public life of Ireland it will be due to the fact that you will substitute for the rule of the constitutional Parliamentarian the rule of the revolutionary, and in the debacle it is no concern of yours if your power will remain, that Ireland suffers now and that Ireland will suffer in the future. Therefore—

May I point out to the hon. Member that the point on which this discussion became in order at all was that the hon. Member for Antrim said that certain books of an objectionable type were used in schools, and that they had the effect of tending to Sinn Feinism, and that certain of the teachers had Sinn Fein views? To that extent the hon. Member is perfectly justified in answering the point which has been made, but perhaps I might appeal to him that a Debate entirely upon Sinn Feir would be somewhat wide of the subject under discussion.

You got ample notice of the necessary consequences of the hon. Member for Antrim going far beyond the subject. If you will pardon me for saying so, he raised the whole question of the situation in Ireland at considerable length, and the spread of Sinn Fein and how far it was due to the interference of the national teachers, and you got ample warning, if I may say so, as to what the consequences would be, and we must protest against any attempt to prevent us from replying to the hon. and gallant Gentleman.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman was entirely in order, and I could not have stopped him. He was dealing with the definite question of the teachers in the elementary schools, and of course I cannot interfere with the reply of the hon. Member. But I would merely appeal to the hon. Member to keep as far as possible within the limits of the subject under debate.

But, Mr. Rawlinson, we are discussing not only the salaries of the teachers, but high moral principles. The hon. and gallant Gentleman passed not only from prosaic things like books, but he roamed into the fancies of high ideals, and, although I confess I could not approach him in that direction, I am entitled, without protest from the Chair, if he lays down these high principles, to examine his credentials, and in that spirit alone am I discussing the subject with the hon. and gallant Gentleman. Although he may not be a pupil and I may not be a teacher, and vice versâ, on these questions, it is perfectly well for us to be frank and that the hon. and gallant Gentleman should learn from somebody that, if the teachers are what he describes them, I am entitled to go into the causes which have created that spirit of unrest and discontent in the minds of the teachers. I am entitled to say, too, that it is our duty, charged with the responsibility on matters of this, character, to say what the causes are and. try to remedy them. The hon. and gallant Gentleman also stated that Ireland was now the one dark spot in the Empire. Does he remember when it was the one bright spot in the Empire? I think he does. It was so described by an English Member, an eminent British statesman, the very day after war was proclaimed If it has become a dark spot, I will tell the hon. and gallant Gentleman why. Because the Irish people, for the first time-in their history, associated themselves with this Empire in the great War in which it was engaged; it gave them the offer of its whole-hearted support, and the valour of its sons to assist; and there never was a greater tragedy than the whole record, which may now be recorded, as to how Ireland has been treated from then until now. Do you mean to tell me that all these things can occur with your eyes open to the events which are taking place all over Europe; that you can go forth to battle on behalf of small nationalities and the freedom of small peoples, and expect our small nationality to help you when you rob and deny that small nationality the very right and privileges for which we are fighting with you throughout Europe? Nothing of the sort!

I come now to the question of victims. I think that is what, the hon. and gallant Gentleman wants. He wants the teaching; profession purged of discontented teachers. You will not purge them by a. policy of coercion or dismissal. It is not a method which has been successful in. Ireland. Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman remember the famous dictum of Sir John Maxwell—that he would put his foot down and he would so stamp upon treason that it would never lift its evil head again. Has the result been a fruitful one? Are you satisfied with the result? Does the hon. and gallant Member think that by physical force, which to me is just as hateful when it is applied by scientific and subtle processes as when it is carried out by the ordinary and unscientific power of the military army, as in Germany. They were going to deal with this question in Ireland, that they were going to have happy children breathing sweetness and beauty into the schools, and subsequently into the air of Ireland, and that, you are going to have highly responsible teachers with a sense of their responsibility. When you give them the right to be free citizens in their own country, never until then will you solve this question.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman tells us about the necessity for bringing about settlement. We cannot bring about a settlement until we precisely understand where we are, what belongs to each of us, and what is the function of all of us for the common good of the country to which we all belong. I have no desire to enter into a controversy in any spirit of bitterness with the hon. and learned Gentleman He has a different idea altogether to what I have as to what loyalty means. If loyalty means that you are to give, trippingly from the tongue, proclamations of fidelity to institutions that are abhorrent to you, that is not my sense of loyalty. Loyalty means to be faithful to all those great institutions that stand for human liberty, above all, your own country, and that is the only loyalty I believe in. If ever a free Ireland is a close and intimate partner in the Imperial household I will rejoice in it, but Ireland must be free and a governing partner in that household, and, therefore, there is no use in coming to the House of Commons and telling Parliament that loyalty means what you mean by loyalty. Loyalty is a thing you will get just as you deserve to get it; and you will get it from teachers, scholars, and all men with a love of liberty in their souls.

