House of Commons
Wednesday, August 8, 1917
Private Business
Martin's Divorce Bill [ Lords ],
Read a second time, and committed.
Charitable Donations and Bequests (Ireland)
Copy presented of Seventy-second Report of the Commissioners of Charitable Donations and Bequests for Ireland for the year 1916 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
University Education in Wales (Royal Commission)
Copy presented of Second Report of the Commissioners, with Minutes of Evidence (December, 1916—March, 1917), Appendices, and Index [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Aliens (Naturalisation)
Return presented relative thereto [Address 12th July; Mr. Brace ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 129.]
Shops Act, 1912
Copy presented of Order made by the Council of the undermentioned local authority, and confirmed, with amendment, by the Secretary of State for the Home Department:—
Borough of Newport
[by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Industrial Unrest (Commission of Inquiry)
Copy presented of Summary of the Reports of the Commission, by the Right honourable G. N. Barnes, M.P. [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Local Government Board
Copy presented of Forty-sixth Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1916–17. Part I. Administration of the Poor Law. Special Work arising out of the War. Part II. Housing and Town Planning. Part III. Public Health; Local Administration; Local Taxation and Valuation [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Road Improvement Fund
Copy presented of Abstract Account of Receipts into and Payments out of the Road Improvement Fund for the year ended 31st March, 1917, together with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 130.]
Railway Accidents
Copy presented of Report to the Board of Trade upon the Accidents that have occurred on the Railways of the United Kingdom during the year 1916 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Oral Answers to Questions
War
India
Moslem League
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he has received any representation from the joint conference of the Congress Committee and the Council of the Moslem League; if so, whether any reply has been given thereto, and will he communicate the substance of such reply to the House?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative; to the second in the negative. The third, therefore, does not arise.
New Capital, Delhi
asked what amount the Government of India proposes to spend in the current financial year in creating a modern Indian capital at Delhi?
£266,700.
Does my right hon. Friend think it desirable to go on spending money on this purpose at a time like this? Could not the money be spent on a more immediate war purpose?
My hon. Friend must be aware that when buildings are partly finished a small expenditure must be incurred, but the Estimates have been much reduced.
Trade Commissioner
asked the Secretary of State for India if he will give the House any information regarding the appointment of Mr. Chadwick as Indian Trade Commissioner in London and say where his office will be situated, and when he will commence operations?
Mr. Chadwick has been appointed Indian Trade Commissioner with a view to developing Indian trade in this country. His office will be in the city, and it is hoped that he will be in a position to start work in the autumn.
Champaran District (Landlords and Tenants)
asked the Secretary or State for India if he can give the House any information regarding the appointment of a commission to inquire into the relations of landlord and tenant in the Champaran district?
The Government of Bihar and Orissa by a Resolution dated the 10th June have appointed a Committee to inquire into the relations between landlords and tenants in the district of Champaran, including all disputes arising out of the manufacture and cultivation of indigo, and to recommend measures for the removal of any abuses or grievances which may be found to exist. The Committee consists of three Government officers, two members of the provincial legislative council, and Mr. M. K. Gandhi, who has actively interested himself in the case of the cultivators.
Tea Exports
asked whether the Government of India has had under consideration the question of advancing funds to exchange banks for the purpose of purchasing the estate bills of planters in India who, while they have sufficient credit with London banks, have now no means of obtaining money except by council bills, the amount of which is restricted to that required for financing exports considered by Government to be more essential at present than tea, coffee, and rubber; and when facilities will be afforded for the export of these products from Tuticorin and the Malabar coast?
The question of financial facilities for the tea industry has been considered. The Bank of Bengal has provided its customers with funds, and considerable facilities for exports of tea are provided by the Exchange Banks. The question of coffee is under consideration. Rubber and tea exports from Tuticorin and the Malabar coast have not been before the Government of India.
Would my right hon. Friend look into the matter of these exports from Tuticorin and the Malabar coast?
Certainly.
Troops at Aden
asked whether excessive sickness prevails among the troops at Aden; and whether any recognition has been made of the gallantry of the men there in fighting against largely predominant Turkish forces?
No report has been received suggesting that there is any excessive sickness among the troops at Aden. The names of a number of officers and men were brought to notice for good service in a dispatch published last year, and a number of rewards were granted. Similar procedure will doubtless be followed when the next dispatch is published.
Will my right hon. Friend send out specially to inquire as to whether excessive sickness does exist there? My information is that it does.
Yes, as soon as my right hon. Friend gave me information of that, I did make inquiries, and I will let him know the result. Meanwhile, if he has any information to give I shall be grateful.
May I ask whether a supply of fresh vegetables has now been secured for the garrison at Aden, and whether the special expeditionary allowance has been made?
I am afraid I do not know.
Questions
Shipping Losses
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he can state, either in figures or percentages, the number of steamers, of twelve knots speed and upwards and their gross register tonnage, which have been sunk by enemy submarines?
Presumably the purpose of my hon. Friend's question is to indicate the varying degrees of immunity from submarine attack possessed by vessels of varying speeds. It would be unwise to give this information in detail, but it is, of course, the case that, the higher the speed of the vessel, the greater the immunity; and this fact is fully appreciated by those responsible for the construction of merchant ships.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Shipping Controller appears to be under the impression that a speed of twelve knots is sufficient to ensure immunity of standard ships from submarine attacks?
Has any consideration been given to the desire for figures to be given of the total gross registered tonnage, and will my right hon. Friend direct the attention of the First Lord to the protest made by officials against the concealment of information on this question?
My hon. and gallant Friend is now dealing with total tonnage. On that I cannot add anything to what has been said by the Leader of the House.
Is it not possible to give percentage figures without disclosing anything?
No. That has been looked into, and it cannot be done.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the Parlia- mentary Secretary to the Shipping Controller, in a speech earlier in the Session, indicated the speed of these vessels?
I hope we are not going to have a debate upon every question. I would remind the hon. Member for the Toxteth Division of Liverpool that we have 118 questions on the Paper, and it is not fair to occupy all the time with his own.
Cargo Discharges (Delay)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware of the congestion in a certain port created by sending numbers of steamers of large tonnage carrying horses and grain to this port, thereby entailing delay and detention to these steamers, some of which have occupied about three weeks in discharging their cargoes; whether he is aware that this detention and loss of use of steamers at a time of great scarcity of tonnage might have been avoided by sending them to other ports where equal facilities for landing horses and greater facilities for the discharge of their grain cargoes could be obtained; and whether these vessels are directed to this port by the Ministry of Shipping or by the Admiralty?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply. At most of the principal gram ports to which any large number of steamers can be sent in present circumstances, there is a certain congestion consequent upon heavy arrivals. No additional delay or detention has, however, been caused by the fact that some steamers carry horses as well as grain. At the same time, the Shipping Controller will be glad to consider any suggestion that my hon. Friend may be able to offer. The direction of vessels to particular ports is a matter of arrangement between the Admiralty and the Ministry of Shipping, and is, of course, governed by naval considerations.
Is my hon. Friend not aware that at least half a dozen vessels have been waiting at the port indicated, while the port of Liverpool has been free from congestion?
My information is that most of the ports are somewhat congested up to now for reasons I have stated, but, with regard to the port referred to, my right hon. Friend the Shipping Controller will be very glad to have any suggestions with regard to it or any other port.
Naval Shipwrights
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the directions dealing with the accelerated advancement from shipwright third class to shipwright second class have yet been issued; and, if not, will he give a date for their issue?
Since replying to my hon. and learned Friend's previous question on this subject on the 20th June last, further proposals affecting the period of training of boy shipwrights for the rating shipwright, third class, have been under consideration. As these proposals directly affect the decision announced by me on that occasion, the issuing of instructions regarding the acceleration of advancement from shipwright, third class, to shipwright, second class, was temporarily deferred. It is hoped, however, that orders on the subject will be issued during the present month.
Naval Warrant Writers
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that though seven warrant writers have been promoted assistant-paymasters, yet no chief writer has been appointed to warrant writer to fill the vacancies thus created; and, having regard to the fact that the question of adding to the warrant writers has been under consideration since last March, will he at once take steps to fill these vacancies and also add to their number?
Six commissioned writers and warrant writers have been promoted to assistant-paymasters (now styled paymasters), of which five fill the established appointments, and one, having reached the age limit, is borne supernumerary. It was laid down in Order in Council of 14th April, 1917, which will be found in the "Gazette" of the 17th April, 1917, that the five authorised appointments of these paymasters were to be included in the numbers of commissioned writers and warrant writers previously allowed. The vacancy due to the one paymaster reaching the age limit has been filled by the promotion of a chief writer to warrant rank. There are, therefore, no vacancies for warrant writer.
Am I to understand that there will be no promotion in the lower ranks, notwithstanding the grant of warrant commission rank to these men?
It is not that. It is governed by the Order in Council of 14th April, 1917, to which I would direct my hon. and learned Friend's attention.
Will my right hon. Friend really take steps to remove the grievance under which these men suffer?
