House of Commons
Monday, July 23, 1917
Private Business
Ebbw Vale Urban District Council Bill,
Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.
Colonial Bank Bill [ Lords ],
To be read the third time To-morrow.
Trade (Foreign Countries and British Possessions)
Copy presented, of Annual Statement of the Trade of the United Kingdom with Foreign Counties and British Possessions for 1916 compared with the four preceding years. Volume I. [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Shops Act, 1912
Copy presented, of Order made by the Council of the undermentioned local authority, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department:—
Borough of Bootle
[by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Welfare of the Blind (Departmental Committee)
Copy presented, of Report of the Departmental Committee on the Welfare of the Blind [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Education (Scotland)
Copy presented, of Report of the Committee of Council on Education in Scotland in 1916–17 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Civil Service (Class I. Examination),
Copy presented, of Report, dated 20th June, 1917, of the Committee appointed by the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury to consider and report upon the scheme of examination for Class I. of the Civil Service [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Old Age Pensions
Copy presented, of Memorandum as to extending the grant of the additional allowance to Old Age Pensions [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Evicted Tenants (Ireland) Act, 1907
Copy presented, of Return giving Particulars of Cases in which persons have been reinstated with the assistance of the Estates Commissioners during the quarter ended 30th June, 1917 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Military Service (Review of Exceptions) Act, 1917
Ordered, That a Message be sent to the Lords to request that their Lordships will be pleased to give leave to the Right Honourable the Earl of Derby, K.G., to attend to be examined as a witness before the Select Committee on the Military Service (Review of Exceptions) Act, 1917.— [ Mr. Shortt. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
War
Patents and Designs Bill
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether any progress has been made with the Bill to amend British Patent Law, which was in preparation in January last; when it is proposed to introduce this Bill; and whether he will see that it is introduced at such a date as will enable it to be passed into law before the House adjourns for the Summer Recess?
My right hon. Friend hopes to be able to introduce the Patents and Designs Bill at an early date.
May I ask whether that means that it is intended to pass the Bill before the House adjourns for the Summer Recess?
Obviously that is a question I cannot answer, and it ought to be addressed to the Leader of the House.
Horse Hides
asked the President of the Board of Trade, in regard to the twelve licences to export horse hides which have been issued since January last, if he will state the name of the firm to which each licence was issued and the quantity of hides?
A statement showing the names of the firms to which each licence was issued and the quantity of hides in each case will be printed in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the statement above referred to:— The twelve licences to export horse hides, which have been issued since January last, were issued upon the recommendation of the Department of the War Office, to which the applications were referred.
The names of the firms to which each licence was issued and the quantity of hides in each case are as follows:— Date of Licence. Applicant. Quantity Licensed. 1917. Tons. cwts. 13 Feb. F. A. G. Medd, London, S.E. 3 12 14 Feb. Hermann Bros., London, S.E. 39 0 14 Feb. Hermann Bros., London, S.E. 16 0 14 Feb. Hermann Bros., London, S.E. 52 0 14 Feb. Hermann Bros., London, S.E. 39 0 23 Feb F. A. G. Medd, London, S.E. 2 14 15 Mar. Victor Hermann, London, S.E. 23 15 14 May F. A. G. Medd, London, S.E. 1 0 21 May Bernard de Jong, London, S.E. 62 0 29 May F. A. G. Medd, London, S.E. 17 8 29 May Victor Hermann, London, S.E. 27 0 29 May Victor Hermann, London, S.E. 26 0 Total 309 9
In each case the hides were destined for the United States of America.
Timber
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he can inform the House of the number of acres of soft woods, namely, Scots pine, spruce, and larch, that have been felled in the country since the War began, giving separately the quantity for England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales; and can he state approximately what proportion the acreage cut down bears to the acreage of timber standing before the War?
The Department is not in possession of figures giving the number of acres of soft woods felled since the War began, and it is therefore impossible to state what proportion this acreage bears to that of standing timber before the War. To obtain from estate owners and merchants the information asked for would throw such a large volume of work upon an already over-worked Department that I do not think that the public interest would be served by such a course.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the Advisory Committee to the Board of Trade Timber Supply Department has recently been increased by three more members, all of whom represent the homegrown timber trade of England; whether, notwithstanding the fact that the operations of the Timber Supply Department in Ireland are solely concerned with native timber, not a single Irish-grown timber merchant sits on the Committee, and that that section of the timber trade is the only one not well represented; and whether he proposes to take any steps in the matter?
Three additional representatives have been added to the Advisory Committee of Home Grown Timber Merchants of Great Britain at the instance of the Timber Trade Federation. This Committee does not contain any members of the Irish trade, which is, however, represented by advisory committees of the Chambers of Commerce of Dublin, Belfast, and Cork and by two members of an advisory committee of imported timber merchants.
Wreck Salvage
asked the President of the Board of Trade (1) why salvage has not yet been paid to the persons who salved and delivered to the receiver of wrecks, Bantry, county Cork, a large quantity of acetone and lubricating oil; and whether he will see that the proper salvage is paid to those people without further delay; (2) why salvage on a bag of mails rescued from the sea and delivered to the receiver of wrecks at Baltimore, county Cork, on the 11th May, and on a case of rifles delivered to the receiver of wrecks at Baltimore on 26th May has not yet been paid; and whether he will see that the proper salvage on those wrecked goods is paid to the person concerned forthwith?
I am making inquiries into the matters referred to in these questions, and will inform the hon. Member of the result.
Food Supplies
Meat
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that, in consequence of the possibility of air raids in London, the wholesale business of dealing with carcases of meat is conducted much earlier in the morning than has hitherto been the case; is he aware that the butchers leave the market with their purchases about 8.30; and, as the West of England meat only arrives at the market about this time and is not available until next day, will he arrange with the railway companies for earlier delivery, so as to meet the change?
I am not aware whether the circumstances are as stated by the hon. Member, but if I am supplied with information showing that an alteration in the present railway arrangements is necessary I shall be happy to look into the matter.
Will the hon. Gentleman communicate with the wholesale dealers at the Central Meat Market, London, and does he not realise that the keeping of the meat until the next day is a matter of great importance?
I will inquire into it, and I shall be glad to receive any further information the hon. Member is prepared to give.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food (1) if he is aware that the managers of the American Beef Trust meet every day and fix meat selling prices and in con- sequence all other meat prices are fixed by the prices of the American Beef Trust; is he aware that if the selling price of meat is lowered the meat trust keep meat from the market for one or two days, which forces the prices of meat up again from ½d. to 1d. per lb., or 30s. to £3 10s. per body of beef according to the weight of it; is he aware that the American Meat Trust jobs English and Irish beef, which also forces up the price of meat about ½d. per lb.; seeing that if the meat trust was not allowed to job in meat on Smithfield Market it would be the means of keeping down the selling price of meat, will he take action in the matter; (2) if he is aware that measures are to be enforced upon the British cattle-dealers and all those who are interested in the Home meat trade; will he say if the same measures apply to the American and Argentine Meat Trusts; if he is aware that the meat trusts in question continue their methods of profiteering, and continue to corner and raise or lower the price of meat to suit their own interests; whether he has had advice from the great meat salesmen at Smithfield Meat Market as to the best possible means to eliminate the middleman's profit and thereby lower the meat prices; and if he will take action in the matter?
Lord Rhondda is aware that, under present arrangements, American and Argentine firms act, and are at liberty to act, as salesmen in the meat market, and conduct operations in that market like other firms. Under the control scheme now being prepared by Lord Rhondda, however, which will come into operation on 1st September, maximum prices will be fixed, and the operations in this country of all firms, both British and American, will be controlled. Lord Rhondda has received, and hopes to continue to receive, advice from the meat salesmen at Smithfield on matters connected with the trade.
Why has the Food Controller not reduced the price of meat retail before 1st September?
I am not empowered at the moment to vary the announcement which my Noble Friend has already made.
Why are jobbers necessary in this meat market at all? Why have jobbers? Why not deal direct with the public?
Everything is being done to eliminate unnecessary intermediaries with respect to this supply of food.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Shipping Controller, whether he is aware that the line of Lamport and Holt's boats permitted to trade between Buenos Ayres and New York carried in 1915, 120,000 sheep, 127,000 lambs, and 484,000 quarters of beef, or about one-seventh of the total meat output of South America, and that in 1916 the figures were 107,000 sheep, 133,000 lambs, and 202,000 quarters of beef, and having regard to these figures, will he explain how this diversion of the Argentine output does not affect meat prices in this country; is he aware that this meat is often held up in New York in the premises of the National Cold Storage Company and other companies and afterwards shipped to England with the brand U.S.A. on it and sold as Yankee-American by firms like the Morris Beef Company and others; and if he will take action in the matter?
I am not in a position to verify the figures given in the first part of the question, and as regards the latter part I think my hon. Friend must be under a misapprehension. Since the spring of 1916 the whole of the meat loaded on these steamers in the Plate has been carried to the United Kingdom, and none of it has been landed or transhipped at New York. Therefore, whatever may have happened in the somewhat remote past, the practice described in the question is now impossible.
Cattle Foods
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether he is aware that dissatisfaction is being expressed by dairy farmers at the inferior and costly cattle foods they are only able to obtain; and whether cheaper and better cattle foods can be made available to avert a greatly contracted supply of milk?
The supply of cattle foods is limited in quantity and quality by the shortage of shipping, and by the necessity of diverting certain articles which were formerly used for cattle food to direct human consumption. The ques- tion of reducing prices is, I understand, receiving the close attention of the Food Controller.
May I ask what does the President propose to do to avert an almost certain milk famine in the coming months?
The Department realise the importance of this matter.
Why are millionaire producers not limited in their prices of selling?
Harvest Work
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether care will be taken in supplying men for the coming harvest to ensure that such men shall have at least some acquaintance with the industry; and whether the nation's money and the farmers' patience can be saved by not sending bookbinders, mechanical toy makers, and the like to do-harvest work?
Every effort is being: made to provide skilled labour, but when, as must sometimes be the case, a sufficiency of such labour is not obtainable, farmers should endeavour to utilise-to the best advantage that which can be obtained.
Sugar
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food if he is aware that the guardians and officials of Enniskillen workhouse have not been able to procure sugar for the inmates and patients there; and will he have an Order issued that the guardians may get the necessary supplies henceforth?
No complaint from the guardians of the Enniskillen workhouse can be traced either by the Ministry of Food or by the Royal Commission on the Sugar Supply. If the guardians, will communicate with the Royal Commission furnishing particulars as to the quantity of sugar obtained in 1915, the sources of their supply, and the number of inmates to be provided for, and will give similar particulars for this year, the matter will receive attention.
Will the hon. Gentleman make an Order that these people secure a supply of sugar?
The people referred to in the question will be treated by the Commission like all other people if the particulars are furnished.
Waste
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether his attention has been called to the nuisance complained of by the Dartford Rural Council of the refuse matter sent to the railway siding at Swanley Junction from the borough of Southwark; is he aware that the report of the medical officer of health of the Dartford Council states that during the first three weeks in June, of the refuse consigned from the Walworth dust siding several railway trucks, apparently loaded with manure and ashes, were found to contain, with other contents, rabbits, tinned meat, Oxo preparations, cheese, forty to fifty tons, in a semi-liquid state, and vegetable garbage such as onions, lemons, etc.; and will he have an inquiry held as to where all this wasted food came from and take such action to prevent such waste of food in the future?
Inquiries have been made into this matter, and it appears that part, at any rate, of the wasted provisions consisted of supplies which reached this country in a state unfit for human food. The precise incident, therefore, appears to have been unavoidable, but steps are being taken to prevent any avoidable waste through transport delays in future.
May I ask whether an inquiry is being made as to the person responsible for allowing this large amount of food to go bad and then sending it out, and whether anyone is to be punished for that?
I cannot say without notice being given what steps are being taken with regard to this particular incident, but steps are being taken to prevent any avoidable waste in the future.
Will the Board take some immediate action to see who is responsible for all this food going bad and being sent to Swanley Junction?
As I have said, steps are being taken with regard to the future, and if my hon. Friend wishes this matter to be gone into further I will see that the matter is dealt with.
Will the hon. Gentleman have an inquiry as to who is responsible for this food being wasted? That will prevent possibly anything like this in the future.
I have no power to determine the question as to an inquiry, but my hon. Friend can put down a question.
Bread
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether it is intended to permit the making of bread from pure wheat flour, and to allow it to be sold to certain persons who produce doctors' certificates that it will be beneficial for them; and, if so, seeing that such a suggestion will lead to abuses, and that there are other foods delicate persons can eat, will he consider the advisability of withdrawing this permit?
I must refer the hon. Member to the answer given to the hon. Member for Monmouth Boroughs on 12th July. Exemption is only granted in cases of real urgency.
Is this preparation of bread from absolutely white flour to be allowed in certain cases?
Yes. As announced in answer to a previous question, on the supply of the doctor's certificate the Ministry of Food may consider and determine the question whether the particular kind of flour can be supplied or not.
Can the hon. Gentleman say, in view of the fact that the Director of National Economy has retired, after giving us bread we cannot eat, whether somebody is going to be appointed to give us bread we can eat?
asked the Parliamentary-Secretary to the Ministry of Food if he is considering the suggestion that now the supplies of potatoes are likely to be abundant, he could decrease the rations of bread but improve its quality, and thus at the same time improve the health of delicate persons and encourage the consumption of potatoes instead of bread?
It is hoped that the abundance of potatoes will have the effect of decreasing the consumption of bread; but it is not practicable to make any substantial variations in its permitted ingredients.
Government Purchases
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the foodstuffs purchased by the Government are sold at such prices as will, on the average, avoid loss on any kind of foodstuffs so purchased, or whether a policy has now been adopted or is now contemplated of selling foodstuffs at a loss and making good the deficiency by drawing upon the Exchequer?
The general policy of the Government is as stated in the first part of the question. In the special case of bread, the loss incurred in selling bread at the price now determined upon will be borne by the Exchequer.
Loughrea Union (Sugar Supply)
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if his attention has been called to the fact that the guardians and officials of Loughrea Union have not been able to procure supplies of sugar for the patients in hospital and other inmates of Loughrea Workhouse; and will he have steps taken to enable the guardians to obtain the necessary supplies forthwith?
Complaint was received by the Royal Commission on the Sugar Supply regarding the Loughrea Union on the 23rd April last, and on the 2nd May the contractor to the union was given instructions that he should supply the union with 50 per cent. of the quantity of sugar supplied to the institution in 1915. Since that date no communication either from the guardians of the union or from the contractor has been received, and it was presumed that the supply was being duly received. In view of the statement now made by the hon. Member, the Royal Commission will again communicate with the officials of the union on the subject.
Questions
Mrs. Besant (High Court of Madras)
asked the Secretary of State for India if he has obtained any particulars of Mrs. Besant's political activities which he considers dangerous; is he aware that the Governor as well as the High Court of Madras accepts without question Mrs. Besant's loyalty to the Crown and her desire for the permanence of India's connection with the Empire; is he aware that Mrs. Besant has times without number denounced every act of lawlessness and violence on the part of Anarchists and agitators as criminal; is he aware that the only political activities undertaken by Mrs. Besant are such as have been endorsed by the reform programme of the Indian National Congress; is he aware that the Viceroy and Governor of Madras have declared themselves not opposed to the ideal of self-government as enunciated by the Indian National Congress and submitted by nineteen members of the Viceroy's Council, and have declared that they had no intention to put down by administrative action educative propaganda provided that ideal was lawfully carried out; is he aware that by describing Mrs. Besant's political activities as dangerous he is condemning the educative and propaganda work of the Indian Congress and the Moslem League as at present conducted, and conducted for over a generation with the approval of previous Secretaries of State; and is he aware that his condemnation of the constitutional agitation for reform encourages anarchy and violence; and will he take steps immediately to override the action of the Governor of Madras in persecuting Mrs. Besant and her friends?
Judgment of this case must be based not merely on the professions made by Mrs. Besant or the views ascribed to other persons, but on her actions. The High Court of Madras, when considering her application to set aside the order of forfeiture of security, held that she had published articles tending to bring the Government into hatred and contempt or to excite disaffection. In her subsequent writings she has misrepresened the acts and intentions of Government. It is such activities as these, and not the ideals professed in their justification, that have led to the action taken against her. The Secreary of State has telegraphed to India for a full dispatch by mail on the circumstances of the case.
May I ask whether under the tenure of the new Secretary of State Wednesday will be the day for Indian questions?
That does not arise out of the question.
Indian Government (Constantinople)
asked the Secretary of State for India whether, prior to the European crisis of 1914, the Indian Government was informed that the Imperial Government had entered into military engagements with France and consequently with Russia which, in case of war between these two countries and Germany, would entail upon the Indian Government the sending of forces to aid in putting Russia in possession of Constantinople?
The Secretary of State is not aware of any military engagements made prior to the War entailing the consequences mentioned in the latter part of the question.
Mesopotamia Commission
Lord Hardinge
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will give an assurance that Lord Hardinge will not be sent in any capacity to the Conference in Paris on the Balkan policy, especially in view of Lord Hardinge's letter of 16th July, 1916, in which he expressed certain opinions on persons and politics in the Balkans?
It is not the usual practice to ask the Permanent Under-Secretary to represent the Government in Foreign Conferences, and I see no reason to suppose that the usual practice will be departed from. But the letter to which the hon. Member refers will not affect, one way or the other, any decision that may be come to on the subject.
Does the Noble Lord observe that I say, will Lord Hardinge go in any capacity; and would it not be discreet and kindly towards our Allies to withhold his presence from this Conference?
I do not think I have anything to add to the answer which I have given.
asked the Prime Minister if he has received any request from Lord Hardinge for the privilege of a trial by a special tribunal; and, if so, why was the same not granted?
I answered this question on Friday, and it was circulated.
This question was postponed until to-day. I did not ask it.
I know nothing about the postponement. I did not answer it. The usual course was taken in such cases, and the answer was, I believe, circulated.
Can a question be postponed before it is asked?
I do not know what steps the hon. Member took to postpone his question.
I wrote to the Clerk at the Table, and it was postponed.
If there has been a mistake it is one for which I am not responsible. I received no notice of the question being postponed, and the ordinary practice in such cases was adopted.
Questions
Brazil (Naval Operations)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the responsibility for the protection of Allied shipping between the western ports of the United States of America and the coasts of the Republic of Brazil has been undertaken by the battle fleet of the Republic; and, if so, has this definite entry of the Republic into the sphere of active naval operations on the side of the Allies been recognised by the Government of the United Kingdom?
I am not aware that Brazil has undertaken any such responsibility?
Serbian Government
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Serbian Government has established its headquarters at Salonika; and, if so, who is the British diplomatic representative accredited to that Government?
I understand that the Serbian Government is about to move to Salonika. The British Minister accredited to the Serbian Government is Sir C. des Graz.
Military Service
Cullingworth Farmer (Release Application)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture whether, in connection with an imminent reduction in the available amount of agricultural produce from a farm in the occupation of Mr. W. Reddiough, at Lower Heights, Culling-worth, Yorks, he will say if up to last September the farm in question was worked by the aforesaid Mr. W. Reddiough, his two sons, aged nineteen and sixteen respectively, and a young man who enlisted last September, since when the eldest of Mr. Reddiough's sons has been called up for the Army and is now serving as Gunner Reddiough, No. 240,649, 3rd Reserve Battery Royal Field Artillery, at Newcastle, the dairy farm being worked at present by Mr. Reddiough, who is unable to milk owing to a crippled hand, a son aged seventeen, and a substitute from the Army who is unaccustomed to dairy farming, the substitute costing the State £2 19s. 6d. a week, therefore a partially disabled farmer, a youth, and an inexperienced soldier substitute constitute at present the sole available staff for a farm of 73 acres with thirty milking cows, three heifers, forty-five sheep and lambs, three horses, six pigs, and 300 head of poultry, from which farm, for the last twenty years, 60 gallons of milk a day has been sent into Bradford; and, if so, if he is satisfied that Mr. Reddiough will be obliged under present conditions to sell off some of his cows and thereby reduce the supply of milk, will he make representations to the military authorities with the object of obtaining the release of Gunner Reddiough from the Army and removing the substitute provided in his place to some other work for which he is better fitted?
The War Agricultural Executive Committee for the West Riding of Yorkshire are making inquiries into the facts of the case. The Board will make representations to the War Office should the circumstances justify that course. I will inform the hon. Member of the decision when it is reached.
Conscientious Objectors
asked the Home Secretary if D. A. King, a conscientious objector, lately in the Settlement at Princetown, has been returned to the Army; if so, for what reason; whether he has disobeyed any Regulation contained in the agreement under which he accepted, the Home Office scheme; whether his offence is a letter written by him, dated 2nd July, addressed to the Committee on the Employment of Conscientious Objectors in which he declined to accept the limitation upon his right to express his pacifist opinions; and, if this is so, by what authority the Home Office have re-turned this man to the Army?
This man wrote a letter to the Committee on Employment of Conscientious Objectors, stating that he refused to obey the rule which forbids propaganda by men released for employment under the Committee. As obedience to the rules of the Committee was one of the conditions on which he was released and excused from military service, the Committee had no choice but to recommend to the Army Council to recall him to his unit.
I asked the right hon. Gentleman whether this man actually committed any breach of the Regulations, and, secondly, will he reply to the last part of the question: by what authority was this man returned to the Army?
I have said that he would not obey the rules or a particular rule. He expressed his intention of disregarding the rule, and, as a matter of fact, he did not comply with the Regulations. As to the latter part of the question, the man, having completed his term of imprisonment and his service under the Committee having come to an end, there was: no option but to send him back into the Army.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the question by what authority was this man sent back into the Army?
The Military Service Act.
Not at all.
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that the son of Councillor Godbold was granted con- ditional exemption by the West Ham local tribunal, that the miltary representative appealed to the Essex Appeal Tribunal, and that Godbold was again granted conditional exemption, this time because the chairman of the Essex Appeal Tribunal stated that the man's father was doing work of national importance by being a member of the tribunal; whether he is aware that the military representative brought the case again before the West Ham local tribunal, urging that it had excited much public feeling, that on this occasion, owing to the advocacy of Alderman Davis, a member of the Independent Labour Party and a delegate to the Leeds Convention, Godbold was again granted conditional exemption, and that he is now employed as manager of printing works for his father s firm, which prints bills for the local volunteers; whether he is aware that this man pleaded on each occasion conscientious objection to military service; and if he will explain why he has been given preferential treatment over the sons of printers who have undertaken military service?
I understand that this case is now again before the Appeal Tribunal, and as it is sub judice it is not desirable that I should comment on it. I will inform the hon. Member of the Appeal Tribunal's decision.
I will put it down again.
asked the President of the Board of Education (1) how many, if any, conscientious objectors of military age are now engaged as teachers in the national schools within the London County Council area; if none are so engaged whether any have been employed since the outbreak of hostilities; and whether any have been suspended and when the suspension took place; (2) whether any person engaged as a teacher in the London County Council schools has been taken away from the schools and given employment at the Education Office; if so, will he explain why this course was taken; whether any person taken from teaching and given employment at the Education Office has been suspended and yet retained in the service on full pay; and, if so, will he say how long it is proposed to continue this waste of public money?
I have no information on this matter beyond what has appeared in the Press. I gather that it is still under consideration by the London County Council, who are competent to deal with it.
Does the right hon. Gentleman mean that he has no knowledge whether or not these people have been employed by the Education Office and have been suspended?
I must remind the hon. Member that the appointment of teachers is not a matter for the Board of Education, but for the local education authorities.
Does not the appointment of a man in his own office rest with the right hon. Gentleman and not with the London County Council?
It is not a case of employment at the Board of Education. It is a case of appointment at the office of the London County Council. I think the hon. Member is under a misapprehension.
Disabled Men (Employment)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has received reports from the Employment Exchanges throughout the Kingdom as to the difficulty of obtaining employment for disabled men who have been discharged from the Army or Navy?
The reports received from Employment Exchanges do not indicate that there is any general difficulty in placing discharged disabled men in suitable employment. Individual cases do, of course, occasionally present special difficulties, and where it is found impossible for the Employment Exchanges to place the men in question almost at once in satisfactory work, particulars of the cases are forwarded to the appropriate local war pensions committees for special action. The Minister of Labour has, in consultation with the Minister of Pensions, formed a number of national trade advisory committees, consisting of representative employers and workpeople in each of the trades concerned, to give expert advice with regard to the training and employment of disabled men in industry. The advice of these committees is being placed at the disposal of the local war pensions committees, and will, I hope, be of considerable assistance to them in the preparation of plans for the training and re-employment of disabled men.
Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that at many places men are refused employment on account of the medical examination, which does not tally with the Pensions examination?
I am afraid I do not follow what the hon. Gentleman means.
The man is found unfit by the Pensions Board, and fit by the medical examination.
That is a question for the Pensions Board itself.
One-Man Businesses
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether, in the preparation of the Local Government Board Circular R 138, giving to military service tribunals the decision of the Central Tribunal case, No. 80, relating to exemption of the owners of one-man businesses, care was taken to accurately set forth the precise terms of the Central Tribunal's decision; and whether he can explain why the words foregoing, namely, this being so, the Act is imperative; and it is the duty of the tribunal to grant a certificate of exemption, have been omitted from the official circular, and tribunals therefore prevented from knowing that this right to exemption is absolute if the facts of the cases are such as to bring them within the ruling of the Central Tribunal?
The terms of case No. 80, as circulated to tribunals, were drafted by the Central Tribunal. It was worded in the way which it was considered would best convey the intentions of the Central Tribunal having regard to the importance of the principle involved and the possibility of misconception as to the effect of the decision.
Private Brightmore (Army Council Decision)
asked (1) the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the case of James Brightmore, who, after serving a term of imprisonment as a conscientious objector to military service, was returned to his unit at Cleethorpes Camp, refused court-martial, and awarded detention, not in detention barracks but in a pit dug in the camp, in which he was kept for eleven days and nights exposed to the rain and without change of clothes, and during four days of that time was obliged to stand ankle deep in mud and water; whether any redress has been given to Mr. Brightmore; if not, whether steps will be taken to give him the absolute exemption from military service which was provided for in the Military Service Acts but refused by the tribunals; and (2) the Under-Secretary of State for War whether James Brightmore, at present awaiting court-martial in Cleethorpes Camp, was not allowed free private communication with Mr. E. Robinson, of Lincoln, who attended as his court-martial friend, the adjutant, Captain Tidy, insisting on being present during the whole time: and whether this is in accordance with the King's Regulations and contrary to the general practice of the Army in allowing all prisoners full and free facilities to prepare their defence?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether the officers responsible for the ill-treatment of Private Brightmore at Cleethorpes still retain their commands and position; and if so, whether he will consider removing them?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if in view of the sufferings undergone by Mr. Brightmore, he will order his release as an act of mercy?
I think that the House will wish to hear a full statement on the cases of Brightmore and Gray. Hon. Members will recollect that on the 18th July, in reply to a question by my hon. Friend the Member for Mid-Lanark, I indicated the steps which the War Office immediately took to cause a cessation of the irregularities alleged. The irregularities arose wholly owing to the fact that the contents of a. War Office letter of the 19th September, 1916, had not been brought to the notice of the officers concerned owing to changes in staff and command. The War Office letter to which I refer I will circulate, and I think hon. Members will agree that if the terms of that letter are observed, irregularities of the nature brought to notice would be impossible.
[The following is the letter above referred to:
War Office, S.W.
19th September, 1916.
"Sir,—I am commanded by the Army Council to inform you that it appears from reports which have been received in this Department that in certain instances attempts have been made by Commanding Officers to compel conscientious objectors to perform their military duties by ignoring acts of grave insubordination and ensuring compliance by physical means.
I am, therefore, to request that you will be good enough to take steps to ensure that such a procedure, if it is taking place, immediately ceases, and that Commanding Officers be informed that acts of insubordination committed by conscientious objectors should be dealt with strictly in accordance with the law. The men concerned should immediately be placed in arrest and remanded for trial by court-martial, unless a minor punishment is awarded, or the soldier concerned elects to accept the award of his Commanding Officer.
It has also been reported that Commanding Officers have been awarding sentences of detention without giving the soldier concerned the opportunity of exercising his right to be tried by a court-martial under the provisions of Section 46 (8) of the Army Act. If this should prove to have been the case, the Army Council will seriously consider whether the officer concerned, who has been guilty of a grave dereliction of duty and disregard of the law, can be permitted to retain his command.
It should be clearly pointed out to all concerned that the treatment of the conscientious objector who is resisting lawful military commands should be exactly similar to that accorded to any other soldier who is guilty of acts of insubordination, that it is entirely subversive of discipline if a soldier who commits an act of insubordination is not immediately placed in close confinement, that any special treatment in the way of coercion other than by the methods of punishment laid down in the Army Act and King's Regulations is strictly prohibited, and that very serious notice will be taken of any irregularities in this respect which may come to light.
I am, Sir,
Your obedient servant,"]
The investigations which were made show that the whole trouble in the case of Private Brightmore arose from the fact that when awarded detention he was not committed to a regular detention barrack to undergo his sentence. The officer responsible for this omission is very dangerously ill, and I will therefore make no further allusion at present to his very serious mistake. Instead of being sent to a detention barrack Private Brightmore was sent to South Sea Lane Camp, and the reports before me state that he was isolated from the remainder of the men at about 150 yards from the camp. He was given his rations and fuel with which to cook them. There was a pit about a little over 5 feet deep, which he was told to occupy, but as he would not obey any military command it was not insisted upon and no force of any description was used. He spent very little time in this pit and principally employed himself in cooking his meals. He had a tent in which he was informed he could sleep, but refused. He was visited by the orderly officer and asked whether he had any complaints and always replied no. Strict instructions were given that he was not to be molested or in any way ill-treated.
I here take the opportunity of observing that the Army Council in no way defend or desire to defend the highly irregular action which was taken as shown in the Report which I have just read, but I feel it my duty that the House should be in possession of the statement made by the officer commanding the battalion as well as the statement which has been made in the Parliamentary questions which have been put to me.
In regard to the case of Private Gray, a Court of inquiry was immediately held at which Private Gray gave evidence, and it was clearly established that coercive measures had been used to make him submit to military authority. The Court of inquiry is a very lengthy one, and for that reason I am unable to read it to the House, but if any hon. Member would care to be made aware of its contents the Director of Personal Services will be happy to make them known if hon. Members will communicate with him. Hon. Members, however, would like to hear an extract from the statement Private Gray made at the Court of inquiry. After having been ducked in the pond he accepted military service, and in his own words he says,
"from that date I obeyed all the military orders. I have received every kindness since on all hands. I am training for overseas, and my attitude is that, having accepted military service and duty, my future in the Army will follow the usual course of a soldier inevitably."
The Brigadier-General who interviewed Private Gray states that Private Gray informed him that though he had not changed his convictions he intended to soldier. He said he had received no ill-treatment since the episode in the evidence and that he was contented and happy. Hon. Members will realise it must rest with Private Gray as to whether or not he intends to perform his duties as a soldier, but, in the event of his taking a different decision, hon. Members will, I think, agree that there is no possibility of his disposal not being carried out as required by law and as emphasised in the War Office letter to which I have referred.
In regard the case of Private Bright-more, who is now awaiting trial by court-martial, I find that he has already appeared before the Central Tribunal whilst undergoing a previous sentence of imprisonment, and was wholly rejected by that body as being unable to establish his conscientious objection to military service. Under those circumstances his release is impossible. I have called for a special report as to the state of his health, however, and if it should transpire that he has suffered in consequence of his treatment, special steps will be taken to make sure of his recovery before he is brought to trial by court-martial. In conclusion, I would add that the officers responsible have been relieved of their appointments and will receive no further employment.
Post Office Telegraphist (Rupp)
asked the Postmaster-General whether his attention has been called to the case of one Rupp, who twelve months ago claimed exemption from military service on the ground that his parents were German, and that he could not conscientiously fight against his own flesh and blood; whether he was then moved from the Central Telegraph Office to a most important office in Threadneedle Street, in the heart of the City; and, if so, will he say why, after three years of war, public Departments are still employing men whose sympathy is with our enemies?
asked the Postmaster-General whether an able-bodied telegraphist named Rupp, the son of a German father and a German mother, is employed in the Threadneedle Street post office; whether, although of military age, he has been given an exemption certificate by the Post Office; whether he has stated that he could not conscientiously bear arms against his own flesh and blood; and whether it is in the public interest to still retain this man in the Government service?
It is necessary for the proper performance of the Civil telegraph work to retain a certain number of men of military age on telegraph duties in London. Mr. Rupp's retention enables another man to be released for telegraph work in the Signal Section of the Royal Engineers, for which he himself is not eligible on account of his parentage. If released, he could only be enlisted in a labour battalion, and he is of more service to the country in his present capacity.
Does not the light hon. Gentleman realise that the country will not tolerate men of German birth and sympathies being employed by our public Departments at the public expense, and will he get rid of this man straight away?
It is perfectly true that this man is a naturalised British subject, and, as such, he has the rights of a British subject. In the present state of the law, it would be illegal to dismiss him merely on the ground of his parentage.
Are not the facts in this question true?
If the man has the rights of a naturalised British subject, has he not also the duties of a naturalised British subject, and how is it he is exempt from military service?
It really does not follow because a man feels a very natural distaste to killing his own relatives that his sympathies are with the country to which they have the misfortune to belong.
Is he naturalised, or is he not, and, if so, why is he not fighting?
He is naturalised.
Then why is he not fighting?
If my hon. Friends would like any more information I will be pleased to get it.
Why cannot you tell the House of Commons?
If this man is unfitted for fighting is he not also unfitted for employment by the Post Office, and ought he not to be in a labour battalion rather than in a select position in the Post Office?
I can only say that the advisers of the Postmaster-General consider that this man is a perfectly loyal subject of the Crown.
Why does the Post Office defend the employment of Germans not only in the Cable Department, but in many other important positions of great secrecy?
Is my hon. Friend aware that by answers of this kind he is causing the greatest distrust of this Government?
Have we adopted the German system of naturalisation subject to large reservations?
Hon. Members had better put down any further questions.
I will call attention to the matter.
Would it be in order to ask whether the right hon. Gentleman will dismiss this man?
The hon. Member had better put the question on the Paper. It does not rest with the Assistant Postmaster-General to dismiss him.
Medical Examination
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if Private J. Draper, No. 9,760, 1st Battalion, Irish Guards, has been sent to France although certified unfit for military service on three occasions owing to defective vision; if on two occasions eye specialists certified him unfit for other than Home service, and that regardless of these certificates he has been sent to France; who is responsible; and will he order this man to be re-examined?
I am not able to answer this question without making inquiry. I have called for a report, and will inform the hon. Member of the result.
Munitions
Fibeclay
asked the Minister of Munitions (1) whether, having regard to the fact that ample quantities of satisfactory fireclay can be procured in Scotland at 11s. per ton the Director will withdraw his notice to the trade of 30th April last that the maximum price is 22s. per ton and fix the price at 11s. per ton; (2) whether, before he fixed the maximum price of ground fireclay on 30th April last, the Director of Steel Production procured any statistics showing the pre-war and current selling prices of that commodity; and, if so, will he submit these statistics for examination in order that if a mistake has been made it may be rectified; (3) what were the circumstances in some areas in Scotland which necessitated the fixing of a maximum price of 22s. per ton for ground fireclay, in view of the fact that one of the largest producers of ground fireclay has offered to supply it at 11s. per ton; (4) whether, in placing contracts, the Ministry of Munitions allocates to the firms the different works or factories from which they are to procure the necessary goods and materials; whether, in these circumstances, the Ministry expects that the works and factories so allocated will sell at less than the maximum price fixed; and whether, after the Ministry has fixed a maximum price of 22s. per ton for ground fireclay, all consumers are at liberty to purchase from the firm which offers at 11s. per ton?
I have nothing to add to the answer given to my hon. Friend on 4th July last, except to say that careful consideration has been and will continue to be given to any facts including the cost of production affecting the general body of producers, and that as at present advised I am not prepared to withdraw the notice to the trade of 30th April last.
Can the hon. Gentleman state distinctly without reference to any previous question why he persists in paying 22s. for what he can get at 11s.?
If my hon. Friend will refer to the previous answer he will see that we do not persist in paying 22s. which is a maximum and, in fact, purchasers can buy and are buying at a lower figure.
Can the hon. Gentleman say at what figure they are buying?
They are buying at a lower figure.
Is it higher than 11s.?
I understand that is not the exact figure. It is not up to the maximum.