I only intended to rise to call attention to one body of public servants in Ireland, in whom I am deeply and profoundly interested—and that is the ex-school teacher. We have repeatedly called attention to the terrible condition of these ex-teachers. You have to do two things in dealing with the question of education in Ireland, and with the remuneration paid to teachers. First you have to select and secure the best of your citizenship to control and guide, especially in the primary schools of the country, and you will never do that unless paying adequate remuneration. And the second is to remember with gratitude those pioneers of education, the men who did the spade work in Ireland, and indeed in all countries, and who have served the State with utility and advantage. When there was very little organisation of teachers they learnt, as every other class learnt, that you cannot get anything from Parliament and Governments without organisation, and when there was very little organisation these men bravely built up, or attempted to build up, the great fabric of the teachers' organisation, and the teachers of to-day are reaping some of the benefits of the sacrifices which those older teachers made. Are these men to be left in penury, many of them in destitution? Is that the reward of the State to some of them for having spent thirty-eight years in the most laborious pursuit to which men are called upon to discharge? Would the House believe that out of 2,700 pensioned teachers in Ireland the maximum pension was £41 a year; that hundreds of these teachers have pensions from £13 to £30 per annum, which is equivalent now to £6 10s. up to £15; and seeing that the State is doing something to remunerate the service of the teaching profession they naturally think, and I think rightly, that the time has come when something ought to be done for them. We have appealed again and again to the right hon. Gentleman, but he has never given us an adequate reason why this concession has not been made. I expected today in his speech that he would, after he had dealt with the larger question, have at once grappled with this question. I believe thirty or forty thousand pounds, or perhaps less, would meet the claims of these men. Only the other day the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in response to the repeated appeals made to him from all sections of the House, gave an advance of half-a-crown to every old age pensioner in the country. These old age pensioners are most of them labouring men. They are not expected to live in a very flash way. They are not expected to keep up the outward forms of respectability that men are compelled to do who are former teachers, and yet you leave these people who have served the State, who, as I have said, have discharged laborious duties to the satisfaction of the State, now with this large sum of money that you are voting for educational purposes, with their grievances unredressed and with their demands unconceded. I hope the last word has not been said on that question. What is the good in dealing with a problem of that character unless you deal with it thoroughly and completely? If you are attempting to create contentment and satisfaction, and you are doing that to some extent though not altogether now, why do you leave this canker in the middle of it all? The discontent of these old teachers is natural when they have done their duty, and they are badly treated, when now that this national system demands that a large sum of money should be voted for educational purposes, and you are going to leave them in the state of destitution in which they now are. I do not believe this is the last word of the right hon. Gentleman, and I hope he will consider, and sympathetically, the suggestion I have ventured to make.

I do not complain, and I did not complain at the time, of the intervention of the hon. Member for Mid-Antrim (Captain O'Neill) and the turn he gave to the Debate, although it has somewhat interfered with those of us who desired to deal with the details of the Chief Secretary's statement. I shall add nothing to the comments and the reply which has been so effectively given by the hon. Member for Belfast (Mr. Devlin), except just to refer to one point of the speech of the hon. Member for Mid-Antrim. In doing so I wish to recognise in the fullest possible way the temper, I think the greatly improved temper, displayed by the hon. Member as compared with previous passages-at-arms between Members for Antrim and North-East Ulster and our side. I thought I detected in his speech some recognition of the unspeakable gravity of the present Irish situation and of the tremendous obligation that lies on all men of responsibility to endeavour to devise some plan of raising a barrier against the flood of unspeakable disaster with which Ireland is threatened. The hon. Member for Mid-Antrim appealed to the Chief Secretary to purge the schools of Ireland of seditious teachers. I think a much wiser course would be to endeavour to remove the cause that has led to sedition and discontent. The hon. Gentleman made one remark. He alluded to the fact that the Board of Education had made an inquiry and had satisfied themselves that there were certain textbooks of Irish history, which, as he put it, might be objected to on the ground that they were calculated to create discontent and sedition. He hoped, and pressed the right hon. Gentleman to announce, that, those text-books had been removed from the schools. How, I would ask him, could there be any truthful text-book of Irish history without that tendency? Does he want to substitute for truthful Irish history lying Irish history? No history surveying the whole Irish situation, which tells the true story of Ireland for the last 300 years, can produce anything other than anger. Does he imagine that removing text-books from lists is going to remove that root of evil? If he does, then he is one of the most inexperienced politicians and public men I have ever come across.