Perhaps my hon. and learned Friend will look into the Order in Council to which I have referred him. I will look into what my hon. and learned Friend has said.
German Raiders
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is in a position to give any further information regarding the German raider "Wulf" in the Indian Ocean, and the German raiders "Seeadler," "Moewe," "Vineta," "Puyme," and others which some time ago were operating in the Atlantic, and of which nothing has recently been heard?
The Admiralty is not without knowledge as to the movements or fate of these vessels. But it must be obvious that to disclose what is known or what is not known may be of value to the enemy. In the circumstances, therefore, it is not considered in, the public interest to reply to this question.
Naval and Military Pensions and Grants
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that seamen, Royal Navy, and privates, Royal Marines, who are compelled to serve on after completing time for pension cannot, in consequence of a maximum scale which is laid down by King's Regulations and Admiralty Instructions, obtain any addition to their pension after completing twenty-two years' and twenty-one years' service, respectively; whether this maximum can in the case of a seaman be reached after twenty-two years' service, and in the case of a marine after twenty-one years' service; whether the Royal Warrant for pay for the Army lays down that an addition of a halfpenny a day for each completed year of qualifying service after twenty-one years up to a maximum of 5d. is granted to privates and gunners in the Army; and, if so, whether he will so amend the King's Regulations and Admiralty Instructions that seamen, Royal Navy, and privates of Marines should receive a similar increase to the maximum amount of their pensions on account of their extended service?
The ordinary Service pension of 10d. a day is earned after twenty-two years' service by a seaman and of 8d. a day after twenty-one years' service by a marine. Additions can be earned in respect of good conduct badges, good conduct medals, and continuous very good character, which may bring the rates up to 1s. 2d. a day for seamen and 1s. 3d. a day for marines. Seamen and marines who have not earned these full rates at the date of completion of time for pension can earn additions by further service until these rates are reached, but they are the maximum rates which can be earned in respect of service, badges, medal, and character. When they are reached there is at present no addition to pension for further detained service. The whole question of the treatment of these men is under consideration at the present time, and I will inform my hon. and gallant Friend when a decision has been reached.
When is a decision likely to be reached on this question?
I will expedite it all I can. I will give my hon. and gallant Friend immediate notice.
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty by what authority seamen and marines who have completed their qualifying period for pensions are debarred from receiving the pensions earned; and whether, without detriment to the Service, he will take steps to provide for men, who have completed the time for pension, being discharged to pension and mobilised for service the following day, having in view the fact that a man so discharged on the 30th July, 1914, is now mobilised and receives pension and pay, whereas a man who completed the time for pension on 4th August is receiving pay and a small detained pay only without the pension which under the Regulations he has now earned for nearly three years?
The authority asked for in the first part of the question is the Royal Proclamation of the 3rd August, 1914. The point raised by my hon. and gallant Friend in the second part of his question was fully dealt with by me on the 30th July during the Debate on the Third Reading of the Consolidated Fund Bill. I then stated that in order to mitigate the feeling of inequality of treatment as compared with men pensioned before the War and drawing their pensions in addition to pay, it had been decided to increase the rate of detained pay by 2d. a day for the second year, and a further 2d. a day for the third year. Since I made that statement it has been decided to add another 2d. a day for the fourth year of detention, making 8d. a day in all. I cannot undertake, in the cases of men giving detained service, to pay pension and pay.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the Royal Proclamation to which he refers does not debar men in any way from receiving this pension when entitled to it; and, if it is not detrimental to the Service, why does not the Admiralty see that this undoubted grievance is removed?
I do not think the Royal Proclamation gives the right to men detained in the Service to receive pay and pension. What has been done is that, instead of having the 2d. for every year of service, the rates are as stated in my answer.
Is that not retrospective?
They will not have arrears of pay, and they will not get arrears of 2d. If a man is now in the fourth year of detained service he will at once draw 8d.
Is it not a fact that the Admiralty have to take Parliamentary powers to retain the Royal Marines in the Service whose time has expired for pensions? Have they not thereby earned their pensions?
My hon. and learned Friend is raising quite another question and I will go into that with him. It is really not raised in this question.
Colonel YATE rose—
I really must ask the hon. and gallant Member not to continue these supplementary questions.
asked whether an Order has been issued stopping the separation allowances of the wives of sailors interned in Holland who have been married since their internment; whether this Order involves the stoppage of a number of allowances at present being paid; whether he will take into consideration that this involves hardship in the case of men who married on the understanding that separation allowance would continue to be paid; and whether he will secure that the Order is not retrospective but shall refer only to the case of men who have married since the date of the Order?
After full consideration, an Order has been issued which is substantially in the terms described by my hon. Friend. It provides, however, for continuance of existing allowances to the end of October, and gives the recipients a three months' notice of withdrawal.
asked the Undersecretary of State for War whether a lieutenant-colonel who has finished his five years as regimental lieutenant-colonel during the currency of the War and who is retained in that appointment under the emergency provisions of the Royal Warrant instead of being retired receives less than £450 a year, the pay to which he would have been entitled on retirement under ordinary circumstances, whilst a lieutenant-colonel who was on the retired pay of £450 a year at the outbreak of the War and is reappointed during the War as regimental lieutenant-colonel receives the full pay of that rank in addition to his retired pay of £450 a year; and, if so, whether he will consider the advisability of remedying this grievance?
An officer retained in an appointment receives the pay of the appointment. An officer retired before the War and re-employed during the War receives as a rule the pay of the appointment in addition to his retired pay, but the additional service does not count for additional retired pay. This is in accordance with the Regulations.
Mesopotamia Expedition
Services of Naval Forces
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he intends to issue any dispatch recounting and recognising the services of the Naval forces in Mesopotamia, without which the British troops would never have taken Bagdad?
A dispatch will be published shortly.
Will that dispatch, when published, recognise the splendid services of the men belonging to the naval forces?
My hon. Friend may be quite sure those services will be fully recognised.
When?
I cannot say.
Sir William Babtie
asked the Undersecretary of State for War whether the contents of the Vincent Bingley Report of the Mesopotamia Expedition had been considered by the Army Council before the appointment of Sir William Babtie as Deputy-Director-General of Army Medical Services; and, if so, what reasons can be given for his selection for this post?
Sir William Babtie was appointed Director of Medical Services, and not as stated in the question Deputy-Director-General Medical Service, at the War Office on 18th March, 1916. The Vincent Bingley Report is dated "Simla, 29th June, 1916."
Does he retain his Indian pay, or has he been reduced?
All that I can say is that the War Office have suspended him. On the question of his pay, I must refer the hon. Member to the India Office.
Questions
Sir E. Carson (Visit to Belfast)
asked if the right hon. Member for Dublin University, on his recent visit to Belfast, was guarded on the cross-Channel journey by two destroyers and some aeroplanes; and if it is the usual thing for all cross-Channel steamers to be protected in this way?
Such steps as were taken were in accord with the normal routine of the area, and had no special connection with the presence of any individual on board the steamer.
Belfast (Skilled Workmen Unemployed)
asked whether, in view of the number of skilled workmen out of employment in Belfast, he can arrange to give more orders or work to the shipbuilding yards and engineering works in that city?
The matter is engaging the attention of the Board.
Warship Losses (Courts-Martial)
asked (1) whether, in regard to the cases where Courts of inquiry in which witnesses are not on oath have been substituted for the court-martial in cases of losses of warships, complete verbatim reports of the evidence and proceedings have been kept which can be produced if Parliament decides to call for them; (2) whether, in the cases where secret courts-martial have been held to inquire into the losses of warships, there have been kept complete verbatim reports of the evidence and proceedings in case Parliament calls for their publication at any time?
Very complete reports are kept of all courts-martial and Courts of Inquiry on the loss of His Majesty's ships.
asked whether a court-martial has taken place or is about to take place in connection with the losses of H.M.S. "Vanguard" and H.M.S. "Ariadne," and, if so, to what extent were the proceedings held or will be held in public?
Both cases are under consideration.
Soldiers' and Workmen's Councils
War Cabinet Decision
asked the Undersecretary of State for War whether, in view of the complete alteration in the composition of the British Army and of the fact that it is proposed to grant votes to soldiers as soldiers, the War Cabinet have arrived at any decision with regard to cancelling No. 451 of the King's Regulations, which deprives soldiers of the right of political association among themselves and also of the right of attending political meetings in uniform, this latter part of the Regulation being already disregarded with the connivance of the military authorities?
I understand that the War Cabinet have decided that paragraph 451 of the King's Regulations is to be strictly and impartially enforced, and that soldiers are not to be permitted to join Soldiers' and Workmen's Councils.
Are our soldiers to be deprived of the ordinary rights accorded to the civil population?
I do not think so, but really I cannot usefully add anything to the answer I have given. When a man has enlisted in His Majesty's Service he is subject to certain rights and obligations, and paragraph 451 refers to the obligation.
Does the strict enforcement of paragraph 451 mean that soldiers will not be allowed to attend political meetings in the future?
I do not remember paragraph 451 exactly offhand, but perhaps my hon. Friend will give me notice and I will look into it.