Fair Wages Resolution
asked (1) the Minister of Munitions whether he is aware that Messrs. Warne, rubber manufacturers, at Barking, who are doing war work, are only paying the girls and women of the age of nineteen and upwards wages ranging from 11s. per week of fifty-seven hours; if he is aware that this is a violation of the circulars that have been issued from the various Departments in connection with the wages and hours of girls over the age of eighteen, and is also a violation of the Fair Wage Resolution of the House of Commons; and whether he proposes to take any action in the matter; (2) the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that there is discontent among all the employés working at Messrs. Warne, rubber manufacturers, Barking, who are Government contractors, in consequence of the low wages paid to the women workers and others; if he is aware that all the employés are members of the National Union of General Workers; if he is aware that the employés are asking permission from the union to tender notices because the firm have refused to submit their case for an advance of wages to arbitration; and if he intends taking any action in the matter; and (3) the Undersecretary of State for War whether he is aware that Messrs. Warne, rubber manufacturers, at Barking, who are doing war work, are only paying the girls and women of the age of nineteen and upwards wages ranging from 11s. per week of fifty-seven hours; and, seeing that this is a violation of the circulars that have been issued from the various Departments in connection with the wages and hours of girls over the age of eighteen and is also a violation of the Fair Wage Resolution of the House of Commons, what action he proposes to take?
Messrs. Warne, rubber manufacturers, Barking, are Government contractors, but are not controlled. A conciliation meeting between the representatives of the firm and the National Union of General Workers is being held to-day, Monday, in the Chief Industrial Commissioner's Department, and I shall be pleased to inform my hon. Friend of the result.
Questions
"Mount Edgcumbe" Training Ship
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is aware of the complaints that are being made against the management of the training ship "Mount Edgcumbe," Salt-ash, Cornwall; if he is aware that a committee appointed by the West Ham Board of Guardians visited the ship in question and made a report against the officers of the ship in connection with the food, harsh treatment, and cases of ill-treatment; if he is aware that some of the boys have died on the ship through the neglect and bad treatment by those responsible for looking after the boys; and, in consequence of the charges made, whether he is prepared to appoint one or two of his officers from the Home Department to meet the committee of the West Ham Board of Guardians who paid a visit to the ship on 20th February and subsequent dates?
A copy of the report made by the representatives of the West Ham Guardians after their visit to the ship was sent to me, and I arranged for a thorough inquiry to be made. While this inquiry—which included a medical examination of every boy on the ship—made it clear that there is no foundation for the suggestion that there has been neglect or ill-treatment, it showed the need for certain improvements. I have sent to the guardians a full and detailed communication as to the results of the inquiry, and I shall be pleased to arrange for representatives of the Department to discuss with them any questions which they wish to raise.
Representation of the People Bill
Boundary Commissioners
asked the Home Secretary whether he will present to the House the amended Instructions issued to the Boundary Commissioners after the recent Debate, in order that the public may be fully informed of the changes which were then made?
On the adoption by the House of the Resolution of the 18th June, I wrote a letter to Mr. Speaker as chairman of the Boundary Commissioners, enclosing a copy of the Resolution and requesting that the Commissioners, in making their determination, should act on their original Instructions as amended by the provisos to the Resolution. As the Resolution is on record, the hon. Baronet will probably think it unnecessary that I should circulate a copy of my letter.
Has the right hon. Gentleman had it brought to his notice that some of these new Instructions are not at all known outside, and this particular Instruction says that you are to deal with the electorate rather than population. People know nothing about it. They are sending in schemes which entirely ignore the instruction and only cause trouble?
I thought both the Resolution of the House and the Debate were very fully reported, but if the hon. Baronet would prefer to have the letter circulated I shall be very happy to do it.
Questions
Metropolitan Police
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that Constable Ernest Harrison, No. 255, of the Metropolitan Police, went through the whole of the South African War and was discharged with an excellent record; that he volunteered for service in August, 1914, but was refused leave to enlist; and that, through joining the policemen's union, he has been victimised and is now suffering six months' detention; where Constable Harrison now is; whether it is the object of the Commissioners of Police to break the union; and whether he will grant an inquiry into these allegations?
Ex-Police-Constable Harrison served in the Army from 1898 to 1904, his conduct as recorded being "very good." He did not volunteer for military service in 1914, when he would have been allowed to go, but he did volunteer in August, 1915, at a time when, owing to the depletion of the force, permission to enlist was not being granted to constables. He was dismissed the police service in February last for repeated acts of disobedience. On leaving the force, as he was of military age, he was called up, and, on refusing to obey orders, he was sentenced by court-martial to imprisonment. With regard to the last paragraph of the question, I have nothing to add to previous replies on this subject.
Are not all the acts of so-called disobedience alleged against Harrison acts in connection with the union of which he was a member, and which it is the object of the Home Office to break?
Yes, Sir; the acts of disobedience occurred in the union. I understand he was warned once, and undertook not to offend again. He did offend again, and was sentenced as stated.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a considerable amount of deep-seated feeling in the force in regard to this question, and can he see his way clear to reconsider his decision as to receiving any deputation or any representations?
No, Sir; I cannot depart from the decision which I have announced two or three times.
The right hon. Gentleman has not answered the latter part of the question. I shall put it down again.
Enemy Air Raids
Public Warnings
asked the Home Secretary whether it is proposed to make arrangements to warn the inhabitants of other towns, besides London, of the approach of hostile aircraft?
The warning of the inhabitants elsewhere than in London is a matter for the local authority. I understand that arrangements for giving such warnings have already been made by the local authorities in a number of places.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in large cities containing munitions factories, in spite of and contrary to the wishes of the local authorities, the munitions authorities have forbidden the use of hooters and so on, and can he not take any steps in connection with the matter or will he put me in the way of discovering who can?
That inquiry should be addressed to the Ministry of Munitions.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of putting someone in supreme charge of the whole of the warnings in England, so that there may be some sort of ordered system?
I cannot do that; I really have no authority outside London.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether his. attention has been called to the distress and confusion occasioned in London yesterday morning by the erratic explosion of 233 bombs as a warning of air-raid danger, and whether, in these circum- stances, he will have this method discontinued and an intelligent system of air-raid warnings introduced without delay?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. I have no doubt that the warning given yesterday caused inconvenience, but my information is that the inconvenience was cheerfully borne and that there was nothing which could be called confusion. I think that in future the warning should certainly be delayed until the enemy aircraft come nearer to London than they came yesterday, and that the number of signals to be given might well be reduced; but, subject to these two points, which will be considered at once, I believe that the system of warning by sound-bombs has proved effective, and should be continued.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the noise made by these sound-bombs is absolutely identical with that of an ordinary air raid, and that many old ladies and nervous people who suffered from shock— [Laughter.] Loud laughter! There are thousands of people in London who suffered great nervous shock through this method. There are much simpler and more effective methods, and will not the right hon. Gentleman consider them?
That is a statement.
Losses
asked whether his announcement to the deputation of mayors with regard to the Government accepting the principle of making good any losses sustained by enemy air raids or bombardments takes the place of the schemes of insurance which have been in operation; and, if so, whether premiums on policies which have been taken out in advance will be repaid as from this date?
I can for the moment add nothing to the reply I gave on the 18th instant to the hon. Member for East Finsbury.
Air Services
Houses Near Aerodromes
asked the Home Secretary whether he has any information concerning the nationality of the present tenant of Englemere Cottage, Ascot; whether the cottage is almost opposite the aerodrome at Ascot; and can he say who is the owner of the cottage and for how long he has let it?
The house to which the hon. Member, I think, refers is Engle mere Wood Lodge, Ascot. I am informed that it is near the aerodrome and that the present tenant of it is a person of German origin who was naturalised as a British subject in Australia in 1900. Inquiries were made by the police regarding him soon after the beginning of the War, and it was ascertained that his loyalty was well vouched for. The owner of the house is Mr. Victor Wellesley, and the house is let for another two years.
Does the right hon. Gentleman consider it quite right, in view of the public opinion on the subject, that a naturalised German should be so near to an aerodrome?
I can do nothing unless I intern him, and he has given no reason for that.
Would it not be much better to remove him from the locality of an aerodrome?
Aeroplane Construction
asked the Parliamentary Representative of the Air Board whether the Air Board exercises any control over the construction of aircraft; and whether any members of the Board are contractors for aircraft or component parts?
The Board exercises control over the construction of aircraft in that it is responsible for design. Contracts, however, for supply are placed by the Ministry of Munitions. Sir William Weir, a member of the Air Board, is managing director of G. and J. Weir, Limited, who are contractors for aeronautical supplies. He is not personally a contractor. Mr. Martin, another member, is managing director of Daimler Company and Birmingham Small Arms Company, both of which are contractors for aeronautical supplies. He is not personally a contractor.
Is it not a very dangerous precedent to establish that Government contractors or designers should be in a position to determine who of their rivals should be allowed to design or contract?
These two gentlemen have given their services at great sacrifice to themselves personally and to their interests, and they have rendered incalculable services to the Air Board. It would be a great misfortune to lose them.
Is not Mr. Martin, managing director of the Daimler Company, one of the best engineers in the country?
Nobody who knows anything about it has the slightest doubt that we could not possibly get two better men.
Is it not likely to cause designers to believe that they do not get fair treatment when it is known that their designs compete with those of members of the Air Board itself?
Are these two Gentlemen still drawing their directors' fees or have they resigned their directorships?
I do not know whether they are drawing fees as directors, but I know that they are not drawing any salaries from the Government.
Questions
West Ham Education Committee
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that Mr. Tarr, employed by the West Ham Education Committee as an after-care officer, namely, the looking after the placing of children in employment on leaving school, an office which for some time past has been a sinecure owing to the demand by employers for boys and girls, was allowed to remain in his position on the advice of the Pelham Committee; whether such work as this man is required to do can be equally well performed by a woman; whether, after asking the chairman of the education committee if he joined the Royal Army Medical Corps he would receive full pay, and, being informed in the negative, Tarr appeared before the West Ham local tribunal and pleaded conscientious objection; whether on that ground he was exempted and was ordered by the Essex Appeal Tribunal to undertake work of national importance; whether his wife is replacing a soldier teacher; whether Mr. and Mrs. Tarr are both drawing salaries from the State, notwithstanding the fact the Tarr is of military age and other men similarly placed to himself are doing their duty at the front for Is. a day; and what steps he proposes to take in the matter?
I have made inquiry of the Committee on Work of National Importance, and am informed to the following effect. This case came before the Committee in October, 1916, and, after a personal interview and very careful consideration, and after ascertaining the views of the West Ham education authority, and considering the evidence of character submitted to the Committee, the Pelham Committee recommended to the Essex Appeal Tribunal that Mr. Tarr should continue in his employment because he possessed special qualifications. In the opinion of the Committee the work could not have been efficiently performed by a woman, and is now of the most onerous character and is still of distinctly national importance. So far as the Committee can ascertain, Mr. Tarr did not discuss joining the Royal Army Medical Corps, but did discuss the question of joining the Friends' Ambulance Unit. Mrs. Tarr has not replaced a soldier teacher, but is replacing another woman teacher who has undertaken hospital work. The Committee add that had Mr. Tarr accepted military service his pay and allowances would, in accordance with the practice of the West Ham Education Committee, have exceeded the salary he now receives.
National Service
asked the Parliamentary (Secretary to the Ministry of National Service whether, seeing that the scheme of national service as laid down by the Director is involving clerical labour with corresponding expense but without corresponding results so far as men are concerned, he will consider the advisability of re-casting the scheme so as to release the unnecessary male and female labour now engaged in compiling lists of male volunteers between forty-one and sixty-one years of age, half of whom are already engaged in work of national importance; and will he consider the advisability of ascertaining beforehand what positions are vacant or likely to be vacant by the calling up of men for the Army and issuing of advertisements for filling these posts, thereby saving much duplication of labour and leaving applicants from the irritating conditions which lead in so many cases to no practical results?
The classification of male National Service volunteers has been long completed. There is, therefore, no unnecessary labour being employed in doing this work, although certain revisions are necessary from time to time. The procedure indicated in the second part of the question is that approved by the Director-General of National Service and is being followed by the Department as closely as possible. As from the 1st May, when the allocation of volunteers was taken over by the Department, all substitution officers have received strict instructions not to call up volunteers for service until there are specific vacancies for them.
British Prisoners of War. (Schwarmstedt)
asked the hon. Member for Sheffield (Central Division), how many officer prisoners there are in the Schwarmstedt Camp; whether there is any playground or any amenities of any kind; and what prospects there are of any improvement before the winter?
I regret that I am unable at present to answer the first and second parts of the question. The Netherland Legation at Berlin have, however, been requested by telegraph to furnish a list of the British officers at Schwarmstedt and a Report on the conditions prevailing at this camp. Until the Report has been received, it will not be possible to say what improvements are required.
Forestry
asked the Prime Minister whether he is now in a position to publish the Final Report on Forestry, which was presented by the Sub-Committee of the Reconstruction Committee in May?
I cannot add anything to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for. Down, South, on the 2nd July.
Labour Delegation to Russia (Expenses)
asked the Prime Minister if the expenses of the recent labour delegation to Russia, consisting of the hon. Member for East Leeds, the hon. Member for West Ham, South, and Mr. W. S. Sanders, have been or are to be paid from public funds; if so, from what Vote will the expenses be defrayed; and what is the total sum paid on account of such expenses?
The expenses of the party referred to will be borne on the Vote for the Diplomatic and Consular Services. The accounts are under examination, but it is not anticipated that the expenditure will exceed £450.
Ministry of Reconstruction
asked the Prime Minister whether the Minister for Reconstruction will be paid a salary; if so, how much; whether this salary will be placed on the Estimates and when a Supplementary Estimate will be presented; whether the Minister for Reconstruction will answer questions in this House; and whether, now that a Minister for Reconstruction has been appointed, some opportunity will be afforded him to describe the scope and results of the various Reconstruction Committees?
asked whether the appointment of a Minister of Reconstruction will involve legislation establishing a Ministry of Reconstruction; if not, what will be the relation of the new Department to the House of Commons; and upon what Vote will its expenses be borne?
A salary of £2,000 a year will be attached to the post of Minister of Reconstruction, and a Supplementary Estimate will be presented in due course. The Minister will answer questions in the House, and will have the usual opportunities of describing the work of his Department. A Bill will shortly be introduced establishing the Ministry.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say if an Under-Secretary will also have to be appointed?
That has not yet been decided.
In view of the fact that this Minister is receiving a new appointment ought he not to go to his constituents at once?
I do not think that that applies to a Minister who is already in office, but a Bill is going to be introduced.
Does this mean that one more salary is to be added to the number paid by the Government?
I understand that the right hon. Gentleman (Dr. Addison) is no longer Minister of Munitions, and he cannot be in receipt of a salary until it is put down on the Vote. Therefore he is in receipt of £400 a year as an ordinary Member, and if he gets this salary under the Bill is he not receiving a profitable position under the Crown and ought he not to seek re-election?
That is a matter for argument.
On a point of Order—
There is no point of Order.
May I submit respectfully to you, Sir, this further point. What we want to know is whether this Member of the Government is not now an ordinary Member of the House of Commons in receipt of an ordinary salary, and if that is so, when he gets this increased salary must he not appeal for re-election?
Perhaps the hon. Member will put his question down?
I am putting the question to you, Mr. Speaker.
I do not appoint Ministers.
"Kilkenny People" (Suppression)
asked whether another Irish newspaper has been suppressed, namely, the "Kilkenny People"; and, if so, will he explain the grounds for this step?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The action against this newspaper was taken under an Order made by the competent military authority under Regu- lation 51 of the Defence of the Realm Regulations, in respect of publications calculated to cause disaffection and so to be prejudicial to public safety.
How many more newspapers are the Government likely to suppress?
That will depend a good deal upon the number of seditious articles contained in them.
Will the "Morning Post" be included?
German Prisoners of War
asked who is responsible for granting the release from imprisonment of German prisoners of war; and whether he can say if Admiral Von Tirpitz's son is or has been at any time at liberty since his capture; and, if so, whether with or without giving his parole or with or without military guard?
In the case of civilians, the Home Office; in the case of combatants, the Army Council. I am informed that Admiral von Tirpitz's son. has not been at liberty at any time since his capture, except in so tar as he takes exercise as one of a party accompanied by a British officer and two orderlies in the same manner as British officer prisoners in Germany.
Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic)
asked the Prime Minister if he will state the reasons which led to the Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic) Memorandum, dated 16th December, 1916, being withheld from publication until the opening of the inquiry by the Liquor Trade Finance (England and Wales) Committee?
It was not possible to make the contents of the documents referred to public until it had been considered by the Cabinet in connection with the policy of the Government with regard to the restrictions and regulation of the liquor traffic.
Was this Board consulted as to its publication, and did they know when they wrote it and sent it in that it would be published? Were they asked about it?
Yes, they sent it in with the full knowledge that if it was thought desirable it would be published.
Russian Working Men
asked whether the hon. Member for Barnard Castle has, on behalf of British capitalists, protested against the demands being made by Russian working men; and, if so, whether the Government has authorised this action?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The second part, therefore, does not arise.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a Press report has been issued to that effect, and will he make inquiries into it?
County Court Officers (War Bonus)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will direct the superintendent of the County Court Department to pay a war bonus to every whole-time County Court officer at the rate paid to other Civil servants, and to cease paying to the staffs of some Courts and not to others?
The answer is in the negative. I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on 21st December last to a question on the same subject by the hon. Member for Huddersfield.
Can the hon. Member give some means whereby these persons could have an appeal for a settlement of their difficulties? They are the only Civil servants who seem to have no tribunal appeal.
Tobacco Duty (Cigarettes)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the tobacco manufacturers are retaining for the benefit of their shareholders a large part of the reduction recently made in the tobacco duty, the packet of ten Three Castles cigarettes, which was sold for 5d. before the extra duty imposed by the Budget was put on, the price being then raised to 6d., and now that the extra duty is halved the price still remains at 6d.; and if he proposes to take any action in the matter?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. The answer to the first part is in the negative. With regard to the case of the packet (ten) Three Castles cigarettes to-which attention is called, the Tobacco Control Board have carefully investigated the question of the costs of this brand based on the figures supplied to them by the manufacturers and certified by chartered accountants. The Tobacco Control Board advise me that they are satisfied that the manufacturers are making a decreased profit on the manufacture of these cigarettes compared with the profit made before the Budget Statement on 2nd May, 1917. It must be borne in mind that the effect of the schedule of maximum prices issued by the Tobacco Control Board must be considered as a whole, particularly with regard to the result which it has achieved in bringing about the maximum reduction on the cheaper forms of tobacco and cigarettes, which constitute a very large percentage of the whole output.
May I ask if it is a fact that this company is to be allowed to make a considerably greater profit when it is already paying dividends of some 20 per cent. and more?
I am not aware of those facts.
School Teachers, Scotland (Salaries)
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether it is intended, under Section 11 (3) of Minute of Council of Education in Scotland, of 13th July, that, before distributing a stipulated sum in proportion to the number of teachers under each educational authority, the Department will allow a special Grant in the case of Catholic teachers whose salaries are considerably lower than those prevailing among others teachers in the same district, provided the school rate operative in such districts exceeds 1s. 6d. in the £?
The proposals contained in the Minute referred to will result in a very substantial improvement in the salaries of teachers in voluntary schools. In these circumstances I do not see my way, as at present advised, to take the step suggested by my hon. Friend.
Chatham Dockyard (Assistant-Constructor)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether one of the assistant-constructors employed in the Chatham Dockyard drawing offices is a man named Peiffer; whether he was in Germany when war broke out; and whether he is of German nationality?
The case of this man was gone into very fully in connection with a question raised in November, 1914. His father was a German. His mother was an Englishwoman. He was born in this country, and was a dockyard apprentice. He appears to have visited certain places in Germany in July, 1914. As a result of the inquiry into the matter in November, 1914, the Admiralty were satisfied as to his integrity as a British subject. Nothing has occurred since to alter that opinion.
Could the right hon. Gentleman say the age of this man?
He is apparently a young fellow, say, under thirty. I speak offhand.
Is it a disqualification to be a Britisher in these days?
On the contrary, in order to be a dockyard apprentice you must be a British subject, and that is what he is. So far from it being a disqualification, it is a peculiar qualification.
May I ask if it is not a qualification for the Cabinet to be a German?
In view of the public feeling, would it not be better to call up this man for military service instead of men who have served and are disabled?
There is no question of shielding this man from military service. He is engaged upon important work as assistant-constructor in the Royal Dockyard, and he is a British subject.
Is it true that the German Government allowed him to return here after the War broke out?
I should certainly like to go into that matter.
It is on the Paper. Why do you not answer it?
My hon. Friend asks "whether he was in Germany when the War broke out?"
Was he in Germany: when the War broke out?
Yes.
Court-Martial (Quarter Master a. F. Hall)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War (1) it he is aware that at the court-martial held, at Chelsea Barracks on 8th August, 1916, on Quartermaster A. F. Hall the case was prejudiced by including a charge known. at the time to be false, having been confessed to by a private, and which was afterwards withdrawn; whether such conduct is in accordance with the Regulations applying to courts-martial; whether he will have the case re-tried or give the accused some other opportunity to clear his character; and (2) if he is aware that at the court-martial held at Chelsea. Barracks on 8th August, 1916, at which Quartermaster A. F. Hall was sentenced on a charge of fraudulently misapplying public goods, the prosecuting officer was in possession of a written statement by Surgeon-General Edge testifying to the high character of the accused which he withheld from the knowledge of the Court, thus suppressing important evidence in favour of the accused; and whether he will allow the case to be retried or give the accused some other opportunity to clear his character?
Nothing is known of any alleged confession by a private, nor does it appear from the proceedings whether the prosecutor had any statement by Surgeon-General Edge testifying to the high character of the accused in his possession. Even if the prosecutor had such a statement it would be for the accused, who was represented by a solicitor, to give evidence of good character.
Does the hon. Gentleman refuse the inquiry I ask for? I can assure him that the facts stated in the question are established.
If my hon. Friend will give me any additional facts I will consider them.
I give the hon. Gentleman these facts.
Irish Convention
( by Private Notice ) asked the Leader of the House whether the Government are in a position to announce their nominations to the Irish Convention, and whether he can state what will be the total number of members of the Convention?
I shall be glad if my right hon. Friend would put that question to-morrow.
Corn Production Bill
May I ask the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture, Ireland, whether he has anything to state in regard to the Amendments to the Irish part of the Corn Production Bill?
It is proposed to place the adaptive Clauses for Ireland on the Paper immediately.
Donington Hall (Escape of Prisoners)
asked the Undersecretary of State for War how many German and Austrian officers have escaped from Castle Donington, near Nottingham; whether all the men escaped have been recaptured; and if he is prepared to issue an order that in eases where the officers have escaped and are recaptured they will be sent to an ordinary convict prison?
I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to similar questions by the right hon. Member for Kirkcaldy Burghs and the hon. and gallant Member for Enfield on Wednesday last, and by the hon. Member for Hertford on Friday last. Military confinement in a detention barrack is the only punishment which may be awarded for an attempt to escape.
Can the hon. Gentleman now state whether any action has been taken against those people who are assisting these prisoners out by providing clothes and other things?
The Report of the Court of Inquiry has not yet been received.
Who pays for the petrol which these German officers use in driving motor cars?
I do not know that they do drive motor cars.
I can assure the hon. Gentlemen that they do.
I shall be very glad if my right hon. Friend will give me the information.
I will give that information.
Royal Visit to Southend
Aeroplane Escort
I hope that the House will allow me to make a personal explanation.
I was asked the other day whether any aeroplanes escorted Her Royal Highness Princess Mary to Southend; the implication being that these machines were with drawn from the defences of London. I then replied that no aeroplanes of the Royal Flying Corps escorted Her Highness.
This answer, I regret to say, was incorrect, but it was given after the usual reference to the training brigade of the Royal Flying Corps and to the Home Defence Group. Neither of these authorities was, I understand, able to find at the moment any foundation for the assertion. From further investigation it appears that on the occasion of this visit the honorary Secretary of the Royal Naval Hospital had approached the commander of the depot squadron in the neighbourhood and asked him if a guard of honour could be supplied. The squadron commander replied that if he had any machines flying on that day in the ordinary course of training he would raise no objection to their flying along the railway.
The honorary secretary of the Royal Naval Hospital wrote to Sir Edward Wallington. to this effect, and Sir Edward, in reply, wrote:
This action was taken by the squadron commander without reference to any superior authority, and he has stated that since the flight was an ordinary and proper part of the training for which he was responsible, he did not consider any reference necessary; consequently, Headquarters here, upon whom I relied for my information, were not apprised of the fact.
I have taken the first opportunity of stating all the circumstances and all the facts to the House, and I would personally express my regret that I had been the means of conveying to it information on this subject which was incorrect.
May I ask—
No question can arise on a personal statement.
Questions
Veterinary Inspectors (Ireland)
asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he is now in a position to give a favourable answer to the memorial of the veterinary inspectors of the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland which has been placed before him supported by the Department?
The matter is still under consideration.
Judicial Appointments, Scotland (Directorships)
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, in the new appointment made to a judgeship of the Court of Session, it was made a stipulation that no directorship in trading concerns or in banks should be held by the new appointee?
Yes, Sir. The attention of the new judge was specially called to the recently expressed opinion of the Government, and entirely satisfactory assurances were received from him.
May we take it that this is a principle now established by the Department?
Yes, Sir.
Royal Irish Constabulary Force Fund
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he will give the objects for which the Constabulary Force Fund was created and the date of its creation; what are, or were, the sums which members of the Royal Irish Constabulary are, or were, obliged to contribute out of their pay to the fund, and what corresponding benefits do they receive from the fund in return; and will he say when the last accounts of the fund were presented and when the amount and allocation of the surplus that remains for distribution will be announced?
The Constabulary Force Fund (originally styled the Police Reward Fund) was created in the year 1836, to provide rewards for members of the Royal Irish Constabulary and gratuities to their widows and children. The deduction from pay as contribution to the fund was originally ½ per cent., and was subsequently raised to 1½ per cent.; but no member of the force appointed after the 18th June, 1883, has contributed to the fund, nor is the family of any such member entitled to benefit from it. The deduction of pensions from officers and men who have volunteered to continue subscribing to the fund is 1 per cent. The benefits which the families of subscribers receive after the death of the subscriber consist in a gratuity for the widow, calculated on the amount of pay drawn, and an additional proportion of the same for each unmarried child under eighteen years of age. The accounts are audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General, and are presented yearly. The last account was circulated on the 16th August, 1916, and the account for 1916–17 will be issued to the force in a few days. Until all the existing subscribers to the fund have died and the claims of their families have been discharged, it cannot be stated what surplus of capital may remain. That period may not arrive for the next twenty years or upwards.
Irish Lights Department (Wages)
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he is aware that so far no improvement has been made in the conditions of employment at the Irish Lights Department; if he is aware that this Department is not paying the local rate of wages; and whether he will take steps to see that this is done?
My right hon. Friend has requested me to reply to this question. I have furnished the hon. Member with a statement which I have received from the Irish Lights Commissioners on this subject, and I shall be pleased to receive his observations.
Will the hon. Gentleman state why it is that Irish workmen cannot get a decent wage unless they go on strike? The statement with which he is supplied from the Irish Lights Board is not a correct statement.
If there is any statement that is not correct, I shall be very glad to receive information.
Orders of the Day
Business of the House
Motion made, and Question proposed; "That the Proceedings on the Corn Production Bill, if under discussion at Eleven of the clock this night, be not interrupted Under the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ Mr. Bonar Law. ]
The House divided; Ayes, 199; Noes, 28.
Division No. 77.] AYES. [3.50 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke Greig, Colonel James William O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Gulland, Rt. Hon. John William O'Leary, Daniel Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Hackett, John O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) Anstruther-Gray, Lieut.-Col. William Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight) Palmer, Godfrey Mark Baird, John Lawrence Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds) Parker, James (Halifax) Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.) Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire) Partington, Hon. Oswald Baldwin, Stanley Harris, Henry Percy (Paddington S.) Pearce, Sir William (Limehouse) Barrie, H. T. Harris, Percy A. (Leicester, S.) Pease, Rt. Hon. H. Pike (Darlington) Bathurst, Col. Hon. A. B. (Glouc, E.) Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West) Peto, Basil Edward Beale, Sir William Phipson Haslam, Lewis Pratt, J. W. Beauchamp, Sir Edward Hayward, Evan Prothero, Rt. Hon. Rowland Edmund Bellairs, Commander C. W. Helme, Sir Norval Watson Pryce-Jones, Colonel E. Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) Henry, Sir Charles Radford, Sir George Heynes Bennett-Goldney, Francis Hewins, William Albert Samuel Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Hinds, John Rees, G. C. (Carnarvonshire, Arton) Bird, Alfred Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, E.) Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine Holmes, Daniel Turner Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) Blake, Sir Francis Douglas Howard, Hon. Geoffrey Roberts, George H. (Norwich) Bliss, Joseph Hughes, Spencer Leigh Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs) Boland, John Plus Illingworth, Rt. Hon. Albert H. Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Brace. Rt. Hon. William Jackson, Lt.-Col. Hon. F. S. (York) Robertson, Rt. Hon. J. M. (Tyneside) Brunner, John F. L. Jacobsen, Thomas Owen Rowlands, James Bull, Sir William James Jardine, Sir J. (Roxburgh) Rowntree, Arnold Burn, Colonel C. R. Jones, J. Towyn (Carmarthen, East) Royds, Edmund Campion, W. R. Jones, Rt. Hon. Leif (Notts, Rushcliffe) Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter (Dewsbury) Carnegie, Lieut.-Col. D. G. Jones, W. Kennedy (Hornsey) Russell, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas W. Carr-Gomm, H. W. Jones, W. S. Glyn-(Stepney) Salter, Arthur Clavell Cave, Rt. Hon. Sir George Joyce, Michael Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir Harry (Norwood) Cawley, Rt. Hon. Sir Fredk. (Prestwich) Keating, Matthew Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Aston Manor) Kellaway, Frederick George Sanders, Col. Robert Arthur Clay, Captain H. H. Spender Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr Sharman-Crawford, Colonel R. G. Coats, Sir Stuart A. (Wimbledon) Kilbride, Denis Shaw, Hon. A. Cochrane, Cecil Algernon Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Shortt, Edward Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock) Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Molton) smith, Rt. Hon. Sir F. E. (Walton) Collins, Sir Stephen (Lambeth) Larmor, Sir J. Spear, Sir John Ward Cowan, Sir W. H. Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle) Stanley, Rt. Hon. Sir A. (Aston) Craig, Col. James (Down, E.) Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, W.) Starkey, John Ralph Craik, Sir Henry Lewis, Rt. Hon. John Herbert Stirling, Lieut.-Col. Archibald Croft, Brigadier-General Henry Page Lloyd, George Butler (Shrewsbury) Strauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West) Crumley, Patrick Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury) Talbot, Lord Edmund Currie, George W. Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee Thynne, Lord Alexander Dalrymple, Hon. H. H. Lynch, Arthur Alfred Tickler, T. G. Dalziel, Rt. Hen. Sir J. H. Kirkcaldy) Macdonald, Rt. Hon. J. M. (Falk. B'ghs) Touche, Sir George Alexander Davies, David (Montgomery Co.) McGhee, Richard Wardle, George J. Davies, Timothy (Lincs, Louth) McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay T. Denman, Hon. Richard Douglas M'Laren, Hon. F.W.S. (Lincs., Spalding) Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannon) Dickinson Rt. Hon. Willoughby H. Macleod, John Mackintosh Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) Dillon, John Macmaster, Donald Watson, Hon. W. (Lanark, S.) Dixon, C. H. Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Watson, John B. (Stockton) Doris, William MacNeill, J. G. Swift (Donegal, South) Weigall, Lieut.-Col. William E. G. A. Dougherty, Rt. Hen. Sir J. B. Macpherson, James Ian Whitty, Patrick Joseph Duncannon, Viscount Maden, Sir John Henry Wiles, Rt. Hon. Thomas Edwards, Clement (Glamorgan, E.) Mallalieu, Frederick William Williams, Thomas J. (Swansea) Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid) Mason, James F. (Windsor) Wilson-Fox, Henry Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M. Meagher, Michael Winfrey, Sir Richard Faber, George Denison (Clapham) Molloy, Michael Wing, Thomas Edward Faber, Capt. W. V. (Hants, W.) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon) Falconer, James Money, Sir L. G. Chiozza Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glasgow) Fell, Arthur Morgan, George Hay Wright, Henry Fitzherbert Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson Morison, Hector Yate, Colonel C. E. Fisher, Rt. Hon. H. A. L. (Hallam) Morison, Thomas B. (Inverness) Yeo, Alfred William Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes (Fulham) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Young, William (Perthshire, E.) Fleming, Sir John Newman, John R. P. Younger, Sir George Forster, Rt. Hon. Henry William Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster) Yoxall, sir James Henry France, Gerald Ashburner Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Gardner, Ernest Nield, Herbert TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Captain Gibbs. Col. George Abraham Nolan, Joseph F. Guest and Mr. James Hope. Greenwood. Sir G. G. (Peterborough)
NOES. Adamson, William Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. C. W. Arnold, Sydney Baring, Sir Godfrey (Barnstaple) Burns, Rt. Hon. John Byles, Sir William Pollard Martin, Joseph Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University) Mason, David M. (Coventry) Smith, H. B. Lees (Northampton) Chancellor, Henry George Molteno, Percy Alpert Snowden, Philip Goldstone, Frank Morrell, Philip Trevelyan, Charles Philips Jowett, F. W. Outhwaite, R. L. White, J. Dundas (Glasgow, Tradeston) King J. Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. Lamb, Sir Ernest Henry Pringle, William M. R. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) Raffan, Peter Wilson Watt and Mr. Hogge Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester)
Corn Production Bill
Considered in Committee.—[ Progress, 19th July.]
[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 5.—(Establishment of Wages Board.)
(1) The Board of Agriculture and Fisheries shall, as soon as may be and after consultation with the Minister of Labour, establish an Agricultural Wages Board; and such of the provisions of the Trade Boards Act, 1909, as are set out (with the required modifications) in the Schedule to this Act shall be deemed to be incorporated in this Part of this Act.
(2) The Agricultural Wages Board shall fix minimum rates of wages for workmen employed in agriculture for time-work, and may also, if and so far as they think it necessary or expedient, fix minimum rates of wages for workmen employed in agriculture for piece-work.
(3) Any such minimum rates may be fixed so as to apply universally to workmen employed in agriculture, or to any special class of workmen in agriculture, or to any special area, subject in each case to any exceptions which may be made by the Agricultural Wages Board for employment of any special character.
(4) Before fixing any minimum rate of wages, the Agricultural Wages Board shall give notice of the rate which they propose to fix, and consider any objections to the rate which may be lodged with them within one month; and the Board shall give notice of any minimum rates fixed by them in such manner as they think fit with a view to bringing the minimum rates, so far as practicable, to the knowledge of the persons affected.
(5) The Agricultural Wages Board may, if they think it expedient, cancel or vary any minimum rate fixed by them, and shall reconsider any such minimum rate if the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries direct them to do so, whether an application is made for the purpose or not; and the provisions of this Section as to notices shall apply where it is proposed to cancel or vary the minimum rate in the same manner as they apply where it is proposed to fix the minimum rate.
(6) In fixing minimum rates for time-work under this Section, the Agricultural Wages Board shall secure for able-bodied men wages which, in their opinion, are equivalent to wages for an ordinary day's work at the rate of at least 25s. a week.
Amendment proposed [19 th July ]: To leave out the words "twenty-five," and to insert instead thereof the word "thirty." —[ Mr. Wardle. ]
Question again proposed, "That the words 'twenty-five' stand part of the Clause."
4.0 P.M.
Many of us, in fact most of us, would prefer to see a minimum wage of 30s. instead of 25s., but I, and I think a great many of those who know the poorly paid agricultural counties, look upon the minimum wage for agricultural labourers as an innovation of such great importance and such great benefit, that none of us would dare to suggest that this Bill should be sacrificed, or that that principle should be sacrificed through the amount that is put into the Bill to-day. I quite agree that 25s., according to the present standard of the cost of living, is an inadequate wage, and I think it ought to be higher, but at the same time I look upon the great importance of having this principle of the minimum agricultural wage established in the badly paid districts, that I regard other questions as of secondary importance. The hon. Member who moved this Amendment wished to see the men get better wages by forming unions. The first and foremost condition of forming a union is that the men should be in a position to subscribe sufficient to keep up the union funds. Until now that has been the great hindrance to the establishment of unions amongst agricultural labourers in the poorly paid districts. Even though 25s. is very little, and I think an inadequate wage, it is a step in the right direction, and it will be sufficient to provide the few pence a week that are required to make an agricultural union possible for the agricultural labourers. For these reasons I am not prepared to lose the Bill, or to lose this very important principle of a minimum wage in the poorly paid districts. It does not affect my Constituents, and it does not affect the free and independent men of the great industrial districts of the North, but it does affect the men with whom this House has great sympathy, namely, the under-paid agricultural labourer in those districts where he has been under-paid, and where his hours have been long, and he has been going down into an inferior labour unit, generation after generation, until he has got into a state of being almost a slave to his employer. In those districts we want emancipation, and the first step towards emancipation is that a minimum wage should be established. I plead to-day with those who would risk the Bill to establish this minimum wage on any terms, rather than strengthen the chance of these men remaining in the same condition they are in to-day.