4.0 P.M.

I will say no more on that subject, because time is now short and I really want to address myself to the details of the Chief Secretary's speech, which is an enormously important speech, in regard to Irish education. First of all, I want to say one word about the question of secondary education. We were all alarmed yesterday, after, looking at this Estimate, to find that there was nothing whatever about an equivalent Grant for secondary education. The Chief Secretary informed us that an equivalent Grant for £48,000 would be produced. When? Will there be an opportunity of this House discussing that Grant? That is a very important question, and also I want to know whether we are assured, as I gathered, that that Grant will be available for distribution this year, and will be included in the Appropriation Bill of the present year. If so, when is the Supplementary Estimate going to be published? Of course, I abstain from debating or alluding at all to the question of secondary education because it has not been raised to-day, and, as I say, there is no time to deal with it. The Chief Secretary most truthfully said at the opening of his statement that one of the first impressions of every new Chief Secretary who goes to Ireland is that he has to deal with a totally different state of affairs to that prevailing in England. That is absolutely true, and it is one of the tragedies of, the Irish situation that Chief Secretary succeeds Chief Secretary, and that when one is beginning to understand all the difficulties of the Irish situation, to get them into his mind, and to get some grip upon them, he disappears, and another man comes over whose mind is an absolute virgin page on the subject. Of course, it is absolutely true that the whole system of Irish education and of the difficulties that have to be dealt with are as different from those which have to be encountered in England as if Ireland were situated on the Continent of Asia, thousands of miles from this country. ID regard to education, as to its history, organisation, and difficulties alike, we are absolutely a foreign country so far as this country is concerned. I do not know of a greater illustration of the enormous, immeasurable evil that has resulted to our unhappy country—and I am greatly afraid, speaking frankly, that we are only on the eve of great, and disastrous, and tragic illustrations of it in the near future—than what has occurred in this House to-day. Here you are discussing a matter, as the hon. Member for Mid-Antrim truly said, that lies at the very root of Irish life and of Irish friendship to this country, and here we are a group of Irish friends on these Benches, and throughout the greater part of this discussion only three or four English Members present. I do not complain of that.

I do not quarrel with that. I know these discussions are uninteresting to English and Scottish Members because they cannot follow them. Could there be a better and greater illustration of the disastrous condition of education in Ireland, and could there be a greater contrast between it and the state of education in England, than lies in the fact that Irish Members, practically speaking, have no control over the matter of education at all? Until the Chief Secretary opened his statement to-day we were left consistently in a state almost of absolute ignorance of what was to come. In England you have a Minister at the head of a Department which is in complete control of the education of the country, and this leads me to contrast the condition of this House when the Minister for English education unfolded his statement to a crowded assembly with the present condition of the House, with its thin attendance, when Irish education is under discussion. You have in England an Education Department, the head of which is directly responsible to this House, and the Minister in England, I understand, has set up a Committee both in England and Scotland to consider the whole question of the status and the emoluments of the teachers.

I understand a Committee is being set up in Scotland also, and I am informed, though it is only a matter of rumour, that the teachers will be represented on that Committee. They ought to be. What happened in Ireland? The Chief Secretary no doubt has been very accessible to the various parties who desire to represent their views to him, but there was no consultation whatever with any of the leaders of educational thought in Ireland. I am informed that the Board of Education in Ireland, which absolutely controls education in that country, and which is a nominated body, has sent in a serious recommendation to the Government. I want to put this question to the Chief Secretary now, did he receive a recommendation from the Board of Education in Ireland, and, if so, will he publish it? Have we not got the right to-know what the Board of Education in Ireland recommended to the Government? I think it might be given. I contrast these two systems, and I say deliberately that, in my judgment, so difficult and complicated is the whole of this question of teachers' salaries in Ireland and their status, that I claim—having listened to-the Chief Secretary's statement, which in several respects was very difficult to follow, and I do not pretend to understand every point—that the right hon. Gentleman, too, should set up at once a Committee on the same lines as the Scottish, the English, and the Welsh Committees, to inquire into the whole system, and to have a representation of the teachers upon that Committee so that they may be allowed a fair opportunity of putting their case before its members of the Committee. The first evil, no doubt, of the Irish system, as we have frequently complained, is that it is wholly administered by a Board who are irresponsible, who are represented in this House by the Chief Secretary, but who are not responsible to this House, and not responsible to anybody. I have raised this question over and over again, and the answer of the Chief Secretary has been, "I cannot control the Board. I am the mouthpiece of the Board in this House, still I am not responsible." The only way the Irish Office can control the Board of Education is by dismissing them all—a very Draconian method and one which no Chief Secretary has yet seen fit to adopt. Therefore, it amounts to this, that you have this nominated Board, which does not consist of educational experts. They are a very respectable body of men, and I do not want to say anything offensive to them, but the Board is mostly composed of men who have no experience and no special knowledge of education, and who are engaged in other occupations of life. They come down and sit once a month or once a week, I forget which, and conduct their operations in secret, and are responsible to no one. I think I am absolutely on solid ground when I say there is no other civilised country in the world which has an educational system controlled in a similar manner. In making this suggestion that there should be this Committee set up, I think such a Committee ought to be representative of the Board of Education itself, of the managers of the schools, and of the teachers, with a representative of the Government, and that the whole question ought to be threshed out.