Will it be insisted upon in the case of soldiers who are Members of this House?
asked the Undersecretary for War whether his attention has been called to the assumption by a certain pacifist political association of the title, the Workers' and Soldiers' Council; and whether, having regard to the Regula- tions under the Defence of the Realm Act and the King's Regulations, he intends to take any action to restrain the use of such title as tending to prejudice the discipline and administration of His Majesty's forces and also to prejudice His Majesty's relations with Foreign Powers?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The use of the title does not appear to fall within the scope of the King's Regulations or of No. 27 of the Defence of the Realm Regulations. I would also refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I have just given to Question No. 28.
Military Service
Glasgow Appeal Tribunal
asked the Undersecretary for War whether he is aware that John M'Killop, junior, of 158, Raebury Street, Glasgow, was granted conditional exemption by the Glasgow Appeal Tribunal on 25th May, 1916, owing to the fact that his aged parents were totally incapacitated for work through physical infirmity and his only brother was away on active service in Egypt; and will he say for what reason this exemption has now been withdrawn although his domestic circumstances are unaltered?
This matter is rather for my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland. I have communicated with him, and he is investigating the matter, and he will no doubt inform my hon. Friend in due course.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War (1) whether he is satisfied with the report from the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief Scottish Command concerning the death of Gunner Sim, No. 193,261, Royal Field Artillery; whether he proposes to take further action and grant an inquiry into all the circumstances; (2) whether his attention has been called to the memorandum from Captain H. Underwood, commanding 36th Reserve Battery, Royal Field Artillery, stating that a letter was received from Mr. Sim after the funeral of his son, late Gunner Sim, expressing his wish to inform all officers, non-commissioned officers, and men under his command of his gratitude for the kindness all ranks had shown to his son; that this letter was placed on the order board, but cannot now be traced; whether he is aware that no such letter was ever written or sent, and that consequently it could neither be exhibited on the order board nor traced; what he proposes to do in the circumstances; (3) whether he can explain how it was that Gunner Sim was placed in Category A at Piershill Barracks; why it is that the report to Surgeon-General J. C. Culling only begins on 3rd March, and gives no information concerning the vital alteration of Gunner Sim's category from C 1 to A within one week; and whether he proposes to call for a report covering the period immediately prior to 3rd March?
When my hon. Friend raised this case in May I asked for a full report, and that report, covering eight pages, I sent to my hon. Friend. Every consideration was given to Gunner Sim, and his regrettable death was not due to any fault of the medical authorities. With regard to the letter received from the father after the funeral, I can, of course, only rely upon the explicit statement of the officer commanding the battery that such a letter of thanks and appreciation was received by him. As regards the point raised in question 33, I am having inquiries made.
Is my hon. Friend aware that I have got a copy of the communication that was sent, and therefore I know what it is; and will he say why it is that the report begins only at 3rd March, and does not cover the period immediately prior to that date of the re-examination in which the man was ordered from C1 to A?
That is a point about which I am having inquiries made. With regard to the first part of the hon. Member's supplementary question, as I have stated quite explicitly, the only information I have got, upon which I must rely, is the definite statement of the commanding officer.
I will raise the whole question on the Adjournment, along with the question of medical boards.
Christadelphians
asked whether all the Christadelphians that come within the military age are provided with a certificate of exemption?
So far as is known, all Christadelphians of military age who are still in civil life are either in possession of a certificate of exemption which, if granted on conscientious grounds, is conditional on the holder being engaged in work of national importance approved by the Committee on Work of National Importance except in certain cases in which that Committee have considered the man physically unfit for being placed definitely on such work, or have been found unfit for military service, or are in possession of protection certificates issued under the protected occupations scheme.
Can the hon. Member say what is a Christadelphian?
I am afraid my hon. Friend must consult some theological text-book.
Military Service Acts
asked the Under-Secretary for War whether he has noted the view of the Commission of Inquiry into Industrial Unrest (Cd. 8669) that the whole system of the operation of the Military Service Acts is an exhibition of bungling incompetence; and whether he proposes to introduce adequate changes in administering these Acts?
The points raised in the paragraph referred to do not concern the Directorate of Recruiting, or, indeed, the War Office. The trade card scheme was withdrawn by the War Cabinet. The list of protected trades was prepared by the Ministry of Munitions. The individuals to whom "red and black cards" are issued are selected by the Ministry of Munitions. The policy of forming units for work purposes— e.g, agriculture—was adopted by the War Cabinet. Finally, it is to be noted that the Commissioners for Scotland do not associate themselves with the opinion expressed in the question.
Review of Exceptions
asked the Prime Minister whether he can announce whether the Government accept the suggestions in the Report of the Select Committee on the Military Service (Review of Exceptions) Act; and whether he proposes to give the House any opportunity of discussing the interim Report?
I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member for Loughborough yesterday on this subject.
Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to give the House an opportunity of discussing this Report before the Adjournment or will the Adjournment Debate be the only opportunity?
I do not think it will be desirable to give a special opportunity. I think the House will be satisfied with the opportunity referred to.
If those Members who are interested in other things restrict their remarks, and so give time to the Government, will this subject be given preference?
I am sure that the hon. Member has the intention of setting a very good example.
Medical Examinations
asked the Undersecretary of State for War the procedure which should be followed by men of military age who are dissatisfied with their medical classification, especially the cases of men who were medically rejected prior to the Act, but who have since been classified and are now subject to military service?
I am afraid that I cannot undertake to give a general answer to this question. I understand my hon. Friend has in mind the case of a man named Taylor. This man has been before the Special Medical Board in London, who have classified him in category A, and I am afraid that the decision of that board must be accepted.
Has a man any opportunity of appealing and putting before a Court of Appeal evidence to show that the Special Medical Board is wrong?
The Special Medical Board is the highest Court of Appeal.
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office if he is aware that W. A. C. Brookes, of 2, Parade, Sutton Coldfield, was compelled to resign active service in the Volunteer Training Corps on account of an extension of varicocele and hernia, followed by several attacks of appendicitis, and that the Sutton Coldfield Tribunal exempted him from military service on 4th April, 1916, and on 30th January, 1917, on account of the serious state of his health, certified by Dr. Chavasse, of Sutton Coldfield; that on 4th April, 1917, he was classed fit A by the Leeds Medical Board; that Dr. G. Heaton, a lieutenant-colonel in the Royal Army Medical Corps and a notable specialist in Birmingham, certified on 16th April, 1917, that this man was suffering from varicocele on both his sides, a right inguinal hernia which cannot be operated on, general weakness in his abdominal muscles, and a bulging in the left inguinal region; that he was again exempted from active service by the Sutton Coldfield Tribunal; that, on the appeal by the military representative to the County Appeal Tribunal, the appeal was dismissed; and that the appeal to the Central Tribunal in London by the military representative was granted without the case being heard, with no knowledge of the man's medical condition, and without giving the man the opportunity of stating his case or being represented; and, if so, whether he will suspend this man's calling-up notice for 10th August and meanwhile ascertain if he is fit for active service?
Arrangements have been made for Brookes to appear before the Special Medical Board at Leeds.
Conscientious Objectors
asked the Undersecretary of State for War if he is aware that a young Staff officer was sent down from the War Office to make inquiries into the alleged ill-treatment of a conscientious objector at Cleethorpes Camp; that he returned to London the same day after a brief interview with Brightmore, and without holding any proper inquiry; if he has received any further report from the Commanding Officer, Northern Command; and will he order a public inquiry into the case, so that the brigadier-general and the major of the regiment may state their case publicly?
As complaints were being received as to the treatment of conscientious objectors of 3rd Manchester Regiment at Cleethorpes Camp, the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Northern Command, was directed to send a Staff officer over to investigate and personally interview every conscientious objector of the unit and hear complaints. The Staff officer submitted his report in writing to the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, and in view of the report received full and proper inquiries were subsequently made. No further report has been received from the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Northern Command. The answer to the fourth part of the question is in the negative.
asked the President of the Local Government Board if he has received a letter from Mr. J. Speak, The Triangle, near Halifax, pointing out that he has been awaiting arrest under the Military Service Act for twelve weeks; that he is a skilled worker in the textile industry holding double honours certificates in cotton-spinning; that there is a large percentage of machinery standing idle in the textile trade at present for lack of men of his qualifications; that he is willing to undertake work for which he is specially qualified or any other work of national importance; that he will not accept any form of military service but is ready to go to prison if he is not permitted to do some useful work; and what action he has taken in the case?
I have received a letter from Mr. Speak. As the hon. Member is well aware, if an application is made on the grounds of conscience, the tribunal has to decide the application on this ground, according to what appears to them the merits of the case. It was open to Mr. Speak to appeal, but I assume he did not do so.
asked the Home Secretary whether his concession that in future consideration shall be given to the case of a man who, having refused work under the Committee on Employment of Conscientious Objectors, afterwards changes his mind and applies for leave to work under that Committee, will be made retrospective; and whether it will apply to those men who have been returned to prison for infringing the Regulations of the Committee on Employment of Conscientious Objectors?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part of the ques- tion, it has been the practice of the Committee to consider the petition of any man who, after having been sent back to prison for infringing the Committee's rules, desires to be given a second chance of working under the Committee, and several such men have been released for this purpose, but these cases must be left to the discretion of the Committee.