I should be out of order in going back upon an Amendment that has already been rejected, but I hope I may be permitted to say that I should like to have seen this minimum wage a money wage, and that the old Truck Act could be carried into agricultural as well as into other employments. I think that would have done more to emancipate the agricultural labourer than increasing by a few shillings the proposed minimum wage. I hope that the Government may still see their way to give way to some extent, either on this Amendment or in the next stage, on the question of this being an absolute money wage, and I do trust that this Bill will not be wrecked by the Amendment now before the Committee. One word about the Prime Minister's promise. It was quite clearly laid down by the Prime Minister that his promise included a 25s. wage. That was a 25s. wage in most people's minds. In the idea of the workmen in every other class of employment the wage means an actual money wage. When I read that promise, knowing as I do all the advantages that an agricultural labourer gets, I still looked upon it as a distinct pledge that a wage of 25s. a week clear, in money, would be given. I know it has been interpreted otherwise, and if the Government stick to it and mean to interpret it other- wise, I am willing to support them, because I want to see this Bill carried. I am not going to contend that there will not be objections on the part of the farmers. I know perfectly well what the farmers say. I saw the farmers on my own estate last Friday, when they came to the audit, and most of them said, in the language of the district, that they would not be able to go on if they had to give a comb of wheat to each man. A comb of wheat, which is half a quarter, represents 30s. on a 60s. minimum. In spite of that statement on their part, knowing the farmers as I do, I believe they could carry on, and I believe they would carry on loyally, and they would do their utmost to grow as much wheat as they could, even with the burden of the extra wages that they would have to pay. Though I plead for some extension of the-25s., I should prefer it in the form of 25s. in money. However, I am prepared to vote down to the minimum of 25s.,. rather than see this Bill and the principle of the minimum wage sacrificed.
My hon. Friend uses the argument that we ought to be content with a step in the right direction. I think that in ordinary times that argument would not carry much weight.
I did not say I was content with it. My argument was that I would take half a loaf, because it is better than no bread.
I think my hon. Friend's argument will be judged by the way he votes, whatever intentions his argument may indicate. This is not a time when the country or this House will discuss matters of this fundamental character in terms of the right direction. Not only have steps to be taken in the right direction at the present time, but the country demands that the steps shall bring us to the right point. We ought not to be unduly influenced by the very old and threadbare argument that agriculture cannot bear the deadweight of a higher wage. That argument has been used for many years, and it has been to a large extent refuted by the great rise which occurred in some counties. The present Prime Minister said: time when the high importance of this matter of the general national welfare has been realised by the country. Some of us have urged the establishment of a standard minimum wage for agriculture. I think we may say that everyone now realises that if the standard of agricultural wages had been raised in that way some years ago, the situation now in the crisis of the War would be infinitely better. It would be far sounder and more healthy if the standard which was urged ten years or more ago had taken effect before the War began. Now people are inquiring whether the minimum suggested by the Government is really adequate to cover the necessary expenses of a farm labourer, and to meet the purpose which the Government has in view. This may be called bringing the matter down to the level of bread-and-butter politics. This is a matter of bread-and-butter politics, and it is bread and butter in a large sense that we have got to inquire into. Therefore, I make no excuse for introducing prosaic details. My hon. Friend the Member for York (Mr. Rowntree) and others gave figures last week, indicating the necessary minimum required for physical efficiency. We have not yet had from the President of the Board of Agriculture quite enough evidence that the figure proposed by the Government is adequate to cover the minimum estimate of a labourer's needs. I should like to give some figures amplifying an estimate I gave, showing that for a labourer's family of five—and we must reckon on a family of five children—mere physical requirements cannot be met at present prices for less than 29s. Therefore, even the 30s. is a clearly inadequate minimum wage, except for men who neither drink nor smoke. I have been told that the figure which I gave for groceries, 6s. 9d. a week, is excessive. May I give the items by which that figure was arrived at, so that the Committee may see whether they are excessive? These figures are for a family of seven persons: Tea, sugar, or cocoa, 1s. 9d.; bacon or cheese, 1s.; soap and soda, 6d.; rice or maize, 6d.; oil or candles, 6d.; margarine, 2s.; sundries, 6d.; making 6s. 9d. Those figures can hardly be disputed, and it will hardly be said that if they err at all they err on the side of being excessive.
These prosaic figures are really the essence of the matter. If we want to attract labourers to the land we must look at things from their point of view and from the point of view of their wives. I may mention a little incident which occurred the other day in Norfolk which enables us slightly to realise those points of view. The labourer was getting his 25s. which, thanks to the Agricultural Labourers' Union, the men in Norfolk now get on pay-day, and the farmer remarked when he paid over his money, "Well, you are getting plenty of cash now." The man replied, "There is not much left for my wife when she has paid for 147 meals; that is seven of us at three meals a day." The farmer replied that he had not thought of it in that light and I venture to think that many of us probably have not thought of it in that light. We are bound to admit that less than 2d. a meal for growing children is not an excessive amount. If we take into account the much larger proportion required by the men in the country it works out at about 1½d. a meal for children. In Norfolk we have already had experience of the 25s., and on these figures, which have been carefully got out, it is perfectly inadequate. We should not have-had even the 25s. if it were not for the successful efforts of the Agricultural Labourers' Union. No one can speak too highly of the efforts and sacrifices that have been made in establishing that union now in twenty counties, and in obtaining the still inadequate figure to which wages have been raised, in many cases efforts and sacrifices both on the part of other people and on the part of every member of the union, because of the extraordinary difficulty under which meetings and organisation have to be conducted and of the conditions geographical and patriarchal of rural life.
The President has set a standard of success at which he desires to aim. He says that the standard of success is a proposal which attracts good labour to the land, and last week he further amplified that in a most admirable, and, I will even say, noble language. He said that we should have a standard which would provide not only for the physical efficiency of the working classes, but also, as he said, for the decencies and the luxuries of life. Judged by this standard the proposal of the Government is self-condemned, because it does not even represent an improvement on pre-war conditions. It is plain that under the Bill the conditions of remuneration are to remain very much what they were before, and certainly in some parts of the country not at all better. In most parts of the low-wage counties if the conditions aimed at are those existing before the War, what is the way in which you are to regard them? I appeal to one nuthority which the Government will not wish to repudiate—the authority of the Prime Minister who gave so much attention to this matter some four years ago. He would be the last to alter his opinion or repudiate what he said. I am quite certain that he is just as eager as ever for the welfare of a class whose needs appeal to him with great strength. In reply to a speech of mine he used such phrases as these: with the removal of what he himself will admit is a very great blot upon national life.
With almost every, word of what has fallen from the hon. Member opposite I am in agreement, except his conclusion. I should like to tell the Committee, in as few words as possible, why I shall be unable to follow the same course as he has adopted. While he was speaking I was considering that one problem which confronts us is the problem of getting more corn grown this year and next year, and the other problem is, a totally distinct one, within the bounds of twelve months to effect an improvement of the social condition of the labourer. I would like to remind hon. Members of one or two matters that I think have been put in a rather false perspective before the Committee. The first is that it is not entirely a fair comparison to draw between the value of the money wages before the War and the value that they will have under this Bill— that is to say, it is not true to say that the 25s. will confer no advantage or only a small advantage upon the agricultural labourer because it does not purchase more than 18s. [HON. MEMBERS: "14s.!"] Or, if hon. Members wish, more than 14s. or 15s. before the War. What is true is that, although that is true, yet the 25s. will, in a great many districts in England, represent a substantial increase, and, therefore, to that extent, it will be an increase of comfort and an improvement in conditions compared with what exists at present. I only mention that in passing as a fact to be borne in mind. The second thing which I wish to mention is this: I listened last week to a long discussion about the relative merits of payment in cash and payment in kind, and on this point the Committee should remember that, while the value of wages paid in cash has altered to the disadvantage of the labourer, the value of that portion of the wages that is paid in kind has altered immensely to his advantage. That is a matter which should not be forgotten by the Committee in considering this question. That is by way of comment upon what hon. Members have said.
With regard to myself, I have been considering this question during the week-end, since I saw that it was a question on which, it was said, the Government were likely to be turned out. In the part of the country from which I come, the East Riding of Yorkshire, the Committee should be aware that we have got a system which is very different from what obtains in a great many other parts of the country. We have got what is called the living-in system. It may be good or bad. I am not concerned to argue that. But the position is that at the present moment a great many men—I will not say a majority or a minority, but a great many men—are earning £45 a year, with their board and lodging found. If any hon. Member cares to work that out, I do not think that I shall be far wrong in saying that men in that position are earning 30s. a week now, and from the inquiries which I was able to make I am also within the mark in saying that such day labourers as are employed are paid within a 1s. or 2s. of the 30s. at present. So that we are not afraid of the 25s., nor, from our point of view, in that district are we afraid of the 30s. But what I want to urge upon the Committee—it may be too late, but I think it worth urging—is that they should consider this proposal of 30s., first of all, as a practical proposal, and, second, on the point of principle. I am told—I have not had an opportunity of checking it—that if we adopt this figure of 30s. we let ourselves in for a very big thing; it may be good or bad. If it is a fact, as I am informed—if I am wrong, my point goes—I have not had time to test it—that the highest pension paid at the present moment to a totally disabled man with six children is 27s. 6d. a week. I do not know whether it is or not—[HON. MEMBERS: "He would get more!"]—but that does not affect my argument.
I would like the Committee to consider this also from the point of view of principle. The hon. Member for Attercliffe (Mr. Anderson) said last week that he thought there would be a great deal to be said for the proposal to fix no figure for minimum wages in this House, but that as a correlative it would be necessary to leave out the figures as to minimum prices and have these also fixed in the district. For my part I should welcome that proposal with all my heart, and I can conceive nothing that would be really sounder than to do that and to leave these things to be settled in the district. I think that it is a vicious and unsound thing to fix a definite figure in this Committee. I was a good deal impressed by the argument of the hon. Gentleman as to the inadequacy of 25s. or 30s. minimum wage for a man with a wife and five or six children. That is true, but the extreme difficulty is to deal with corn production and social reform at the same time. I think it is unwise for social reformers to say that because a man has a lot of children you should pay him more as a living wage. That is not the remedy. The remedy which I would be perfectly prepared myself to support—though this may shock some of my Tory friends— would be that the State should define what is to be allowed in respect of labourers' children exactly as they do for the children of soldiers, and, if that principle were adopted, you would get rid of a great deal of confusion as to a man's living wage. My hon. Friend opposite supports the Amendment for a minimum wage of 30s., which he knows is not worth more than 21s. before the War; therefore, he is not very logical in being content with 30s., and he might go to 35s. or 40s. But there is a reason why he does not fix the figure at 35s. or 40s., because that would come somewhere near the danger point, and he is not sure and does not want to run the risk. For my part, I think it is dangerous that the House should try to fix a minimum wage at all.
Do not let us forget the main object of this measure, which is only justifiable on the ground that it does something to get more corn grown in 1918. In the attempt to do that it substitutes a measure of security for insecurity in the minds of the farmers, who are not a very quick moving race. I have lived among them all my life, and I have not been very quick moving myself, but I have always been able to keep pace with them. They have become accustomed to the idea of 25s., but they were disturbed, however wrongly, by the fact that your proposal coincides with what is already known as the Rhondda prices. I was talking with a farmer last Saturday who had bought some cattle at York Market, and ever since then he has had hot sun, no rain, and the grass is gone. That man is faced with a very serious situation, but on the top of all this, at this juncture, comes the proposal as to meat prices. I may be wrong, but I am fairly sure that I am right, that the farmer can do far more for the State than the State is likely to do for the farmer, and, therefore, I would urge that you should not run the risk, for a kind of by-the-way reform, of defeating the main object of your Bill. I am tremendously convinced in my own mind of the inadequacy of this Committee to fix a real and definite figure; I am tremendously impressed with that view. You ignore the enormous conditions that exist within 20 miles of each other, and you have not got the local knowledge. I do not speak for any part of the country except that part which I happen to know, and I think it is the height of unwisdom that this Committee, out of what inner knowledge it possesses, should attempt to effect a reform for which there may be much to be said when the proper time comes, though there is an enormous lot to be said against it from the agricultural point of view. I would implore the Committee to keep these two problems distinct. Deal with the agricultural problem first, and, later, when you come to invite us to consider your social problem, I think you will not find us backward. I shall not vote for the Amendment, although I sympathise with the object its supporters have in view, because I think we are providing in this Bill for an object which is perfectly clear, namely, the increase of corn production.
The problem under the consideration of the Committee is of vital interest to agricultural labourers, and evidently the Government has decided that they shall have a minimum wage put into the Bill. With that decision I do not quarrel. I, however, would like to see the minimum fixed at a considerably higher amount than that which the Government has put in the Bill, namely, 25s. If we can get the Government to agree to a minimum, fixed at an adequate figure, I think it would save the agricultural workers of this country a serious amount of trouble and the country considerable friction. The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down, in the course of his remarks, said he did not think a figure was put in the Mines (Minimum Wage) Bill. He is quite right. It was left to the district boards, but the miners were by no means satisfied with that decision. They wanted the minimum put in the Bill, and so keenly did they feel about it that they divided against the Bill. The experience they have since had of having the minimum fixed by various minimum wage boards, set up throughout the country, has been of such a character that, had they to fight this Mines (Minimum Wage) Bill again, they would fight for all they were worth to get inserted in it an adequate minimum. I think this is a matter to which the Government and the Committee would be well advised to give their serious consideration before the sum is fixed. The President of the Board of Agriculture the other evening, in concluding an excellent and very sympathetic speech, said whether we get this next year or ten years hence, what does it matter? I would simply suggest to the President of the Board of Agriculture that, under present conditions, it matters a great deal, and that neither he nor the Government would be wise to defer having the wages of this law-abiding class of workers put upon an adequate and just basis. If the sum named by the Government as a minimum wage, namely, 25s., is not increased, this Bill will not satisfy the agricultural labourers in any part of the country. As a matter of fact, I feel that unless it is raised beyond this point, those who speak for the agricultural labourers will advise Members to vote against the Bill. I feel that the Government has been influenced in fixing this minimum by the standard that was set up in connection with National Service. I think that the Government should be warned by the fate that has befallen their efforts so far as National Service is concerned. I think that the fixing of the minimum in regard to National Service of 25s. was a fatal blunder, and led to the fate that has befallen efforts in connection with National Service.
The hon. Member for York (Mr. Rowntree), in speaking of this Bill the other evening, gave us some very interesting figures, among which he stated that prior to the War 20s. 6d. was required in order to provide the average family with the bare necessities of life. I think those figures must have been in the mind of the present Prime Minister when he inaugurated that agricultural campaign of his previous to the War, because at that time he advocated that the agricultural labourer should have a minimum wage of at least 20s. a week. As a matter of fact, he was instrumental in sending a propaganda throughout all the agricultural counties in England, advocating his scheme of a minimum for agricultural labourers of 20s. a week. There was none of this propaganda in Scotland, because the wages paid at that time by the Scottish farmers were higher than the figure that had been paid by the Prime Minister. If I remember aright in connection with the Prime Minister's proposal, there was no effort made to fix a minimum selling price for the farmer. But here we have a Bill introduced in which minimum prices are fixed for the farmer, and, alongside of that, it is proposed to set up for the agricultural labourer a minimum wage which, to my mind, is altogether inadequate, and ought not to be accepted by this House, or by the country. In fixing the minimum for this Bill, the Prime Minister must have forgotten that former propaganda of his. If he has not, then he must have forgotten that the cost of living has increased enormously since then. I was looking up, for the purposes of this discussion, the Government figures as to the increased cost of living, and I find from the "Board of Trade Gazette" for the last month that we have the information that the average cost of living has risen by 75 per cent., which means that if the agricultural labourer is to be placed in the same position now by this minimum wage as the Prime Minister desired to put him in before the War, we should require to fix the minimum at 35s., instead of at 25s. per week. He must either have forgotten the former minimum that he wanted the agricultural labourer to get, or he must have forgotten the serious increase that has taken place in the cost of living. Even if the agricultural labourer's minimum was fixed at 35s. a week, it would only provide him with the bare necessities of life, and surely, if a serious effort is going to be made to repeople the countryside and to try and increase the production of food, this House will require to have due regard to the agricultural labourer as well as to the farmer.
At the present moment the wages of agricultural labourers in Scotland are often very much higher than the Amendment of my hon. Friend the chairman of the Labour party provides for. The hon. Member for the Tradeston Division of Glasgow (Mr. D. White) asked a short time ago for a Return from the Secretary for Scotland of the wages paid in some of the agricultural counties in Scotland, and in that Return, which was supplied, the remuneration paid in money and in kind ranged from 38s. to 42s. 6d. per week, giving to the Scottish farm servants an average sum in the region of 40s. To my mind the minimum that ought to be fixed in this Bill should be at a higher rate than even that suggested by my hon. Friend the chairman of the Labour party, and I would very earnestly suggest to him that he should withdraw this Amendment and allow the Committee to go on to consider the Amendment standing in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for the Tradeston Division of Glasgow, which seeks to fix the minimum at 40s. instead of at 30s. To my mind, if the agricultural labourers in all parts of the kingdom are to be treated in a just and adequate way, we must have a minimum fixed, judged by present conditions, at at least 40s. per week, and I hope my hon. Friend will adopt my suggestion and give the Committee the opportunity of deciding as between the Amendment of the hon. Member for the Tradeston Division of Glasgow and the Government's proposal of 25s.
The Amendment now before the House proposes to alter the datum line, the irreducible minimum to be paid to agricultural labourers able-bodied and capable of doing an ordinary day's work, from 25s. to 30s. Of course, on that side, the side of those who favour that rise, is enlisted a great amount of popular sympathy, sympathy which is shared, I venture to assure the Committee, by those who are opposed to the Amendment, and it is with a full consciousness of the difficulties and disadvantages of my position that I have to say that the Government have decided that they cannot accept this Amendment; if it is pressed to a Division they stand or fall by the result with all its necessary consequences. That is a very grave position, and I hope that you, Mr. Whitley, and the Committee will allow me some latitude in explaining some of the reasons which have influenced the Government in that decision. A minimum wage for agricultural labour affects the agricultural labourer himself directly; indirectly it probably affects the whole industrial community; and more indirectly still the social and physical welfare of the nation; but it also, at this particular crisis, affects the object of this Bill, which is the increase of corn production; and we are convinced that such an increase is vital to our existence, vital to our safety, and not to our safety only but to the Allied cause, a cause which we believe is the cause of civilisation and humanity.
Those two points cannot be separated in considering minimum rates of wages. They must be considered together, and that is one aspect which, except by the hon. and gallant Member opposite (Major E. Wood), has been almost entirely overlooked. First of all, let me very briefly deal with the minimum wage of 25s. It is said that that wage will be of very little use to the agricultural labourer. I altogether differ from that. Remember this. It is a minimum wage, the irreducible minimum, the datum line from which Wages Boards may work. It is quite open to a Wages Board to raise that wage. It is quite open to a Wages Board to grant a war bonus. It is a minimum wage from which the Wages Boards will work. Now, the first great advantage of that minimum is, I think, this: It is independent of the fall of prices. To whatever level prices fall that minimum wage stands, and it is capable, as I have already shown, of being adapted by the Wages Board to meet a rise of prices. That is one point. It is independent of the law of supply and demand for labour. When you have three masters competing for one man, the man is three times the master, and he does not need the protection of a minimum wage; but the time will come, probably before long, possibly before long, when there may be three men competing for one job, and then the master is three times master. The minimum wage protects the man. Those three-men cannot under-bid one another, and that is an enormous boon to the agricultural labourer. Then again, wages with that minimum fixed can never fall back into the old rut in which they have been before the War. That is a boon to the agricultural labourer. Then again, there are many ill-paid districts where even to-day the wage is considerably below the minimum, and I will venture to say that in those parts of the country there are many agricultural labourers who are looking earnestly for this Bill to come into force, and who will not thank their quite sincere well-wishers if they sacrifice them for some more impracticable idea.
Then there is another point that has been raised. It is said that at the present crisis the minimum wage of 25s. is inadequate. There is a point which brings out the impossibility of discussing this kind of qustion in a Committee of the House of Commons. One Member reads out a string of figures which I have no opportunity of checking, and which I cannot possibly answer, and another Member with local experience bases his argument on that experience. It is a proof, if I may venture to say so, of what I said the other night, that it would be much better to have no figure at all. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I have always thought so. May I just put to the Committee the arguments on the other side? You have here an agricultural industry which is wholly unorganised. I should say, perhaps, there is an organisation in the eastern counties, but generally speaking, so far as England is concerned, it is wholly unorganised It may be months before the labourers can get together any organisation at all, and it may be months and months before the Wages Board, creeping up the long road towards an agreed figure will, by degrees, get up to the point at which we are starting. That is why this figure is put in, and we put it in as a figure from which the Wages Board starts. It ought not, therefore, to be criticised from the point of view from which it has hitherto been criticised, as a desire to say that for all time 25s. is the figure for all districts and under all conditions. It is nothing of the sort. It is the datum line, the irreducible minimum, from which the Wages Board, working with local knowledge and full experience, can ultimately fix the rate of wages. But when I am told that the minimum wage, even at 25s., is not an advantage to the agricultural labourer at the present crisis, I beg leave to differ. I have had put into my hands, and I dare say it has been circulated to the House, a pamphlet by the Rural Housing Association which gives the weekly budget of an Oxfordshire labourer, a man who has a wife and three small children, the weekly budget before the War, at pre-war prices. His weekly budget was Us. 10d., he paid 1s. 3d. for his cottage, that is 13s. 1d., and it left him a margin over of 1s 10d. a week for other disbursements. That is a very small margin.
How many children?
5.0 P.M.
Three small children. Those figures as to wages are said to be official. That is to say, they include, if they are drawn from the Board of Trade figures, as I believe they are, an allowance for overtime, and therefore the man has 1s. 10d. with no allowance for overtime. At pre-war prices the minimum wage of 25s. increases that margin six times, and there is overtime also. That does not count in the minimum wage of 25s. An increase of six times, which is rather more than the man spent upon his weekly budget of pre-war times, is a boon to the agricultural labourer. Then they go on to say that if you take the time when the prices for food alone have fallen back one half of the rise in recent months it works out at a figure of 5s. 2d. additional. At that rate the minimum wage of 25s. gives a man, who has no security at the present time of any margin at all—it gives him a margin representing an amount treble that obtainable under pre-war conditions. That would surely seem a boon to the agricultural labourer.
Does this budget provide sufficient food to keep a family in a state of efficiency?
I am told that it is a poor diet, but that it is sufficient. It secures to a man a margin which is not now secured to him, and it more than trebles that margin. When you come to present-day prices—worked out according to the scale announced last Saturday—you will find that the man is secured in double his former margin under pre-war conditions. I am not saying—indeed, I am very far from saying—that it is adequate, but it is impossible to say, on these figures, that a minimum wage which makes a man independent of a fall in prices, which makes him independent of the laws of supply and demand as regards labour, which gives him a minimum wage that will prevent wages from falling back into the old rut of pre-war conditions, which raises the rate of wages in many low-paid districts, and which provides an addition to his former scanty food supply, even in the middle of this great War, is not worth having as a starting-point. It was contended by the hon. Member for West Fife that possibly, when you come to consider Part I. and Part II., it will be found that the farmer is favoured at the expense of the agricultural labourer. But what are the facts? The first harvest which will be grown under the minimum wage will be the 1918 harvest. Taking the five years 1918–1922 inclusive, we shall find that the possible liability of the State to the farmer during that period, taking it as a whole, will be £68,161,400. What does that mean? It means that if prices drop back to pre-war rates—that is to say, 32s. 6d. per quarter for wheat and 19s. 4d. for oats—then the Government will have to pay that amount to the farmer. Of course, everybody here knows that that is an improbable and even an impossible thing. Still, that represents the possible liability. The probable liability is nothing. That, I believe, is the general opinion of this House. What does the minimum rate of 25s. a week mean to the farmer? It means an increase upon pre-war wages, taking 17s. 10d. the average for the years 1909–1913—an increase of £59,455,000.
Nominal.
No, actual. It means that the farmer will be paying 7s. 2d. more per week—that is the meaning of a rise to 25s.—to the able-bodied labourer, and he will also be paying a certain reduced rise to casual labourers as well as to labourers under twenty and over sixty-five.
Is the right hon. Gentleman taking all farm labourers into consideration or only those already receiving less than the minimum wage?
I am taking the average of 17s. 10d. as the wage paid in the years 1909–1913. Now you have, on one side, the absolutely improbable liability of the State to the farmer of £68,000,000—the absolutely impossible contingency that the State may have to put that amount into the pockets of the farmer—and, on the other hand, you have the labourer taking out of the pockets of the farmer for certain a sum of £59,000,000. Does anyone pretend to say that that is an unfair bargain? No one can do that. But suppose you raise the minimum wage to 30s., that is going to impose on the farmer an additional payment in five years of upwards of £40,000,000 of money, and if you add that to the £58,000,000 I have already quoted you get a total of £100,000,000 payable by the farmer as against a possible £69,000,000 which he may receive from the State, and that does not allow for any increase on the minimum. It may be argued, perhaps, that we have already changed the basis of the Bill. It is true we have changed it from "sold" to "produced," and it is right to say that that is an enormous additional boon to the farmer. It is an additional boon to the small farmer in Ireland, the small farmer in Wales and the small farmer in Scotland. If at any moment market prices fall below the minimum guaranteed prices, does anyone suppose that these people would not come to the market in order to get the benefit of the guarantee? Of course they would. If you raise the minimum wage to 30s. you must increase by £8,600,000 a year the aggregate wage increase over the total period of five years I have mentioned, and do you think that the farmer who has with difficulty reconciled himself to the 25s. minimum wage is going to accept that huge addition? I do not think so.
While I believe as strongly as any man in this House that good wages in the long run increase production, I should like to point out that it will require nearly a generation before you can increase the efficiency of production of some of the low-paid Southern, South-Western, and Eastern Counties agricultural labourers. Here you are up against a difficulty which is more than temporary—a difficulty which dates from the time when the great industrial revolution took place, and when populations migrated from South to North. The hon. Member for West Fife said something about wages that are paid to Scottish labourers. But you have to have not only the Scottish labourer, but the Scottish farmer, and I doubt very much if, with the enervating climate of some of our southern districts, even Scotsmen would be able to do the work which is done in the North. Further, it has to be remembered that the farmers in the South and South-West have themselves in the past been but poorly paid. You will have, in fact, to raise the whole farming standard, and that will take years to accomplish. Until you have done that it is not fair to put such a tremendous rise as that of 30s. on to the farmer's pay-sheet. The farmer simply would not attempt the task of arable cultivation; he would go into grass cultivation, which already pays him better than arable, because, if he did so, he would have to pay the wages of one man and he would save £195 on every 100 acres cultivated. I come to the other point—that is, the effect of this Amendment upon the object of the Bill, the increase of corn production. I have said that it is of vital importance to the nation that we should increase the corn production of this country. The late Government—I am not going to offer any criticism—we all know made miscalculations. They miscalculated the submarine menace, and they miscalculated the chance of having a great shortage in the world supply of grain. We cannot afford a third miscalculation. We have got to grow all the food we can in this country. It bears upon the issue, therefore, and I venture to hope that the Committee will allow me to go back on the circumstances under which we produced this Bill. In December, 1916, farmers were thoroughly disheartened. Their farms were depleted— necessarily depleted; I do not say it was not necessary—of agricultural labour. Fertilisers all through 1916 had been allowed to pour out of the country—homemade fertilisers. Something like 260,000 tons in the shape of sulphate of ammonia was allowed to be exported. No attempt had been made, owing to the question of labour, perhaps, to increase the supply, and though considerable quantities were exported, there was no attempt made to increase them. Our manufacturers of agricultural machines were reduced to such a state that they would not guarantee for 1917 the production of the ordinary requirements of agriculture, and the Government refused the application of the Board of Agriculture.
Which Government?
The late Government. The Treasury refused to sanction the purchase of American tractors for a sum of £350,000.
I do not remember any circumstance of that kind.
I shall be very happy to supply the right hon. Gentleman with them.
It seems to me that if we are going into all these particulars, hon. Members will claim the opportunity of replying, and then where are we?
On a point of Order. As the right hon. Gentleman has opened up the whole question of the work of the Fertilisers' Committee, which was presided over by a right hon. Member of this House, and was set up by Lord Selborne, may I ask whether it would be open to the Chairman of that Committee to make a reply to the very grave accusations made by the right hon. Gentleman?
Certainly on a matter which is opened up I should allow another hon. Member to reply. That is why I ventured to make an interruption to know how much farther we might be going.
:I have no intention of embarking on these subjects myself. There are others more directly concerned, and as a very grave accusation has been made by the right hon. Gentleman, I think it would be a pity in the Committee stage if we were unable to discuss these important matters.
I have seen the correspondence of the late President with the Treasury, on this subject. I will say nothing more on that matter now, except this, that agriculture here at home was in a desperate plight, an absolutely desperate plight, and there was every prospect at the end of that long and dreary winter and autumn that we should be faced with a great reduction of agricultural produce. But the Prime Minister's speech of February, 1917, acted like a charm upon the agricultural community. It was not the Corn Production Bill, for the farmers did not like it for reasons which I have given, though they accepted it, but what really moved them was the belief that the country was at last awakened to the fact that agriculture was an essential industry. Many times allusions have been made to Mr. Middleton's pamphlet on German agriculture. In that pamphlet he says the value to the German farmer was the sense of security, and it was the conviction that he was essential to the community and that the community would not permit his land to go out of cultivation, which led him to make this great effort. He goes on to say that it was the knowledge that his grain was not wanted, and that his fellow-countrymen did not appreciate his exertions that led the British farmer to cut down expenses and reduce production.
To what period does that refer?
It was the period covered by this pamphlet, and when there was a great collapse of English agriculture as compared with the great stimulus to German agriculture.
On a point of Order. I would ask, if on this Amendment as to whether the minimum wage should be 25s. or 30s., the right hon. Gentleman is allowed to discuss Mr. Middleton's pamphlet on German agriculture will other hon. Members be allowed the same latitude?
I do not think I have ever failed to allow proper latitude. If a Minister deals with a matter so very widely other hon. Members have the right to claim to answer the arguments.
The reason why I went into this was that it shows that some desperate measures were justified in trying to revive English agriculture, and we have succeeded, and we have got agricultural committees working all over the place, honestly, hardly, and doing their utmost to raise corn production. In the Prime Minister's speech one of the terms of the bargain was that 25s. per week should be paid to the agricultural labourer, and if you alter those terms you are going to destroy the confidence of the farmer. It is a breach of faith, so far as the Government is concerned, not so far as the Committee is concerned, as it is free, but, as far as the Government is concerned, it will be a breach of faith and it will be bitterly resented, and I do not believe the War Agricultural Committees will continue to work. I am perfectly convinced of this, if you put that charge, that addition upon the farmer's wage bill, you will turn this Bill into a Grass Production Bill, instead of a Corn Production Bill. It is for those reasons that the Government is unable to accept this Amendment. It is to them jeopardising the food supply of this country, and at a time when the increase of that food supply is of the utmost value and importance.
I must say that I regret greatly that the right hon. Gentleman should have thought it necessary in the course of his speech to have entered into what obviously were controversial subjects, based, if I may say so, not on the Amendment which is before the House now, but on the respective merits of Members of the present Government and of the preceding Government—[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]—as to things which were done or left undone by the preceding Government and done by this one. If we are asked to discuss through the Committee stage of this Bill each one of the Amendments in that spirit, I need hardly say that the general temper which has been maintained from the first day of the Committee discussion to the present, would speedily disappear. Observe what the right hon. Gentleman did. He first of all declared that nothing had been done for agriculture under the late Government. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no!"] I would like to know what the right hon. Gentleman did say, because he certainly left that impression on the House. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]
I do not think that is so. I am before the Committee; they know what I said, and I do not think that is a fair version.
I do not wish to do the right hon. Gentleman any injustice. If he tells me he did not say that, and did not wish to convey that the late Government had not done anything for agriculture—
Certainly not.
Then I may infer that the late Government did do something for agriculture. I am glad to have that admission. It certainly was not the impression the right hon. Gentleman gave to the 'Committee. I say that with all the more impartiality of feeling because I did not happen to be Minister of Agriculture after the War began in the late Government. I notice that sometimes the newspapers are a little inclined to forget the fact. Let me remind the Committee and the newspapers, if necessary, that from the opening of the War I was not at the Board of Agriculture, and that from May, 1915, two of our most respected colleagues from the other side, Lord Selborne and Lord Crawford, were the two Presidents. Preceding them was Lord Lucas, who, I regret to say, is no longer with us. I venture to say that those three gentlemen from the very first outbreak of war, did everything that lay in the power of their Department to enlist the sympathy of agriculturists, and towards increased productivity of the land and production, and from inroads being made on them. Let me go further and say, when the right hon. Gentleman comes to individual accusations, I observe there is only one with which I have any direct personal observations, and I should like to make a reference to it. The right hon. Gentleman made a reference to the supplies of sulphate of ammonia. I first heard of the question of sulphate of ammonia being regarded as of great importance, I mean increased supplies of sulphate of ammonia, in our temporary emergency, from Lord Selborne, I think, some time in the summer of 1915. He asked me whether I would be prepared to co-operate with him in having an artificially low price fixed for sulphate of ammonia. I immediately said I would be delighted to do so. From that moment I did everything in my power at the Board of Trade to increase the available supplies of sulphate of ammonia for farmers. If any charge is made against me on the subject of sulphate of ammonia, that is my reply. If it is made against any Gentlemen who do not happen to be in this House, I think the sooner they are sent for so that they can answer for themselves, the better.
I regret extremely that the right hon. Gentleman took my remarks as in any way personal. I venture to say that I did not criticise, but I did state facts. What I did say was that sulphate of ammonia to the amount of something like 260,000 tons was allowed to be exported.
Well, let us at least hear what the chairman of the Fertilisers' Committee has to say on that subject. Lord Selborne said to me more than once that his great difficulty was to get farmers to take the sulphate of ammonia even at the artificially low price. Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that if the farmers would not take it that we were to lumber up our gasworks and interfere with the production of toluol; to clog them up so that it would be impossible to move round the great factories that produce toluol—that we were to keep it in the country when the farmers would not take it? If that is the accusation he wishes to make, he must forgive me if I regent it very heartily. That is, if I may say so, the only note of a personal kind I wish to import into this discussion; and it is the right hon. Gentleman who has called for it, not us. My own position, in regard to the Amendment before us, I would state as clearly as possible. In the first place, I must point out that I have been in exactly the same difficulty as other members of the Committee. We are not having a free discussion on the merits of the Amendment. The Government have chosen to say that this matter is to be decided on the basis of a vote of confidence. It is difficult to describe exactly the position that we are in when we are told that perfectly fair Amendments, of a kind discussed many a time on their merits in this House—and on a measure which if it is to be successful ought to meet with some degree of general acceptance—are only to be discussed under the threat that unless the Government figures are taken—not the Government principle! —unless the Government figures are taken the Division is to be regarded as one involving a vote of confidence!
A short time ago my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House made some remarks during the Committee stage of this Bill, and he put the thing in rather the same tone. I had some conversation across the Table about the matter, and though, if he will allow me to say so, his position was not modified, his tone was. Do not, however, let us, if we are to have a discussion on the remainder of this Bill with any desire to attain to general agreement, do not let us, if we can help it, have hindrances by the Government coming down and saying that unless their figures are accepted they will take a certain course. It places us in great difficulty. In spite of that, however, I propose to say what are my own views, and having stated them to the Committee the Committee can decide whether or not on its merits 25s. or 30s. ought to be inserted in the Bill, or whether any figure at all ought to be there. I agree heartily with the President of the Board of Agriculture when he says that it would have been better to have had no figure. This is not the first time that, in the House of Commons, it has been necessary for us to take up that position. In 1912 the Coal Mines Minimum Wage Bill was going through the House. Those in the House at that time will remember the discussion and the struggle which took place for the insertion of the famous 5s. and 2s. It was resisted by the entire Labour party with the addition of many of those from other parties who held the same views. It was only after one of the recurring House of Commons crises that the figures were excluded from the Bill. I think that a number of Members of the Conservative party, now sitting on the Front Bench opposite, voted in the same Lobby with us in preventing any figures being inserted in the measure itself. That was not done, as I am sure my right hon. Friend the Member for West Fife would agree—
Did not the Government of that day make it a question of confidence?