The Chief Secretary in his speech did not dwell so emphatically as most Chief Secretaries are apt to do on the great question of rates and the contrast between the educational system of Ireland and of this country. That is often made the excuse for not giving us Grants equal to the Irish and Scottish Grants, because there are no contributions from the rates. Why do we not contribute? The reason is very simple, because this country imposed a thoroughly unpopular system of national education on Ireland, and, knowing it was thoroughly unpopular, they dare not give any local control or any national control, and therefore they made it centralised, and throughout the whole system of educational administration in Ireland, from its inception down to the present, it has been a centralised system without any local control. That is not our doing—it is the doing of the English Government for their own purposes. We know perfectly well when it was originally started it was, as Archbishop Whatly, one of the originators of the national system, admitted, in order, as he hoped, to convert the Irish people to the Protestant religion, and to turn them into a section of the English people. What a pretty result! We have the opportunity now, after eighty or ninety years, to judge of the efficiency of the results of such an enterprise. But the fact remains that that system was imposed upon us for political purposes, and that it was because it was an unpopular system and anti-Irish that they dare not ask for any support from the rates although the Irish people throughout the whole of their history have been a people singularly distinguished by their zeal for education and their desire for knowledge. Therefore, it does not lie in the mouth of any English Minister to taunt us with not contributing to the cost of Irish education.

I did not use any such taunt, I said this was a branch which was ignored in the Irish rating system. As for the causes I did not deal with them.

I did not charge the right hon. Gentleman with doing so, but I said I heard previous Chief Secretaries doing so. The fact remains although we do not contribute in rates, for reasons which the Government understand, we are entitled nevertheless to our full share of the Imperial and Treasury Grants for education in this country. We have to bear—and a very great grievance it is—such things as the non-contribution from the rates, with this consequent starvation of education in Ireland. This additional grievance of the Irish people leads me to say that the Irish people have, from their earliest history, had an immense appreciation of education. There are circumstances connected with the social conditions and history of Ireland which would justify us, if we had control of our own resources and finances, in spending on education more money in proportion to what this country spends. I believe we would have done so whether our system was or was not centralised if we had control of the education of the country.

I need not go into that point at any length. Anybody who has studied the social history of Ireland and secondary education in that country knows the reasons for the present state of things, one being that for 300 years there has been confiscation of the old endowments which, with very few exceptions, have been swept away, or have disappeared or been stolen, whereas in this country, as everybody knows who has studied the subject at all, the country is covered with wealthy educational endowments. They are not counted at all when we or people in this country are speaking about the finances of education in this country. Our endowments have all disappeared. Ireland was also condemned for a much longer period than this country to an absolute lack of education. In the days of our memory, in the days of our own forefathers, the hedge school prevailed in Ireland. It was the common system of education in the country. The schoolmasters were very poor in those days, but though poor they were very learned men. They were fine Greek scholars. You met poor ragged men on the road in the province of Connaught who could repeat whole books of Homer, and really they were most extraordinary scholars, knowing well both Greek and Latin. These men literally taught in starvation and rags at the back of the hedge and without a roof over their heads. That was the system of our education up to about eighty or ninety years ago. Therefore, we have enormous arrears to make up. If we had had fair play and some ordinary control of our own system we would naturally have spent a very much larger proportion of our resources on education than has been spent in this country. But, of course, we were not allowed to do so.