Will the same opportunity be given in the case of men who are undergoing their second or third period of imprisonment, sometimes two years' imprisonment for disobeying orders, to take up military duty, if they indicate their willingness to take up national work?
Yes, I think so.
Would it not save a great deal of trouble to the Government and in every way if a rule were established that if any persons who have refused to avail themselves of the Home Office scheme indicate their willingness to accept it they shall have the opportunity?
I have already said so in this House, subject, of course, to special circumstances.
Asylum Attendants
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether he is aware that a number of soldiers in the Royal Army Medical Corps at Blackpool, who previous to enlistment were asylum attendants, have been sent to various asylums in different parts of the country to act as asylum attendants at Army rates of pay; and whether he will make inquiries into the matter with a view to these men receiving civilian rates of pay, in view of the fact that they were sent as substitutes to institutions in no way connected with the War Office, there being no soldier inmates?
I am making inquiries in this case, and will inform my hon. Friend of the result as soon as I am in a position to do so.
Volunteer Training Corps
asked the President of the Local Government Board if it is accepted as a reasonable condition of exemption from military service to impose upon a general farm hand who is in category C 2 the condition that he must join the Volunteer Training Corps, where the nearest Volunteer Training Corps is six and a half miles from the man's home, and that to attend drills would involve a walk of thirteen miles after a hard day's work; and will he make representations to the Merioneth Appeal Tribunal that it is unreasonable to impose such a condition?
If a condition attached to a certificate of exemption is considered to be unreasonable the proper course is to put the facts before the tribunal concerned, and to ask for a variation of the certificate.
Questions
Soldiers' Leave (17th Gloucestershire Regiment)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War (1) whether he is aware that many men in the 17th Gloucestershire Regiment stationed in England are B1 men and therefore passed for service abroad; whether, in these circumstances, they are entitled to a free warrant for travelling every six months when on leave; (2) whether he is aware of the fact that the men of the 17th Gloucestershire Regiment stationed in England have had very little leave for the purposes of visiting their homes in the West of England during the last twelve months; whether there are any reasons for the withholding of leave; and, if not, whether consideration will be given to any requests that the men may make for leave?
I think my hon. Friend has probably some particular case in his mind. If he will give me details I will have inquiries made.
Pack-Drill (Welsh Guards, Caterham)
asked the Undersecretary for War if he will make inquiries into the allegations of ill-treatment of the men serving in the Welsh Guards stationed at Caterham, Surrey, it being alleged that for the least trifling offence or mistake made at drills the men are committed to a punishment called pack-drill, and, particularly, whether a few days ago one of the men, being in a weak state, was unable to follow the drills and was put on pack-drill, and, whilst doing this, died; and whether, on Saturday, 28th July, another soldier collapsed under the same treatment and was carried unconscious to the hospital?
My hon. Friend will be glad to hear that there is no ground for the allegations, which have been suggested to him. No recruit at the Guards' depot is punished unless it is shown that he is wilfully and continually not trying to learn the drill. No soldier has died at the Guards' depot within the last two and a-half months. On the 28th of July a man of the Welsh Guards complained of illness on punishment parade. He was immediately taken to hospital where he slept well during the night, and felt quite well the next morning.
Typhoid Vaccine
asked whether records have been kept stating the origin of the typhoid vaccine now used for the inoculation of the troops; and, if so, from what source were the typhoid bacilli obtained which were used to form the original culture from which the present cultures have been developed?
Yes, Sir; records have been kept. The typhoid bacilli were obtained from the blood of a patient many years ago and have been kept growing ever since.
Army Pay Office, Blackheath
asked the Undersecretary for War if he is aware that at the Army pay office at Blackheath there are two temporary captains whose commissions date long since August, 1914, both A 1 category and only on the border line of thirty, doing duty which an incapacitated expeditionary officer could perform or an over-age, and, although noted by the General Officer Commanding in Chief, Eastern Command, are there still; if he is aware that side by side with these two captains in question are about thirty or forty men with Army experience doing clerical work which could be done by unfit men; and if he will take action in the matter?
My hon. Friend is misinformed. There is one Category A acting paymaster holding a temporary commission at Blackheath, whose age is thirty-five. He is doing expert and technical work, and it would not be in the public interests to remove him. The latter part of the question refers presumably to the permanent Army Pay Department officers and permanent Army Pay Corps clerks. In view of their long departmental training and long severance from combatant service it is not advisable to remove them.
Army Medical Service
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War what Committee reported before the War on the reorganisation of the administrative services of the War Office; and whether, as. a result of this Report, the Director-General of Army Medical Services was. removed from the Army Council and placed under the control of the Adjutant-General?
The Director-General Army Medical Service never has-been a member of the Army Council. I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the Report of the Esher Committee, Section 1 of Part III., paragraphs 9 to 14.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether the Censor refused his consent to any reference to this desire for an inquiry, on the part of the medical profession, being published in the Press; that in fact reference to it was made in only one paper, and that this reference was deleted in the second edition; and why all criticism in the Press of the administration of the Army Medical Service made with the object of increasing its efficiency, is suppressed?
I can find no trace of any action having been taken in this matter by the Censor, but I will make further inquiries if my hon. and gallant Friend will supply me with further particulars.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether the Secretary of State for War is aware of the fact that at the representative meeting of the British Medical Association (representing 18,000 doctors) on 26th July a resolution was passed urging the council of the association to press for an inquiry into the administration of the Army Medical Service: and will he say if it is proposed to adopt this suggestion?
I understand that evidence was given by this association as well as others before the Committee presided over by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Munitions. It would not be conducive to the efficiency of the Service or the successful prosecution of the War to initiate such an inquiry as is suggested while the War is in progress. The Secretary of State, some little time ago, arranged for certain eminent medical men to visit France for the purpose of satisfying himself that the medical services were on a sound and efficient basis. The visit of this Committee will take place when the operations now in progress admit of their carrying out useful inquiries.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War what salary is paid to members of the Medical Advisory Board of the Army Medical Service; how many civilian doctors have a seat on it; and how many times this Board has sat since August, 1914?
There are eleven members, seven military and four civilian. The civilian members are paid £200 a year each for their services on the board. Two military members receive extra pay of £150 a year; five receive nothing for this duty. The number of meetings of the board was in 1913 ten, in 1914 seven. No formal meetings have been held since August, 1914, but all the paid members have been constantly consulted and have given very valuable advice throughout the War.
Is it not advisable to have the opinions of these men in concert as a council, as they were intended to be?
I am informed that most of these members are serving in various theatres of war.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether, although the number of civilian doctors now in the Army Medical Service outnumbers members of the regular Royal Army Medical Corps by more than ten to one, the civilian doctors hold none of the higher administrative posts which would give them power to introduce reforms or otherwise increase the efficiency of the Army Medical Service; and whether he will consider the desirability of taking action in this direction?
At the present moment there are a large number of consultant medical men of the highest attainments employed both at home and abroad with the Army, and these distinguished men are in constant touch with the Army medical authorities, with a view to introducing reforms and increasing the efficiency of the Army Medical Service in such ways as experience may prove beneficial.
Territorial and Reserve medical officers and civilians who have been granted commissions in the Royal Army Medical Corps during the War hold a fair share of the administrative posts in the Army. Throughout the War the line that has invariably been taken is that the best man should be employed where his abilities have the most scope, but it must be remembered that however eminent a civilian medical man's medical attainments may be, he would be out of place in certain high administrative posts in the Army through his want of knowledge of the administration and organisation of the Army as a whole. Where this experience has been gained through service during the present War, these officers are equally available with Regular medical officers for selection to posts of responsibility.
The whole subject has lately been under investigation by the Committee presided over by my right hon. Friend. The Report of this Committee may be shortly expected.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that owing to the uneconomical use of medical men by the Army Medical Service a number of hospitals in this country are understaffed; that the supply of medical men to the civilian population is such that they could not hope to cope with a serious epidemic; that owing to this shortage a number of resident posts in hospitals have been filled by unqualified medical students, Chinese, Indian, and other coloured doctors; and that in many instances His Majesty's soldiers and their relations, including women during childbirth, depend largely on these for medical assistance; and whether he proposes to take any action in the matter?
I would refer my hon. Friend to answers which I have already given on this subject. There is a Committee in existence to safeguard the needs of the civilian population so far as doctors are concerned. I may add that my Noble Friend the Secretary of State is contemplating the appointment of a small Committee to consider the use which is being made of medical men in France.
Censorship (Letters and Telegrams)
asked the Prime Minister whether all letters and telegrams going abroad are liable to be censored; whether, if they contain items liable to cause disaffection and unrest, they are returned to the sender; if such is the case, why was the telegram of the late First Lord of the Admiralty with reference to his anxiety to kill Home Rule allowed to be transmitted to Australia just at the moment when all parties in Ireland were striving to carry out the wishes of the Government, or is the fomenter of revolution to be a free lance in all matters without any regard for the peace and good will of those who form the British Empire?