I cannot recollect that they did. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] But the matter was not one of figures—whether it was to be 5s. or 6s. or 2s. or half a crown inserted. The question was whether we were to put in any figures at all. For the moment, perhaps, I may be allowed to address myself partly to that subject—as to why no figures could have been put into that Bill. The House decided then by a preponderating majority—if I remember rightly it was 300 to 8—that they would have no figures placed in the Bill. Their reason for doing that was certainly not restricted merely to the question of coal mines. In the first place, it was pointed out that whenever you insert in a Bill figures with regard to wages you may be perfectly certain that, taking human nature as it is, and constituencies as they are, and Members of Parliament as they are, that there will be a tendency in some quarters to outbid. We may as well face it. I am sure I am not depreciating the characters of my colleagues or of others when I say that every Member is faced with a great difficulty when, on the floor of the House, he has to decide as between a low figure and a high figure. It was so said from both sides of the House, both by my right hon. Friend the present Leader of the House and by the late Prime Minister. On account of preserving our Parliamentary institutions from influences and risks which we would all deplore they joined hands in the principle that you ought not to insert definite figures of wages in a Bill. Exactly the same thing arises over the insertion of 25s. in this Bill. It was inevitable. Even if there were no point as to the merits of 25s. or 30s., it was inevitable that in some quarters of the House there would be a tendency for some Members to wish to appear greater friends of the labourer than others. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!" and Laughter.] No one need be ashamed of it—or amused at it! After all, the labourer has just as much right to consideration in this matter as anyone. I am considering the facts as they are. You cannot avoid that risk. Let me point out how we are now situated. It may be that 25s. is adequate or inadequate. Whatever it is you now have the inevitable Amendment proposed that 25s. should become 30s.—I will deal with the actual figures in a moment or two. Many of us think no figure should have been inserted, as the House of Commons is totally unfitted for fixing any uniform figures. We are now almost driven into the Lobby either for or against the 30s. That is an unfair position for Members of the House to be placed in.
But there is the figure for the landlord as well as for the labourer?
So far as I am concerned on that point, "my withers are unwrung."
May I point out that the question is, ''That the words 'twenty-five ' stand part of the Clause"? The right hon. Gentleman can vote against that, and there is then no suggestion of 25s. or 30s., or any figure at all!
I would rather not be put in a position where I had to depend upon casuistry. The point before the House now is really and frankly 25s. or 30s. I prefer to have no wage put into the Bill. I do it on the ground of principle. But let me also point out the practical difficulty in which we are placed. Everybody knows the immense variety of agricultural conditions in various parts of the United Kingdom. Oxfordshire, Wiltshire, and Dorsetshire wages are scarcely comparable to the wages of South Lancashire or the Northern counties of Scotland. As the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Agriculture said, when you think of Scotland in terms Of 25s., you know from the very first it cannot be operative. It is not operative in the Northern counties now. It has not been operative, as it is now defined in the Bill, in the Northern counties certainly within my recollection of agriculture in the North. So that so far as the North is concerned, and Scotland, 25s. put into the Bill is worth nothing at all. Now come to the condition of counties like Oxfordshire and Dorsetshire. Both of these counties have been in the habit of paying and receiving extremely low wages. The counties which competed in the competition of low wages are, I venture to say, those which were less well farmed—and it is little wonder!
Look at the great change which took place in Essex when it was a derelict county? Scotsmen, whose fibre and moral strength may be enervated by coming South, have been the making of Essex. But for Scottish farmers Essex would, I believe, be still to a large extent a retrogade and desolate county. Yes, but when the Scotsman came down to Essex he did not bring the Essex wages with him? He proceeded to get the best labour he could. He organised his farms on the Scottish methods, and by giving remuneration, so far as it was locally possible, on the Scottish method. What has been the result? The result has been that he has to a large extent retained a better class of labour in Essex than certainly was there fifty years ago. How are you going to improve the conditions of those counties of Dorsetshire and Oxfordshire? The right hon. Gentleman opposite said you must force them to raise their wages. I agree. But why apply the standard of Oxford and Dorset to the North of England and elsewhere? The only answer to that is that the North of England does not require it, while the South does. That would be a very poor consolation to the North of England taxpayer who may be an agricultural labourer and who may have to pay something towards the guarantee if it becomes operative. It is impossible to say to him, "Here is a quid pro quo." In putting that case I suggest that it is not dissimilar to that old discussion of the 5s. and the 2s., for there again the local conditions varied very greatly, and you had the difficulty of putting shillings into the Bill.
Let me now revert to the reason for putting in any figure as given by the Government during the various stages of this Bill. On the first occasion when we were given an outline of this measure, on 23rd February of this year, it was my duty to make some remarks on the proposals. I pointed out to the House then that there were many of us who could not accept the principle that minimum wages were a quid pro quo for guaranteed prices. I wasted no time over the discussion, but stated the point emphatically, and if the right hon. Gentleman cares to look up the OFFICIAL REPORT of that date he will find it was one of the first remarks I made on the subject. I know that is not the principle of the bargain which the President of the Board of Agriculture has struck, but we at all events should agree that that principle must now be laid to one side in this discussion. If you are to have a good quid pro quo at all, you should have more intensive and better cultivation. That is the proper quid pro quo. From the very first I pointed out that as being an essential element in the case. The supporters of the Amendment, I agree, may make discussion upon general grounds inevitable, but I prefer now, if I may, to refer to the justification given by the right hon. Gentleman for putting 25s. in the Bill. In the first place, I am sure he would not resent me saying that his Budget, as he recited it in Committee, was just as difficult to follow as any of the other Budgets that have been given in Committee. The others appear to me to have as much value as those of the President of the Board of Agriculture.
I observe one thing that he gave. Before the War the margin for the Oxfordshire labourer for the provision of fuel, light, and insurance was 1s. 10d., according to the Budgets that he had collected. It was now worth something like three times that. Making a somewhat rapid calculation, I cannot find anything like that in the present scale.
handed to the right hon. Gentleman a paper.
I shall be delighted at my leisure to look over the Budget as it is printed there. I am sure that to hon. Members who have sufficient information upon this subject to suggest that the majority of the Oxfordshire labourers had an adequate income before the War is perfectly ludicrous! I believe that the President submitted a Budget of Food by Professor Wood, who is one of our best agriculturists, and who has done more for the school at Cambridge than any living man. It was stated that he declared that that scale was adequate. What did Professor Wood mean? Did he mean adequate for life or adequate for efficiency? I can only say this: If any of us were put for a single day on the same amount of money that was available for the Oxfordshire labourer before the War for a week, we should find it almost impossible to exist. The example given by my hon. Friend the Member for one of the Norfolk seats is perfectly true. The agricultural labourer with five children has to provide 147 meals a week, and even in Norfolk, where wages are far higher than in Oxfordshire, that only leaves him about 2d. a meal throughout the week. The ingenuity of these people in making ends meet almost passes human credibility. If they succeeded in doing that, the marvel is that their physical stock is anything like as good as it is to-day. There may be many reasons for that, but I venture to say that if their remuneration had been 5s. a week higher than it was before the War it would have amply repaid the farmer in the higher physical strength, energy, and endurance of the labourer.
It is very easy to say that any advocacy here of high wages is an easy task. It is a much more difficult task to bring those facts home to the farmer. I may not have given the farmers the assistance given by the President of the Board of Agriculture, but I have certainly told them some home truths, and one of them was that high wages were remunerative, and that without higher wages the future of English agriculture was black. What I have said to them face to face I am entitled to say in this House—that if you are not going to give them a guarantee which raises their level above the old Oxfordshire level, you are going to leave agriculture in Oxfordshire exactly as in the past. "No more of the old rut," says the right hon. Gentleman, and I heartily agree with him; but you will have the same old rut in agriculture unless you make their position more beneficial and productive to them than it ever was in the past. The President said that by putting 25s. in the Bill they were protecting the labourer in the future, even if prices fell. I do not think we are entitled to regard the fall in the cost of living next year as probable. None of us, speaking with authority in dealing with a scale of guaranteed prices, ever imagined that we were likely to see grain down next year to 60s. I think any man with commercial sense must see the impossibility of that, not only because of the shortage and carriage, but very largely also because of the inflation of the currency which has occurred nearly all over the world, and which is going to have a more lasting effect than any ordinary limitation in bringing about high prices. Therefore, I say do not let us gamble for these people on the fall of prices next year or the year after. Let us find out on the present cost of living what 25s. a week actually represents. The Board of Trade have done that for us. I do not think we need to go through rival budgets, or to find out whether too little bacon or oatmeal has been put in, or whether the amount put down for clothes or fuel is right or wrong. One thing we do know—that if you compare the normal budget of pre-war times with the normal budget of these times, 25s. is not worth more than 14s. 6d. I do not say that on my own authority, but on the authority of the Statistical Branch of the Board of Trade, whose statistics have never been impeached.
Does that take into account the 9d. loaf?
I cannot say that. I agree that makes a difference of 25 per cent. on the present cost of bread, but, taking the budget, you will find that, whereas bread has gone up by 96 per cent. in the small towns and villages, a great many articles of food have gone up as much as 180 and 190 per cent. Allowing for that, I doubt very much whether the 25s. is worth more than 15s. I am tempted to discuss where the 3d. difference between the 1s. and the 9d. is coming from. It is coming out of the taxpayers' pocket. I hope the agricultural labourer will succeed in getting the full benefit of it, but he will go on paying taxes on sugar and tea in order to provide the money to be given back on the cost of corn. I return to the point made by the right Gentleman that this is the irreducible minimum. While fixing that irreducible minimum, let us, at all events, fix it on a scale which, by general acceptance, we believe to be adequate. I do not wish to make any unfair comparison between the sustaining of an agricultural labourer's family and the sustaining of a family of a soldier at the front. But let me point out how a private, say, from Dorsetshire or Oxfordshire is placed if he goes to the front now. He leaves his old 15s. or 18s. in Oxfordshire, and he will have about 3s. 6d. to spend on himself, and if he has five children in his family—and that is not an unfair estimate in Oxfordshire-it means that his wife at home will have about 28s. 6d. to spend. Therefore, they have never been so well off in their lives. How can we say when he comes back that the utmost guarantee we can give him—the irreducible minimum—is to be 3s. 6d. less than his wife and family get in his absence? The reason I make this comparison is not merely to show the inconsistency of 25s., but it is to point out that the whole attitude of the people in this War with regard to remuneration has been reformed. The War has altered many things. It has undoubtedly altered that, and you will never again be able to persuade efficient agricultural labourers that 25s. is adequate remuneration to them when they are growing food, and that 28s. 6d. was necessary for their wives and families in their absence at the front. They will regard the family income as being an integral part of their lives on a fixed basis. They will measure the future from the present, and it is impossible for us to go back to the old point of view and imagine we can ever return to the old scale of remuneration. Let me observe, in passing, that there is no provision in the Bill as it stands to prevent the cost of living going up in some particulars. What about the agricultural labourer's cottage, which in many districts he gets for 1s. 6d.? There is no provision at present in the Bill—perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will correct me if I am wrong—to prevent that 1s. 6d. being put up to 3s.
There is an Act restraining rent.
May I ask is that definitely operative with regard to agricultural labourers, and is it not only operative during the period of the War? Is it not open, immediately the War is over, to some farmers, if they are so minded—I hope none of them is so mean as to do it—actually to put up the rent, while at the same time giving no increase in wages? Let me be clear as to what I believe to be the sound attitude with regard to wages and rent. Take the case of those counties where the labourer pays rent for his cottage. It is not a system that can be adopted everywhere. For instance, the hon. and gallant Member for Ripon (Major E. Wood) referred to the living in system in Yorkshire. You cannot therefore apply what I say to them or to those in many of the desolate districts in the North. But in districts where the labourer has to pay rent for his cottage it would be far better that it should not be on an artificial basis, but that it should be on the true economic basis, and that his wage should be raised so that he could pay the true economic rent. But, as the Minimum Wage Clause is now drafted, there is no provision, so far as I can gather, either there or elsewhere, to prevent the cost of living, so far as rent is concerned, actually being raised to the labourer to his irreducible minimum. The minimum is not irreducible if that cannot be prevented. What is to prevent the value of allowances being overstated? The Wages Board are the only body able to do it, and I believe it would be infinitely better, instead of putting the House in the position of having to decide between 25s. and 30s., that they with their judgment, their local fairness—under the pressure of the Government, I agree— should have been the standard by which you should have dealt with these things. There is no safeguard in respect of the irreducible minimum except the Wages Board. You have to come back to trust them in the long run; why not trust them from the beginning under such pressure as the Board of Agriculture could impose upon them?
6.0 P.M.
At the present time we are unfortunately in this position: Having put in 25s., I can quite understand the attitude of the Government in saying they cannot take it out. That is the reason why some of my hon. Friends feel it absolutely necessary, as you have put in the figure, much as they detest having wages discussed across the floor of the House, that they must insist on the 25s. being put on a fair basis. That is the justification of the Leader of the Labour party for his Amendment, not because 30s. happens to be more than 25s., but it is because 30s., if you work it out on the Board of Trade scale, will only just provide your labourer with the necessities of life under which he can do his work with efficiency. The necessity of this Bill is very great if this is the way of getting extra production and the only way. I have suggested other ways which I thought better. One or two of the changes that were advocated have been adopted; some have not. But of this I am perfectly sure, I carry the whole Committee with me when I say that, without adequate labour, and efficient labour, on the land, it is absolutely impossible to get the increased production. The President of the Board of Agriculture truly says, How are you, merely by putting in 30s. instead of 25s., going to add to the efficiency of the Dorsetshire labourer? In many cases he is old, worn out, has never been well sustained all his life, and has worked so long that he is not to be compared with the efficient men who come from other districts. I quite agree you will never get an improvement in agriculture out of them, but are they the labour on which agriculture has to depend in the future? In agricultural districts hundreds of thousands of men have been drafted into the Army. Those men, while they have been living with the Forces have been having fairly comfortable quarters, varied from time to time by terrible hardships at the Front, but when they have been behind the lines they have learnt a new standard of living. They know now what it is to live in sanitary, well-ventilated huts, and to have an entirely new scale of diet. Who imagines that a soldier's meal works out at 2d.? Why, these men who have been living in poorly paid counties, if they got meat one day a week were fortunate, and yet while those young men have been in the Army they have meat once, twice, three times a day. We have given them the best we could find anywhere in the world. It is absurd to think that when they come back to our farming villages that they are going to return to the old scale of diet. If you are going to offer them the same level of remuneration, diet and accommodation as they had in the past, you will find this kind of labour improved,. as it has been by drilling and training in the Army, that they will be inclined to go into the towns and desert the agricultural districts, and therein lies by far the gravest danger to agriculture.
With much that my right hon. Friend says in the speech which he has just concluded I am in cordial agreement and I imagine no one, wherever he sits in this House, entertains the slightest doubt that those members of our Forces at the present time who in the past were agricultural labourers are extremely unlikely to go back to the country, and be content with the conditions of livelihood with which they were more or less satisfied before the War. Therefore my right hon. Friend in putting forward that contention was forcing the door which in all quarters of the House was very wide open. The immediate question before the House is of a somewhat narrowed character. I agree that it opens up very much wider considerations than the mere scope and contents of this particular Amendment. My right hon. Friend asked over and over again, why did the Government insert a figure at all? I think that entitles us to draw the inference that it is the mere fact of the insertion of the figure which has given rise to the difficulty in which the Committee finds itself to-day. I understood the right hon. Gentleman in substance to go so far as to suggest that if there had been no figure in the Bill, and the matter had been left entirely to the Wages Board, he would have found no difficulty in supporting the Government. I believe the right hon. Gentleman assents to that view. I should have drawn that inference from what he said on the Second Reading, because on that occasion he stated quite plainly that he reserved freedom of judgment on the part of the Bill which he called the bounty, although he said he would support the proposal in relation to wages.
The sole point of criticism between my right hon. Friend and those who sit on the Treasury Bench is that my right hon. Friend thinks we have made a mistake in inserting any figure at all. I think there is much to be said for that view. We have all observed in this House, even in ordinary peace times, that humiliating competition which occasionally takes place when one party puts down an Amendment to pay 25s. in wages and another hon. Member sitting for an agricultural constituency puts down 30s. for the agricultural labourer, a proposal which I, as the representative of a constituency where agricultural labourers are few and far between, might be able to resist with great stoicism, while other hon. Members might find it extremely difficult to resist. I know the course of mentioning the figure is open to the gravest possible objection. What ultimately prevailed with the Government on this question was the knowledge that in the poorly paid districts men who before the War were earning 15s., as they earned in Gloucestershire, or 14s. as in Hampshire, and those who were left behind were passionately anxious on this account that some figure should be inserted in the Bill.
I claim that whatever mischief is occasioned by inserting any figure at all in the Bill, the ultimate measure of that mischief is a possible injury to our Parliamentary institutions. There is no other injury to the farmer and no other injury to the agricultural labourer. Does any hon. Member advance the criticism that it is a grave risk that this House should do in the case of the agricultural labourer what the Liberal Government refused to do in the coal dispute and what they could not refuse to do in regard to the sweated industries. If anybody makes that criticism my only answer is that I do not deny the mischief which may have been disclosed. We are approaching this subject under exceptional circumstances and a full examination of all the circumstances supplies some justification for the course we have adopted. Let me now justify to the Committee my claim that there is no other objection to the course we have adopted. My right hon. Friend who has just sat down said you ought to have left the matter absolutely to the Wages Board. We have left the matter absolutely to the Wages Board, with the exception of saying to them, "You shall not have a lower rate." If there is any doubt upon that point we will look into it. If I am right in my view that undoubtedly is the effect of our proposal. I take the responsibility of saying, and it is my duty to advise the Committee, that that is so, and if anybody can satisfy me that that is not the effect of the Bill it shall be immediately amended. Let me refer to Clause 5 of the Bill, which is the part which deals with the Wages Board. Perhaps my right hon. Friend would not mind first of all looking at Clause 4. The first Sub-section provides that
"(1) Any person who employs a workman in agriculture shall pay wages to the workman at a rate not less than the minimum rate as fixed under this Act, and if he fails to do so shall be liable on summary conviction in respect of each offence,"
and then follows the penalties. That is the operative part of Clause 4. Now if my right hon. Friend will look at Clause 5, Sub-section (6), he will find the following provision:
"(6) In fixing minimum rates fortune work under this section, the Agricultural Wages Board shall secure for able-bodied men wages which, in their opinion, are equivalent to wages for an ordinary day's work at the rate of at least 25s. a week."
If my right hon. Friend will reflect a little upon the meaning of those two Subsections taken together he will see clearly that the intention of those who framed the Bill was to provide in the earlier Clauses that a farmer shall be liable to penal consequences if he fails to pay the minimum wage fixed by the Wages Board, and we provide that the Wages Board shall as a minimum fix a rate of 25s. per week.
Can the Wages Board fix a minimum of 30s. a week?
Yes.
Is it or is it not open under the Bill to a farmer to raise the rent when the War is over, and the operation of the Act which prevents the raising of rent ceases? That is the sole point I made when I was referring to the irreducible minimum.
I was not forgetting my right hon. Friend's argument in relation to the housing question, but he must allow me to point out that the very special point taken by him in reference to housing has nothing to do with the par- ticular consideration I am pressing now, which is that, whatever other criticism may be brought against the Government in relation to the procedure which we have in fact adopted, it operates, or is capable of operating with greater harshness to the labourer than if we had inserted no rate at all. It is true we might have left the 25s. out and there are those who, in drafting the Bill in its earlier stages, took the view that it would be wiser to follow the course adopted when we were dealing with wages in connection with the coal dispute and the sweated industries, and leave it to be determined, without any qualification, by the Wages Board. The method we adopted is more indulgent to the agricultural labourer, and it was really adopted because of the shocking disparity of wages in different parts of the country, and because it enabled those men here and now and at once, and the farmers in those districts in which it had been found difficult to make farming a remunerative occupation, to say to these men, some of whom might then be thinking of leaving the neighbourhood: "You are going to get at least 25s., and you may get more than 25s."
My right hon. Friend raised the question of the rent, and said we might find ourselves in great difficulty, because, after the War, the rent of these houses may be raised. My right hon. Friend has been occupied in the last few years very much with the affairs of a busy and important Department, and I doubt whether he has had the opportunity and the leisure to inquire into the working of similar legislation to this, which has been our model in this very important matter. My right hon. Friend says that when the rent is raised from 2s. 6d. to 5s. 6d. after the War we shall simply be taking away with one hand what we are giving with the other. When my right hon. Friend says that, he has not understood, in the first place, the object of this Bill, and, secondly, he has not understood the effect of this Bill. If the right hon. Gentleman will look at Clauses 4 and 5 together, he will see that what I have stated are the very considerations which have led the Government to leave the matter to the Wages Board. If my right hon. Friend will look at the various matters which are provided for in Clauses 4 and 5, he will see that it is laid down that the Agricultural Wages Board will have to consider the various circumstances which may be put forward in each case. Of course, as my right hon. Friend knows, these matters are considered by a representative body of the men and the farmers before whom the men are able to state their case. I hope the right hon. Gentleman does not imagine that the agricultural labourer will not be perfectly able to call attention to the fact, if necessary, that his rent has been raised to the extent of 3s. a week, and it is extremely unlikely that any reticence will be observed in a circumstance like that. Consequently, the Board is fully competent to deal with that point, and in such a case they can say that the minimum wage is no longer high enough, and they can make a higher minimum.
Under these circumstances, what becomes of all these criticisms? What we have done we have done out of special solicitude for the agricultural labourers where the wages paid were shocking, and we put in this minimum in order that these men might know that there was this modified charter of protection for them. We put it in and retained every other precaution, and it is on these grounds that we have been subjected to the many criticisms which have been made during the last few days. Let me make this observation upon the general criticism which has arisen. My right hon. Friend has complained, and others have complained, that the Government have made this a matter of confidence, and he says that no free discussion upon it is possible. I can only say, and I hope I shall not be suspected of attempting to impart any heat, because nothing is further from my desire, and anybody who has listened to my remarks will agree I think that nothing is further from my desire than to add any action of that kind. Therefore, I say—I hope in the best possible temper—when I hear my right hon. Friend complain that no free discussion on this matter is possible because it is made a question of confidence, that I have been in this House for eleven years, and I have spent some eight of those years in making exactly the same point against various Governments, of which my right hon. Friend was a Member, wholly unsympathetic to my complaint. If there is any excuse in times of peace when nothing presses except the interests of the party, how much more need may there be for interfering with the freedom of individual Members in a time of War?
The real truth is that either the object which we propose to ourselves in this Bill justifies the demands that we are making or it does not. If it does justify them, then, unless we can at a given moment modify our Bill without destroying it, we are not only entitled but absolutely bound to adopt the course criticised by my right hon. Friend. Could we at this stage have adopted this figure and have inserted it in our Bill without destroying the balance and equipoise upon which alone the Bill exists and can be supported and without which the Bill must assuredly fail? My right hon. Friend would be the first to admit that it is natural to suppose that we have more knowledge on that point than he has. After all, we have conducted the negotiations, and he has not. I take the responsibility of telling the Committee with full knowledge that if we were to attempt now at this stage and in obedience to pure theory to insert this figure of 30s. it would undoubtedly, in the judgment of those who advise us, upset the whole equipoise upon which the Bill depends. Let me give some reasons for that statement. If you were to put another 5s. on the rate of wages, these consequences would follow: In the course of the next six years some £50,000,000 or £60,000,000—the precise number of millions in these days do not appear to matter, but take it at the more modest figure of £50,000,000—would be involved on the existing area of land under corn cultivation. Supposing the guarantee were fully used, which is an absolutely inconceivable hypothesis as everyone who understands the case knows, or in other words, suppose you resumed at once pre-war prices at the conclusion of the War so that every penny of the guarantee had to be paid on the acreage at present under cultivation, then, according to the statisticians who advise the Board of Agriculture, and through them myself, a sum of some £50,000,000 would be paid to the farmers. Therefore, the total consideration which is promised to the farmers on an hypothetical contingency which will not and which we all know cannot arise, would be consumed if this 5s. were peremptorily imposed in all cases.
It may be right or it may be wrong, but does anybody say, after negotiations which have been carried on with infinite difficulty for weeks between the different interests affected, and when this figure has been arrived at after long discussion and negotiation, that at the last moment we can disturb the balance without not only imperilling but also certainly destroying the whole Bill? It is obvious that a change so great as this could not possibly be adopted by any Government, and if we desired to save the Bill at all it was essential that we should have made it known to the House of Commons that this was an Amendment to which we could not assent, and that therefore we proposed to vote against it and to treat the Amendment as a vote of confidence. Any Government would have done that, and this Government, has, I submit, very properly adopted that course. The only criticism that could be made would be by those who do not believe that this Bill is necessary. Having arrived at the conclusion that this Bill is necessary, surely we are entitled to point out to the Committee that, after all, we, as a Government, are responsible to the House of Commons, and that we shall be responsible to the country next year if the U boat warfare is intensified and if greater straits arise in this country than we have hitherto had to confront. If there is apprehension and alarm and a growing shortage of food next year, it is to the Government that the country will come for an explanation, and it is the Government that will be arraigned all over this Empire. I can hear some of our present critics, if such a case arose, saying: "It was your business, without any excuse hereafter, to make sure that more acres would come under cultivation." That responsibility is ours. We may fulfil it well or badly, but we have taken the responsibility of saying to the House of Commons, "we believe that it can be done in this way." If we fail in doing it, then we and not our critics will be arraigned hereafter. If the responsibility is ours, is it not right that the power we asked for in order to meet this responsibility should also be given to us by this Committee?
I blame no one for the critical position in which we found ourselves at the time when this Bill was first introduced. It certainly would not lie in my mouth to make any criticism of the Government or of the Cabinet of which I was a member. Although I was not specially charged with this particular Department, still it was the duty, I suppose, of every Minister, however busy he might be, to acquaint himself at least generally with a subject so vital to the very existence of the country. The real truth, to dismiss it in a sentence, is that the miscalculation that was made, and made by all of us—made by the country and by everybody who had no special skill in dissecting the psychology of one whom we believe is alike criminal and mad—was in never supposing that the German Government would be guilty alike of the wickedness and the folly of risking the antagonism of the rest of the world by resorting to this unrestricted U boat warfare. I made that mistake. I believe the whole of my colleagues made it. I believe the whole House of Commons made it. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Apparently many hon. Members more prescient than those of us who were responsible did anticipate that the Germans would adopt this course. They have adopted it, and to-day we are face to face with the position that if it develops and becomes much more serious next year it is vital to the safety of the nation, and it may be vital to the very existence of the nation that we should make an immense addition to the acreage under corn cultivation during next year. We take the responsibility of saying that we can do it. We say that we can do it by this Bill. We say that if you destroy this Clause you will destroy this Bill, and we say, as a Government, that we at least can never consent to that course.
Let us remember that, after all, this Bill does something which is of very considerable consequence to the agricultural labourer. There is something which is odious to those who live comfortable lives, having their meals regularly served to them and living in sanitary houses, in being compelled to stand up in this House and assume the unpleasant role of voting against an additional grant of 5s. per week to humble men who live hard lives. Does anyone suppose that on the plain merits, if ever the plain merits were disclosed, such a vote would be given? I think I am entitled to remind the Committee that this is not the first time that I at least have given time and great attention to these matters. When I was chairman of the Unionist Social Reform Committee before the War, a sub-committee of that body was appointed, with my hon. Friend the Member for one of the Divisions of Liverpool (Mr. Leslie Scott) as chairman, among members of the Unionist party who had a special knowledge of agriculture, and they arrived at a Report, and published it in the year 1913, before this War ever began. If the Committee will be indulgent with me, I should like to read a few lines of the recommendations that we then made: certain for the first time that you will create on the countryside and among the peasantry a body of men able to hold their own on equal terms with their employers, able to talk to them as masters of their own destiny, men with independence and clear eyes on matters which affect the present welfare of the agricultural labourer, and able to determine and define the industrial future. This must follow from the creation of these Wages Boards. No one doubts that the introduction of Wages Boards makes it at least certain, be the time short or be it long, that trade unions will penetrate into every branch of agricultural labour. Those who believe in trade unions and those who, while criticising them, have marked the immense gains that they have procured for their members, can have no doubt as to the result upon the wages and conditions of labour which the introduction of trade unions will have when you contrast the helplessness of the men to-day and the power they will have then. Imagine these Wages Boards in ten years' time. Is it imagined that the agricultural labourer will be the kind of caricatured Hodge that is sometimes depicted, at the mercy of the squire and the parson? I shall be astonished if you have not upon these boards men of great shrewdness, able to give articulate, intelligent, thoughtful, and persuasive utterance to the wants of the men they represent. This Bill even in time of war, even as it contributes, as we believe, to a great national interest, is an attempt to produce a benefit which, I think, so incalculable in its consequences, producing a revolution so immense upon the countryside, that I ask the Committee to accept from me the suggestion that all those results, on both sides, are only possible if the spirit of bargaining and negotiation which were the cradle of this Bill are allowed to accompany it until it finally emerges from the Division Lobby. If the equapoise upon which it rests is disturbed it will be impossible for us to take the responsibility.
Whatever may be said as to the relative consistency of the Front Opposition Bench or the Treasury Bench, so far as the Labour party, who are responsible for this Amendment, are concerned, they took precisely the same view when the Coal Mines Bill was being discussed as they are taking this afternoon. It is only fair to say that while the matter was not then considered as one of principle, it was considered from the standpoint of a great industrial dispute that had to be settled at that particular moment. I frankly admit that so far as the 25s. minimum is concerned, it is a considerable advantage to the agricultural labourer. It would be useless to deny that. I also admit that it gives a better starting-off place to a small trade union that has not been firmly established than was given to any other trade union of which I know. While admitting both those things, we cannot forget that the 25s. minimum, based as it is upon the present cost of living, is miserably inadequate so far as the agricultural labourer is concerned. The President of the Board of Agriculture has said that he can imagine that the farmers will not get a copper out of this Bill. If that is true it at least presupposes that the cost of living will remain as high as it is to-day, and that in itself is the strongest possible argument for the 30s. which we suggest in our Amendment.
I am primarily concerned with the intimation that this is to be made the subject of a vote of confidence in the Government. I entirely dissent from the statement of the Attorney-General that if it is necessary in time of peace to challenge a vote of confidence in the Government, it is doubly necessary and justified in time of war. That is not so. I am not afraid of an issue of this kind going to the country, but I am concerned with the kind of issues that will be raised if we have a General Election. It is not the right thing to talk glibly about a General Election at this time. Anyone who knows anything of the industrial towns and centres and any Minister or any Member who goes down into a constituency would know from his experience that he would be justified in viewing with grave apprehension the effect of a General Election at this time. It is useless to assume that the mere question of a minimum wage for the agricultural labourer would be the only question that would be raised. We all know perfectly well that a thousand issues would be raised that would be fatal to the best interests of the country, and practically ruin those who are risking their lives on our behalf at this moment. There is a lot of loose talk of a General Election. I hope we shall not hear so much about it. Those of us who are associated with trade unions need not be afraid of our personal record in this matter. I am not sure that it would not be an advantage to have somewhat of a rest from the stress and toil in which we are all engaged, but in this matter we have not to take a personal view; we have to look at the question from the standpoint of the country and what is involved. Therefore I deprecate the fact that this question should be made a test of confidence in the Government. It is urged that the real test of this Bill will be the production of food. The answer to that is that if this 5s. per week is going to cost £60,000,000 and you admit that the agricultural labourer is entitled to a higher standard of living, then you have allowed £60,000,000 to stand in the way of the food supplies of the country. That, at least, would be our answer to the suggestion that the interests of the country are imperilled. We have put down this Amendment, as we put down the previous Amendment, because in our humble judgment the cost of living to-day is such that the 25s. per week does not represent 14s. in actual spending power, and also because we believe that the relationship of the agricultural labourer to the other industrial centres is such that we ought not to fix a minimum that will have its reflection in the towns. It is with no hostility to the Government that we propose this Amendment. We have never intended it to be a wrecking Amendment. We intend it to be a serious contribution from those who represent Labour to a genuine attempt to uplift the wages of the poor and downtrodden in this country.
The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down shares with everybody in the Committee social reform views with regard to the agricultural labourer. I desire to give the Committee sortie reasons why I am going to oppose this Amendment, keeping, if I can, the agricultural economic question distinct from the agricultural social reform question. Throughout this discussion there has been a good deal of confusion of thought as between the standard of living, physical efficiency and so on, and the hard, logical, economic agricultural facts. The opposition to this Amendment can be stated on two main grounds—first, the emergency point of view of the nation, and, secondly, the expediency point of view of the agricultural labourer. The President of the Board of Agriculture, on a former Amendment, ended an extremely eloquent speech by saying
"Let us hitch our wagon to a star."
I share to the full his aspirations as to agricultural astrology, but I have seen a good many excellent wagons which have never got to the end of their journey owing to their being overloaded. We must look at the question in its proper perspective. The national Government comes along at a moment of great national emergency and says that it is essential for the prosecution of the War that we should give an insurance against insecurity to the farmer. They go on with the natural corollary and say that we must secure the position of the agricultural labourer. They then go on and say that we must have a Wages Board in order to secure it. Up to that point I am in absolute agreement with them. Six years ago I was one of the young men in a hurry referred to by the Attorney-General. I subscribed my name to a Bill whose opening stages passed this House. I need hardly say that I would rather see no minimum fixed at all, for reasons which I need not elaborate. I would rather take as a basis the Amendment suggested by the hon. Member for York (Mr. Rowntree), which dealt with physical efficiency and a standard of living, and leave the matter to be dealt with and adjusted by local knowledge. However, the Attorney-General has taken the Committee into his confidence, and has fairly shown that there is no alternative other than to insert a figure which the Government give extremely good reasons for specifying, namely, 25s. I part company now over the Amendment for this reason: I have been sufficiently long intimately engaged in agriculture. The Mover of the Amendment told the House that he was the son of an agricultural labourer, a fact on which I have no doubt he always reflects with as much pride, as I am sure everyone else does with admiration. I cannot claim that, but I can claim-that until I was lured into this House, with the exception of a short time spent on duties which took me to South Africa, I was intimately engaged in the ordinary duties of an agent of a large agricultural property. Nearly every day of my life I was acquainted with the work and homes of agricultural labourers engaged in farming on a large scale. I have shared their sorrows and their joys, certainly their work and their play. I believe I am the only Member of this House who has won a ploughing match. That was not in any way due to my skill, but rather to the intelligence of the horses. I mention these facts in order to show that I can lay claim to know something of the real aspirations of agricultural labourers. Unless you know what, on an average mixed farm, the ratio of labour expenditure is to all other expenditure, such as seeds, fertilisers, feeding stuffs, and so on, you cannot truly appreciate what effect the Amendment is going to have on such a farm.
We have wanted that; let us have it.
I will give you my experience. The average size of a mixed farm is an important point. Economic labour on the holdings in this country would be improved by altering the size of the holdings. Twenty-five per cent. of the holdings are almost too small to manage with economic labour, while 40 per cent. are too large. The position to-day is that there are 25 per cent. of the holdings between 25 and 100 acres, 25 per cent. over 300 acres, and 47 per cent. are of the wrong economic size, being all round about 150 acres, which will not keep one or two pairs of horses going according to the strength or lightness of the land. Nor will that size holding give what a large farm would give, namely, enough labour for a large permanent supply, or the opportunity for seasonal labour to be drawn upon. In the average mixed farm —the 47 per cent.—you will find that 25 to 30 per cent. of the total outgoings is pure manual labour. What would happen if you said, "We will have a 30s. minimum all over the country," would be this. You would alter their ratio, you would alter their rotation, and you would alter your whole production, and you would get down to what the President of the Board called a Grass Production Act of Parliament instead of a Corn Production Act. That is one alternative. The other is that the thing would become wholly uneconomic and the men would not be employed at all.