Let me say a word or two before I deal very briefly with the details of the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, on the question of discontent. We are at a period of the world's history which, in my judgment, can only be understood by a careful study of the early days of the French Revolution. It is not in Ireland alone where there is discontent. God knows the condition of Ireland is bad enough. In my judgment it would be impossible to exaggerate it. There is a very widespread feeling of revolt and of discontent in this country. It is in evidence all over Europe. All over Europe there is this spirit abroad. It is like the early days of the French Revolution. In Ireland you have every element in the spirit of discontent. It is just like throwing a can of petrol on a blazing fire. When men talk about the purging of the National schools and the removing of the Sinn Fein teachers from them—really a more preposterous proposal to remedy the condition of things in Ireland could not possibly be imagined. No doubt there is discontent. This discontent has long been growing. For many years the National teachers in Ireland, the great majority of them, looked and have looked to us, and to our particular exertions in the House of Commons to remedy their grievances. Many of these grievances with which we have been dealing to-day are grievances of thirty or forty years' standing. We have been here for twenty-five years. Year after year to empty houses we have pleaded the cause of these teachers. No doubt we have won a great deal for them. But the younger men have grown impatient. They forget, or perhaps they never knew, of what has been won for their class in the past. They say to us, "You are talking to an empty House of Commons in London: we will do what the Russians have done: we believe in revolution: that is the only way in which you can get anything in the modern world: there are these Parliamentarians, and the men who speak in particular, treated with contempt: they get nothing." Therefore they say it is no use losing our tempers with these things. The phenomena which is widespread at the present day is one which has got to be faced in a statesmanlike spirit, and with patience.

With regard to the sum that has been set aside for the equivalent Grant for Irish education, so far as I can make out this equivalent is calculated on the basis of what was known twenty-five or twenty years ago as the Goschen basis. That was dismissed and abandoned by the British Ministry and the Treasury in 1902. The late Mr. Wyndham, who declared that it was very unfair to Ireland, substituted for it the basis of population. That is the basis which has been accepted for the last fifteen years, and that, apparently, is the basis on which the Grant has been given to Scotland, although I have not calculated the figures as regards the Scottish Grant; but as regards the Grant for Ireland, it is quite plain that the sum which the right hon. Gentleman has secured and put into the Estimate is short by a very substantial figure of the sum which would come to Ireland on the population basis, which has been the accepted basis for a long time. His Grant is £384,000, whereas, according to the population basis, as the figures have been made out to me, it would be £416,000. That is a point I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to look into, because I know from his speech he himself would be very pleased to give a further sum of money, and he realises that he has to make the most of the money given to him. I would ask him to remember that when he consents to accept the certainly thankless task of Irish Secretary he is bound to become an Irishman, and to fight the battle of Ireland with the British Treasury to the best of his ability, and I certainly think he is entitled to thanks to that extent.

I come to the right hon. Gentleman's proposal for the distribution of this money. In the first place, he undoubtedly stated with great force and eloquence the evils of the grading system. I have been at war with the grading system for the last seven or eight years in Ireland, particularly, and in this country. I believe that the grading system when it was started was a mistake, and I am quite certain I shall carry the Minister of Education in England with me if he will kindly take the trouble to look into that bit of history of Irish education. When I was a boy I was taught by national schoolmasters, and there are no better teachers I have met in the world. They were known in Ireland as "the old First of First." In the old system, before 1900, a national schoolmaster in Ireland, by study and passing very difficult examinations, could get, while he was still young, to the top of his profession. I knew three or four of these men who were some of the most accomplished and brilliant teachers I have ever met. I have had a great deal of experience because I have been a teacher myself, and I know these men were tip-top and really understood teaching—in fact, they had at their finger-ends all they professed to teach.

The grading system has destroyed that what in every other profession they look to, namely, the idea that by exertion and by distinguishing themselves they can mount in their profession and get the prizes which are the very essence and structure of any sound system. The grading system killed all that stone dead. If you examine the grading system you will find that the effect of it is, in the first place, to condemn the vast majority of the teachers of Ireland to a hopeless system under which they can never get even into the second of the first grade, They have no motive to exert themselves and make their teaching more effective by private study. The men I have referred to used to study half the night because they had large prizes to work for, but under the grading system four-fifths of the teachers of Ireland can never get to the top of their profession because the road is barred against them and there is no inducement to exert themselves. The barriers which the right hon. Gentleman has now discovered which exist against promotion have been a most unmitigated curse to the teaching profession in Ireland, and I rejoice that the right hon. Gentleman has now been brought to realise what we all recognise as a great evil. I listened attentively to the right hon. Gentleman striving to break down those barriers and he did it very skilfully. He did his best to make a substantial improvement. He has at last recognised the evils and has condemned them here to-day.