My right hon. Friend the Member for Dublin University has no knowledge of any telegram such as is referred to in the question.
British Shipping (Nationalisation)
asked the Prime Minister whether certain Cabinet Ministers have expressed themselves in favour of the nationalisation of British shipping after the War; whether it is the intention of the Government to then nationalise British shipping; and, if so, on what lines?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. I am not in a position to indicate the intentions of the Government which may be in power immediately after peace is declared.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the Minister of Munitions (Mr. Churchill) has expressed himself publicly in favour of it, and that certain members of the Cabinet have done so privately, and can he say whether the Committee or Committees now sitting—
How can the right hon. Gentleman answer all those questions without notice?
Industrial Unrest (Commission's Recommendations)
asked the Prime Minister whether he intends to act upon the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry into Industrial Unrest; and particularly whether he will make, in accordance with Section 33 of Cd. 8668, a declaration of the Government's intention to repeal immediately on the termination of the War the Military Service Acts, the Munitions of War Acts, and the Defence of the Realm Act, together with all Regulations made thereunder, with a view to the complete restoration of the liberty of the subject?
I cannot at present add anything to the answer which I gave to a question by the hon. Member for Attercliffe on Monday last.
Admiralty Changes
asked the Prime Minister whether the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral are now complete; and whether he can state what changes have been made or are about to be made from the names announced in the "London Gazette"on 5th June, 1917?
I have nothing to add to the information which appeared in the Press yesterday. My right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty proposes to make a statement on this matter in the House as soon as he is in a position to do so.
Could the right hon. Gentleman indicate when that statement will be made?
I am afraid that I cannot give any definite indication. I believe my right hon. Friend hopes that it may be made before the Adjournment, but I cannot say definitely.
Will the statement embody the revision of the duties of the different Sea Lords?
I know no more about it than the hon. Member himself.
Will the House have an opportunity of discussing the statement?
House of Lords (Conference)
asked the Prime Minister whether he will now announce the decisions of the Government in regard to the Conference on the House of Lords?
I regret the delay in the constitution of this Conference, but I hope to be able to announce it early next week.
Recruiting (Transfer of Authority)
asked the Prime Minister whether arrangements have yet been completed for the taking over of recruiting work from the War Office; and what other Department will have charge of this work in future?
I cannot add anything to the reply which I gave yesterday to the hon. Member for Loughborough, in which I stated that the details have not yet been determined.
May we expect a statement before the Adjournment?
The subject is now being considered. I hope that it may be before the Adjournment.
Food Supplies
Barley and Malt
asked the Prime Minister whether there will be any alteration in the policy of the Government as to the malting of barley before the House meets again after the approaching vacation?
I have been asked to reply. The policy to be adopted in respect of the further malting of barley has not yet been determined. I am not in a position to state when a decision will be reached.
May we have an assurance that no change of policy with regard to the malting of barley will take place except when the House is sitting and has an opportunity of discussing it?
That question should be addressed to the Leader of the House.
May I put it to the Leader of the House?
I have not considered it. If my hon. Friend will put down a question to me, I will give him an answer.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether the use of malt for human food is still prohibited by the Regulations issued by his Department or by Order in Council; and for what purposes the use of malt is allowed?
Except under licence the use of malt for human food is still prohibited. Under licence malt is being used for distilling for munitions, brewing, infant and invalid foods, vinegar, yeast, gas helmets and aeroplane work.
asked what are the present stocks of malt in the country; whether any barley is now being malted; if so, how much and for what purposes; how long it is expected that the present stocks of barley will last at the present rate of consumption; and whether it is intended to allow further malting when the present stocks of malt are exhausted?
The stock of brewers' malt on 30th June was 1,300,000 quarters. A small quantity of barley continues to be malted for coloured beer and for the purposes specified in the answer to the preceding question. It is estimated that the present stock of malt will last till the end of November. The question of the resumption of malting is under consideration.
How is it that the total of malt is greater now than it was three months ago?
I should like notice of that question.
Fish
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture if his attention has been called by the North-Eastern Sea Fisheries Committee to the waste of fish landed at North-Eastern ports owing to. the inadequacy of the arrangements at such ports for the distribution of such fish by rail, and to the resulting loss to the community of a large quantity of valuable food; and what steps he will take to prevent such loss in future?
In reply I will refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave to similar questions on the subject on the 4th instant. I will also send him a copy of the statement which I then sent to the hon. Member for the Houghton-le-Spring Division of Durham.
Feeding Stuffs (Prices)
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture if, since the publication of the Order fixing the price of meat from next January onwards, the prices of offals and cakes have increased; and, if so, whether he intends to take any steps to control the price of feeding stuffs?
There has been little change in the price of either offals or cakes since the 21st of last month, except that linseed cake has advanced by 5s. to 10s. a ton. The last part of the question is a matter which comes within the province of the Food Controller.
Is it because cake has advanced from 5s. to 10s. per ton that the price of cattle is reduced?
We hope to bring down the prices of feeding stuffs before then.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that Messrs. Wray, Sanderson and Company declared their last dividend at 25 per cent., that their £l share is now quoted at 48s. 9d.; is he aware that this has been made out of oilcake and feeding stuffs; whether these profits of merchants has been taken into account when fixing the beef price; and if feeding stuffs can be made cheaper?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The books of this company are now being investigated, with a view to ascertaining the cost of seed crushing and of oil refining. The House is aware that the Food Controller hopes to effect a reduction in the price of feeding stuffs.
Butter
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food what quantities of Danish, Irish, and Colonial butter were imported into England from the 1st March to the 1st August, giving each month and the supply for the same separately?
I have obtained a Return of the quantity of Danish, Irish, and Colonial butter imported into England and Wales during the period mentioned in the question, and I am sending to the hon. Member the figures, which will be published in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the Return mentioned:
Month Consigned from Denmark. Consigned from Ireland. Consigned from British Possessions (including Protectorates) 1917. Cwts. Cwts. Cwts. March 15,545 13,100 132,487 April 186,930 17,648 203,327 May 55,581 36,396 124,149 June 75,949 74,441 43,345 July 45,833 (Figures not available). 28,779
Meat (Maximum Prices)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food if he will give the names of those who were consulted as to the price to be paid for cattle in the back-end of the year; whether he is aware of the expense that the fattening of cattle at that period entails and that, at the price fixed, a big loss would be involved to the farming community; whether the Food Controller desires to give a set-back to the production of beef by his Regulations; and, if not, will immediate steps be taken to have the prices revised and thus afford an opportunity to those who are engaged in this vital industry of carrying on a business which, if knocked on the head, will cause alarm and discontent to the entire community?
As Lord Rhondda has already stated in another place, the Board of Agriculture and the Scottish and Irish Departments of Agriculture were all consulted before the maximum prices for meat were fixed. He is unable to admit that a substantial loss would accrue to the farming community by the prices as fixed. He hopes to be able to effect a considerable reduction in the present high prices of meat without either injuring production or doing injustice to any section of the community.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether, in view of the fact that, in Scotland, the autumn store sales of sheep are now beginning, and in some cases have commenced, he can announce now the fixed price for mutton?
Lord Rhondda hopes to announce the maximum prices for mutton at an early date.
Potatoes
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether he has been able to ascertain particulars of the trucks of potatoes sent to Cranbrook Station; and is any action being taken?
The potatoes to which my hon. Friend referred in his question of the 31st July were consigned to Cranbrook on the 13th July. They consisted of 44 tons 6 cwt. of Dutch potatoes of the 1916 crop which had been condemned by the port sanitary authorities as unfit for human food. Inquiries are being made with reference to a further consignment of 640 bags sent to Cranbrook Station on 28th July.
Dutch Supplies (Wasted Food)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether he has now got the information who was responsible for the large amount of wasted food which was sent to Swanley Siding; and, if so, what action the Ministry of Food intends to take in connection with it?
I have caused inquiries to be made into this matter, and it appears that the bulk of the wasted food consisted of Dutch supplies which were unfit for human consumption when they reached this country. It is proposed to appoint an officer to deal specially with inland transport delays; but loss caused by delay at sea is, in the circumstances, unavoidable.
Will the steps the hon. Gentleman proposes to take prevent such waste of public food, considering that we are spending £8,000,000 a day?
The steps we propose to take will certainly prevent waste so far as inland transit is concerned.
Bread
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether he can frame an estimate of the cost to the Exchequer of selling the 4-lb loaf at 9d. on the assumption that the price of wheat in the United States remains constant at the present price for September wheat?
In calculating the cost to the Exchequer of selling the 4-lb. loaf at 9d., it is necessary to take into account so many uncertain factors other than the price of wheat in the United States, that nothing but a quite provisional estimate can be given. Making the most reasonable assumptions on these uncertain points, it appears probable that the cost on the basis suggested by the hon. Member would be in the neighbourhood of £40,000,000 a year. The actual cost may diverge widely from this in either direction, if either the assumptions made as to the price of wheat in the United States or as to the other uncertain factors prove wrong.