Those are the two real economic reasons why I am going to oppose this Amendment. I do it simply and solely because I want to see the industry flourish and I want to see the agricultural labourer's position improved. No one who has lived with them, as I have, can possibly have got to understand him without wanting to help him, and it was always to me a source of enormous regret that these men were unorganised; they had no co-ordination and they could not engage in any collective bargains. Having inserted the figure of 25s., I do not want to-see the agricultural waggon so overloaded that you are automatically going to hit the agricultural labourer. His salvation is really going to be worked out by the operation of these Wages Boards. He will now be able to organise himself and to have the means of collective bargaining,, and if the Government can also seriously take hold of the housing question and give real security to the landlord to invest his; capital so that it will give him an economic-return, or, failing that, put in operation the Housing No. 2 Act of 1914, it is on: those lines that it seems to me the agricultural labourer's position is going to be improved. After the enormous sacrifice of the young manhood of this country that has been going on for the last three years,. the country will need physical efficiency and mental powers as it has never needed them before, and it seems to me that we can look to the agricultural labourers as an enormously valuable asset, as a source for improving both physical and mental power, because good air and a contented country life in a comfortable house will give him physical efficiency, and if the House will give every support to the Minister of Education in his outline for the rural educational future of the labourer, it seems to me that on those lines one can really improve the whole position of the agricultural labourer and the agricultural industry. It is not because I do not want to help the agricultural labourer. It is only because, by inserting a figure that is going to hit him from the point of view of cold logical economies. With my experience of the industry in the past, I am sure that this Amendment, if passed, with 30s. inserted, would do nothing but harm. I had hoped almost up to the eleventh hour that the Government would take the standard of the hon. Member for York of physical efficiency and a high standard of living, and I think that would have been really a sound way to deal with it. We have been given the reasons why the Government cannot deal with it on those lines, and I am perfectly prepared to accept those reasons and support the Government and oppose the Amendment.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman has contributed one more very interesting speech to-the discussion of this Bill. He at any-rate has faced figures, and I do not think the Government has done that yet. It is not enough for the Government to say, we have decided that 25s. should be the minimum. They ought to tell us why they fixed 25s., and not 24s., why 25s. and not 20s., or why 25s. and not 30s.? The figures that the President of the Board of Agriculture gave really would not stand examination for five minutes. So far as I can make out, he came to his conclusion by multiplying the difference between the English average of 17s. 6d. and 25s., the minimum, by the number of agricultural labourers. I hope I am doing him no injury. He read his figures at such a great rate that I could not follow them, but that was the only thing I could see that he was doing. Of course, if he has done that, his conclusions are absolutely worthless. The average of 17s. 6d., taken from Oxford shire on the one hand and Durham on the other, is a purely fictitious figure. There is no reality in it at all. The variations are so very great, and affect such an unequal number of people, that the average, accepted in the way the President has accepted it, only misleads and darkens the matter. The hon. and gallant Gentleman (Colonel Weigall) has gone on a much more profitable line. What is the relation between the cost of labour and the value of production? That is the point. I hoped very much when he started on that investigation he was going to go in for more details. He cannot leave it where he has left it, because for one thing there is Part I. of this Bill, which changes one of the factors in his calculations. Moreover, he must take into account the differences in the counties and the districts. In Scotland, for instance, 30s. is a wage that a self-respecting agricultural labourer in a well organised county would not look at. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman happened to be a farmer in Scotland, going into one of those markets to hire his labour for the next half-year, and offered 30s. a week, the labourer would walk on to the other side of the street and leave the hon. and gallant Gentleman quite alone. He would not look at him. However it is perfectly true that if the hon. and gallant Gentleman went to Oxfordshire and tried to get hold of some agricultural labourer whose wages before the War averages over the county something under 15s.—I think somewhere about 14s. 11d.—his 30s. a week would be a very substantial temptation to that man to go and accept service under the hon. and gallant Gentle- man. But he will see from these variations that it is not enough for him simply to say that a fourth of the cost of production is labour, and, therefore, an increase up to 30s. a week would ruin the agricultural interest because, as everyone knows who has studied the economics and industrial effects of high wages, one of the first things that happens when you lift up a low paid grade of labour into a high grade paid of labour is that you increase the amount of production of the labour.
That is perfectly true, in ail ordinary industry, but, unfortunately, the productivity of labour in the agricultural industry is dependent on rainfall, climate, soil, and so on, none of which applies to an ordinary industry.
That is perfectly true; but I think I can carry the hon. and gallant Gentleman with me if I also say that the productivity of labour in the agricultural industry depends very largely upon its own efficiency and the efficient organisation of the farmer. I can take him to fields within ten miles of London which he and I would both very roundly condemn from the point of view of farming, and I think he and I could agree that if those fields are going to be efficiently farmed one of the first things that ought to be done is to compel the farmer to pay for dear labour, and then he will value the field and the labour very much more. From personal experience, the very worst thing you can do for the farmer is to give him cheap labour. He does not value it, and because it is cheap it is inefficient, and it is where you get that bad farming that you get the cheap labour going alongside it. Supposing any diabolical creature wanted to reduce the efficiency of Scotch agriculture the best thing to do would be to reduce the wages of the agricultural labourer. Nothing would do it better than that. You do not require to change the farmer or to change the productivity of the soil. Reduce the wages of the Scottish agricultural labourer and within two years you will find a deterioration in the efficiency of Scottish farming. That is another point that the House ought to take into account. I thought the hon. and gallant Gentleman was going to take it into account when he started on that 25 per cent. calculation.
I must remind the I hon. Member that if be is going to compare the minimum price and the minimum wage, the minimum wage remains but the minimum price decreases over the six years of the Bill.
7.0 P.M.
I meant to deal with that. I am tremendously interested in this question from the practical and theoretical point of view. But the general objection I want to take is this: The Government comes to us with a proposal of 25s. as a minimum. Surely it should have published a White Paper showing why it came to that conclusion. It ought to have gone into a careful calculation showing the increased cost of farming, the estimate that the Government has come to of the increased cost of living, possible increases of rent, and so on, and worked out the whole thing in such a way that we could say exactly why it has fixed upon this figure. If in that way by careful scientific inquiry it could have shown us that 25s. is the safe minimum from the point of view of agriculture, I would never vote for 30s. It is because they have made statements upon calculations which show fallacy on the very face of them, and without the support of real substantial evidence, that a good many of us must still feel free to come to our own judgment about what the minimum ought to be. The right hon. Gentleman who spoke last for the Government used the expression "bargaining." That was very attractive to me, because I wanted to know who was in that bargaining. If the right hon. Gentleman can tell us that the agricultural labourers were in that bargaining I am not going to vote for 30s. If they have come to a bargain with the Government, then, so far as I am concerned, I am not going to help anybody to break that bargain; but if they have not come to a bargain, then the Attorney-General has no business to say there was any bargain at all. I will put a specific question. There are two organisations of agricultural labour in this country. The English Society with its chief secretary, and the Scottish Society with its chief secretary. Has either of those organisations come to any bargain with the Government on this subject? Has either of those gentlemen come to any bargain with the Government on this subject? I venture to say they have not. As a matter of fact, the agricultural labourer, whether he is right or wrong—and with all his experience he is not willing to damage agriculture—in so far as he is organised, looks upon this proposal with a great deal of suspicion, and desires that 30s. instead of 25s. shall be put into the Act. The statement made by the Attorney-General brings suspicion on the whole Bill. He asks us to believe that the farmers and the Government have been negotiating, and that the Government accepts the farmer's price so far as labour is concerned. Anybody who has any experience of employers of any kind knows perfectly well what happens if an-outside body like the Government, an impartial authority like the Government, goes to an employer, or a group of employers, and says, "We are going to introduce benefits for you, but in order to-get those benefits through we must put something in for labour. How much shall we put in for your labour? What would the employer say? He is not going to give you the limit of his capacity of paying. He is going to give you the very minimum, and he expects that is going to-be a subject of bargaining afterwards. He is willing, as a matter of fact, to increase the price that he has originally given. The same with labour. If the Government had gone to the agricultural labourers' union instead of to the farmers, and had taken from the agricultural labourers' union the figure to put in Part II of the Bill, and had taken from the farmers the figure to put in Part I. of the Bill, I think this Committee would not have been very far wrong in assuming that the figure given by the agricultural labourers' union in these circumstances was a very high figure, and that the agricultural labourers would expect that this House would reduce it. That is the ordinary operation of bargaining. The information we have got in the speech of the Attorney-General is this, that the farmers, without consultation with the agricultural labourers, have agreed to a 25s. minimum, and it is the duty of this House to increase that minimum, as the farmers undoubtedly expected it would be increased when it came before this House.
Nearly every person who has spoken has. referred to the fact that wages nowadays, in money terms, are not equivalent to what they were before the War. The figure of 14s. or 15s. has been fixed as being the real wages provided for in Part II. of this Bill. That is perfectly true. The nominal wage is 25s. I do not care about nominal wages. A nominal wage does not fill am empty cupboard. It is the real wage that I am interested in. The nominal wage of 25s. in this Bill is equivalent to a real wage of 15s. before the War broke out. That is the comparison which this Committee has got to make when they want to know whether this Bill really increases or decreases wages. There was only one county in the whole of England on the 1907 statistics compiled by the Board of Trade whose average wage was under the 15s. minimum.
What county?
Oxford. There the wage was 14s. 11d. It was a census of wages, and my right hon. Friend will find it in one of those very valuable series of yellow books that were published some time between 1910 and 1912 by the Board of Trade. It is a report of wages in the agricultural industry of the United Kingdom. Taking England and Wales this county would be benefited, taking its average to the extent of 1d. per week by the minimum wage put in this Bill. I am certain that the Committee does not mean that. If you go to Scotland you will find that the Scottish wages have soared so high that to suggest that they would be benefited by a basis of 25s. a week would be an insult to the Scottish agricultural labourers. The President of the Board of Agriculture said, "You must not take figures alone. You must remember that the effect of this Bill is to give a guaranteed minimum." What does he mean by a guaranteed minimum? An Act of Parliament is not the only thing that guarantees a minimum. The economic market guarantees a minimum quite as effectively as an Act of Parliament. As a matter of fact, an Act of Parliament is a much more elusive and delusive guarantee of minimum than the open market, because there is much more chance of getting real wages in the open market without the artificial movements in wages which you often get the other way. These figures compiled by the Board of Trade in 1907 were the figures that had been fixed in the open market. Is there any Member of this Committee that believes that the agricultural circumstances after the War, from the point of view of fixing wages, are going to be worse than the agricultural circumstances in Oxford in 1907? Of course there is not. No man who has any practical knowledge of the condition of the country is going to come to that conclusion or make that statement. The economics that are going to fix agricultural wages after the War will be economics that are going to leave them substantially higher than they were before the War. Therefore the benefit given under Part II. of the Bill is nominal and elusive. Moreover, we have got to accept this statement, which is true, that if we agree to 25s. nominal wage, which means a real wage of 15s., speaking in terms of the pre-war standard, and we decide that that is going into the Bill, what are we doing? We are declaring that the state of the agricultural districts before the War was satisfactory so far as we are concerned. I was amazed when the Attorney-General, in delivering his speech in favour of the 25s. minimum, quoted from his pamphlet. The two things are quite inconsistent. That quotation was a most eloquent, concise, and definite condemnation of the whole of the speech he had delivered in the preceding three quarters of an hour. The 25s. nominal wage to-day is equal to the 15s. real wage of 1907. The right hon. Gentleman's pamphlet condemns the real wage of 15s. in 1907; therefore it condemns the 25s. nominal wage to-day. The right hon. Gentleman responds with a shake of the head.
There was no Wages. Board in existence or contemplated then which had the power of dealing with the circumstances at the time. This Bill provides a Wages Board which can go beyond the 25s. minimum.
The right hon. Gentleman cannot get out of it that way. He took part in writing the pamphlet which condemned the Oxfordshire wages as being the lowest group of wages that he condemned. He does not deny that. That is the first proposition. The second proposition is that to-day he is asking us to put in a certain minimum. If the minimum if of no value what is the use of putting it in? He is asking us to put in a minimum which is only equal to the Oxfordshire minimum which the right hon. Gentleman quite properly condemned a few years ago in that pamphlet. It is perfectly true, as he says, that the wages can go up. Yes, wages went up then.
There was no Board to put them up then. I do not in the least accept the hon. Member's figures comparing the 25s. with the 15s. Assuming those figures to be true, even then we have provided in this Bill that these Wages Boards can raise the wages above the 25s. minimum. Therefore, at the worst, the only criticism he brings is that the putting in of a minimum is useless.
That may be so.
That is so.
The very bottom wage paid under the conditions in 1907 was 14s. 11d. The Government now say, "All we can do is to protect the agricultural labourer upon a wage which is equal to the bottom wage paid under conditions which we are condemning." Then it says to the Wages Board, "If you like you can go above that." Yes, but that bottom wage of 14s. 11d. characterised only one English county. That was the very lowest paid county. Other counties went up by scales until we got to the Scottish level, very much higher. The bringing in of the Wages Board does not bring in any new system of grading and scaling of wages. The economic forces, and the force of combination that determined that while wages in Oxfordshire should be low and in Durham and in Scotland high are still in operation, and will operate without any Wage Boards at all. In the highest paid districts to-day, with their combinations, the agricultural labourers do not want Wages Boards at all. I shall deal with that when the Question is put that Clause 5 stand part of the Bill. I think the right hon. Gentleman will agree that I am right, that the pamphlet he quotes, and with which he ended his speech, was a complete reply to the three-quarters of an hour's speech which he gave before he made the quotation.
I do not understand the figures which the Board of Agriculture has produced. I find that, taking 85 per cent. of wheat produced and sold for the years 1909–1914—I am giving the figures supplied by the Board of Agriculture in a written reply on the 18th July—the farmers got an average of £10,000,000. The same amount of wheat, assuming that the same acreage is cultivated under the guaranteed prices of the Bill, and assuming that the guaranteed prices alone are realised, will give the farmer £16,000,000 average increase per annum. The average for 1909–1914 was £10,000,000, and the average for 1917–1922 will be £16,000,000. Those figures really must bear more than 25s. a week for agricultural labourers' wages. Take oats. Twenty per cent. of the oats grown from 1909 to 1914 yielded on the average £4,000,000. The same amount at the same figure and with the same ratio from 1917 to 1922 will yield £5,500,000. No farmer can possibly say that he cannot bear the excess burden of 5s. per week if he is not paying it now. Remember, that since the War started wages have gone up in some districts by leaps and bounds. I have got; some figures relating to certain districts which show wages of £2, £2 5s., and £2 10s.: a week, and the conditions in the counties and districts where those wages obtain are precisely the same as the conditions in other counties and districts where something more like half these wages are being paid. The only difference between them is that the efficiency of the farmer is not so great in the latter as in the former. Therefore his labour is deteriorating, and has never had a chance of lifting itself.
This House has now got a chance of raising agricultural labourers' status. It must be raised if you are to have an increased production of food. It is not enough to say that money given to the farmer will induce him to increase his production of corn. If this House is going to increase permanently the production of the soil of this country it must raise permanently the wages of the agricultural labourer and improve his social condition, and it is because I think that 30s. will do that and not 25s. that I shall certainly vote for the substitution of 30s. for 25s. I believe that if this is done it will be found to be practicable. The present market price will bear it. If the present market price goes down to the guaranteed price, the guaranteed price will bear it. If this is not done you will have discontent, you will have the agricultural labourer who comes back full of pledges that you were giving him a new heaven and earth as a result of the War, he will compare his lot before the War with his lot after the War and his minimum of 25s. a week guaranteed to him, and he will not feel that the bargain with him has been kept, because the Government did not take the view that liberal men in other industries have taken and say that a large wages bill is not a drag on industry but that a large wages bill in nine cases out of ten increases the conditions in which you can produce efficiently and get the maximum amount of profit from your labour.
I intervene only for a few moments before a Division is taken, but I think that many Members like myself desire to have their views represented in the Division. So far as I have listened to the Debate it appears that the Government would have had an easy passage for this Clause of the Bill if they had not put in a 25s. minimum. If there had been no minimum named there would have been no criticism. What is the position of the Government in putting in this minimum? Surely it has been inserted in the interests of the worst paid agricultural labourers. Does anyone deny that there is no issue before the Committee as to who is most sincere in the interests of the agricultural labourers? Hon. Members who have raised this question do not make the charge that the Government and those who are supporting this Bill are less anxious for the agricultural labourer and his welfare than they are themselves. So therefore, really, it is a matter of method. What would be the position if the Government had not put in this minimum? I can imagine that speeches would have bean made—I might even have made them myself—saying, "Here you are setting up Wages Boards, subsidising the farmer, granting new income to the landlord, and forsooth you are setting up boards, dominated perhaps by landlords and farmers, to fix the wages of the agricultural labourer." I think that there would have been a strong case on the part of those who stand for the interests of the agricultural labourer to have said, "We want some security that will not go beyond a certain point. We call upon you to put in a minimum wage."
Personally, I think that I should have prepared myself to have been without the minimum, but I understand the position of the Government to mean this. Even if the boards were not in sympathy with the agricultural labourer, at any rate here is a provision, that labour will have a considerable rise in its wages. I have been in this House for some twenty-five years, and I have heard on platforms, and from both benches, a lot of talk about agricultural labourers, much more talk outside the House at election times than inside the House, but this is the first time that I have ever heard a measure discussed in this House which did any good whatever for the wages of the agricultural labourer. My right hon. Friend opposite the late President of the Board of Agriculture and of the Board of Trade says he would give a minimum of 30s.—that 25s. is not sufficient. I ask him, and I ask all those who sit beside him, what did they do in all the years when they were in office to raise the wages of the agricultural labourer by one sixpence? No; these are facts. This is the first time that any Government have brought forward a measure which means any addition to the wages of the agricultural labourer, and I say that they take a strong responsibility, a heavy responsibility, those who are going to give a vote to-night to wreck that intention on the part of the Government.
Another suggestion made by my hon. Friend the Member for Leicester is that if you put a minimum in you must have a high minimum, you must have one that would put beyond all doubt that that is what the agricultural labourer is entitled to, and he suggested, and those who think with him suggest, that if your minimum is 25s., the tendency will be to reduce the wages to 25s. Suppose you have 30s. Does that settle the question? It does not settle it from my point of view, because, for instance, the wages paid in Scotland are above 30s., so that if you have 30s. you are going to bring down the wages in these places to 30s. No, I do not think that that case can be put forward. During my political life I have done what I could in a small way for the agricultural labourer. I hope that the issue is not going to be to-night that those who vote for this Bill are going to be pilloried as if they had less sympathy than hon. Gentlemen opposite for the agricultural labourer. At any rate, it will not go down in Scotland, and I think that it would be wrong and it would be contemptible at a time like this for anyone to stand on the platform with such a cry. I should not be afraid to face it. What alternative have you to wrecking this Bill? Who is going to come forward and work a 30s. minimum? Where is the Government to do it? Will the Gentlemen opposite do so if they come back into office? Is that the issue? If the Government are defeated and they come back, are they going to give us a 30s. minimum? There is no guarantee at all. What value is it in having a fine Amendment like this? It is a great problem. Outside this House it is easy to make speeches and say, "I voted for a 30s. minimum and the hon. candidate opposite voted for a 25s. minimum." It is fine electioneering stuff. Does my right hon. Friend opposite approve of that suggestion and say that it will be done?
Nothing of the kind?
I say that on the issue before the House at the present time this is open to any unscrupulous candidate to adopt.
Who suggested an election?
I am quite sure that it was not my hon. Friend. The question to which wish to bring the Committee back is this: The issue is not whether you desire to pay 30s. or 25s. to the agricultural labourers. Those who will vote for the Government, as I most certainly will tonight, will say, "We are glad that they have got this minimum security. We are glad that hundreds, I believe thousands, are going to benefit." My hon. Friend the Member for Leicester talked about the figures for 1907. Why did he not come to the Board of Trade Report, which was issued either yesterday or this morning, which showed that in any number of cases this is going to be a substantial benefit, and that wages are going to be increased under the proposals of the Government, not in one or two counties, but in many counties. It will be a substantial benefit to the agricultural labourer, and, in my opinion, the Government are the guardians, as it were, of their own destiny. We have heard to-night that the Government are going to make this a Vote of Confidence, and they are going to say that they will go to the country if this Amendment is adopted. What would one think of a Government which, came forward at a time like this, responsible for the feeding of our people and of the avoidance of privation, and it might be of revolution— what would they think if after months of consideration they allowed the lynch-pin to be taken out of their Bill, and millions added on to it, at the instance of private Members? I do not say that this is public money, but indirectly it would be public money. The broad issue on this Amendment is whether you are at this moment going to trust the Government who are trustees for the government of the country in the great crisis which is before us, or are they to be put in the position that if, as the Attorney-General has said, in six months hence you had a scarcity of food, they should be able to say, "We would have seen to this but for the House of Commons." That will not do. We want to hold Ministers responsible for what they do and what they do not, and, for my part, I believe that this is an issue which you must face now, and, the Government being responsible, in my opinion we ought to support them. I am not thinking of an election. I am only concerned with one thing, and that is winning this War and keeping our people well provided for until it is won; and I say that every vote given to-night against the Government will be a vote, first of all, to destroy the Government because it could not remain one hour in office if this. Amendment were carried, and I do not believe it would attempt to do so. It would mean also the destruction of the Bill which provides for the food of the people, and, above all, it would mean a General Election. And at a moment like this, with the state of things as they exist in Russia, and even with the state of things in this country, I, for one, refuse to take that responsibility.
Members of this House will certainly acquit me of the-charge of speaking very often. Until about a fortnight ago I only made, I think, two speeches since the War began. Therefore, in a matter that vitally concerns all my Constituents, and especially after what I can only describe as the deplorable speech to which we have just listened—a speech which was absolutely foreign to the whole tone of the Debate—I intend to say just a few words. Members have often heard people quote an old proverb—I am sure that the Member for Horncastle (Colonel Weigall) will know it well— "High rents, high farming." And the meaning of that is, I take it—he will correct me if I am wrong—that if a farmer knows that he has got to pay a high rent it will make him put his back into his farming. I have often wondered why people who quote that do not apply it to wages. You never hear the proverb, "High wages, high farming." It seems to me that it is a complete answer to a great deal that we hear about the terror of the farmer, when we realise the complacency which many people, certainly not myself, use that old stock phrase. I find that in answer to the claim which has been put forward, the Government have one answer, and one answer only They say, "If we put the higher figure in the Bill we shall frighten the farmers." You have had it admitted, as a matter of fact, that in Scotland and the North of England they pay a much higher figure than 25s. You have it admitted also, in, the Eastern counties largely, owing to the action of the Agricultural Labourers Union, and there they are now paid 25s. and allowances. We had it from an hon. Member representing one of the Devonshire constituencies that in that county, and in the vast majority of the counties in this country, there is a wage in excess of the 25s. minimum.
It is perfectly obvious that all you are going to do, by putting in this low figure, is to avoid frightening the farmers in a certain number of counties—quite a small part of the country. If that is the case, what becomes of the idea that this Bill is going to cost the farmer, if you put in 30s., about £60,000,000? The figure is ridiculous. If it was the case that in the bulk of the country farmers were paying low wages, of course there would be something in that figure; but I would say, and I think the President of the Board of Agriture will agree, that having regard to the conditions in which we are at the present time, and the high prices in many parts of the country, to quote a figure of that kind is entirely misleading. I entirely agree with the right hon. Gentleman who spoke last about putting a figure in the Bill. I think the Government are right, because, having regard to the past attitude in regard to agricultural wages, and having regard to the years, I may say centuries, in which the condition of low wages obtained in counties like Oxfordshire, you have got to do something drastic if you are to get anything done at all, and the real fear is that if you do not put something into the Bill you will find that the Wages Boards in those counties would be very much led away and influenced by the bad old standard. So, personally, I am in favour of putting a figure of some sort in the Bill. I am not in favour of this figure, particularly for the reason that I do not accept the view that the farmers cannot afford to pay bigger wages, and I am perfectly certain that putting in this smaller figure of 25s. is bound to a certain extent to influence the Wages Board. It is idle to say that if 25s. is the figure left in the Bill that the Wages Board will not be influenced by the fact that the Government evidently considers that it provides a fair mean. I think that is certain.
I have read during the last day or two things that make one extremely suspicious of the danger of this minimum wage. When we parted the other night I do not suppose that anybody really imagined for one moment that there was anything like a Government crisis. We had the Debate going on the whole evening, and the President of the Board of Agriculture was extremely sympathetic. It was never even suggested that this would be pressed to a. Division. But in the few days that have supervened we find the most amazing suggestion that there is an attack being made-upon the Government, and that its plans-are being upset. I read in a newspaper yesterday the lines, "Government on its Trial," "The Corn Production Bill," "Fatal Possibilities," "Imminent Prospect of an Election." Then the paper-goes on to say:
Which paper is that?
"Reynolds's" newspaper, and I expected a short speech from the right hon. Gentleman. The very identical words which I have quoted appear this morning in the Harmsworth Press. I will not read them; they are exactly the same—"the Government have got to find the money," and therefore all sorts of ill-disposed people are trying to bring things-to a crisis.
I do not rise on any personal ground, but I put it to my hon. Friend that if the Government are to keep their bargain with the farmer, if you choose to call it so, is it inconceivable that they would immediately have to find the money?
To pay the wages? I leave my hon. Friend to settle that with his party. I am not going to withdraw from what I have said, and it is a perfectly ludicrous statement to serve out to the public. The whole question, with reference to this 25s. minimum, is that the burden of proof is to be on the labourer to show that it should be increased. Is that the idea of the Government? Not at all. Yet we have it in half the Press that the burden of proof is to be on the labourer to show that the level, admittedly a low level, should be increased, and I see no answer to the hon. Member for Leicester as regards the lowness of the level. Still, it is suggested already in papers that ought to know better that the burden lies on the labourer to show that the figure should be greater in order to get relief. I particularly want to draw attention to that fact and I am perfectly certain that farmers that have been consulted in regard to this and consulted a great deal more than the labourers, could, as a matter of fact, pay a great deal higher wages. In my constituency an opponent of mine assured me of the same thing. We all know that in all parts of the House there is a great desire to get the wage question settled. In 1912 the Wages Board Bill for agricultural labourers was introduced into this House by the Labour party, and, starting from that, there was a Committee appointed under the Prime Minister to go into the question. Later the other side of the House took it up, too. You have, therefore, general agreement on all sides among progressive members of all parties that something has got to be done, and we see no suggestion, as regards the wage to labourers, that it was to depend upon a guarantee. Therefore, it is going a great deal too far to suggest to us, who are doing exactly the same as all parties have been doing for three or four years, that we have got some sort of idea of conciliating our constituents, or of making some particular score against Members on the other side. We have done our best to persuade the Government, and I hope that the President of the Board of Agriculture, at a later stage, may still be able to do a little more on the question of the minimum wage; at any rate, I hope that in the direction of the Wages Board he will go a great deal further than he does at the present time. When I first went to Norfolk I discussed with a Scottish farmer the question of the agricultural labourers' wages, and he stated that he paid higher wages in Scotland for farming, and found it paid him; and when I asked him whether he had any objection to doing so in Norfolk he replied that he had not. When I asked him why, he replied that public opinion there was all against it. There is a strong view among farmers that it has had the effect of keeping down wages. We have to face that fact; it is absurd to say that you cannot possibly pay higher wages without a guarantee. As a matter of fact, the farmers could have paid higher wages, but the deplorable thing is that this lower wage system has gone on. The one thing that makes us more anxious than anything else is, what is going to happen after the War if this minimum does tend, in fact, to become the maximum. If that should be so, it is going to have a most deplorable effect. The Member for Staffordshire described his experience in his Staffordshire constituency and how younger men had all gone to the War. Exactly the same thing has occurred in other counties, and in my constituency half the land is richer and better than the other half. In the richer part they make a good deal of money, and the younger men remain on the land; in the other part where the land is bad, there you have the younger men all leaving. We want to prevent that. We have not the slightest idea of making any party side in this matter, but we are really impressed by the fact that this Bill is the first measure of reconstruction, if it can be called a reconstruction Bill, and that the real fear is that the minimum may become in fact the maximum. It would be deplorable if we were to start off in that way, and I think the Government ought to meet us and make the minimum a little higher than 25s., if they cannot go to 30s.
I would appeal to the Committee to take a Division now. I feel sure that the subject has been thoroughly discussed, and that it is the desire of the Committee to come to a decision.
rose —
rose in his place and claimed to move "That the Question be now put."
Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.
Question put accordingly, "That the words 'twenty-five' stand part of the Clause."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 301; Noes, 102.
Division No. 78.] AYES. [7.45 p.m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Du Pre, W. Baring Mackinder, Halford J. Agnew, Sir George William Edwards, Clement (Glamorgan, E.) M'Laren, Hon. F. W. S. (Lines, Spalding) Anstruther-Gray, Lieut.-Col. William Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor) M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.) Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Col. Martin Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M. Macleod, John Mackintosh Baird, John Lawrence Faber, George Denison (Clapham) Macmaster, Donald Baldwin, Stanley Faber, Colonel W. V. (Hants, W.) McMicking, Major Gilbert Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark) Fell, Arthur Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Fiennes, Hon. Sir Eustace Edward McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's) Barlow, Montague (Salford, South) Fisher, Rt. Hon. H. A. L. (Hallam) Macpherson, James Ian Barnes, Rt. Hon. George N. Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes (Fulham) Maden, Sir John Henry Barnett, Captain R. W. Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A. Magnus, Sir Philip Barnston, Harry Fiannery, Sir J. Fortescue Manfield, Harry Barrie, H. T. Fleming, Sir John Marks, Sir George Croydon Barton, Sir William Fletcher, John Samuel Marriott, J. A. R. Bathurst, Col. Hon. A. B. (Glouc, E.) Forster, Rt. Hon. Henry William Mason, James F. (Windsor) Beach, William F. H. Foster, Philip Staveley Meux, Hon. Sir Hedworth Beale, Sir William Phipson Ganzoni, Francis John C. Meysey-Thompson, Colonel E. C. Beauchamp, Sir Edward Gardner, Ernest Middlemore, John Throgmorton Beck, Arthur Cecil Gastrell, Lieut.-Col. Sir W. Houghton Mond, Rt. Hon Sir Alfred Beckett, Hon. Gervase Gibbs, Col. George Abraham Money, Sir L. G. Chiozza Bellairs, Commander C. W. Goldman, Charles Sydney Morgan, George Hay Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) Goulding, Sir Edward Alfred Morison, Thomas B. (Inverness) Bennett-Goldney, Francis Greenwood, Sir G. G. (Peterborough) Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Bigland, Alfred Greig, Colonel J. W. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Bird, Alfred Gretton, Colonel John Neville, Reginald J. N. Blair, Reginald Guinness, Hon. Rupert (Essex, S. E.) Newman, John R. P. Blake, Sir Francis Douglas Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne) Newton, Major Harry Kottingham Boles, Lieut.-Colonel Dennis Fortescue Haddock, George Bahr Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster) Boscawen. Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith- Hall, Frederick (Dulwich) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Boyle, William (Norfolk, Mid) Hambro, Angus Valdemar Nield, Herbert Boyton, James Hamilton, C. G. C. (Ches., Altrincham) Norton Griffiths, Sir J. Brace, Rt. Hon. William Hamilton, Rt. Hon. Lord C. J. (K'ton) O'Neill, Capt. Hon. H. (Antrim, Mid) Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell Hanson, Charles Augustin Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A. Bridgeman, William Clive Hardy, Rt. Hon. Laurence Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Brookes, Warwick Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds) Palmer, Godfrey Mark Broughton, Urban Hanlon Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithnessshire) Parker, James (Halifax) Bryce, John Annan Harris, Rt. Hon. F. L. (Worcester, E.) Parkes, Sir Edward E. Bull, Sir William James Harris, Henry Percy (Paddington, S.) Partington, Hon. Oswald Burdett-Coutts, William Haslam, Lewis Pearce, Sir Robert (Staffs., Leek) Burn, Colonel C. R. Henry, Sir Charles Pearce, Sir William (Limehouse) Butcher, John George Hendry, Dennis S. Pearson, Hon. Weetman H. M. Campion, W. R. Hermon-Hodge, Sir R. T. Pease, Rt. Hon. H. Pike (Darlington). Carew, C. Hewart, Sir Gordon Peel, Lieut.-Colonel R. F. Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred Hewins, William Albert Samuel Perkins, Walter Frank Carnegie, Lieut.-Colonel D. G. Hibbert, Sir Henry F. Peto, Basil Edward Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H. Higham, John Sharp Philipps, Captain Sir Owen (Chester) Cator, John Hinds, John Pollard, Sir George H. Cautley, Henry Strother Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Pollock, Ernest Murray Cave, Rt. Hon. Sir George Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield) Pratt, J. W. Cawley, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick Hope, Lt.-Col. J. A. (Mid.) Pretyman, Rt. Hon, Ernest George Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Aston Manor) Home, Edgar Priestley, Sir Arthur (Grantham) Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University) Illingworth, Rt. Hon. Albert H. Primrose, Rt. Hon. Neil James Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord Robert(Herts, Hitchin) Ingieby, Holcombe Prothero, Rt. Hon. Rowland Edmund Clay, Captain H. H. Spender Jackson, Lt.-Col. Hon. F. S. (York) Pryce-Jones, Colonel E. Clive, Captain Percy Archer Jackson, Sir John (Devonport) Quilter, Sir Cuthbert Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham Jacobsen, Thomas Owen Radford, Sir, George Heynes Coates, Sir Stuart A. (Wimbledon) Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, East) Raphael, Sir Herbert Henry Cochrane, Cecil Algernon Jessel, Col. Sir Herbert M. Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Collins, Sir Stephen (Lambeth) Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Rawson, Colonel Richard H. Collins, Sir W. (Derby) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Rees, G. C. (Carnarvonshire, Arfon) Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. Jones, J. Towyn (Carmarthen, East) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, E.) Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Jones, W. Kennedy (Hornsey) Reid, Rt. Hon. Sir George H. Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. Jones, William S. Glyn- (Stepney) Remnant, Sir James Farquharson Courthope, George Loyd Joynson-Hicks, William Roberts, George H. (Norwich) Cowan, Sir W. H. Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs) Craig, Col. James (Down, E.) Keswick, Henry Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Robinson, Sidney Craik, Sir Henry Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke) Croft, Brigadier-General Henry Page Lane-Fox, Major G. R. Rothschild, Lionel de Currie, George W. Larmer, Sir J. Royds, Edmund Dalrymple, Hon. H. H. Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Beetle) Russell, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas W. Dalziel, Davison (Brixton) Layland-Barratt, Sir F. Rutherford, Sir J. (Lanes., Darwen) Dalziel, Rt. Hon. Sir J. H. (Kirkcaldy) Lee, Sir Arthur Hamilton Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby) Davies, David (Montgomery Co.) Levy, Sir Maurice Salter, Arthur Clavell Davies, Ellis William (Eiflon) Lewis, Rt. Hon. John Herbert Samuels, Arthur W. Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) Lewisham, Viscount Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir Harry (Norwood) Denison-Pender, J. C. Lloyd, George Butler (Shrewsbury) Samuel, Samuel (Wandsworth) Denman, Hon. Richard Douglas Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury) Sanders, Col. Robert Arthur Denniss, E. R. B. Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee Sassoon, Sir Philip Dixon, Charles Harvey Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston) Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Dougherty, Rt. Hon. Sir J. B. Loyd, Archie Kirkman Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) Duncannon, Viscount MacCaw, William J. MacGeagh Sharman Crawford, Colonel R. G. Sherwell, Arthur James Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Down, North) Williams, Col. Sir Robert (Dorset, W.) Shortt, Edward Thynne, Lord Alexander Williams, T. J. (Swansea) Smith, Rt. Hon. Sir F. E. (Walton) Tickler, I. G. Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud Smith, Sir Swire (Keighley, Yorks) Touche, Sir George Alexander Wills, Sir Gilbert Spear, Sir John Ward Thomas, Sir A. G. (Monmouth, S.) Wilson, Captain Leslie O. (Reading) Stanier, Capt. Sir Beville Walker, Colonel William Hall Wilson, Lt.-Cl. Sir M. (Beth'l Green, S. W.) Stanley, Rt. Hon. Sir A. H. (Asht'n-u-Lyne) Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford) Wilson-Fox, Henry Stanley, Lord (Abercromby) Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton) Winfrey, Sir Richard Starkey, John Ralph Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid) Wolmer, Viscount Staveley-Hill, Henry Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay T. Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon) Steel-Maitland, Sir A. D. Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan) Wood, John (Stalybridge) Stewart, Gershom Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) Wood, S. Hill- (High Peak) Stirling, Lieut.-Col. Archibald Watson, Hon. W. (Lanark, S.) Werthington Evans, Major Sir L. Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, North) Watson, John B. (Stockton) Wright, Henry Fitzherbert Strauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West) Watt Henry A. Yate, Colonel Charles Edward Swift, Rigby Weigall, Lt.-Col. Wm. E. G. A. Younger, Sir George Sykes, Col. Sir A. J. (Ches., Kn'ford) Weston, Colonel J. W. Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.) Wheler, Major Granville C. H. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Lord Terrell, Henry (Gloucester) Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. E. Talbot and Capt. F. Guest Thomas-Stanford, Charles
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis Dyke Hemmerde, Edward George Rattan, Peter Wilson Adamson, William Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles E. H. Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) Anderson, W. C. Hogge, James Myles Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) Arnold, Sydney Holmes, Daniel Turner Roberts, Charles (Lincoln) Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.) Holt, Richard Durning Robertson, Rt. Hon. J. M. (Tyneside) Baring, Sir Godfrey (Barnstaple) Howard, Hon. Geoffrey Rowlands, James Barlow, Sir John Emmott (Somerset) Hudson, Walter Rowntree, Arnold Bentham, George Jackson Hughes, Spencer Leigh Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter (Dewsbury) Billing, Noel Pemberton Hunt, Major Rowland Runciman, Sir Walter (Hartlepool) Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine Jardine, Sir J. (Roxburgh) Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) Black, Sir Arthur W. John, Edward Thomas Seely, Lt.-Col. Sir C. H. (Mansfield) Bliss, Joseph Jones, Rt. Hon. Leif (Notts, Rushcliffe) Shaw, Hon. A. Brunner, John F. L. Jowett, Frederick William Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Allsebrock Buxton, Noel Joyce, Michael Smith, H. B. Lees (Northampton) Byles, Sir William Pollard Kiley, James Daniel Snowden, Philip Byrne, Alfred King, Joseph Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. Henry (Derby) Chancellor, Henry George Lamb, Sir Ernest Henry Thorne, William (West Ham) Clough, William Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) Tootill, Robert Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock) Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas Toulmin, Sir George Crumley, Patrick Lynch, Arthur Alfred Trevelyan, Charles Philips Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth) Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester) Walton, Sir Joseph Dickinson, Rt. Hon. Willoughby H. McGhee, Richard White, J. Dundas (Glasgow, Tradeston) Doris William McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald Wiles, Rt. Hon. Thomas Edge Captain William Mallalieu, Frederick William Wilkie, Alexander Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson Martin, Joseph Williams, Aneurin (Durham, N. W.) France, Gerald Ashburner Mason, David H. (Coventry) Williams, John (Glamorgan) Gelder, Sir William Alfred Molteno, Percy Alpert Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) Gilbert J D. Morison, Hector Wing, Thomas Edward Glanville, Harold James Morrell, Philip Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glasgow) Goddard, Rt. Hon. Sir Daniel Ford O'Grady, James Yeo, Alfred W. Goldstone, Frank Outhwaite. R. L. Young, William (Perthshire, East) Gulland. Rt. Hon. John William Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. Yoxall, Sir James Henry Harris, Percy A. (Leicester, S.) Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) Harvey T. E. (Leeds West) Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Helme, Sir Norval Watson Pringle, William M. R. Wardle and Mr. Bowerman
I should like to remind the Committee, if I may, of what took place on Thursday night. We were, as we hoped, approaching a decision upon this particular Amendment, and the Eleven o'Clock Rule has been suspended, when it was suggested by the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) that an Irish subject of first importance required the immediate consideration of the House. On that I said that I would consent to report Progress if the general view was that we should reach a decision on the whole Clause by dinner time, eight o'clock, on Monday night. I do not want to put too high what was said, but my impression was,, and the OFFICIAL REPORT certainly bears it out, that there was an understanding that we should get the Clause before dinner time. If that is the sense of the Committee we should be very grateful to them, as we have a great number of important Amendments to get on with.