Four-fifths of the schools of Ireland have under seventy in average attendance. Nobody who is a teacher, be he assistant or principal, in a school with an average attendance of under seventy can ever get to the head of his profession, no matter how skilful he may be. Ireland is a country of small schools. As I have already pointed out, ours is a rural country in the main, although we have four or five large cities. Consequently the main population which you have to consider and cater for is a rural population, and the average normal school is somewhere between forty and fifty children. I have known some of the people in these schools, and they are admirable, first-class teachers, as good as the best in the best schools in Dublin and Belfast, and yet they are condemned to these inferior positions. I say that it is most vital to the great rural population in Ireland that these large country schools should have an opportunity of retaining these admirable teachers. I knew one man, as fine a teacher as was to be found in the whole Empire, who lived in a small school where his average never went up to forty children. He was tempted to leave, but he loved the place, and remained. Boys used to come from fifty miles away and lodge in the cottages around in order to be taught by this man, so great was his reputation. He was brought up under the old system, and he was able to get at the head, and by so doing was an incalculable blessing to the district. Under the grading system he would have been kept down as an assistant all the days of his life, and, as I understand, it is not proposed under the improvements that the right hon. Gentleman is making to abolish effectually that system. Until the average school in Ireland is able to obtain and retain the services of the first-class teacher I shall not be satisfied with the system. The right hon. Gentleman drew a picture of schools of seven, ten, and fifteen, but nobody proposes that there should be a first-class teacher in that case. There is a great deal of difference, however, between a school of seven and a school of forty. The average rural school in Ireland is one of thirty upwards, and I claim that the head masters of these schools should have the doors of promotion opened to them equally with those in the big schools in Dublin and Belfast. The right hon. Gentleman spoke in a moving way of the opportunity to be given to them of securing the prizes in their profession, and when he made the suggestion of an extra Grant to the masters of the large schools of Dublin and Belfast he held out the idea that it was a kind of prize to which the masters of these small schools could look forward. He does not understand absolutely the Irish system. The Irish schoolmasters are appointed by interests. A master may be the greatest scholar in Ireland, but unless he has interest with the managers he cannot get appointed. It is not a question of centralised promotion. It is not even on the reports of the inspectors that he is appointed. It is not a. question of examination or competition. It is a question of the managers. The managers make the appointment. What chance has a poor country schoolmaster to get a school in Dublin or Belfast? He has no friends to speak for him, though he may be the greatest teacher in the world, and he has no chance. Therefore, the right hon. Gentleman is wrong. These are not the prizes of the profession. They are, no doubt, prizes in a sense, but they are open only to those who have the means of making themselves known to the managers. That is my first point, and until that barrier is removed I shall never be content with the present system. I was not able quite to understand what the effect of the Chief Secretary's speech was in regard to the other barrier of the standard numbers—that is, the limitation on the number of those who can be appointed to the different grades. I was not able quite to follow that, and I would ask him for an answer.

I think it will be found, subject to restrictions as to classes of schools and sufficiency of teachers, that practically the numbers may be withdrawn. I understand that is so.

That is a very important point. Of course, it is quite impossible at this hour to go fully into the matter, but there are two or three outlying small grievances which irritate enormously small numbers of very good teachers, and which I do earnestly ask the Chief Secretary to remedy. The first case is that of the paper promoted teachers. I dare say the right hon. Gentleman knows the history of that matter. These unfortunate teachers were promoted in 1903–4–5. At that time a rule existed, which was very well known, that on promotion they got the salary attached to the promotion. By some Treasury interference they were denied that salary, with the result that men, numbering about 100, have, as they contend, and as anybody who examines the circumstances will agree, sums due to them varying from £10 to £40, which is of some consequence in these times, when money is frightfully scarce. The whole amount is from £5,000 to £7,000. It would undoubtedly be an act of justice to these men that they should be paid. This grievance has existed for years and ought to be met.

Another question is that of the under-graded teachers. With them I have the most intense sympathy. They are men who, for the most part, are those who remain of the first of first teachers under the old regime. In substituting the grading system for the old regime these teachers were under-graded, and are now, many of them, actually set in the second grade. After having got to the top of their profession under the old system they have now been degraded and junior men have been put over their heads. Owing to the system of averages they cannot get fixed schools, and are left in subordinate positions. There is another grievance which is extremely irritating, and which I cannot imagine for a moment the Chief Secretary will defend—that is, the system under which teachers in the small or moderate-sized schools are degraded and assistant teachers dismissed by the fall in the average attendance at their schools through no fault of their own. That has been immensely exasperated by the conditions of the War. It is common to England and Ireland that, owing to the War, in many cases, the average has declined. Although there is a provision by which the inspector may report specially to the Commissioners that the decline in the average has been due to the War, I am told that in many instances the inspectors do not report where it is due to the War, consequently great hardship and injustice have arisen. What happens is that if a man has a school of thirty or seventy and is in a certain grade, if his school falls below that average, through no fault of his own, but owing to a decline in the population, or to weather in some cases, or to the operation of the War, he is actually degraded, put into a lower scale, and his salary cut down. It is a monstrous thing. The sum of money as stated must be extremely small. Then, of course, there is the case of the assistants. The right hon. Gentleman has done a good deal, but I do not for a moment say I am satisfied that the full grievance of the assistant has been removed, and I would urge the right hon. Gentleman to take into his consideration the case of the assistants who are dismissed through no fault of their own. It is a great misfortune that there are so many small schools. There are too many. Local circumstances cause them to grow up, but it is a misfortune, and if there was an Irish Government that is one of the problems we should have to deal with, to consolidate some of these small schools. But if a school is declining from any of these causes, not due to the fault of any of the teachers, and an assistant is in that school, to throw him out because the average has fallen two or three below the figure that is allowed under the Irish system, where he may be thrown out a pauper, with no possibility of employment elsewhere, is, to my mind, a most horrid cruelty. He ought to be allowed to go on. If in the course of time he gets employment elsewhere it does not follow that they are bound to fill his place, but to evict him from the school without making any provision for his employment elsewhere, simply because, through no fault of his, the school attendance falls, is really a most cruel thing. Finally, I earnestly request the Chief Secretary not to be content with the good work that he has put his hand to—and it is good work—but to accept my suggestion of appointing a Committee of Inquiry, so that the whole subject may be fully threshed out, because no Governor of Ireland could do a better work than to finally settle this question after consultation with the teachers, and give us what we have never had—a contented body of teachers. That Would be the greatest service anyone could possibly render to the country.