Is there any possibility of the influence of the Government being used with a view to bringing down the prices of wheat and flour in America— [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"]— which would minimise the State subsidy?
There are indications of that course being taken with the result indicated by my hon. Friend.
Will the policy of the Government with regard to this reduction in price of this article of food be modified at all owing to the great fall that has taken place in other foods?
Any question of policy of that nature ought to be addressed to the Leader of the House.
May I ask whether flour which is used by householders in baking their own bread is to be sold below cost price, and, if so, has any estimate of the loss so accruing been included in the estimate the hon. Gentleman has given?
Those who make their own bread at home will receive their share of the benefit of the policy indicated just the same as those who buy a loaf over the counter.
But is any loss accruing from that course included in the estimate the hon. Gentleman has just given?
Certainly.
Apples
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether any application has been received from a number of associations dealing in fruit to permit the importation of apples; whether, having regard to the food value of apples and the fact that cargo space is available when other cargoes booked for certain steamers fail to connect, consideration has been given to such application; and, if so, with what result?
My hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. I would refer my hon. Friend to recent questions on this subject and to answers which I have already given, of which I am sending him a copy.
Salted Fish
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food if he is aware that on Wednesday last 1,600 tons of salted fish arrived at Grimsby, being a portion of a purchase by the Government; that this fish was distributed among a selected number of firms who are engaged in drying fish as an article of food; on what basis these firms were selected; and if he will be prepared to undertake that future consignments are distributed proportionately among all the firms who possess the necessary plant for drying the same?
The answer to the first two parts of the question is in the affirmative, except that the cargo amounted to 1,300 tons. The firms treating the fish were selected by the Restriction of Enemy Supplies Department last year, and have continued to be employed for that purpose. It is not expected that the supplies this year will warrant any increase in the number of curers, but the claims of any curers who have not been hitherto employed will be considered if application is made.
China Tea
asked the President of the Board of Trade how much China tea is lying in the dock warehouses of London, Liverpool, and Bristol; and whether he will order its liberation and sale to increase the nation's tea supply, to favourably influence retail tea prices, and prevent the further deterioration of this imported tea, which many persons regard as a valuable food material?
The stocks of China tea in bonded warehouses in the United King- dom at 31st July amounted to 7,207,000 lbs. Separate figures cannot be given for each port. As far as tea is being detained owing to the absence of import licences, the Board of Trade have given instructions for its release.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that certain shipments of tea which had been bought and paid for by British merchants in China before the date of the prohibition of imports arrived in London some two months ago, and that the Board of Trade have refused to allow any delivery of the tea to be made; and whether, in view of the price of tea and of its tendency to deteriorate by keeping, he will take steps to secure that the tea be made available to the public before it is spoiled by being kept too long in warehouses?
The refusal to allow delivery in the cases to which the hon. Member doubtless refers was due to the fact that the consignments were not shown to have been paid for by the importers or to have been en route to them before the date of prohibition. I am not yet satisfied that the consignments are entitled to admission by reference to the circumstances of payment or dispatch, but, having regard to considerations such as those advanced in the last part of the question, the consignments have been released.
Brewing Ingredients
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Shipping whether the Shipping Controller is bringing pressure to bear upon the Food Controller with a view to prohibiting all imports of ingredients used in the brewing of beer; and, if so, whether he is aware of the need for a larger brew of beer for the workers of the country?
I am not aware of any difference of opinion between the Ministry of Shipping and the Ministry of Food in this matter. The latter part of the question, therefore, does not arise.
Lord Rhondda's Proposals
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether Lord Rhondda's scheme for the fixing of prices and. the distribution of sugar and other commodities will be laid before the House, and whether an early opportunity will be afforded to the House for its discussion?
I am informed that the general instructions issued to local authorities in connection with Lord Rhondda's scheme for the improved distribution of sugar will be laid on the Table. There are no Papers which can be laid now in connection with the schemes relating to bread or meat. I am not prepared to give time for a discussion on this subject before the Adjournment.
Does my right hon. Friend know that it is a very urgent matter, and that a great many people think that very strong reason should be adduced why the present system should be changed before the very large expenditure which is involved is incurred?
The only Instructions which can be laid are in regard to the distribution of sugar, and I should be surprised if the House desired that a day should be given for that discussion. As regards the more general question, it has been debated already in this House.
There is the question of the setting up of these local committees.
As this question is a very far-reaching and complicated one, and as the arrangements are to come into operation on the 15th September if the Government cannot give an opportunity of discussion before the House adjourns, will it agree to postpone the scheme coming into operation until Parliament meets again in order that the country and the House may have an opportunity of considering it?
I am sure that my right hon. Friend cannot seriously mean that. If the step is one which it is necessary to take, obviously it is one that cannot be delayed. If we were to give a day for Debate before the Adjournment, we should have to delay the Adjournment. Obviously in a matter of that kind I am in the hands of the House. But it is my belief that the House would not desire this delay.
Has any estimate been made of the cost which will be incurred by the setting up of these local committees to fix all these charges, and have any reasons been adduced to the House or to the country as to whether it is necessary, and has the present system worked so badly as to demand this very large expenditure when the expenditure is already so heavy?
My hon. Friend cannot expect me to give a detailed answer to that, but the subject was debated here more or less, and, as to the proposed action of the Food Controller, a statement has already been made by Lord Rhondda in another place, and I cannot add anything to it.
Does not my right hon. Friend admit that vast questions of this kind, turning local authorities into trading bodies, should be decided by Parliament and not behind the backs of Parliament, as the Government desires to do?
My right hon. Friend, as we all know, has views which are not generally accepted now as to the desirability of not interfering with trade. The Government and I think the country have taken a different view. As I have said, I am in the hands of the House. If there be a general desire for a discussion, of course I shall give the time, but I do not believe that there is such a desire.
When Papers are being laid as to Lord Rhondda's scheme of distribution of sugar, will the right hon. Gentleman also include in the White Paper an estimate of the cost?
That seems reasonable.
When may we hope that Lord Rhondda will fix the conditions relating to the distribution of sugar in Ireland?
I cannot say.
Licensed Trade (State Purchase)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in any proposed inquiry concerning State purchase of the liquor interest, he will obtain a separate Report upon the advisability and estimated cost of the State acquisition of the entire rights to sell intoxicating liquor by retail in this country, apart from any question of purchasing wholesale and export liquor businesses or any brewing and distilling undertakings?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. In certain branches of the liquor trade the manufacturing and wholesale interests are so closely connected with the retail that separation for the purposes of a scheme of State purchase would not be practicable. In the case of manufacturing or wholesale interests or export businesses which are conveniently severable from the retail trade, it is open to the Committees now sitting to recommend that these should be dealt with separately, should they consider such a course desirable.
Questions
Income Tax (Pensions)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if some thousands of our working wage-earners are called upon to pay Income Tax because of the superannuation money that they receive; and whether persons receiving superannuation pay are entitled to deduct the amount from their total income?
Whether a pensioner is or is not required to pay Income Tax depends not upon the amount of his pension but upon the amount of his total income from all sources. Under the Income Tax Acts, a total income not exceeding £130 per annum is exempt. Incomes exceeding £130 are chargeable to Income Tax subject to the statutory allowances for abatement, etc.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many thousands of workmen who have been in the habit of receiving superannuation are now working and that this brings them under the Income Tax? Should they not deduct the superannuation from the total amount received?
That is a question of principle, and I think the principle must be the amount of a man's income and not the source of it.
Army Horses (Purchases in Ireland)
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office the names of those who are engaged in purchasing horses for the Army in Ireland; and upon what terms they carry out the work?
The officers buying for the Army in Ireland are: Colonel J. Fowler, C. B. (retired pay): Lieutenant-Colonel D. E. Wood, C. B. (retired pay); Lieutenant-Colonel H. M. Ferrar (retired pay); Captain H. Dixon, Reserve of Officers. The first three are Inspectors of Remounts, and receive £500 per annum, in addition to their retired pay. Captain Dixon is the Superintendent of the Remount Depot at Belfast and receives, in addition to the pay of that appointment—that is, £l daily—the sum of £l on the days on which he is employed purchasing or inspecting for purchase.
Can the hon. Gentleman say whether this Colonel Wood is a gentleman who has been long in the employment of this Department?
All I know about him is that he is one of the Inspectors of Remounts.
Does not my hon. Friend know that he is one of the best buyers of horses in Ireland, that he knows every farmer who breeds horses and that he has done more work for the Remount Department than anyone else?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman is giving information, not asking for it.
Labour Companies (Tradesmen)
asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office if the men of the 319th Home Service Labour Camp, Royal Engineers, Signal Camp, Sutton Veney, Warminster, who are tradesmen consisting of bricklayers, plasterers, painters, plumbers, carpenters, etc., are working for 54½ hours per week at their respective trades at the ordinary Infantry rate of payment and are not allowed any working pay; and, if so, will steps be taken to put a stop to this practice of employing skilled labour at conscript rates of pay?