With regard to the next Amendment, in the name of the hon. Member for Blackburn (Mr. Snowden), that is in the main covered, I think, by the discussion we had proposing to leave out "an ordinary day's work," and to consider inserting "forty-eight hours." We had a discussion on overtime there. It is not exactly the same thing, and I do not know whether the hon. Member wishes to move it here.
Yes, I do. I beg to move, in Sub-section (6), to leave out the words "a week" ["twenty-five shillings a week"], and to insert instead thereof the words,
"per week, and the normal week's work for such normal wage shall be six days only, Sunday labour being extra, and not exceeding forty-eight hours between the first day of November to the last day of February and fifty-four hours between the first day of March and the last day of October, overtime being extra, and shall secure that all persons so employed shall be entitled to a week's notice and to be paid in all cases a full week's wages without deduction in respect of weather or otherwise."
8.0 P.M.
In response to the appeal that was made by the Attorney-General, I can say that I shall not be responsible for occupying the time of the Committee. The Amendment I propose deals with the questions of hours and conditions of work. Hitherto the attention of the Committee has been confined mainly to the question of wages. The whole of the conditions of labour are hot to be described in wages. Hours of labour are almost as important as the amount of wages the man receives, and the 25s. a week minimum wage to which the House has just agreed might be in a sense very considerably reduced in value by an addition to the working day. So far as I can see, this question of protecting the hours of labour of the agricultural worker is not provided for in any part of the Bill. I have been through it with care, and in Clause 5 the powers of the Wages Board are defined, and the extent to which the Board of Agriculture are to make conditions are laid down. I find nothing at all there about the hours of labour. This Amendment of mine proposes to instruct Wages Boards to do what is the generally recognised trade union practice in the country—to fix a maximum of working hours for a normal week, and then to regard all that a man has worked above that normal number as overtime. I have heard in the course of the Debate the objection brought forward that it is impossible to regulate the hours of the agricultural workers. That is no argument against the acceptance of the proposal I now make, because my Amendment does not say that the hours should be limited to forty-eight in the winter and fifty-four in the summer. All it proposes is that these figures should be regarded as being a normal or ordinary working week, and that any hours worked in addition to those should be regarded as overtime and should be paid for accordingly. The rates that I propose should be paid for overtime are not specified in the Amendment. That will be left to the Wages Boards to determine. The Amendment is fairly clear itself, and with those observations I submit it to the consideration of the Government.
This is a question which I think could be best left to the Wages Board, and we will put in specific words calling their attention to overtime which I hope will meet the approval of the hon. Member. I do not think we can accept the absolute limitation which the hon. Member proposes as to one and a quarter. I do not think that that would be applicable to agriculture, but I hope the hon. Member will be satisfied if we put in definite words calling attention to overtime. In doing that we shall be doing the best for the agricultural labourer.
Amendment negatived.
There is one other Amendment which I will take before the Government Amendment—the one dealing with the question of boys.
I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (6), to add the words "for men over nineteen years and under sixty-five years of age, and for boys the following rates: 'Under fifteen years of age, 9s., over fifteen and under sixteen years of age, 11s., over sixteen and under 17 years of age, 15s.; over seventeen and under eighteen years of age, 19s.; and over eighteen and under nineteen years of age, 23s.' "
This Amendment is down in another form in the names of two other hon. Members, the hon. Member for the Exchange Division of Liverpool and another hon. Member. I wish to put this Amendment forward very briefly, merely, as far as I am concerned, to ascertain from the President of the Board of Agriculture how he really proposes to deal with this question of the wages for boys who cannot be regarded as able-bodied workmen or fully qualified agricultural labourers. I have had letters from farmers on the subject and a word or two is worth quoting from one. In a general comment on the Bill he says:
The Wages Boards are intended specifically to deal with these cases of wages for workmen other than able-bodied, and to fix scales of wages which shall be appropriate according to the different localities, circumstances and conditions. I am sorry I could not accept this Amendment as it stands; it is contrary to the principles upon which the Committee have always made these restrictions upon the Wages Boards. They have always gone for freedom of action, and I think it is very undesirable that we should pass this Amendment.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, at the end of Section (6), to add the words "but under no circumstances shall an allowance of beer be regarded as part-payment of wages in lieu of a payment in cash."
It is the custom in many parts of the country that, to the wages, there shall be added a certain amount of beer, while in certain other parts of the country, like the West of England, cider is given in place of beer. I think it is most important some words should be inserted in the Bill in order to secure that under no circum- stances shall the Wages Board be induced to regard an allowance of beer as a payment of wages in lieu of a payment in cash.
I want to ask the hon. Gentleman who has moved this Amendment whether he will agree to insert after the word "beer" the word "cider." In support of that, without making any argument myself, I will simply read an extract from a letter I received on Saturday. It reads:
"In South Devon, generally, the men receive as, inordinate daily allowance of cider. They have been so educated to have it that they would hardly care to do without it. In estimating the value of perquisites the employers reckon the value of this, but this should not be allowed, as it is training the men to drink far too heavily and leaves their families with far too little to maintain them in efficiency and decency. If men. are allowed to have perquisites of milk, potato ground and cottage, alcoholic drink should not be permissible to be reckoned for as of monetary value. Please excuse the liberty I am taking, but I thought you would like to know what practical men think of the proposal. I had the honour of winning a first prize given by the Royal Agricultural Society of £50 for the best managed farm of under 100 acres. I only mention this to show I am fully acquainted with farming matters."
I hope the Government at this stage or later, when perhaps I may discuss it more, will be inclined favourably towards this Amendment. I believe it is entirely contrary to the Truck Act that a money value should be put on an allowance of alcoholic drink. I have heard farmers in-public meetings argue that the cider they gave was equivalent to 4s. weekly, but when one has asked what they gave the labourers who happened to be abstainers, they have said 2s. or 2s. 6d. a quarter, or something of that kind. If the cider is calculated, I hope it will be calculated on what they give the non-drinker rather than on what they claim the allowance to be worth to the drinker.
The allowance is plainly illegal, and it is known to be so, and while we should gladly, if we had this in the Clause at all, include cider, I should like again to consult with the Law Officers as to whether the words are necessary, because it is illegal for the Wage Board to give any value to an illegal payment of that sort. If that be so, then the Amendment is unnecessary.
My right hon. Friend will probably see that some words are necessary, because, although according to the Truck Act, it is illegal to reckon this as part of the payment, nevertheless there are the payments to which my right hon. Friend referred of equivalent allowances to workmen who do not care to have cider or beer. Where that is the case the Board will almost inevitably take that allowance into account, because the men who do not take the beer are receiving a larger money allowance. Therefore I urge upon the President that he should see whether or not these words are necessary.
I will carefully consider that.
Amendment negatived.
Amendment made: At the end of Subsection (6), add as a new Sub-section,
"(7) In this part of this Act the expression 'able-bodied man' means any male workman who is not incapable by reason of age or mental or other infirmity or physical injury of performing the work of a normally efficient workman.—[ Mr. Prothero. ]
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."
I have not the smallest intention of standing in the way of hon. Members arriving at a decision. My opposition to this part of the Bill is just as strong as it ever was, perhaps it is even stronger from the arguments and debates that have taken place. Wholeheartedly as I support the object of the Government in this Bill, I feel very strongly that the provisions of Part II. will rather hinder then help them to achieve that great object. I do not suppose for a moment, however, there is any chance of a modification of this Bill at the present time, but a hope still lingers with me that before the Bill leaves this House some modification may be made in this Part, which would, in my opinion, make it more efficient for its purpose and do much less mischief than I very much fear it will do as it is at present. I wish to make that humble protest on this point.
As I indicated when I handed in a manuscript Amendment before we proceeded to the consideration of this Clause, I desire to put to the President of the Board of Agriculture for his very careful consideration, between now and Report, whether the scheme under this Clause 5 of setting up a Wages Board is really the one that will best effect his purpose, and which will give the greatest amount of confidence both to the labouring classes in agriculture and to the farmers. The Amendment, which I feel the President has now had sufficient opportunity to consider, would substitute for the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries in the first line the county council for each county. I should like to see the county council of each county the moving body to set up the district wages committee. Let the district wages committee, when they have been formed, nominate representatives, one probably from each district wages committee, which representatives would themselves constitute the central wages board. The great argument, as I understand from the President of the Board of Agriculture, for the method proposed by the Bill, is that agricultural labourers as a whole throughout the country are not sufficiently organised themselves to elect representatives upon the district wages committees or boards, and that therefore it is necessary to take these powers to enable the Board of Agriculture to nominate a very large part of the Wages Board, and according to the wording of the Schedule they can nominate the whole of the Wages Board. The effect of that I fear will be that, however estimable the people may be who are nominated and however much time and consideration may be given to the selection of the persons whom the Board think will represent agricultural labour, once nominated they will have the inherent vice of their authorship and will become small bureaucrats spread all over the country and exercising authority delegated to them by the Board of Agriculture.
In the alternative which I suggest, and which I commend to the right hon. Gentleman, we should be using the nearest thing in the way of elected bodies which exist in the country to directly elected representatives of agriculture upon these Wages Boards. The county councils have now agricultural committees which deal with allotments and all that kind of work. They are closely in touch, therefore, with agricultural labour in their county. I believe that they would make a far better selection of the persons to represent labour on the district Wages Boards, and I think, further, that those Wages Boards should settle the rate of wages for the district, subject only to the overriding authority of the Central Wages Board, which would have to consider all the recommendations which came from the different counties and see that they harmonised with one another, and that there was no violent difference of wages just on one side of the road or the other. That would be met by leaving the word "fix" in the sentence. "The Agricultural Wages Board shall fix minimum rates." Where it appears in Sub-section (2) I suggest it should be, "The County Wages Committee subject to the overriding authority of the Agricultural Wages Board shall settle," not "fix" the minimum rate, and then later on those rates are fixed on being referred to the Central Wages Board. I think it is obvious that my proposal is very much more democratic than that in the Bill, and I believe it would be far more likely to command the confidence of all sections of the agricultural community. It would certainly have the great advantage of relieving the Board of Agriculture of a rather invidious duty, because, however well the Wages Board and the Wages Committee may do their work, you may be quite certain everybody will not be satisfied, and people will naturally look to the fact that the Board of Agriculture nominated the appointing authority and proceeded to appoint the central body which is to appoint the district committees. I think a local authority such as the county council should be entrusted with the duty of appointing the district committee and allow the district committees to select their own chairmen, and to nominate one representative of the county to sit upon the Central Wages Board. I think that is a much better scheme, and, unless the right hon. Gentleman agrees with me and decides to make the small alteration necessary in the Clause on the Report stage, I intend to put down the Amendments I handed in at the commencement of the consideration of this Clause. I have ascertained the views of various people who know much more about these matters than I do, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that the proposal I have put before him will have a very large measure of support.
This is the Clause which establishes Wages Boards. So far as Scotland is concerned there is no demand from any quarter whatever for Wages Boards. We have a system in Scotland by which farmers and labourers appoint a joint committee, and that joint committee has been very successful in satisfying both farmers and labourers in regard to the question of wages. Certainly, so far as comparison with England is concerned, the Scottish labourer has no reason to be dissatisfied with the results as to wages that have been attained through those joint committees. We have had several endorsements of the principle of a joint committee from various public bodies. The Agricultural Council, which co-ordinated the activities of the agricultural societies of Scotland, has endorsed the principle of these joint committees. A Departmental Committee appointed to go into the question of improving food production in Scotland made two Reports, and in both endorsed the principle of agricultural joint committees. What both farmers and labourers feel in Scotland now is that you are going to come in with these Wages Boards and interfere between farmers and labourers, and bring in appointed persons about whom they do not know anything and in whom they will not have confidence. They much prefer to have their own representatives to champion their interests, and they feel quite confident that in that way they would be able to get whatever was reasonable for them on either side. The Farmers' Union of Scotland have expressed their satisfaction at being able to arrange matters perfectly well with the representatives of the labourers. If anything were done at all, and there is no occasion or particular reason or necessity for it, it would be to have some body appointed to which, in the event of a dispute which could not be settled, an appeal might be made. That is all that is needed in Scotland. We do not want anything more. The proposal to appoint nominated persons to these boards is regarded with misgiving both by farmers and labourers. So far as Scotland is concerned there is really no demand for this provision.
I had not the opportunity of speaking in the earlier Debate, having been engaged at the Arbitration Board. I voted with the Government in the recent Division, but I should like to express my regret that the amount of 25s. is actually incorporated in this Clause. In 1912 I was the independent Chairman of a Coal Mines Minimum Wage Board of one of the twenty-two divisions into which this country was divided for the purposes of that Act. In that Act there was no minimum wage stated, and I think it was a fortunate thing it was not. Many of those boards entered on their discussions on the assumption that a bedrock minimum wage would be decided upon, but as a matter of fact many of the boards decided upon a fluctuating minimum and not a fixed minimum. Since that original decision on the part of several of the boards many others by agreement, and not by the decision of the independent chairman, have agreed to substitute a fluctuating minimum for a fixed minimum. It is quite possible that it may be so in the case of the agricultural labourer, and I am sorry, therefore, that this figure was included in the Bill. I have had occasion for the purposes of the Arbitration Board to scrutinise very closely the cost of living, both in regard to food prices and the total cost of living and the monthly figures prepared for the Board of Trade. Certainly the figure that was right in February cannot, according to the Board of Trade statistics, be right in July. My re-collection is something like 70 or 80 per cent. represented the increase in the cost of food which has continued and is now 104 per cent. If you have regard to economy and substitutions, the total cost of living and the cost of food have gone up from something like 50 to 65 per cent. For these two reasons I wish to express my regret that that figure was incorporated in the Clause, although in view of the earnest appeal made by the Government I did not feel disposed to vote against them.
In the Clause we are now passing we have the terms "workmen" and "able-bodied man." "Workman" is defined or described in Clause (2) and "able-bodied man" is now dealt with as to his being "able bodied" by the addition just made to this Clause. May I ask the right hon. Gentleman what is the precise age at which an able-bodied male workman would be an able-bodied "man," and so entitled, at least, to 25s.? I see one of the Amendments on the Paper— not a Government Amendment—speaks of "men over nineteen years." Is twenty years, or twenty-one, or is any, and what, precise age fixed at which the minimum wage will be reached as a matter of right by lads growing up in agricultural employ? It may save difficult questions before the Committee if the board can give some guidance on that point.
In answer to that question I have only to say that that question of age is left to the Wages Boards. We give them no guidance in the matter. Whether it is nineteen or twenty it is left to their discretion.
Is there a time at which a small, insignificant looking person would be entitled to be considered a man?
Earlier in the day I complained in regard to the minimum figure being 25s., when I thought it should have been higher. At the same time I am glad there is a minimum fixed, and the Bill is different to the Coal Mines Bill referred to, and works out differently. The fixing of the minimum of 25s. is an improvement on the other Bill. I support this Clause now, although I should have preferred to have had a higher minimum.
Question, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 6.—(Rents Not to be Raised as a Consequence of Minimum Prices)
(1) Where notice is given by the landlord of an agricultural holding to which this Section applies to an existing tenant on a yearly tenancy to quit his holding and the tenant within thirty days after receipt of the notice to quit gives notice to the landlord requiring the question, whether the notice to quit has been given with the object of obtaining an increase of rent or other advantage which could not reasonably have been obtained if Part I. of this Act had not been in force, to be referred to the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, the notice to quit shall not take effect until that question has been determined by the Board: and if the Board consider that the notice has been given with that object the Board may order that the notice shall not be valid or of any effect or shall be valid and take effect only subject to conditions contained in the Order; and the Order of the Board shall have effect accordingly.
This provision shall apply to notices to quit given before the commencement of this Act and since the twenty-third day of February, nineteen hundred and seventeen, with the substitution of thirty days after the commencement of this Act for thirty days after receipt of the notice to quit.
(2) This Section shall apply only where the amount of arable land on the holding exceeds one-tenth of the area of the holding and is at least five acres in extent.
(3) In this Section—
the expression "landlord" means the person for the time being entitled to receive the rents and profits of any land;
the expression "agricultural holding" means any parcel of land held by a tenant which is agricultural in its character, but does not include land let to a tenant during his continuance in any office, appointment, or employment held under the landlord;
the expression "existing tenancy" means a tenancy in force at the date of the commencement of this Act; and the expression "existing tenant" means a tenant under such an existing tenancy.
I beg to move to postpone the Clause. The object of the new Clause is exactly the same as the old —that is by means of the enactment to prevent anyone receiving the benefit of the guaranteed price by diverting it from the tenants to the owner. Misconception has arisen over the Clause as it was originally put forward. It is to remove this misconception and to carry out the object of the Clause that we have put forward this alternative Clause. I hope the Committee will agree to postpone Clause 6, because I believe this new Clause—indeed I am sure—has been drafted in as clear language as the lawyers are capable of.
I do not know whether I might make the suggestion, and, of course, the Committee can decide whether or not they will adopt it; but would it not be as well to negative this Clause instead of postponing it? That would prevent the reprinting of all the Amendments. The course I suggest will, I think, save confusion in the minds of hon. Members, and will certainly be helpful to the officials and the printers. However, it is a matter for the Committee.
I should like to put before the Committee—
On a point of Order. How are we to proceed with this new Clause on the White Paper—there are no numbering of the lines? How can Amendments be put down? It appears to be a very difficult thing to do as the Clause now stands.
The new Clause can have its lines numbered. I will direct that to be done.
I offer no opposition at all to the suggestion that the consideration of the Clause should be now postponed. I think it is a very good plan. There is a good deal in the new Clause that I think—although, no doubt, it has been drafted by skilful lawyers, as told us by my my hon. Friend—will have to be looked at very carefully, and so that I may not in any way take my right hon. Friend by surprise when the consideration of the new Clause comes up, I should just like to call attention to one which seems to me to have been a very substantial alteration. It is a substitution or alteration in the Clause. The Clause as drafted says that the rents shall not be raised on account of any benefit the farmer shall get under Part I. of the Bill. Part I. is expressly mentioned, and that, I think, is intelligible and right. The new Clause as drafted is without mention of Part I. of the Bill and says that the rents may not be raised on account of the passing of the Bill as a whole. I do not want the right hon. Gentleman to find his copy of the Clause which, apparently he has not got by him, but I think he will realise that the point I am making is a very important one. I shall be glad if he will consider it before the Clause comes on. It is quite fair to say that Parliament does not intend that the benefit of these guarantees shall go into the pockets of the landlords. That was the object and wording of the Clause as originally proposed. It is quite a different thing to say Parliament does not intend anything done under this Bill by landlords and tenants jointly, very often at the expense of the landlord, to cause any return to the landlord. For instance, it is quite on the cards that under this Bill part of a farm will be ploughed up which, if the Bill had not been passed, would not have been ploughed up. That is the whole case for the Bill. Yet in the Clause as now drafted, even though the landlord in order to facilitate that ploughing up has built cottages, farm buildings, and—
:I am afraid that on the Motion for the postponement of this Clause it is not possible to go into the merits of the case. The right hon. Gentleman must confine himself to reasons for or against postponing it.
I am finished, and I will pass on. Although these things have been done at the expense of the landlord he will not—as I understand it—be able to increase his rent under the Clause, which is put forward in substitution of the Clause as originally drafted. I may be wrong, and, if so, I am sorry to have raised the point. But, at any rate, I think the suggestion of postponing the Clause is a very good one, and I hope we shall adopt it and pass on to the next Clause.
Question, "That the consideration of Clause 6 be postponed," put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 7.—(Power to Enforce Proper Cultivation.)
(1) The Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, if in any case they are of opinion that any land is not being cultivated in such manner as the Board think best in the interests of the country, may serve a notice on the occupier of the land requiring him to cultivate the land in accordance with directions given by the Board.
(2) If, in the opinion of the Board, the occupier fails to cultivate the land in accordance with directions so given, the Board may, if the land is in the occupation of a tenant, make such order as seems to them required in the circumstances, either authorising the landlord to determine the tenancy as required by the Board, or determining the tenancy by virtue of the order, or directing that the tenancy should be continued but that any covenant or condition of the contract of tenancy which in their opinion interferes with the cultivation of the land in accordance with their directions should be suspended, and, if at any time the land is not in the occupation of a tenant, may if they think fit enter on and take possession of the land for such time and do all such things as appear to them necessary or desirable for the cultivation of the land, or for adapting the land for cultivation.
Any such order of the Board may contain such provisions as the Board think fit for adjusting the relations of landlord and tenant where the tenancy is determined, and, where any covenant or condition of a contract of tenancy is suspended, for securing to the landlord such payments or other benefits, if any, as they think just, on account of any profit or "benefit derived or expected to be derived by the tenant by reason of the suspension of the covenant or condition; and any such provision of the order shall have effect as. if it was contained in the contract of tenancy.
(3) Any directions given by the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries for the purposes of this Section, either with respect to the cultivation of land or with respect to the suspension of any covenant or condition shall be a sufficient defence to any action or other proceeding in respect of any breach of, or non-compliance with the covenant or condition so far as the breach or non-compliance is certified by the Board to be necessary or reasonable in order to comply with the directions so given, and no penalty by way of increase of rent or otherwise shall be incurred by the tenant under any contract of tenancy in respect of anything which the Board certify was reasonable to do in order to carry out any such directions.
(4) When the Board at any time withdraw from possession of any land of which they have taken possession under this Section, ( a ) they may recover from the person then entitled to resume occupation of the land such amount as represents the value to him of all acts of cultivation or adaptation for cultivation executed by the Board; and ( b ) the person then entitled to resume occupation of the land shall be entitled to be paid by the Board such amounts as represent any direct and substantial loss incurred or damage sustained by reason of the action of the Board in taking possession of his land; that amount to be determined in each case in default of agreement by a single arbitrator under and in accordance with the provisions of the Second Schedule to the Agricultural Holdings Act, 1908: Provided that, for the purpose of any arbitration under this provision, the arbitrator shall be nominated, in default of agreement, by the President of the Surveyors' Institution.
(5) The Board may, with respect to any land, or land in any district, authorise any person or body of persons, to exercise on behalf of the Board any of the powers of the Board under this Section, and may if they think fit constitute a body for the purpose and prescribe the procedure of, and the authentication of any notice or other instrument issued by, any such body.
Would it not be better to postpone this Clause, because of the difficulty of dealing with the alterations, which were only put into our hands this morning?
The Amendments have been on the Blue Paper, at any rate, since the 19th of July, so that the Committee have had ample time to consider them. I do not think the fact that the Government have put them on the White Paper ought to be a ground for postponing them.
The Amendments standing in the name of the hon. and gallant Member for Horncastle (Colonel Weigall) should be a new Clause. That in the name of the hon. Member for Devizes (Mr. Peto) will also be a new Clause.
Will you notice the Amendment I have, to leave out the words "they are of opinion that"?
That relates, as I understand, to another Clause.
It is a question as to whether the Board of Agriculture should have the final power of deciding questions of this nature, if they are of opinion that certain things are so-and-so, instead of being decided in the ordinary way, like any other question, by some other tribunal.
Quite so, but I think it should come as a new Clause, and the hon. Member will no doubt put it down in that form.
I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (1), to insert the words "and where compliance with any such directions, in the case of land in the occupation of a tenant, involves any breach of or non-compliance with any covenant or condition of the contract of tenancy the Board may in the same or any subsequent notice so served direct that any such covenant or condition, so far as it interferes with compliance with such directions, shall be suspended, and may provide for securing to the landlord such payments or other benefits (if any) as the Board think just on account of any profit or benefit derived or expected to be derived by the tenant by reason of the suspension of the covenant or condition, and any such provision of the notice shall have effect as if it was contained in the contract of tenanacy."
This is merely a redrafting Amendment, and is really in effect accepting an Amendment moved by the hon. Member for the Berwick Division (Sir F. Blake).
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, after the words last inserted, to add the words,
"(2) As soon as practicable after the service of any such notice on a tenant a copy of the notice shall be served on the landlord."
These words meet the point raised in Subsection (3) by the hon. and gallant Member for Horncastle (Colonel Weigall).
Amendment agreed to.
I am not quite certain whether the Amendment of the hon. Member for Dumfriesshire (Mr. Molteno), and its consequential Amendments on the Paper, are within the scope of the Bill, but I will hear the hon. Member's remarks on the point.
I beg to move, after the words last inserted, to add the words "but the occupier, if he is dissatisfied with the notice so served, may appeal to the Agricultural Rents Board, and after hearing the parties the Agricultural Rents Board may rescind, alter, or vary the notice."
My object here is to provide that some buffer may be secured between the Department and the individual concerned. Generally where the State makes a demand on any individual an impartial person is called in to arbitrate in case of dispute. Here very serious and arbitrary powers have been given to the Board of Agriculture as to land not being cultivated in such mariner as the Board think best. It may be cultivated reasonably or in accordance with the methods of good culture, and it may be profitable for the occupier, but the Board may come in and say that they do not approve of what is being done, and serve a notice. That is a very strong power to give to the Board, and I suggest that in all questions of this kind there should be an authority to whom an appeal may be made. I had Amendments to Clause 6 which would have brought out the nature of the Agricultural Rents Board, but the effect of my right hon. Friend's Motion has been to cut those Amendments out. I do not know whether it is necessary for me to explain here in any detail what is meant by the Agricultural Rents Board, but I may shortly say it is a body to be formed of landowners and tenants, with possibly persons nominated by the Board of Agriculture, and is a body to whom appeals might be made in cases of this kind where the rights of tenant, landlord, and the State are involved. The State having taken these great powers, it would almost seem to require a body to act between the State and the individual, whether the individual is the actual tenant or the owner of the land, and to whom any party may appeal if dissatisfied with the orders of the Board. It is perfectly clear that the conditions under which any tenant might hold land might be such as to preclude him from carrying out the instructions of the Board or his own personal circumstances might be such that it might be very difficult for him to farm in a manner otherwise than he is now farming, and the Board of Agriculture ought not to be in itself both judge and jury in their own case.
In two Amendments we have already accepted words—
I am going to put that right.
I do not know whether that has been met. I do not see anything whatever in the Bill which meets my point. It may be met in the new Clause, which, of course, we cannot discuss at present, and, therefore, I am obliged to go on the assumption that no such provision has been made, and it seems to me that, in accordance with the principles we have acted upon in all matters, the administration should not have the judicial power as well. It will be well within the knowledge of the President of the Board of Agriculture that all the various agricultural societies are making a demand that some tribunal should be constituted to which both tenant and landlord would be able to appeal in case of need.
The Central Chamber of Agriculture in England, the Chamber of Agriculture for Scotland, and the Farmers' Union for Scotland have made a similar demand, and it seems imperative that you should have some authority trusted by those bodies to adjust matters of this kind. If the State interferes between the farmer and his labourers in order to secure better conditions for the labourers some guarantee should be given to the farmer to secure such terms between the landowner and the farmer as will be equitable in the circumstances. The right and the desirability of constituting some such board to deal with questions of this kind seems established. I think I have said enough to indicate the sort of authority which I propose to establish under this Amendment.
I think it is a point of some substance that in certain cases there should be a right of appeal and a body to whom you can appeal. The main point is raised in the long Amendment by the hon. and gallant Member for Horn-castle (Colonel Weigall), and when that is moved we shall be prepared to meet the point to a certain extent. I do not, however, think it would be possible to have a right at any stage of the proceedings to appeal to a referee, because that would impose obstacles of delay at every stage, but wherever any authority has been delegated there should be an appeal to the Board itself from the action or orders given by that delegated authority. To that extent we should be disposed to meet the principle of the hon. Member's proposal, but as it stands I cannot accept it.
I think I should advise my hon. Friend to accept the right hon. Gentleman's suggestion. This is a difficult point which needs very careful consideration, but I think we shall be in a better position to consider it when the right hon. Gentleman has told us what sort of body he intends to administer this Clause. If he is going in some way to perpetuate the present Committees and make them permanent bodies after the War, a very large number of farmers would be quite prepared to rely on the fairness of those bodies instead of having at all the different stages of their action a series of arbitrations which always involve the payment of valuers on one side and the other, and a great deal of unnecessary legal expenses. I think that point needs reconsidering by itself after we have got further on with the Bill, and if the right hon. Gentleman will bring forward, as I think he intends to do, a considered scheme of appeals then he can tell us more about the means by which this part of the Act is to be administered and we should be in a better position for dealing with the matter in a practical way.
That is my intention.
I understand the right hon. Gentleman is going to propose a new Clause. My suggestion would mean one authority. There are at present three different authorities who would have to handle questions of this kind, and that involves a large amount of machinery, and so many different authorities that it would be highly inconvenient. Those various authorities would constitute no continuity of practice. We want a body whose records will be available which will sit in public and decide questions arising under the Act, and then we shall have a body for deciding cases, and we should get a body which would establish the law in any particular case. That is preferable to having a referee in each separate case, which means that you get no continuity of authority or record or decision in regard to the various points that must come up. If the right hon. Gentleman is going to propose a new Clause for that purpose, I would urge that we should have one authority which would be in the position of giving continuity to the board, and to the principle on which these matters might be decided.
Under this Clause I think there will really be three questions that will arise; One is whether the holding is being properly cultivated, then there is the question of payments arising out of the suspension of certain conditions of the lease. I agree that it is most undesirable that the Board of Agriculture should be in any way the final judges, and I would urge that one authority might be set up to expeditiously decide these questions. We want them decided by a competent and experienced outside party without any interest in the matter one way or the other, except the interest of the country and the best productivity of the land.
Will the President of the Board of Agriculture now state the machinery that he proposes to set up? As the Bill is drawn it suggests—and I think quite rightly—that in default of agreement it shall be settled by a single arbitrator under and in accordance with the provisions of the Second Schedule to the Agricultural Holdings Act, 1908, and the arbitrator, in default of agreement between the parties, is to be nominated by the Board. That seems a very simple way of settling any question. It has worked exceedingly well throughout the country, and, personally, I think it should stand; but if the right hon. Gentleman proposes—as I think he does— that the arbitrator shall be appointed by the President of the Surveyors' Institute, then I have an Amendment at a later stage suggesting that the President of the Auctioneers and Estate Agents' Institute should be added.
The hon. Member is anticipating a question which will arise on Sub-section (4).
I do not—
We cannot have a debate upon it. We must wait until we get there.
On a point of Order. Hon. Members opposite have been discussing this question—
The hon. Member must resume his seat when the Deputy-Chairman is standing. I think the discussion which the hon. Gentleman is initiating would come more properly on Sub-section (4), on which I understand he has an Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
The next Amendment—[at the end of Sub-section (1) to insert the words, "and until the Board certifies that the land is being cultivated in accordance with the directions so given that land shall cease to be agricultural land for the purposes of the Agricultural Rates Act, 1896"]—standing in the name of the hon. Member for the Hexham Division (Mr. Holt) involves a charge, and is therefore beyond the scope of the Bill. That also applies to the succeeding Amendment—[at the end of Sub-section (l) to insert the words, "and if at any time after the thirty-first day of December, nineteen hundred and twenty-two, the value of the land shall be diminished by reason of any direction of the Board given under this Section for ploughing land which before the giving of such direction was permanent pasture and it would improve the value of the same or of the holding of which it formed part if it were again laid down to pasture, the Board shall pay such compensation for the loss sustained by the owner by reason of the directions of the Board"]—standing in the name of the hon. member for Warwick and Leamington (Mr. Pollock).
Amendments made: In Sub-section (2), after the word "tenancy" ["the landlord to determine the tenancy as required by the Board"], insert the words "of the holding."
Leave out the words "or directing that the tenancy should be continued, but that any covenant or condition of the contract of tenancy which in their opinion inter- feres with the cultivation of the land in accordance with their directions should be suspended."
After the word "land" ["take possession of the land for such time"], insert the words "or of the holding of which it forms part."
After the word "and" ["and do all such things as appear to them necessary or desirable"] insert the words "either themselves or by any person authorised by them."
Leave out the word "them" ["as appears to them necessary or desirable"] and insert instead thereof the words "the Board."
After the word "land" ["for the cultivation of the land"] insert the words "of which possession has been taken."
Leave out the word "the" ["or for adapting the land for cultivation"] and insert instead thereof the word "such."— [ Mr. Prothero. ]
9.0 P.M
I beg to move, in Sub-section (2), to leave out the words "and, where any covenant or condition of a contract of tenancy is suspended, for securing to the landlord such payments or other benefits, if any, as they think just, on account of any profit or benefit derived or expected to be derived by the tenant by reason of the suspension of the covenant or condition."
Perhaps it will be more convenient if I ask for an explanation on this Amendment, because it would save dealing with my next Amendment. Do I understand that the purpose of the right hon. Gentleman is to bring in the right to refer questions to arbitration? My Amendment which immediately follows is for the same purpose.
The Amendment which the hon. Member desires to move relates to compensation. There is a completely new Sub-section dealing with the question of compensation, and I think he will agree that it meets entirely all the points that he wishes to raise. I think when he reads it he will find it satisfactory. Let me read it:
"Any person who is interested in any land in respect of which any notice is served or order made under this Section or of which possession is taken under this Section and who suffers any direct and substantial loss by reason of the exercise by the Board of the powers conferred by this Section shall, if he makes a claim for the purpose within such time, not being less man one year, after the exercise of the powers as may be prescribed by the Board, be entitled to be paid by the Board such amounts as represent the loss."
Then there is arbitration under the Clauses of the Agricultural Holdings Act, 1908. I think that really meets what the hon. Member has in mind.
I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he considers that the words "any direct and substantial loss by reason of the exercise by the Board of the powers" fully includes the words which he proposes to delete, "on account of any profit or benefit derived or expected to be derived by the tenant by reason of the suspension of the covenant or condition." Is it sufficiently comprehensive?