The Chief Secretary's statement will be received with great ratification in Ireland and Ireland ought to thank the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Fisher), as well as the Chief Secretary, for they have opened a hopeful era. I hope we are going to see this untilled country made one of the most fertile portions of the Empire. What can be more calculated to carry out these hopes that we all possess than to have our education placed on a proper, permanent and hopeful basis? We have had that hope held out to us to-day. I will not go into the question whether this is an equivalent Grant or is not. I will not go into the arithmetic of it, but I believe the true basis under the Act of Union, under which We still are, and under any system of common sense and hope for the prosperity of Ireland, in which this country is intensely interested, is not in arithmetical and geometrical progressions and retrogressions, but in the consideration of what are her needs and how they are to be fairly supplied, and that, I am sure, is the attitude with which the two right hon. Gentlemen will approach this object. I was glad to hear the words of the Chief Secretary when he said this was not an ultimate Grant. This is not an ultimate Grant. May I ask the Chief Secretary how these figures of £384,000 will work out in practice? The right hon. Gentleman devoted his speech largely to the question of teachers' salaries—an overwhelmingly important matter. It has been a miserable past, and I will not refer to it. I should like to know how much of the £384,000 has been applied in these interesting details which the Chief Secretary has dealt with, because he is well aware that many other things have happened. There is the child for whom we are all working. We have not got the facilities which you have got in England. We cannot ask for legislation for Ireland in regard to this matter at the present time. A very charming young lady said to me the other day that the Constitution is at present like a game of hunt the slipper in regard to Ireland. I do not know whether we are under the Act of Union or under the Act which is on the Statute Book, or the Act which the Convention is going to bring about. At any rate, we are not going to ask the Chief Secretary to legislate in these other matters now, but they will have to be dealt with. There are the dumb, the blind, and the epileptic children. None of this Grant was applied for this purpose. How much of it is to be applied for building purposes?

That is for the future. That is very satisfactory to know. Of course the Chief Secretary knows very well that building grants must in future be given to Ireland. I cannot help con- trasting the pleasure which the right hem. Gentleman must have felt when he opened his speech with the feelings of his predecessor, in 1905 and 1906, when there were 1,000 schools in Ireland reported by the Commissioners as being without a single atom of sanitary accommodation. I remember, one school in the wildest part of Donegal where seventy children were in attendance, and, there were, nothing but open ditches and the hills where they could perform the. functions of nature. It was a disgrace to humanity and civilisation. Is any of this grant intended for technical education?

That is a matter for the future, too. Is any of it intended for continuation schools?

When do the increased salaries commence? I am sure the teachers in Ireland will be gratified at these great increases in their salaries. Look at the salary of £248 a year, which gives them a Career for the future, me whole thing is changed. It is like a drama. A new act has opened in their careers; What chance had they before?

Look at the position of secondary teachers. The average for Catholic teachers in Ireland is £101 a year in secondary schools. The average for all Protestant teachers is £136. The average for all teachers, men, women, Catholic and Protestant, is only £95. These are secondary teachers, persons who are highly educated, who have won university scholarships. Look at the career opened now to the primary school teacher! Finally, I would ask if anything is going to be done for a small class of people, only fifty in number, connected with the Central Model Schools, because there is a contract entered into with them which I think has been broken. It is a very small sum—£5,000. I hope that these unexpended balances will be opened for them For myself and those associated with me I beg to thank the Chief Secretary and the Minister for Education for what they have done.