The status of tradesmen in labour companies is now under consideration.
Bee-Candy
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture how much net profit has accrued on the bee-candy made by Messrs. Pascall, to what benevolent fund has he directed its disposal, and whether under any suggestion as to classes of recipients?
The net profit which has been made on the disposal of the bee-candy supplied by Messrs. Pascall, Limited, amounts to about £150. Among various suggestions for the disposal of the money under consideration, is one that the money should be handed to the Agricultural Benevolent Society for the benefit of a bee-keeper. I will communicate with the hon. Member before the arrangements are completed.
Shops Earlier Closing Order
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if his attention has been drawn to the information sent to the Home Office by the Early Closing Association to the effect that traders are being informed they need not close their shops providing they are not serving customers; and, as this is leading to some evasion of the Act, will he give a clear definition of what is meant by the closing of shops?
The Early Closing Association have suggested to me that the police in London are instructing traders to this effect, but I am informed by the Commissioner of Metropolitan Police that this is not the case. The expression used in the Order is "closed for the serving of customers," and is the same as that used in the Shops Act, 1912. The view taken by the Home Office has been that the expression means something more than that customers shall not be served, and that some steps must be taken—by closing the door, putting up shutters, covering up goods, or otherwise—to make it clear that the shop is no longer open for that purpose.
Works Camp, Brockenhurst
asked the Home Secretary if an application has been made by the agent at the works camp, Brokenhurst, that the men who lost private property by the recent assault on them should be reimbursed for the loss and damage; and, if so, whether the Home Office has decided to do this?
I understand from the Committee on Employment of Conscien- tious Objectors that their agent at Brockenhurst has forwarded to them a number of claims for compensation in respect of property alleged to have been lost or damaged on the occasion referred to. Neither the Committee nor the Home Office are responsible for any loss or damage which may have been occasioned to private property, and any such application for compensation cannot be entertained.
Mr. Edmond D. Morel
asked the Home Secretary if he will state the nationality of Edmond D. Morel, author and journalist; and if he has been naturalised in this country?
I am informed that E. D. Morel was born in France, and is the son of a French father and a British-born mother. He became a British subject by naturalisation in 1896.
Is this the same Mr. Morel who was the professional promoter of ill-feeling between Belgium and Great Britain before the War and a notorious atrocity-monger?
Did not Mr. Morel receive very remarkable public recognition for his work in connection with the Congo?
We are not dealing with the services of Mr. Morel.
Defence of the Realm Act (Welsh Meetings)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that one of the grounds of unrest held by the Commission of Inquiry into Industrial Unrest is the interference with the right of free speech; whether he will reconsider and, if possible, modify the Regulations under the Defence of the Realm Act in this regard; and especially whether, as recommended in Co. 8668, full police protection will now be provided as much to the promoters of unpopular meetings as to others?
I presume the hon. Member refers to the Report relating to Wales. No meetings in Wales have in fact been prohibited under the Defence of the Realm Regulations, and I do not consider that any amendment of those Regulations is necessary. I believe that the police have done their utmost to protect all meetings including unpopular meetings.
Port and Transit Committee
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the Labour representatives on the Port and Transit Committee have resigned; if so, can he state the reason why; and what steps he proposes to take in order to replace them on this Committee?
I understand that a letter has been received by the Secretary of the Port and Transit Executive Committee from Mr. Harry Gosling, the representative of Labour on the Committee, tendering his resignation. This letter is now under consideration, and I should be obliged if my hon. Friend would defer any request for further information for a few days.
Building Materials
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he realises the difficulty of the position in which the building trade is placed owing to the restriction placed on building materials; and will he take steps to have this relaxed?
The restrictions on the use of certain materials for building purposes have been necessitated in part by the large demands for the manufacture of munitions, and in the case of timber by the urgent necessity of saving tonnage. I am afraid that I cannot at present hold out any hope of any general relaxation of these restrictions.
Does the hon. Gentleman really understand how serious the position is, because the only work that is being done is the patching up of villas and a few alterations? Otherwise the building trade is stagnant.
Like everyone else, I am aware of the seriousness of the position. I believe the Government has it under consideration and is making its plans as soon as relaxations can be made.
Munitions
Workers' Railway Facilities
asked the Secretary to the Board of Trade if the railway facilities enabling munition workers to travel the double journey between their work and their homes between 13th August and 20th August applies to Bradford munition workers, whose holidays commence after next Saturday, as is the case in regard to munition workers employed at Halifex, to whom this extension of time applies; whether the term munition worker means any worker in a controlled firm; and to whom must an application for the special railway facilities be made?
Arrangements are being made to give some facilities in the way of cheap tickets to their homes for persons employed in controlled establishments at Halifax and other places where the annual holidays take place next week, but, owing to shortness of time, the arrangements may not be so complete as may be desirable. This concession can only be given in consequence of the temporary falling off in goods traffic due to the holidays, and cannot be extended after next week.
Will the men be told whether they can get reduced fares, or not?
Yes; a certain number of these privilege tickets have been allotted to the Ministry of Munitions, and it is that Department which will arrange for the distribution.
Licensed Premises, Gretna and Carlisle
asked the Minister of Munitions whether the accounts of the Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic) relating to the licensed premises owned and operated by the Board at Gretna and Carlisle have now been published; and whether an opportunity will be afforded for inspection of the details of the Board's accounts when the accounts are published in a summarised form?
The accounts for the Gretna District have now been published, but those for the Carlisle District cannot yet be published. I have been in communication with the Liquor Control Board, and they advise me that the form in which the Gretna accounts are issued gives all the detail which can properly be published.
Questions
Soldiers' Wills
asked the Attorney-General whether it is the practice of the Probate Court to require evidence of the handwriting in his will of a soldier killed on active service when such will has been executed without witnesses in the form provided in the pay-book belonging to the deceased; and, if so, whether this requirement may be dispensed with in special cases?
It is the practice of the Probate Court to require the evidence of two independent witnesses as to handwriting in such a case, but the Court has discretion to dispense with such evidence.
If I bring particulars of a very pressing case, will the right hon. Gentleman give them his consideration?
I bear that my hon. Friend will do so.
Shipping Charges. Cork
( by Private Notice ) asked the Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Trade whether he can make any statement as to the result of the negotiations with reference to the threatened strike of quay labourers in Cork; whether the local shipping company alleges that it is now unable to carry on its business at a profit in consequence of war conditions, and claims to be put on the same footing as railway-owned lines of steamers which are in competition with it; whether the Board of Trade have now had for several months under its consideration the question of adjusting the charges for carriage of through-rate goods by sea, without as yet having come to any conclusion on the subject; and whether the Board of Trade propose to take any steps with the object of preventing a strike which may have serious consequences affecting transport in Ireland generally, and also involving risk of consequential labour difficulties at Liverpool and other English ports?
As my hon. and learned Friend is probably aware, the obstacle in the way of adjusting the through-rates on traffic passing between Great Britain and Ireland is the fact that there is a limit on the charges for goods carried on certain railway-owned steamers. This limit is said to have the effect of practically limiting the freight charges on through traffic on the steam vessels not owned by railway companies, with the result that owners of such vessels have considerable difficulties in continuing their business, in view of the increase in working expenses. My right hon. Friend has been in correspondence with the Shipping Controller as to the best means of meeting the difficulty, and it has now been decided to take steps to relax to such extent as may seem reasonable the limit above mentioned.
The hon. Gentleman has not answered the urgent part of the question, namely, the fact that a strike is threatened on Saturday. He has not stated what has been the result of the negotiations which the Board of Trade have had with the object of preventing that strike.
As I understand it, the only difficulty entailed is owing to the inability of the company concerned to pay additional wages, because of the restriction on their charges. We have now taken steps to give them power to increase the rate of charges, therefore giving them the ability to pay increased wages. We understand that that will now ensue and we contemplate that that will end the difficulty.
I had down a second question to the Ministry of Shipping, and I am sorry he has not answered my question. It is a question which would be more properly answered by the Ministry of Shipping, namely, whether he is aware that in addition to the question of rates there is also a very serious question owing to the oppressive character of the insurance rates for war risks. Does the hon. Member know whether the Ministry of Shipping has come to any conclusion on that important subject?
I am not able to answer for the Ministry of Shipping. I have quite sufficient to do in connection with the Board of Trade. This matter was brought to our notice, and it was the restriction on the rate of charges which appeared to us, and which was pressed upon us as being the difficulty. We have dealt with it as quickly as possible, and we contemplate that the matter will be adequately adjusted. If there is any further representation which the hon. Member wants to make I shall be very glad to give it consideration.
Tate Gallery
asked the Prime Minister whether an eminent artist declined to join the newly formed board of trustees of the Tate Gallery owing to dissatisfaction with the constitution of the board; whether there are any artists on the board; and whether the Government propose to do anything to meet the objections raised by the memorialists on behalf of a number of art institutions?
The answer to the first two parts of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the third part, the Government will bear in mind the representations contained in the memorial referred to.
May the memorialists expect an early answer to their memorial and that something will be done with reference to it?