I think the words "direct and substantial loss" were put in because they followed the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, after Sub-section (2), to insert the following new Sub-section:
"(3) Where the Board have entered on any land under this provision they may let the land, or any part thereof, for any term not exceeding seven years on such terms and conditions as the Board think fit, and at the best rent that, having regard to such terms and conditions, can reasonably be obtained:—
Provided that—
I desire to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question on this Amendment. When this Bill becomes an Act, it is only intended to last until 1922 —that is for six years—and at that time naturally its provisions will expire. This Amendment is putting in something which is quite fresh compared with the other purposes of the Bill. I must confess I have not had time to appreciate it fully. I understand that it applies only where the Board themselves have determined an existing tenancy, and that it does not arise on any suspension of any conditions which would naturally come to an end at the end of the six years?
It only applies where the owner himself is in occupation.
I want to get the matter quite clear. As I understand it, the Clause as proposed in the Bill enabled the Board to make an Order determining the tenancy of an existing tenant, thereby leaving the land free from any occupation except that of the owner. Is that case not covered by this Amendment? The right hon. Gentleman did not seem to think so, but it appears to me that it is.
I am not quite sure. Perhaps it is owing to my not being a lawyer that I do not quite appreciate the point.
The land is under tenancy, but the tenant will not cultivate it properly. That is no blame on the landlord. If the Board determine the tenancy, is it right that they then should have power to let the land to other people and not let the landlord either occupy it himself or let it to his own tenant? As I understand it, this Clause will cover not only the case where the landlord is in occupation and refuses to cultivate properly, and where the Board has determined the tenancy, but also the case where, if a tenant refuses to cultivate properly, the tenancy is determined. It seems rather a strong power to give the Board without giving the owner the power to cultivate properly or to get a tenant to do so.
I desire to support what my hon. Friend (Mr. Watson) has said. It is a tremendous power to give to the Board to say that because a landlord has a tenant who does not cultivate land properly he is to be deprived of any power of cultivating the land. It is not reasonable that the Board should be able to deprive the owner of his property because the tenant has refused to cultivate properly. That can hardly be intended, and certainly we ought to have some undertaking that it will be put right.
As I understand the Clause as reprinted in the White Paper— I have discussed it a good deal with those who are responsible for it—the position is this: the Committee will observe that this provision begins with the words—
"Where the Board have entered."
If we look back to the earlier part of the Clause to see what are the provisions which enable the Board to enter, we get the answer to our problem. The provision is in Sub-section (3) in the White Paper:
"If, in the opinion of the Board, the occupier fails to cultivate the land—" that is the occupier, whether owner or tenant—
"in accordance with directions so given, the Board may, if the land is in the occupation of a tenant, make such Order as seems to them required in the circumstances, either authorising the landlord to determine the tenancy of the holding, as required by the Board, or determining the tenancy by virtue of the Order."
They may allow the landlord to do it, or they may do it themselves, as the case may be. If the landlord is playing up, so to speak, in the national interest, he will be glad of the opportunity of being able to determine the tenancy. Members of the Committee will be very much alive to the fact that in existing circumstances it is often very difficult indeed for the landlord to determine a tenancy and get rid of a tenant who is cultivating the land badly. He often wants to, but cannot do it. This is an excellent provision which enables him to do it. The provision goes on to say—
"If at any time the land is not in the occupation of a tenant—"
"At any time" means where, because there never has been a tenant or because a landlord has determined a tenancy and has not got another tenant in his place and, ex hypothesi, is not cultivating the land well.
You do not say so.
I think that is implied. If any words to that effect are necessary, I am sure the Government will meet that criticism. The provision goes on—
"If at any time the land is not in the occupation of a tenant, may, if they think fit, enter on and take possession of the land."
We must get the circumstances in which the powers in Sub-section (4) are to be exercised. In quite simple English, they are these: If you cannot get the land cultivated properly either by the owner or the tenant appointed by him, then the Board, in the national interest, in order to get the land cultivated, may let it to a tenant. Now the question is, why seven years? Ex hypothesi the land is in a thoroughly bad state of cultivation. It has been neglected, and is more or less derelict. No good farmer in his senses would take over derelict land, and the necessity of spending money upon it to put it in order, unless he has a prospective occupation of that land for a minimum number of years. Seven years is suggested as the minimum for which any farmer would undertake the cultivation of derelict land. Where the land is derelict, and the Board cannot get anybody to cultivate it properly, they may cultivate it themselves, That is the meaning.
The explanation given by the hon. and learned Member (Mr. Leslie Scott) does make the matter clear, but it is one of some importance. It is pretty clear that Sub-section (4) does only apply the Bill to land not in the occupation of a tenant. Perhaps my right hon. Friend would consider whether he cannot make it clearer than it is that the alternative in Sub-section (3), namely—
"If at any time the land is not in the occupation of a tenant, may, if they think fit, enter on and take possession"—
shall only operate if the owner, as it would be in that case, fails to cultivate the land in accordance with the directions. Both the two alternatives in Subsection (3) are conditioned by the first line and a half of the Sub-section, namely—
"If … the occupier fails to cultivate the land."
That applies both to the land in the occupation of the tenant and to land not in the occupation of the tenant. If that is the way the right hon. Gentleman reads it, I think the point raised is met. At any rate, I am sure that if and as they are only intending in the new Sub-section (4) to prescribe what shall happen with land which was originally not in the occupation of a tenant, it is a perfectly fair power to take, and I am glad to see it being put into the Bill.
The explanation given by the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Scott) is perfectly accurate. We shall be very glad to consider whether we can accept the hon. Member's suggestion.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendments made:
In Sub-section (3), leave out the word "directions" ["Any directions given by the Board of Agriculture"] and insert instead thereof the word "notice."
Leave out the words "either with respect to the cultivation of land or with respect to," and insert instead thereof the words "which direct."
Leave out the words, "certified by the Board to be necessary or reasonable in order to comply with the directions so given, and no penalty by way of increase of rent or otherwise shall be incurred by the tenant under any contract of tenancy in respect of anything which the Board certify was reasonable to do in order to carry out any such directions," and insert instead thereof the words "authorised by the notice of suspension."—[ Mr. Prothero. ]
I beg to move, in Subsection (4), after the word "they" ["( a ) they may recover"] to insert the words "shall one month at least before withdrawing give notice in writing of their intention to the person then entitled to resume occupation of the land; and ( b ) they."
I beg to move, as an. Amendment to the proposed Amendment, to leave out the words "one month" and to insert instead thereof the words "six months."
The gist of the new Sub-section (6) is that before they withdraw from the possession of land into which they have entered because of bad cultivation the Board is to give notice of its intention to withdraw to the landlord, if he is the person in occupation, or to the tenant, if he is the person in occupation. One month in agricultural matters is an unreasonably short length of notice, and secondly, there are only certain times in the year when notice to quit or to give up possession ought to determine, namely, one of the ordinary six-monthly times, either Lady Day or Michaelmas, and the suggestion is that instead of one month's notice the Government should substitute six months to determine on one of the usual days. There is a consequential Amendment to put in at the end of the Sub-section, that the notice is to determine on one of the half-yearly days customary in the district where the land is situated. An Amendment something on those lines would be better than the suggestion put forward on behalf of the Government. The Committee should remember that the basis of the one month of the Government Amendment is to enable the Board of Agriculture to be free of the obligation of continuing to cultivate, and that it is subject always to the proviso that there will be compensation to the person entitled to resume possession under a later provision of the Clause. The compensation may be negligible if the cultivation has been very bad, and probably will be nothing—it will be the other way round, so to speak, and the Board will be entitled to something. But still it is a matter which should be put in in order to deal with possible cases. But even taking that into account, one month seems too short a notice, and I suggest for the consideration of the right hon. Gentleman that six months to determine on one of the usual half-yearly days is best.
One month is certainly too short. Whether I can accept six months I am not sure, but that point we will carefully consider, and if possible fix upon some convenient and suitable length of time.
I am rather glad the right hon. Gentleman has taken that point of view. There have been in the last couple of pages dozens of points that one might have raised, but I have been careful not to do so because on the whole, I think it is all on very sound lines. But this one month rather startled me, and if the right hon. Gentleman will consider whether it ought not to be rather longer, terminable at one of those ordinary agricultural festivals, so to speak, I think he would improve the Bill.
Amendment to the proposed Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, at the end of paragraph ( a ), to add the words, "( c ) the land shall be subject to any tenancy created by the Board in like manner as if the tenancy had been created by the person who would but for the tenancy have been entitled to resume the occupation of the land."
I am rather anxious to know what the position of leases granted by the Board under Sub-section (4), as printed on the White Paper, would be with reference to tenants under the Agricultural Holdings Act of Scotland and England in respect of compensation. It is quite obvious that that may raise complications. I would like very much to know whether a lease granted by the Board under Sub-section (4) will be subject to the statutory provision of the Agricultural Holdings Act.
The purpose of this Amendment is to make it quite clear that the tenant's position under the Agricultural Holdings Act in respect of compensation will be exactly the same as it was before.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move to leave out paragraph ( b ), and to insert instead thereof,
"(5) Any person who is interested in any land in respect of which any notice is served or order made under this Section, or of which possession is taken under this Section and who suffers any direct and substantial Joss by reason of the exercise by the Board of the powers conferred by this Section shall, if he makes a claim for the purpose within such time, not being less than one year, after the exercise of the powers as may be prescribed by the Board, be entitled to be paid by the Board such amounts as represent the loss."
On behalf of my hon. Friend (Mr. Peto), and on my own behalf, I beg to move, as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment, to leave out the words "direct and substantial."
I will accept that.
I should like a statement from the right hon. Gentleman before these words, which seem to be rather important, are left out. They appear in the Government Amendment, and I feel sure the right hon. Gentleman would not leave them out unless there was some good reason.
I thought it was an agreed matter, and that the Committee had assented to that view in the earlier stages. The objection to the words is that they are undoubtedly limiting words. I have had a good deal of experience of the use of these words in connection with compensation given by the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission, and from that experience I can say that they are not calculated to promote justice. They are capable of being interpreted in such a way as to exclude consequential losses of a most real character, and I cannot help thinking that most of the subject matter of compensation, or much of it anyhow, under the Agricultural Holdings Act will be excluded by these words. Consequently, I move their omission on the ground that this Compensation Clause is intended to be a broadly fair compensation on broad, equitable grounds.
The words were taken from the words of reference to the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission, and the question has been carefully considered whether their omission opens the door too wide. We do not think they do, and we desire rather to get rid of these words from the terms of reference to the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission. Therefore, we agree to their omission.
This seems to raise rather a serious question, because it is endeavouring under the terms of this Act to omit the reference to the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission. That seems to be rather serious.
No.
I should like to know from the Law Officers of the Crown what will be the effect of leaving out these words in regard to the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission. Unless there is some other tribunal which will deal with these losses, I do not think we should do anything to interfere with the powers of the Losses Commission.
If the hon. Member will read Sub-Clause (9) on the White Paper he will see that "the powers conferred by this Part of this Act are not to be exercisable so long as the powers exercisable by the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries with a view to maintaining the food supply of the country under the Defence of the Realm Regulations remain in force." That is to say, so long as the Defence of the Realm Regulations remain in force this does not operate.
I am glad that the Government is going to accept this Amendment and leave out these words. Anybody who has experience of the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission knows that under cover of these words the grossest and most flagrant injustice has been done to a very large number of people.
Amendment to the proposed Amendment agreed to.
Proposed words, as amended, there inserted.
Further Amendment made: In Subsection (4), leave out the words "that amount to," and insert instead thereof the words "the amount shall."—[ Mr. Prothero. ]
I beg to move, in Sub-section (4), to leave out the words, "President of the Surveyors' Institution," and to insert instead thereof the words, "executive of the county war committee."
The Agricultural War Committees are doing the work, and I suggest that the executive of the county war committee would be a more suitable body to deal with these matters of arbitration than the president of the Surveyors' Institution.
The Amendment is one of very great importance, but it does not apply under the terms of the proposed White Paper Clause until after the War. Under the terms proposed in the White Paper Clause none of these provisions which we are now discussing come into operation until the Defence of the Realm Regulations cease to be applicable. Those Regulations do not cease to be applicable until the War is over. The difficulty of dealing with this Amendment as a substantive Amendment here and now is that it refers to the executive of the county war committee. That is a committee that has been brought into existence to work the Defence of the Realm Regulations, and no provision has yet been made for the continuing in existence of an analogous body after the War. I think that many Members of the Committee will be of opinion, as I am, that the system has worked extremely well on the whole, and it will be a matter for grave consideration whether that system or some adaptation of it would not be desirable as a permanent part of the machinery of agricultural local government. The Amendment, as it stands, cannot raise that question, because, ex hypothesi, it is a war Amendment and limited to the War, and there is no provision at present for the war committees continuing after the War, and in the absence of an elaborate Amendment providing for a totally new machinery of county agricultural committees I do not see how, even as a matter of order, we can deal with it to-night. I would submit for the consideration of the Government the desirability of considering whether they should not obtain powers by Regulation or otherwise to put before this House at the end of the War proposals of the type of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's Amendment, but it is really almost a point of order. I doubt really whether this question can be discussed on this Clause, because the Amendment is one that presupposes that Sub-clause 9 of the White Paper Clause is negatived, which says that so long as the War goes on and the Defence of the Realm Regulations go on, none of this Clause is to have any application, while this Amendment in terms must apply to the War period.
I think that what the hon. and learned Gentleman says has great force in it. Though I think most of us would be rather inclined to welcome an Amendment of this kind If it were possible to do so, the Bill does not in this part of it come into force until after the War is over. After the War is over, so far as I know at present, these county war committees will not continue to exist; at any rate, they will not have a quasi statutory authority. Therefore we cannot make any reference to them in a Bill of this kind. But even if we knew that the executive of the war committees would continue as a body to which we could refer in the Bill, if a body of that kind is to be perpetuated, as I very much hope it will be, will not they be the local agents probably who are acting for the Board and advising the Board in these matters of taking over the land and administering it, and so on? If so, will they not be in a position of one of the parties in the case when these valuations arise? The case on which an appeal has been made for compensation will be the action which they have advised. They will be interested in showing that the action which they have advised is not going to run the Board into expense. They will be supposed to have considered all that before they have given the advice on which the Board will have acted. That being so, it is rather doubtful whether they will be the best persons to nominate as arbitrators in a case of disagreement in this particular matter. That being so, I am not sure that the Bill as drafted is not right and that the arbitrator in cases of disagreement, which I imagine will be rare, should be nominated by somebody outside with nothing to do with the way in which the arbitration has taken place.
In order that we may be perfectly clear, is it or is it not a fact that none of the provisions of this new White Paper Clause will come into force until the end of the War, and that during the period of the War the Defence of the Realm Regulations will rule the whole of the provisions of this Clause?
The point that has been addressed to the Chair seems to be a point of construction in the event of the Bill passing into law.
Does not this Amendment come under your ruling in regard to a previous Amendment dealing with matters of this kind? The President has undertaken to bring in a new Clause dealing with all matters of this kind, but independently of that I have an Amendment down to provide for this. You did not call me, and I understood that you did not call me because of that fact.
I did not call the hon. Member because he had been in the Committee almost the whole of the time and been a party to the proceedings, but the hon. Member whose name is on the Paper had not been here and had not followed everything that had taken place, and I was bound to call him. It is for him, if he wishes, to move his Amendment on the Paper.
After what I have heard, I beg to ask leave to withdraw my Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (4), to insert the words "or the President of the Auctioneers' and Estate Agents' Institute."
Under the old system, according to the Second Schedule of the Agricultural Holdings Act, 1908, in default of agreement which, as has been said, would be rare, a single arbitrator would be appointed in accordance with the provisions of that Schedule, but in this Bill you go on to say, "Provided that for the purpose of any arbitration under this provision the arbitrator shall be nominated, in default of agreement, by the President of the Surveyors' Institution." The auction- eers and estate agents throughout the country rather think that that may cut them out of the privilege which they have hitherto enjoyed under the Agricultural Holdings Act. It is suggested that it would be only fair—it would be very seldom acted on—that the President should have the right of nomination in default of agreement of the representatives. I hope that the hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill will see his way to accept this Amendment. There are some thousands of them with thirteen branches throughout the Kingdom and they are very largely acquainted with agricultural matters and would be very helpful.
This Amendment raises the same issue as the one just withdrawn. The only difference it makes is that it proposes the President of the Auctioneers' Institute.
No, no!
The Bill provides that the President of the Surveyors' Institution shall appoint an arbitrator, and this Amendment proposes the addition of the President of the Auctioneers' Institute. Under the Small Holdings Act it has generally been found that members of one or other of these institutions have been nominated arbitrators, and it is obvious that these gentlemen who are so appointed are dependent on landowners and their agents for work. There has been dissatisfaction with the arbitrators appointed. It is felt that members of these institutions unconsciously, no doubt, favour the landlord. Therefore I would suggest that if the County Executive Committee cannot be accepted, some committee should be appointed to settle these matters, and the arbitrator be nominated by the chairman of that committee.
I should have thought the argument of the hon. Member was rather in favour of the Amendment. If parties fail to agree somebody has to nominate an arbitrator, and the President of the Surveyors' Institution has to do so under the Bill; but if there is dissatisfaction with the person nominated, there should be some wider choice so as not to limit the power of nomination to the President of the Surveyors' Institutiton, and the present Amendment proposes the President of the Auctioneers' and Estate Agents' Institute as an alternative to nominate an arbitrator in default of agreement. I should have thought it would be better to give the alternative, and I therefore support the Amendment of my hon. Friend.
The hon. Gentleman behind me (Mr. Ellis Davies) stated under the Small Holdings Act there was great dissatisfaction with the arbitrators who had been appointed by the Surveyors' Institution. I wish to protest against that statement. I am chairman of a Small Holdings Committee, and have been for a considerable number of years, and I have never heard the slightest suggestion of anything of the sort. I do not think I ever knew a case in which an arbitrator appointed under the Small Holdings Act has met with anybody's protest. I would really like to ask the hon. Member when he makes such statements to bring forward some specific instances to justify them. With my experience in this matter I have not heard one jot or tittle of evidence to justify any word that the hon. Member has said. With regard to the Amendment, I beg to support it. The body named in that Amendment consists of some 3,000 members, and it might vary well be added as an alternative to the Surveyors' Institution.
I desire to support the Amendment, without casting any reflection upon the President of the Surveyors' Institution. I think it very desirable that there should be liberty of choice, and the President of the Auctioneers' and Estate Agents' Institute must have had very great experience in dealing with questions such as will arise under this measure. I cannot help thinking that the experience which he has gained in following his profession will enable him many times to nominate the best men to act as arbitrators in disputes that may arise under this Clause.
I should like to ask the Mover of the Amendment what is going to happen where the parties are unable to agree, where one of them says that he wants the President of the Surveyors' Institution to nominate the arbitrator, and the other says he wants the President of the Auctioneers' Institute. Who is going to determine which of the two judges is to be the judge?
I support the Amendment, for I think that the Auctioneers' and Estate Agents' Institute should not be left out.
I have no feeling about this Amendment one way or the other, but I have risen to ask how far it is intended to go to-night.
The Government wish to get Clause 8 of the Bill. With regard to the Amendment, the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill is unable to accept it. The proposal in the Bill for the President of the Surveyors' Institution follows the precedent in the Land Act of 1910. when the President of the Surveyors' Institution was made a member of the Committee under that Act. The right hon. Gentleman intends no disrespect whatever to the institution whose president is named in the Amendment, but he thinks that it is more convenient to follow the precedent which has already been set.
Will the Mover of the Amendment answer the question put by my hon. and learned Friend Mr. Salter as to which of the two is to be the judge, if the Amendment be adopted?
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, at the end of the Clause, to add the words, "The powers conferred by this Part of this Act shall not be exercisable so long as the powers exercisable by the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries with a view to maintaining the food supply of the country under the Defence of the Realm Regulations remain in force."
I beg to move, on behalf of the hon. Member for Devizes (Mr. Peto), as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment, to leave out all the words after the word "conferred" ["the powers conferred"] and to insert instead thereof the words "on the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries by this part of this Act shall be in substitution for any powers to enforce proper cultivation of land conferred on the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries by the Defence of the Realm Consolidation Act, 1914, or any Regulations issued there-under."
Instead of the President's Amendment on the White Paper, which proposes that the whole of the powers of this Section shall be postponed until after the War, the hon. Member for Devizes suggests to the Committee that the powers of this Section should be put into force during the War, and be in substitution for the Defence of the Realm powers now acted upon. He would put the President's Amendment into these terms:—
"The powers conferred on the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries by this part of this Act shall be in substitution for any powers to enforce proper cultivation of land conferred on the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries by the Defence of the Realm Consolidation Act, 1914, or any regulations issued thereunder."
I understand that the Government have come to the considered conclusion that it is not convenient during the War, so to speak, to switch off the machinery now being operated under the Defence of the Realm Act by the whole system of the Food Production Department and the County War Executives. It may be that the objections to switching off the existing machinery are insuperable, but I desire, on behalf of the hon. Member for Devizes, without pressing the Amendment, to raise the question because I believe it is one of importance. I want to put this to the Government. The farmers of the country, to some extent, do not quite know where they are under the Defence of the Realm Regulations, and I am not quite certain that they would know completely where they were if they were put under the Bill.. They would not know until the next day, at any rate, but there is much to be said: in favour of the proposal made by my hon. Friend the Member for Devizes that the provisions of the Bill are all contained in one document, and, secondly, that it would be fairly easy to get to understand what the provisions of this one Section were as compared with the state of uncertainty which undoubtedly does exist to some extent in the minds of farmers to-day. The question that the Committee has to decide is whether it is desirable rather to continue the existing system, and not to swop horses while you are crossing the stream, or on the other hand whether for the sake of clearness and knowing where we are to adopt the provisions of this Clause as settled in Committee, or as subsequently amended. That is the question before the Committee, and I personally feel there is a good deal to be sent on both sides. As I am moving somebody else's Amendment I do not propose to say anything further.
I am rather surprised that the Government does not give us some explanation of this Sub-section. It was, so far as I know—in fact the whole of these Amendments—only put on the Paper on Saturday. I myself only got the notice this morning, although that is probably my fault for not having been in London on Saturday. At any rate these Amendments make sweeping changes.
They were put down on the 19th.
10.0 P.M.
Saturday was the 21st, so the 19th was Thursday. That was very short notice for such sweeping changes, but even if it was on the Paper on Thursday that is no reason why it should not be explained to-day. This is a very complicated Clause. Some hon. Members are not very conversant with some of these rigmaroles which are put in the Bill, and would like to have them explained. I should like to know what is the hon. and learned Gentleman's position? Is he in the Government? Is he acting for the Government, or what is he doing? When the Minister of Agriculture is not present he explains a Clause, and very often when the Minister is present he explains it. Now he has introduced an Amendment for somebody else who is not in his place, and so far as I can make out the effect of his Amendment is absolutely to cancel the Sub-section. It would have been much better to have left the Sub-section out, that would have carried out exactly what the hon. and learned Gentleman wishes.
I refrained from expressing any opinion.
Surely it is not in Order for an hon. Member to move an Amendment about which apparently he knows very little, and cares less.
dissented.
I beg pardon, I withdraw—about which he cares very little, and does not wish to express any opinion. I should really like to know from the Government what their opinion about this Amendment is. The mover has gone out, and, as he himself stated, he has no wish or desire that this Amendment should be carried. Perhaps it would save time if the Amendment were withdrawn or negatived, and we could then discuss the actual effect of the Subsection.
I hope the Amendment will not be withdrawn. The hon. Member who moved this Amendment moved it in an extraordinary form, and the Committee seemed to be in absolute uncertainty as to whether he was in favour of the Amendment he moved or not. I strongly object to its being withdrawn. I think it is extremely important to let the farmer in England and the farmer in Ireland—I am thinking, I honestly confess, more of the Irish farmer—know what is the law under which they stand. I think that is a very important matter, and to pass an elaborate Clause like this, which is one of the most important Clauses in the Bill, and then to hang it up for an indefinite period and tell the farmers they are not under the law as we are passing it now in the House, but under the indefinite law of the Defence of the Realm Act Regulations—in my opinion the most unsatisfactory system of law ever devised, because nobody knows exactly what the Defence of the Realm Act Regulations are; I am in a state of blank ignorance, I confess, as to what they are in regard to land in this country—is indefensible. I know something about the application of the Regulations in Ireland, but I know nothing about their application in this country, and the Government have not deigned to explain what are the powers in force in Great Britain as regards the enforcement of the cultivation of land. Are they greater or are they less than those we have passed in this Section? I think we ought to know that before we deal with the Amendment. What could be imagined more absurd than to ask this House to pass this most revolutionary and radical Clause, in an Emergency Bill which we are told—the Government has staked its existence on the passage of this Bill—is essential for the purpose of developing the land and the output of food in the country, and which in my opinion is one of the most important Clauses in the Bill, and then, having passed that Clause, to invite us to hang it up for an indefinite period? It is the most astonishing form of legislation of which I have ever heard. I am strongly of opinion that the farmers and the landowners ought to be in the position of knowing where they are, what the law is, and what they are subject to. I frankly confess I am thinking of the precedent which would be set if we adopted this policy of hanging up this Clause. When we come to the Irish part of the Bill we hope to get the Government to accept some very sweeping Amendments in dealing with the Irish aspect of the case, and we do not want to be immediately met toy this, "the English Clause is to be hung up; the Irish Clause must be hung up too." I cannot understand why the Government should not make a full explanation of what they have in mind by this extraordinary and unprecedented proceeding of hanging up one of the most important Clauses in the Bill.
I think I may clear the position. The Amendment to the proposed Amendment, which was handed in in manuscript a very short time ago, I really have had no opportunity to consider until now. After considering it I have come to the conclusion that it is not in order in the way in which it is moved, so I withdraw it from the Committee. The only Amendment before the Committee is that on the Paper.
On a point of Order. Will you explain why it is not in order, and why it is withdrawn from the Committee now?
Because it was moved in the wrong form. The hon. and learned Member was not at the moment in the House when it was proposed to leave out all the words after "conferred" in order to add other words. What ought to have been done was to have moved the negative to this Amendment, and then, if successful in negativing it, he could have moved his own Amendment in another form. It is not right simply to leave the words "powers conferred" and then add his own words, completely reversing the negative and the Amendment on the Paper. That is why I now withdraw it from the Committee. The only words now before the Committee are those on the paper.
Is the Government not going to give us any explanation of the position?
I am very sorry that owing to the misfortune that one has to have some dinner at some time I left the House about half an hour ago, and I was away when this particular difficulty arose. Two sets of powers cannot of course run together, and it seemed to us more appropriate and more useful to say that the Defence of the Realm Regulations should continue during the War and that then the powers conferred by this Bill should come into operation. The Defence of the Realm Regulations are the powers with which at present the Agricultural Committees are acquainted, which they know and with which they are familiar in their operations. It is for that reason, during the urgency period of the War, we should prefer to go on with those powers, and as soon as the war urgency passes then rely upon the powers conferred by this Bill. The alternative suggestion is that the powers under the Bill should come into force at once. I do not know that it makes a very great amount of difference. I have stated the reason why we prefer the other course, and if I did not fear that in some way our proceedings might be retarded I should be glad to consider whether we should not adopt the course advocated by hon. Members.
I should like to feel that the right hon. Gentleman would consider this matter further. I think there will be a very great difficulty when this Act goes to the country in the way of the ordinary agriculturist understanding that the procedure under the Bill is not the procedure under which the actual work is going to be carried on for an indefinite period. The right hon. Gentleman said that this has been brought forward strictly as a war measure. I myself had an Amendment in Clause 7 to limit it to the time of the War. This great interference with the ordinary cultivation of the land and the carrying on of an important industry by a recognised body of industrial people should really be a war emergency question. But I did not move that in view of the change the Government have made in the Clause. I do think, however, it would be far more convenient when this Act comes out that it should be taken as a whole and that the people should not have to discern between two sorts of procedure. I attended a war agriculturist committee last Saturday afternoon, and this very question arose as to the exact powers that there would be in future in connection with the cultivation of land. We were uncertain. Two very different opinions were given as to what would be the result. Of course, this Sub-section does settle it in one way or another, but I think it would be very much more convenient and very much more easily understood if we had one procedure, and not two procedures. I think it would be a very great advantage if the whole question of claims came under a new tribunal, and not under the present one under the Defence of the Realm Act. That tribunal has given the greatest dissatisfaction. It is acting in a very arbitrary way, in the opinion of agri- culturists, and they are anxious to get some new tribunal of a more satisfactory sort. That is another reason why I should strongly urge upon the right hon. Gentleman—if not now, at least on Report—to make the Act one whole thing, and not merely a parcel of detached Sub-sections.
I do hope the President will consider the appeal that has been made by my right hon. Friend. I am sure that this is a really important Amendment. After all, you propose to revolutionise the whole system of land tenure in this country, and the least you can do, if you only remember what the landlords and occupiers of the country have done for you during the last fifty years is, if you are going to complete the revolution, to make it as easy as possible for them to carry it out. I appeal to the Government, too, on behalf of the agents of large agricultural estates, upon whom the chief burden will fall of interpreting all this new legislation. I take leave also to disagree with my right hon. Friend the President when he says that the reason why we are put under Defence of the Realm Regulations is that they are so clearly understood by the agricultural community at the present time. I have a good deal to do with the agricultural community, and I can safely say that as a whole they neither know, and I am afraid they are getting into a state when they neither care for, them. I do hope, therefore, that the whole of this enormous revolution will be put between the four walls of this Act. Although you say it is only for the period of the War, I would ask you to remember that in some cases—I do not object, because I believe it would be in the interests of the community—you are altering the whole system of land tenure for a period of seven years, and before the end of that occupation arrives and the lease is terminated we all hope the War will be over. On all these grounds, therefore, I hope the right hon. Gentleman will reconsider this, and let it all come into operation immediately, so that the agricultural community can know where they are.
Are we quite clear as to what the effect of this Amendment will be? As far as I can understand it the effect would be to practically sweep away all the powers now possessed by the Executive Committees. I think there is a consensus of opinion that those committees have exercised their powers well and have greatly helped in the cultivation of the land. The result of the passing of the Amendment would be to give control of the land and power to enforce cultivation, not to the Executive Committees, but to the Board of Agriculture. One reason why the Executive Committees are working so satisfactorily is because they are appointed by the county councils and consist of men who are acquainted with the localities, and who are in many cases, practical farmers and know the subject. Those powers by the Amendment would be exercised by the Board of Agriculture through their officials. For reasons which I have already suggested I do not think officials of the Government are for the moment very popular in the country. I am quite sure if greater cultivation of the land is to be secured it must be obtained with the consent and concurrence of the farmers. I venture to think they will have a good deal more sympathy with the committee appointed by the county council than with officials of the Board of Agriculture.
May I add to the appeal made by several Members to the President to reconsider his decision on this Amendment? The existing Regulations are far from familiar to farmers and landowners and, what is more important still, to the committees which have to carry them out. I undertake to say that probably few members of the county war agricultural committees really understand the Regulations they are enforcing. A far more important argument I think is this: Under the series of Amendments which are being carried at the instance of the Government, the length of time of Defence of the Realm Regulations will vary according to circumstances. In some instances they will cease to have effect as soon as the War is over and in other cases they may last for seven years. [An HON. MEMBER: "NO"] I think it is so and that there will be varying Regulations. Such a system is most undesirable and I think it would be impracticable for the agricultural community to carry on its work under one system of Regulations which cease to have effect at irregular times and under a second system coming into effect at irregular times as the first system falls out. I really think that would be the effect of the proposal of the Government, and that it is most desirable, in order that the Regulations should be understood, that this Bill should come into force as soon as possible, and, more im- portant still, at the same time in all parts of the country, and that it should not begin next month at one farm and next year in another and perhaps seven years hence in a third. For that reason I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to reconsider his attitude and to allow the proposals of this Bill to come into force in place of the Defence of the Realm Regulations at the earliest possible date.
Whilst anxious to support, and to support very strongly, those who have pressed upon the President of the Board the advisability of accepting the proposal now before the House, I think there is a good deal to be said for the proposal of the hon. Gentleman who spoke from below the Gangway opposite, and who has now left the House. I would suggest to the President that if he is going to reconsider the matter that he should reconsider the point of retaining the excellent machinery of the War Executive Committees, and request these bodies to work under the terms of this Bill, and not under the terms of the Defence of the Realm Regulations. With regard to these Regulations, I have been, and always shall be, anxious to eliminate the Regulations of the Commissioners from everything. I have seen glaring cases of injustice done by that body. I sincerely hope that the agricultural interest will not be subjected to being dealt with by the Defence of the Realm Regulations, which are understood by no one, not even by the Commissioners who administer them, except that their one rule is not to pay anything to anybody. For these reasons I hope the President will be able to reconsider the matter, and though I do not want to urge him to accept the Amendment now, I would ask him whether he might not still make use of the machinery of the War Executive Committees, and so, in effect, give us the substance of the Amendment.
I have already said that I will most carefully consider the point as to whether the Government Amendment as it stands will encompass the object aimed at.
As the President will not withdraw the Amendment, I should like to say that it makes the proposal that this Bill is of immediate and urgent necessity hardly seems to be the case. Only the other afternoon we had a speech from the President, who told us that this Bill was most urgent and vitally necessary in the interests of the country. Yet by this Amendment, he tells us, we can wait. By two earlier Clauses of the Bill, as I have before indicated, we are reducing agriculturists to servility, and now in this third Clause we compel the landowner or the tenant to cultivate his land as the Board of Agriculture thinks fit and not as he himself thinks fit. That completes the round of compulsion, and completes the universality of the servitude that we are imposing.
I cannot help thinking, with all deference to the hon. Gentleman opposite, that the Government have acted wisely. If this Amendment is not carried, what will happen will be that there will be the Regulations under which the Board of Agriculture is exercising its powers, and if it is carried it simply defers the operation of this Clause until the Regulations can be altered in accordance with the necessities of the situation. The Bill being passed, you absolutely have at the present time, unless you have this Amendment, a set of regulations and a system of law applying to the same land. If you have the Amendment it will permit the Regulations to be stopped at any moment by the same authority that puts them into operation whenever it is found possible to bring in the powers of this Bill. I saw a statement in some paper the other day to the effect that there were about 1,000 acres in one of the counties where the powers under the Regulations were in operation at the present time. Suppose you passed this Bill without the Amendment, you would have the question arising as to whether the powers were under the Regulations or the Act, whereas if you pass the Amendment it would be perfectly possible for the authority which puts the Regulations into force to say, "Now the time has arrived when we can properly apply the powers conferred by the Statute, somewhat different to the Regulations, and we can put an end to the Regulations." The President has promised to reconsider the point, but I think the wiser thing is to adopt this Amendment.
The misunderstanding, if there is a misunderstanding, has arisen, I think, from the fact that no proper explanation of this Sub-section was given by the Government. So far as I know, the period under the Amend- ment we are discussing now does not arise under the Defence of the Realm Regulations. The Regulations, so far as I understand, cease altogether as soon as peace is declared, and if that is so then the new provisions come into operation. These are most revolutionary proposals, and I shall have something to say upon them when the Question arises that the Clause stand part of the Bill. Just think how dangerous it might be if this comes into operation at once! What is there to prevent the Government from passing new Regulations under the Defence of the Realm Act? There is nothing to prevent them. The Defence of the Realm Act gave them certain powers, and they have not been loath to exercise them, and if there is a little agitation by the extreme Socialists, who are the only people to whom they pay the slightest attention at the present moment, there is nothing to say that the new Defence of the Realm Act Regulations shall not be put in to override this. Therefore, if my hon. and gallant Friend's wish is carried out, this particular Clause, which I think is a very bad one, will come into operation at once instead of being delayed until a little common sense is imposed on the Government, or, still better, we may have the new Government, who might have a little common sense which the present Government has not got. Therefore I think it would be a most excellent thing, ridiculous as the Sub-section is, to leave it as it is.
I hope the President will withdraw this Amendment. I should like to say one word in reply to the hon. Member who spoke in defence of the Amendment. I think—in fact I know—he took an entirely wrong view, because the President himself said that the idea with which this Amendment was put upon the Paper was that they preferred until the conclusion of the War to adhere to the present system, and therefore if we pass this Amendment we pass it with the knowledge that the Government intend to suspend the operation of this Clause until the War is over. The right hon. Baronet desires that, but why? Because he dislikes the Clause altogether, and he hopes that some sane Government will come into office and kill the Clause before it comes into operation. His suggestion is to pass this revolutionary proposal, as he calls it, then hang it up, and then the hon. Baronet will exert his enormous political influence to cut the throat of the Clause before it is put into operation. The right hon. Baronet says this Clause will not give the landowners of this country any security against fresh Regulations under the Defence of the Realm Act, and that is quite true. We all live in a state of slavery now, and there is nothing to prevent a Regulation being issued to put us all into gaol to-morrow. Supposing the Government desired to put everybody who voted against them into gaol they could do it under the Defence of the Realm Act. That is a condition of things out of which we cannot get. What agriculturists want to know, and what the landowners are entitled to know, is what law they live under, and under what conditions they are to carry on their industry. I think it is only reasonable that this Act should not go out in a lame condition. It should be a complete measure, and if the Government find that it does not work they can get a fresh Act or issue a new Regulation under the Defence of the Realm Act.