Many of us on this bench have been greatly disappointed that there has been no opportunity to-day of discussing the question of secondary education in Ireland. The right hon. Gentleman will remember that it is only about three, years ago that the sum of £40,000 was put down, and this was the first time that there was ever an Estimate for Irish secondary education in this House. In view of the necessity of having a discussion on the subject I would suggest the desirability of having a day for the purpose at an early date, and I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will be able to give us such a day.

The hon. Member knows that I am not the director of the business of this House. Whether hon. Members can prevail on my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to give a day for the discussion of Irish secondary education I am not sure.

Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman would approach the Leader of the House with a view to getting facilities for such a discussion as I have suggested?

I should not shrink from such a discussion, but at this moment I have only six and a half minutes to close this Debate. The Grant which is now being given is based upon the proportion on which the Grant to Scotland is being given.

As I understand, it is the same as the basis which applies to Scotland. In reference to the grade system, I share the general view which has been expressed. Nothing would be more disappointing to me than that expectation should be formed as to the possibilities of the distribution of this money, which would merely lead to a new sense of grievance, and I want the teachers to understand that there is here an honest attempt to mitigate the defects which sprang from the rigid rules which prevented a man from getting preferment. I listened with great interest to the observations as to the manner in which the hardships of the grade can be mitigated, and with those observations I shall not fail to concur if further opportunity arises. A good deal was said as to the check on the number of schools. That is a matter of the utmost difficulty, arising partly from the great perplexity of conditions in a number of the schools and partly from the fact that once you destroy your restriction you open such a door for new charges that it would be impossible for a man in my position, authorised to distribute only a limited sum of money, to keep anywhere within reach of the obligation upon which we have entered. Power in proper cases, where educational efficiency requires it, to modify the system seems to me to be a condition which might very well help a great deal in producing a better state of things in the educational world in Ireland. Then a great deal was said with regard to the degrading of teachers in respect to the fall of average attendance. That has been mitigated. If it is possible further to modify it I shall be delighted. It is a matter which has been discussed, but at the moment I do not see my way to go further. With regard to what was said as to the undergraded teachers, I thought that was a thing of the past. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I will look into that to see whether it is possible to include any of these teachers in the benefits which the general body of teachers will receive. I cannot say more than that. When my hon. Friend spoke of outstanding balances that are going to remain after the effect is felt of these extensions, of these increases of salaries and of the mitigation of rules as to grading, the balances that are going to be available after the expenditure of ten, twenty, thirty, or successive thousands of pounds he was far more sanguine than I am. I will attend to every one of these matters to which attention has been called, and if it is practicable I should like to give effect to any suggestions that have been made. The hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) has suggested the setting up of a Committee. Let me tell him that the Committee which has been set up in this country by the President of the Board of Education is a Committee, he tells me, on principles, not on amounts. I will endeavour to bring the representatives of the Departments, of the teachers, and some representative of the Crown into communication for the purpose of remov- ing those roots of bitterness which exist and which account for so much mischief in the daily life of Ireland. I must not be drawn into a discussion on secondary education, and, of course, must keep aloof from those political polemics into which some of my hon. Friends have strayed.

With regard to that, I will see if anything can be done; but, upon the general question of the place of education in the life of Ireland, and the love of Ireland for education, and the possibilities with regard to the future of Ireland in amelioration of present conditions, I share the views of those hon. Members who have said that you had much better remove the causes of the grievances in the minds of these men than set out on campaigns, or even crusades, to extirpate persons who may be temporarily exposed to them. The Board of Education is not indifferent to any act of real misconduct on the part of the teacher, and there are stringent rules which bind the teacher to good conduct. But it is certainly not part of my duty to urge the Board of Education to embark on a political campaign and try to change the course of public opinion in Ireland or to establish an inquisition as to the opinions of the teachers. In a general way, the teachers of Ireland have shown themselves a loyal body. There are exceptions. They may be more or less. There are teachers who have been guilty of disloyalty; there are some who have been punished for actual misconduct. I think every man that knows the Board of Education will be aware that that Board is not likely to err on the side of toleration of practices which ought not to be approved.

It being Five of the clock, the Deputy-Chairman left the chair to make his report to the House.

Committee report Progress; to sit again upon Monday next.

Public Works Loans (Remission of Debt)

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. MACLEAN in the Chair.]

Resolved, "That it is expedient to authorise the remission of arrears of principal and interest due to the Public Works Loans Commissioners in respect of Eyemouth Harbour, in pursuance of any Act of the present Session relating to local Loans."—[ Mr. J. Hope. ]

Resolution to be reported upon Monday next.

The remaining Orders of the day were read, and postponed.

Whereupon Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER Adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to Standing Order 3.

Adjourned at Three minutes after Five o'clock.