I am in entire agreement with what has fallen from the hon. Member for East Mayo. I so much object to this last Sub-section if it is added that I would much prefer the words of the hon. Member for Sleaford (Mr. Royds) and myself. What, in fact, the President of the Board of Agriculture proposes is that "The powers conferred by this Part of this Act shall not be exerciseable so long as the powers exerciseable by the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries with a view to maintaining the food supply of the country under the Defence of the Realm Regulations remain in force." Agriculturists complain that they do not know, and cannot know, what these various Regulations made under the Defence of the Realm Act mean, or what powers are really conferred, when they are likely to be altered, where you can see them in any form whatever, and they do not know, in fact, under what law they live. Now we are engaged passing the Committee stage of this Bill, and as soon as it becomes an Act it will be printed, and can be obtained anywhere, and it will naturally be regarded by agriculturists all over the country as being the Act under which all these matters are regulated, and yet there will be found tucked away in this Sub-section a power taken by the Board of Agriculture to continue to operate under any order it chooses to issue under the Defence of the Realm Act, rendering the elaborate provisions of this Clause which has now been entirely redrafted by the Board of Agriculture without any effect, so long as they chose to proceed by the other method. The Amendment which I suggest is the exact opposite: "The powers conferred on the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries by this Part of this Act shall be in substitution for any powers to enforce proper cultivation of the land conferred on the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries by the Defence of the Realm Consolidation Act, 1914, or any Regulation issued thereunder." That is the Sub-section which I consider ought to be at the end of this Clause, and not the Sub-section which the Board of Agriculture have introduced at the eleventh hour, and which absolutely suspends and renders nugatory the whole Clause so long as they choose to issue fresh Orders under the Defence of the Realm Act. I therefore hope that the right hon. Gentleman will see his way to withdraw the Amendment and substitute for it the addition to the Clause which has been on the Paper for many weeks, and which, therefore, he must have had ample time of considering.
I regret that I am not able to withdraw from the position which I took up before, that I would very carefully consider whether the alternative method is the right method to pursue, and bring up the result of that consideration on the Report stage. I am not sufficient of a lawyer to know what becomes of the whole of the war agricultural committees if I accept the Amendment suggested by hon. Members. They are not constituted under this Bill, and, if you say that the Defence of the Realm Act Regulations which did create them are to be swept away, I do not know that the war agricultural committees may not go too. I want to guard against that, and therefore I suggest that the best way is to say that I will go into the matter carefully with the legal advisers and bring the matter up on the Report stage.
I will not press this to a Division, but I trust the right hon. Gentleman will not draw this into a precedent when we come to the Irish part. We have no war agricultural committees there.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (5), to add the following new Sub-section:
"(6) Any landlord or tenant on whom a notice has been served or who is. affected by an Order made by the Board or by any person or body of persons or other body authorised under the immediately preceding Sub-section of this Section may, if he see fit, appeal against such notice or Order to a single arbitrator to be appointed as provided in Sub-section (4) of this Section."
Considering that the Board of Agriculture in Scotland by the Clause applying the Bill to Scotland is to have the powers which this Clause gives to the Board of Agriculture in England and that we have no confidence whatever in that Board, we are bound to make definite provision for the appeal which the late Member for Edinburgh and St. Andrews Universities (Sir C. Johnston) asks for in this Amendment. We cannot trust the Board of Agriculture in Scotland to exercise the powers as wisely as they might do, and I do press upon the right hon. Gentleman that there ought to be an appeal such as is suggested in this Amendment.
This proposal not merely takes away from the Board the power of executive action which they require. It involves very great expense. If the Board decide that such and such a piece of land is not properly cultivated and must be cultivated in another way, then there is to be this right of appeal. That would interpose delay, which is fatal in such cases, and would also put the parties to very great expense. I regret I cannot accept the Amendment.
This Amendment is far more important than it would appear to be on the surface. If the Board of Agriculture are to retain to themselves the right to say whether or not cultivation is in accordance with custom and so on, so long as my right hon. Friend is at the Board I should be perfectly prepared to leave the matter in his hands. If he can assure us that for a considerable number of years he is going to hold sway, I shall not have a word to say. Even under this Government the average official acting on behalf of the Board of Agriculture will have to come down and say, without any intimate local knowledge, or knowledge of the varying conditions that prevail, "This is not in accordance with the national interest or with good cultivation," and if you say that I, to whom he says that, am to have no right of appeal that is almost more revolutionary—my right hon. Friend always tells me I am far too progressive—than I can swallow at this moment. The proposal also raises the question, ought not the Board of Agriculture to be the guide, philosopher, and friend of the agricultural community? Is not this opening the door to the Board having to put itself in the position of judge, jury, prosecutor, and arbiter within the industry? I cannot conceive anything worse for the future of the industry than that it should have all these different problems decided by the Board. On these grounds I feel that unless the Board is prepared to lay down far more clearly what is in the national interest as far as cultivation is concerned, and what in their view is local custom, which, after all, is the hardest thing to define in the agricultural world—unless and until they can give us that direction, it is not too much to ask, before these revolutionary powers are taken by them, that those on whom those powers are exercised should have some appeal to an independent authority, and still more important, that it puts the Board of Agriculture in a false position to the agricultural community.
I should like to reinforce the appeal of my hon. and gallant Friend, and to draw attention to a point which he has not touched upon, namely, that the powers set up by this Clause apply not only to the Board; but to a great variety of bodies and persons to whom the Board chooses to delegate its powers, and with the best will in the world, and with all reasonable care, the Board has delegated powers during the last year or two, and I have no doubt will continue to delegate wide powers, to all sorts of persons who are quite unfit to carry out any power whatever, and to suggest that the decisions of such bodies should be subject to no appeal whatever is a really preposterous suggestion. I came across a case to-day—not under this Bill, but under the Defence of the Realm Act—in which the Board had delegated the power of ordering agriculturists to plough up land for the purposes of corn production to a person who has selected a strong, windy spot on the top of a down, and ordered fox gorse to be grubbed in order that wheat might be cultivated. That is only one of many instances of absolutely impossible decisions by absolutely impossible persons to whom the Board of Agriculture has delegated its powers. I am not blaming the Board. They could not help themselves. They had wide powers which had to be delegated, and in the course of delegation they unfortunately came across a number of unsuitable people. Although that is not a matter of blame against the Board, it is surely a justification for us in asking that there should be an appeal against the decisions of any individual or body to whom the Board may delegate its powers.
I quite agree that there should be an appeal, but it should not be to an arbitrator, but to a Court of law. But in order to get an appeal you must alter the first part of the Clause. The Clause reads like this: "The Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, if in any case they are of opinion that any land which has not been cultivated in such manner as the Board think best in the interests of the country." There is no definition whatever of how the land ought to be cultivated. It is left entirely in the hands of the Board, not that the land shall be well cultivated, but cultivated in what they think best in the interests of the country. What is there to go to an arbitrator about? Say my hon. Friend appoints me as arbitrator, and says, "The Board of Agriculture has taken some property of a friend of mine in order to grow wheat for the fourth year in succession." What am I to do? The Board of Agriculture says, "In our opinion, that is the best thing to do in the interests of the country." I cannot say anything.
I would give the arbitrator the right to say it was not.
But there must be an Amendment on the Report stage, which alters the whole Clause.
I moved an Amendment on that point to this effect, that the occupier, if he is dissatisfied with the notice so served, may appeal to the Agricultural Rents Board, and after hearing the parties the Agricultural Rents Board may rescind, altar or vary the notice. The President did not accept that. He accepted the principle of it, and will appoint an authority who will do that.
I am glad to think they accept the principle. It is the first time I have heard anything about principle. But I should like something more definite. I should like to see it put in the Bill. They may change their mind before the Report stage. It will be necessary on the Report stage to make other Amendments if there is to be any appeal. Otherwise the Amendment now proposed will not be of the slightest use.
Perhaps it may save time if I reminded hon. Members who were out of the House at the time that I have already agreed to meet the suggestion of the hon. Member for Horn-castle's long Amendment by saying that where the Board delegate their authority to the Executive Committee or some other deputed authority an appeal may be allowed to the Board.
I did not know those words had been introduced; but even if that be so I do not think it alters my view in regard to the Scottish Board of Agriculture. I would rather have any other executive body. They have already chosen unsuitable land for small holdings and have spent any amount of money in buying land which is totally unsuitable, and they are capable of doing the same thing again. I have not a word to say against the English Board of Agriculture in moving this Amendment. I am sure they will administer this Act in a satisfactory way. My real intention was to place the Scottish Board of Agriculture under some sort of appeal in the event of their making the same mistakes that they have made in the past.
We are dealing with emergency conditions under the Defence of the Realm Act. The Board of Agriculture has extremely wide powers without appeal, and, in order to carry matters on during the War and get things done on the land, which admit of no delay there, extreme powers are necessary, and I do not think anyone wants to resist them. A great many people dislike them, but they submit to them patiently, in order to carry on the War; but this Act is to run long after the period of the War, and it is a very dangerous thing to entrust to any Government Department these drastic powers unless there is an appeal to assessors or a Court of law. I think there ought to be an appeal to a Court of law. No Government officials are infallible, and there should be in extreme cases, where anyone cares to undertake the process, some form of appeal as to whether the facts can be established to the satisfaction of a Court of law.
The hon. Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir G. Younger) has said that the Scottish people have no confidence in the Scottish Board of Agriculture.
I said I had not.
He gave the House to understand that that is an opinion widely entertained in Scotland, but it is not an opinion that is widely shared in Scotland. The Board of Agriculture has been gaining the confidence of the people of Scotland. We are very well aware in Scotland of the hon. Baronet's views on arbitration. We know what the effect of his affection for arbitration was on the land legislation introduced in 1911, and that the new system of tenure which was introduced was rendered inoperative owing to the introduction of the system of arbitration, resort to law, and all the rest of it.
It strikes me as curious that many of those Members who are in favour of this Bill should be in favour of an Amendment of this kind. If there is going to be the delay of an appeal either to one Court or another or to one authority or another on the question of what land is to be cultivated, the whole Bill falls into desuetude and it might never as well have been passed.
I think that the last speaker does not quite understand the position. Under the Defence of the Realm Act the Board of Agriculture has very full powers of dealing with the present situation. But this Bill is a permanent Bill. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] The intention of the Government is to have it a permanent Bill. Therefore we have got to consider the position after the War is over. I do not wish to go into the very pretty Scottish quarrel which the last speaker but one and the hon. Baronet raised as to the Scottish Board of Agriculture, but we in England have perfect confidence in the Board of Agriculture as at present constituted and in its President. I can remember the time when the Board of Agriculture, instead of wanting to plough up land would have wanted to lay it down in grass. If you want to lay it down in grass it will take ten years before you have got very decent grass. When you deal with land you deal with a thing which takes a very long time. A gentleman told me to-day that he knew of an agricultural committee which asked him to plough up a field of lucerne, which had been sown on land that had been tried to be cultivated for years, but without success, and then had lucerne put into it with great success, producing very good food for sheep; and putting that under the plough would mean getting rid of this valuable crop to produce a field which would grow practically nothing for a long time.
11.0 P.M.
You are dealing with a very difficult subject when you deal with land, and the President of the Board of Agriculture must have the interests of the future in mind in a Bill of this kind, and he is not going, in a temporary Bill, to fix agricultural wages which are intended to improve the condition of the people. This is a permanent Bill, and if you want it to be of any value you must make it a reasonable and sensible Bill, and provide some means by which the temporary scare or a temporary feeling will not cause permanent damage to the land of the country. Therefore, though you may trust the present President of the Board of Agriculture, you cannot tell who is going to be there in another ten years. You might have irreparable damage done by one thoughtless act, and there should be some proper system of appeal against a decision of that kind. The hon. Member who spoke last may rest quite satisfied. But I do ask the President to consider this question, and I think that it would be a very good thing if we were to put this Clause into the Bill here in Committee, and then when we come to the Report stage it can be struck out and a proper appeal Clause substituted for it. After what we have heard I do not feel very satisfied, and I should prefer to have something put in the Bill that could be removed or further dealt with on the Report stage if necessary. If something of the kind proposed is not done, then I think you will very seriously damage this Bill and also the object you desire to attain.
I think the Committee would be well advised to leave the matter for the time being as the right hon. Gentleman has suggested. The question of appeal is obviously a very difficult one and I am afraid that whatever the right hon. Gentleman proposes he will experience difficulty in connection with it. If he were to put in the Amendment now being moved, I should undoubtedly oppose it in every possible way. A proposal, under which the decisions of the Board of Agri- culture, as to what land ought to be cultivated would be at the mercy of the ordinary local single arbitrator appointed under the Agricultural Holdings Act. If that were accepted, I should feel that the bottom had been knocked out of this Clause of the Bill altogether. I do not think it would represent agricultural opinion at all, and the Bill would be extremely weakened. I think the right hon. Gentleman was right in his suggestion made in the earlier part of the Debate that this question should be the subject of a new Clause, to which he would give his attention. I make these few observations so as to make it clear that many of us want to see this part of the Bill left in a thoroughly workmanlike manner, and it would be extremely disturbing if anything decided in the interests of food production should be subject to delay by appeal to the ordinary local arbitrator.
It really seems to me that this question of appeal hangs on the Amendment we decided on a little while ago. If this Clause has to be suspended until the end of the year, and after the Defence of the Realm Regulations have passed away, then the question arises whether there should be an appeal. The argument of the right hon. Gentleman was that it was impossible, at a time when we want food production, to allow waste of time in connection with appeals. I think there should be some appeal in view of such drastic powers as are given in this Clause. I think the right hon. Gentleman has gone as far as he can in the promise he made earlier in the evening, and that does seem to me that the whole thing depends on the attitude the Government decided upon in connection with the previous Amendment, and it is on that ground that I think probably the best way is to leave the whole question over until Report. I would, however, earnestly urge that when it does come to be settled, if this matter is to be delayed and if this is to be after the War policy, there should be some appeal in connection with the matter.
I think it is very advisable there should be an appeal if this Bill contains anything that is permanent, but, on the other hand, I would ask my right hon. Friend to consider the nature of the Appeal Court. I am perfectly certain he has not got hold of the right one. The proper appeal is to the Board of Agriculture.
The appeal is from the Board.
Yes, but if any local official or representative of the Board of Agriculture issues an Order under this Clause, which is supposed to be unreasonable, either by the landowner or the land cultivator then, I think, the nature of the appeal must still be one of conciliation rather than of arbitration. The whole of the circumstances of the case are such that we ought to encourage what is known as a friendly Court. I think the supreme authority ought to rest with the Board of Agriculture, but that, on the other hand, the Board of Agriculture ought to be told quite straight and definitely that we hope they will enforce none of these Orders unless they are sanctioned by a really competent authority. We want no surveyors, we want farmers of the most up-to-date, thorough going, scientific knowledge, and the Board of Agriculture ought to associate themselves with it to bring pressure to bear on farmers to bring the land up to the highest standard of cultivation possible, and suggest that the right hon. Gentleman should not accept this Amendment for the moment, but that we should consider it on Report, with a view more to perfecting the machinery of the Board of Agriculture itself than to setting up any kind of local board, which is composed of surveyors and valuers.
I am quite content with the Debate that has taken place, and I am satisfied that the President of the Board of Agriculture will give due consideration to this matter. It is perfectly obvious that if there is to be anything like the beginning of a permanent system we must have some kind of appeal and control of this sort. I do not say that my hon. Friend's is the best for the purpose. In his absence I thought it right to move it, but I am quite ready to leave it in the hands of the right hon. Gentleman, and, with the leave of the Committee, to withdraw the Amendment I moved.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I have had an Amendment handed in by the hon. Member for Devizes (Mr. Peto) proposing to come at the end of this Clause, but it is one he had down at the end of Subsection (3), and it really would not read here. The hon. Member was not here when it was called, and I am afraid I cannot take it after we have passed from that subject and already inserted Subsection (6), dealing with quite a different question.
This is a question entirely untouched by any of the Sub-sections of the Clause, and when I put it down at the end of Sub-section (4) I had grave doubts myself as to whether it had not better come at the end, where I have now put it. It deals with a matter not dealt with in any of the Sub-sections, and therefore, as it has not been adopted, may I ask you whether it cannot be very appropriately, and at any rate briefly, introduced at this stage?
I must look how the Clause would read if the Amendment was accepted. I always presume that hon. Members, in submitting Amendments, look into the Bill to see how they will read. It really would not do to come after the words last inserted on the Motion of the Government.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."
I should like to say a word or two upon what the hon. Gentleman the Member for Mayo (Mr. Dillon) and my hon. and gallant Friend opposite have described as a most revolutionary measure. It is one of the most revolutionary measures which have been introduced into the House of Commons during the twenty-five years I have had the honour of sitting here. The hon. Member opposite told me that the Amendments to this Clause were down last Thursday. By that I presume he means they were on the Paper on Friday. Friday was devoted to Irish estimates.
They appeared on the Paper on Thursday.
I am sorry I did not notice them, and till this morning I had no idea that these proposals were on the Paper. I asked several hon. Members if they had seen them, and I could only find two who had. One was the hon. and gallant Member for Horn castle with whom I had some slight discussion, and the other was the hon. Member for Windsor who said he had seen them for the first time that morning and did not understand them. The moment I saw them on the Paper this morning I understood them, and made up my mind that I would do my best to oppose them root and branch. Let us consider what this Clause does. We were told that this Bill was necessary in order that we might get on with the War, and that we might produce more food for the people. This Clause will not produce more food for the people. It will prevent any landlord from spending any money on his land. It will prevent any tenant from taking any interest in the land or even endeavouring to do his best while he is on the farm. He does not know that at any moment some small subordinate of the Board of Agriculture may not come down and say, "In my opinion you are not cultivating this land in the best interests of the country, and I am going to recommend that you should be turned out." He will put in some friend of his at any rent he thinks he can get, who will cultivate the land instead of the tenant.
The only thing the tenant farmers are desirous of is to be let alone. They have known their landlords for many years, and they are quite confident that as long as they do their duty and cultivate their land properly the landlords will leave them in possession. Now comes down the Government, and on the pretext of doing something to further corn-growing brings forward a revolutionary measure which alters the whole land tenure of the country, which will not produce a single quarter more of wheat, but which will, on the contrary, tend to decrease production and stop capital which it is requisite should be put into the land. We are told, "Oh, this is a War measure!" Let the Committee see what might happen. Eleven years and eleven months might occur under this Bill before a landowner or a farmer could get free possession of his farm. Under this precious Clause the Board of Agriculture have the right to take a man's property from him and let it without his consent to anybody they choose, at a rent they choose, and they can do that for seven years. The Bill is for five years. At the end of four years and eleven months they can let a farm for seven years. Therefore, the result is that this Bill, which is supposed to deal with the War, provides that a man may have his land taken away from him in four years and eleven months and let to someone else for seven years without his consent, at any rent the Board of Agriculture may choose to ask. This opens the door to corruption of the greatest description. Was there ever such a Clause put in a Bill before? "The Board may with respect to any land or land in any district authorise any person" (in the singular remember) "to exercise on behalf of the Board any of the powers of the Board." I agree with everything which has been said as to what will happen if the right hon. Gentleman the present President, remains in office. How do we know he is going to remain? How do we know he will be President in three or four years time? We do not know, it may be anybody, it may be the Member for Blackburn—[An HON. MEMBER: "Or Dundee!"]—or the Member for Dundee. I think I would sooner have the Member for Blackburn than the Member for Dundee.
The President may appoint any single person whom he likes in any part of the world, and that person may exercise the powers which this Clause gives. Thus, if he chose he can go to a man on a farm and say, "I think this land has not been properly cultivated, and it is in the interests of the country that you should grow more wheat or oats, and I give you notice to go out." He may be a bit anxious for land nationalisation or land reform, throw out the present tenant, and put in one of his friends. There is absolutely nothing in the Bill to prevent his doing so. If the tenant objects to that all he can do is to go to the Board of Agriculture which appointed the man to exercise the powers, and is it likely that the Board will say, "Having appointed you to exercise our powers we are not going to allow you to do that which we thought you were capable of doing." If it is a body of persons which is to exercise these powers there is nothing to show but that they may be the most pernicious nationalisers of land that ever existed. They may come down and take the man's property from him, turn out the tenant, and let the farm for seven years. Why seven years, and under any conditions they like? What is to happen to the farm when it gets back to the landowner who will have nothing to say to it during the seven years? The land may be cultivated during that time in the worst possible manner, and still the landowner can have nothing to say, because the Board of Agriculture for the time, or their representatives, may choose to say, "This is the proper way to cultivate the land." No, if the land is to be nationalised let us have it nationalised. I believe even the present Government, and I would not trust them too long, at the present moment if they took a man's land from him would give him something for it, but if we wait very much longer I should not be surprised if they took the land and gave nothing for it. I would much sooner they took my land now and gave me what might be a fair price than bring forward a Bill of this sort.
Conceive the position of the landowner! His farm is to be taken from him and let to people to whom he has, possibly for good reasons, refused to let it, and the rent is to be fixed by the Board of Agriculture. The landowner will not have a word to say as to the proper cultivation of the land. The hedges may go to wreck and ruin and he cannot say a single word, or I presume he must go to somebody appointed by the Board who has introduced the new tenant, and, of course, he will get no redress. In the meantime he has got to pay tithe, keep the buildings in repair and keep the cottages on the estate in repair. The situation is far worse than if the Government had the courage to say, "What we desire is to nationalise the land. We have not got the courage to do it, and we bring forward a Bill under which it is done. We are going under a shuffling pretence to do something which we could not do if a war was not on." And under the pretence of giving something to the farmers in the shape of fixed prices, which is worth nothing, absolutely nothing, they come forward and bring in an iniquitous measure and an iniquitous Clause of this sort. I could not have believed it possible that anybody who calls himself a Conservative, and who once belonged to the Unionist party, should so demean himself as to remain in a Government which proposed a measure of this sort.
I have been delighted to hear the right hon. Baronet. It makes me feel even more content than I did before at seeing this part of the Bill being considered by the House of Commons, and on its way to the Statute Book. If the right hon. Baronet had not opposed it I should not have felt so certain as I do now that it was absolutely right, and it has made me feel also that we have been doing a very good day's work, since dinner time, in getting this part a stage further in its progress. It will start a new era in British agriculture. I think that we realise it is the national duty to see that the land of a nation is producing all the food that it can. Hitherto neither farmers nor landlords nor the State have thought it worth while to try apportionment of duty. No class connected with the land have hitherto realised that that was necessary, as hitherto there has been no real public opinion against bad farming. I believe the vast majority of both the best farmers and landlords of the country will "welcome the new regime that this part of the Bill sets up, and I believe the right hon. Baronet, and perhaps a few others, will be very solitary in their opposition to it, and in their wish to see continued the good old state of things, when everybody did what he pleased with the land of which for the time being he happened to be owner or tenant. I believe that there will be very few defenders of that old state of things as soon as we come to realise the national duty in the new way. I am glad that this part of the Bill has been drafted in a way that will give the State wide powers—whoever for the time being the President of the Board of Agriculture may be—to go forward in this matter. I am thankful for the opportunity to say so. I welcome this Bill as a real step towards making the land of the country do what it ought in the service of the nation.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Camborne is very delighted with this particular Clause of the Bill, for, he says, it exhibits the end of the bad old days when the landlord did what he thought was best with his land I am not quite sure that what this Clause does is any improvement on the old system. This Clause substitutes for the landlord doing what he considered best with his land, and in the interest of agriculture, the opinion of the Board of Agriculture.
Hear, hear!
Whoever may be at the head of it the President for the time being is unchallenged and unchallengable. There is no question but that under this Clause the Board of Agriculture assumes a gigantic responsibility. As it is drafted—
"(1) The Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, if in any case they are of opinion that any land is not being cultivated in such manner as the Board think best in the interests of the country, may serve a notice on the occupier of the land requiring him to cultivate the land in accordance with directions given by the Board"—
nothing more completely autocratic or bureaucratic could well be conceived in any country at any period of its history. I am convinced that, whatever is altered in the latter stages of this Bill, the absolute power taken by the Board of Agriculture to do what it will, in its own sweet way, will have to be altered.
I want to call the attention of the Committee to one other matter. This Bill, of course, effects a complete revolution in the land system of the country, but it does several other things. If in the opinion of the Board of Agriculture any other method of cultivation is advisable they can order it, and by this Clause they take drastic powers to see that their orders are enforced. I want the Committee to consider what is going to happen at the end of the five years' period in the case of grass land if at some time during those five years, at the direction of the Board of Agriculture, that land has been ploughed up and turned into arable land. Suppose the Board of Agriculture's opinion is wrong, and this particular land would have done much better service to the State under grass than under arable cultivation, I want to know if the Board of Agriculture come to the conclusion that they have made a mistake, whether the Board, like anyone else who makes a mistake, is going to pay for it, or whether the whole cost of relaying this land down to grass is going to fall upon the agriculturist. Even if wheat is at 45s., the Board of Agriculture might decide under a policy, possibly not that of the present President, but of a successor, that this land should be turned into arable land. Suppose the following year the guarantee ends, and I do not think it is an unreasonable supposition that wheat five years from now may possibly be—I do not say at the level—but somewhere near the level it was before the War. That land obviously will have to be laid down again to grass; the whole process of thirty or forty years ago will have to be gone through again, and I want to know, before finally parting with this Clause, who is going to pay for all this. Is the whole cost to be thrown once more upon the owner? It will practically mean his expropriation from his property, because he will not be able to lay the land down to grass, and as arable land growing nothing but weeds it will be absolutely useless. I had an Amendment which was ruled out, but I shall certainly not on the technical ground part with it, as it raises this vital question; I shall put it down again on Report. It seems an impossible proposal that the Board of Agriculture shall be the sole arbiter as to how the land shall be cultivated. If in the interests of the State these experiments are to be tried, then the State must pay for them if they turn out a failure. Therefore on this Clause as it stands I at any rate think that that question has not been properly considered. I do not think the Board ought to take these great powers in any Bill, but, if they do, then they ought to take the corresponding responsibility of putting a man's land back in the condition in which it was, and in which probably in a long average of years it is most capable of serving the nation.
The hon. Gentleman is quite right in describing this as one of the most revolutionary Clauses ever introduced, because it revolutionises the whole system of land holding in this country. Although I am strongly in favour of a radical revolution I would rather have seen it proposed on wholly different lines. I have been all my life an enemy of bureaucracy. I do not believe in State Socialism, but since the War commenced the country has got sick and fed up with government by officialdom. The Board of Agriculture has been more than once referred to, but this is the first time that that Department has been placed under the control of a skilled agriculturist. It is quite our usual experience that men are appointed in the ordinary procedure of this country to this position who know nothing about agriculture, with no experience at all; and yet the President is to have under this Clause power to say to the farmers, "You are not conducting your business in a proper way, and I, although I know nothing about it, shall direct you to proceed in some other way." The reason why I intervened is because in Ireland we have been placed in a most unfair position. There is a kind of skeleton arrangement at the end of this Bill which applies the Act to Ireland, and therefore this extraordinary Clause as it stands applies to Ireland. For the last eight weeks we have been clamouring at the Irish Office to get some information as to the modifications which are to be made in applying this Act to Ireland and up to now we have not been able to get any information. I understand that these Clauses will be put upon the Paper to-morrow, but I think it is unfair to ask us to allow Clause 7 to go through without giving us any indication of the intentions of the Government with regard to Ireland. I trust that the right hon. Gentleman will keep in mind that this Clause applies to social conditions here which are entirely different from those prevailing in Ireland, and when the right hon. Gentleman comes to deal with the Irish Clauses he must realise that he is dealing with a wholly different state of circumstances. In some respects we shall desire to have the Irish Clauses even more stringent. It would, in my opinion, be a most objectionable system to have these officials going about Ireland bullying people. It is wholly uncalled for; it would lead to a great deal of friction and do no good. On the other hand, there are provisions which we hope to put into the Irish Clauses and which are unsuited to English conditions. It is very hard upon us that we have not had these Clauses upon the Paper, and I hope that they will appear to-morrow. I would take this opportunity of urging the right hon. Gentleman to examine them when they are upon the Paper and to gather some information as to the character of the Irish community before he makes up his mind as to the course he will take.
I was surprised at the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury). I always thought that he was a model farmer, and I fail to see why he should object to a Clause which makes for good farming, and is really going to get more out of the land. The nation is calling out for food, and the Government have introduced this Bill in order to get more food out of the land. The Bill, in my opinion, is a bad Bill, but this is one of the best Clauses in it. No objection whatever was raised to the Government's taking over the various engineering works and shipyards with the object of increasing the output of munitions and ships, and I do not see why any objection should be raised to the Government's doing its utmost to get the most out of the land. If the manager of some works, or the Government inspector, or anyone in charge thinks that the workman is in any way restricting the output of a munitions factory or of a shipyard, that workman is taken before a tribunal and may be punished. Why should not anyone who attempts to restrict the output of food or the productivity of the soil be punished? This Clause does to some extent punish the landlord or the farmer who is not getting the best out of his land, and, therefore, whilst not in favour of the Bill at all, I shall not vote against a Clause of this kind. I believe at a time of crisis like this, when the nation is wanting food, that the interests of private individuals should be put on one side and that we should get the best out of the land, the same as out of the munition works of the country.
I want to point out to the Government that those of us who are sincerely desirous of seeing this Bill through, have been put in an extremely difficult position on this Clause. When I first saw this huge and complicated Clause I thought that it went far beyond the reasonable requirements of the national emergency, and I feel that I cannot let it go without saying a word on behalf of those for whom I am acting. Although my Amendment was out of order, I understand that the President of the Board of Agriculture is prepared to meet the views expressed with regard to the questions of an appeal and notice. My position, and that of those with whom I am acting, is that in the present national emergency we are prepared to accept the view that those who enjoy the possession of agricultural land have far greater responsibilities and obligations than ever before, and that they ought to carry them out to the satisfaction of agriculturists who have local knowledge. The hon. Member for Leicester (Mr. R. Macdonald) says that we do not want any local people to decide. We say that the people who have the local knowledge and who know the local custom are the only people who can decide whether or not land is being farmed in the national interest. We are perfectly prepared to accept the view that the matter cannot be left either to the individual landowner or the individual occupier. Living in the present times we recognise that the decision cannot be left to them. By all means let someone on behalf of the country, preferably someone with local knowledge, say whether or not land is being put to its full use. At the same time I feel that this Clause, in allowing land to be taken out of the hands of the owner or occupier for seven years, goes far beyond the national emergency. I may be told that, unless you give the Board of Agriculture power to let it for seven years, a lot of land will remain out of cultivation, or is likely to go out of cultivation, and that unless you give security for that long term you will not get the land made productive at all. I do not believe it. I believe that if you gave security for a cycle of one long rotation that would be reasonable.
I feel that I am placed in a very extraordinary position by this Clause. It is an entirely new Clause, under which new powers are taken by the Board of Agriculture, the most extraordinary powers that were ever suggested for a Government Department in regard to what is at present private property. I have no particular theoretical objection to land nationalisation. My difficulty has always been to see how the land could be administered by the State when they obtained possession of it. If they are going to do it, I suggest that they should do it quite openly and not under the guise of a War Bill which is only to enable them to take immediate measures to increase the production of food. I will not argue the substance of the Clause at the present time. The right hon. Gentleman did not give us sufficient notice to enable us to master it. I only acquired its meaning a few minutes ago. That is rather hard upon us. The Committee ought to bear in mind the extraordinary words of the Clause. The right hon. Gentleman has taken power to authorise any person, in regard to any land which the Board thinks fit, to take over any of the powers of the Board of Agriculture. Were ever such powers given to any Government Department in regard to private property? You may or may not think it wise that there should be private property land, but while there is private property it seems to me there is some right to respect and reasonable dealing with those who still own land. The hon. Member for the West Houghton Division says he is going to support this Clause because it is going to make for better cultivation. I should support any Clause making for the better cultivation of land. My fear is that it is not going to make for the better cultivation of land at all. It may very well make for worse cultivation. What is the main reason of bad cultivation in England? There is not enough capital put into the land. Everyone with a practical acquaintance with farming knows that bad farming is done by the man who has not sufficient capital to do it properly. The difficulty of finding tenants who have the capital is the real problem that confronts anyone who wants to improve agriculture and to devise a system of management and ownership of land which will attract capital to the land. I agree entirely with the right hon. Baronet (Sir F. Banbury)—it is not often that I agree with him—that the Clause as drafted will come as a shock to the owners of land in England, and that it is going to frighten away capital instead of attracting it to the land. Is there anyone who would proceed with improvements or the cultivation of his land once the Clause is passed other than improvements which he may be compelled to do by the Board of Agriculture? I am really seriously alarmed lest the result of this, instead of doing what I am sure the President wishes, should be to drive away capital from the land and thereby make the last state of the land much worse than its present state. I am very familiar with the failures of the present system, but the main failure is the failure to draw capital, and in this Clause I see something which will intensify that feature of our present system rather than improve it. This is not, as I understand it, to come into immediate operation. It is to be hung up until the War is over, so there is nothing in the point that it is to encourage cultivation during the War. Therefore I do not see why it should be sprung upon us in such a hurry. Then we could afford to take time and consider the thing and make sure we are making no mistakes. We are entirely taken unawares. I have no interest in defending the land-owning system of this country, but it is not reasonable suddenly to alter the whole system in this way under the guise of its being a war measure, and yet not to come into operation during the War. The right hon. Gentleman really would do better to take other means to secure better cultivation during the War. I do not complain of his taking power to interfere when the land is not being properly cultivated, but the powers taken under the Clause are far more than are necessary for that purpose, and I think he will find that when the public and the land-owning public realise what the meaning of this new Clause is he has not facilitated the passing of the Bill, but has raised hindrances to it.
As to the Irish Amendments I very much regret the delay. I think the hon. Member knows that it is not my duty to propose them. Some six weeks ago, I think, one of the Members of the Irish party asked me if I could meet the Irish party to talk over the Amendments. I said "certainly," but I have never heard anything of the matter from that day to this. At all events it has not been my fault that those Amendments were not forthcoming. I am sure the different conditions of Ireland will be duly borne in mind. The hon. Member (Mr. Peto) made a somewhat impassioned appeal about the position of owners and occupiers who ploughed up their land. I would remind him that all over the country there are tracts of land which were ploughed up in the Napoleonic war. I hope it may not be the fate of landowners and occupiers to go through the same experience. All those ploughed up fields are monuments to the men who ploughed up the land to save the country from starvation in that one great war. Let us bear in mind that that was the case, and that we should have been as a country starved into surrender in 1812 if the French, who were our enemies, had not found our prices so extraordinarily seductive. They sent in wheat to this country. The hon. and gallant Member for Horn castle (Colonel Weigall) commented quite justly upon the difficulty in which he was placed by the Amendments being placed so late on the Order Paper. I regret that myself, but there were various circumstances which would take me too long to recount why they were not put in sooner. For my own part, I hardly expected to get the White Paper to-day. I have promised the hon. Member that that part of his Amendment which relates to appeals I shall most carefully consider, and I shall consider it from the point of view also of the many Members who have urged that there should be an appeal. The right hon. Member for the Rushcliffe Division (Mr. Leif Jones) commented upon the extraordinary powers in the Bill enabling us to go roaming about and seizing upon any land we like. He must remember that these Clauses are governed by the operative words. If any land is, in the opinion of the Board, not being cultivated in such a manner as the Board thinks best in the interests of the country, or in the other case, if in the opinion of the Board the occupier fails to cultivate the land in accordance with the directions given, then in both cases we have got to take care that the land is being cultivated properly. If there is a farm on which there is a quantity of good land which has tumbled down into grass, we say that that land ought to be ploughed up and I think everybody would agree with us. The idea that we should interfere with the man who was farming well, who was doing his utmost by his land, producing either milk or wheat in sufficient abundance, is altogether wrong. We should not interfere there. Although the powers are wide, we undoubtedly want them in order in a great emergency to get all the food we can grow and afterwards, if necessary, to take care that where arable cultivation is the right thing, we shall be able so to operate the Act, at all events, as to continue the cultivation of that land as arable land. The powers are great, but they are not going to be exercised by inexperienced men; they are exercised almost entirely by the farmers of the district—men of experience, and men of knowledge, who are not as a rule inclined to try experiments. There may be and probably there will be instances in which these powers will be abused, but I think the country may rely upon their being exercised with moderation and for the benefit of the community.
Question, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.
Committee report Progress; to sit again upon Monday next.
Companies (Particulars as to Directors) Bill
Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
It being after half-past Eleven of the clock, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at One minute before Twelve o'clook.