I have not said that something definite will be done. I have said that we are considering it.
Who is responsible for the constitution of the Board?
I would rather have notice of that question.
Vaccination (Declarations)
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he will state the number of declarations under the Vaccination Act, 1907, made in the years 1914, 1915, and 1916, in Scotland; the number of births in each of those years; and the number of children vaccinated?
I propose to publish the figures asked for by my hon. Friend in the OFFICIAL REPORT. Those for 1916 are not yet complete.
The following are the figures referred to:
1914. 1915. Declarations of Conscientious Objection to Vaccination 38,673 35,231 Births registered in each year 123,934 114,181 Children Vaccinated 63,433 61,456
asked the number of declarations under the Vaccination Act, 1907, made in the years 1915 and 1916, the number of births in those years, and the number of children vaccinated?
The figures for 1915 are as follows:
Scottish Housing Commission
asked the Secretary for Scotland when the Report of the Scottish Housing Commission will be presented to Parliament?
I am informed that the printing of the Report is expected to be finished by the end of this month. The Report will be presented as soon as possible thereafter.
Steamship "Strathgoyle" (Death of Chief Steward)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will make an inquiry into the circumstances relating to the death and burial of Walter Douglas, late chief steward on the ss. "Strathgoyle," belonging to the Rome Steam Navigation Company, London, who about the end of May was taken ill on board the boat and removed to the Gwent hospital at Newport unconscious, where he died on 2nd June without recovering consciousness, his widow not receiving notice of his death until it was too late for her to attend to his burial; why the firm declared that this man had signed clear when at the time he was unconscious; and why he was buried in a disrespectful manner?
I am making inquiries with regard to the death of this seaman, which appears to have occurred at the Royal Gwent Hospital, Newport, on the 2nd June, and I will inform my hon. Friend of the result in due course.
Coke
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that at the present time coke is delivered in loads of 20 bags, and not 1 ton in 50 is ever weighed, and these loads at most contain 15 or 16 cwts. for a ton; and will he consider the question of having coke weighed in the same manner and under the same conditions that coal is sold and weighed?
Coke is sometimes sold by measure and sometimes by weight, but I have no evidence that misrepresentation as to the weight or measure purporting to be sold is prevalent. As coke is capable of absorbing a considerable amount of moisture, to require it to be sold by weight would not necessarily benefit the consumer.
Old Age Pensions
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that in a recent appeal to the Board on an old age pension the fact that a son of the applicant had paid a doctor's bill of £45 10s. was treated as part of the woman's income and the claim disallowed; whether it is the rule to treat such a special payment as a pensioner's income; and whether, in view of the hardship of such cases, he can instruct pension officers that such payments should not be treated as a pensioner's income?
The case referred to came before the Local Government Board in February last on an appeal from the revocation of the pension by one of the London pension sub-committees. It appeared that since February, 1916, the pensioner had been suffering from an illness which made it necessary that an additional expense at the rate of 17s. 6d. a week should be defrayed in her maintenance by the children of the pensioner. After careful consideration I was unable to hold that the decision of the pension sub-committee was wrong. As my hon. Friend is aware, I have no authority to given instructions to the pension officers, who are officials acting under the authority of the Treasury.
National Health Insurance (Barrow Committee)
asked the Comptroller of the Household, as representing the National Health Insurance Commissioners, whether the vacancy created in October last by the resignation from the Barrow Insurance Committee of the practitioner appointed by the Commissioners has yet been filled; and, if not, when it is intended to fill it?
The depletion of doctors owing to the War has occasioned a delay in filling the vacancy in question, but an appointment is now being made.
Martin's Divorce Bill [Lords]
Message to the Lords to request that their Lordships will be pleased to communicate to this House Copies of the Minutes of Evidence and Proceedings, together with Documents deposited, in the case of Martin's Divorce Bill [ Lords ].— [ Mr. Clyde. ]
Message from the Lords
Parker's Divorce Bill [ Lords ],
That they communicate the Minutes of Evidence taken before this House, together with the Proceedings and Documents deposited, in the case of Parker's Divorce Bill [ Lords ], as desired by the Commons, and request that the same may be returned.
That they have agreed to:—
Police Constables (Naval and Military Service) Bill, without Amendment
Armstrong, Whitworth, and Company (Railways) Bill,
Levinstein (Railways) Bill,
Cheshire Lines Committee Bill, with Amendments.
Orders of the Day
Business of the House
May I ask my right hon. Friend what will be the business of the House on Friday; and also what is the business other than the business of Supply which he proposes to take this evening?
This evening we propose only to take the formal stages of the Loan Bill and the Solicitors Examination Bill.
On Friday, my right hon. Friend the Minister of Education will introduce his Bill, and we hope also to take the final stages of the Loan Bill, of which I hope the House will give me the Second Heading to-morrow.
Is there any necessity for proceeding with this Solicitors Bill, thereby shortening the time of Supply?
Ordered, "That on this day, notwithstanding anything in Standing Order No. 15, Business other than the Business of Supply may be taken before Eleven of the clock."—[ Mr. Bonar Law. ]
Supply—[15th Allotted Day.]
CIVIL SERVICES AND REVENUE DEPARTMENTS ESTIMATES AND SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATES, 1917–18.—[Progress.]
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]
PUBLIC EDUCATION, SCOTLAND.—Class IV
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £2,043,621 (including a Supplementary sum of £529,856), be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Public Education in Scotland, and for Science and Art in Scotland."—[NOTE.—£1,000,000 has been voted on account.]
I think that it will be convenient for the Committee, particularly having regard to the Minute of the 11th July, which has been published, that I should speak first upon this Vote, and that at a later stage, should it be thought desirable, I should reply to any criticisms of the Minute which may be made or on the more general question of educational policy. One of the many lessons which. the War has taught us is, I think, the vital importance of education to the nation, and we shall all agree that the quality of the teacher is of vital importance to education. Accordingly you want to attract into the teaching profession the very best men whom you can get, and you cannot do that unless you offer them more than a miserable pittance for their services. Even if you get suitable men, you cannot get the best out of them unless they are properly paid. For no man can give of his best who is a constant prey to financial anxiety, and accordingly the educational work of the teacher, I take it, will be in inverse ratio to the domestic worry which he experiences. These, it may be said, are very commonplace truths, but commonplace truths are not infrequently forgotten and overlooked in this world.
4.0 P.M.
In view of the considerations to which I have adverted, the position of the teacher, particularly in war-time, was one of the first problems which engaged my attention after I assumed the office which at present I have the honour to hold, and some measure of relief to the teacher seemed to me to be urgently necessary. I so represented to the Treasury, and the representation succeeded. On the 23rd February this year I was enabled to issue a circular setting out certain arrangements for the payment of war bonuses to teachers. This would have been merely a temporary arrangement for the duration of the War only. Seven hundred and ninety-six school boards announced their intention of granting bonuses to the teachers. One hundred and sixty-nine boards made no sign. A few of the proposals that were made were generous, but very many of them, I venture to think, would be regarded, and properly regarded, as quite inadequate. The situation was entirely altered by the announcement of the new Grant for education in England, and on the 24th April the Chancellor of the Exchequer agreed to an equivalent Grant for Scotland on the usual principle of eleven-eightieths. On the same day I replied to my hon. Friend the Member for East Edinburgh, setting out generally the purposes to which the new money would be applied, and subsequently, in an answer to a question by my hon. Friend the Member for Leith Burghs, I invited expressions of opinion from those interested in the subject, and I also had conferences with the Teachers' Association, the Association of School Boards, and other bodies interested. After considering the matter in the light of the various representations so made, the Minute of 11th July this year was issued. It has been represented to me from certain quarters that that Minute is couched in somewhat archaic terms, and its language is in some respects obscure. While I do not admit that gentle impeachment, nevertheless, I will endeavour to explain to the Committee, as briefly and clearly as I can, what precisely is the import and effect of the Minute in question. I will first deal with the scheme of the Minute generally without reference to the finance, and then I shall show how the scheme works out in money. The first item in the Minute is this: the principle of temporary Grants in aid of bonuses to teachers is departed from, and the sum issued for the improvement of teachers' salaries is for improvement on a permanent basis, and apart altogether from war conditions. This is, I think, a proposal which will be generally, and, I may add, warmly welcomed. Again, a sum is to be given to each body of managers for the improvement of all teachers' salaries proportionate to the number of teachers in their employment, and this sum will be ear-marked for that purpose. It will be ear-marked in such a manner as to ensure, first of all, that all sums granted shall be applied for that purpose and for no other purpose; and, in the second place, to ensure that the resulting improvement of salaries will take place, not next year, or the year after, or at some indefinite future date, but here and now. Hence, all improvements of salaries, originating in the manner I have described, will date from 1st April of this year.
The result of the offer which was made of a Grant in aid of war bonuses to teachers convinced me that it would be dangerous to adopt the course followed, no doubt with perfect propriety, in England, where areas are wider and local authorities are fewer, of giving a new Grant to local authorities, to be administered at their discretion, with a strong recommendation from the Central Authority, that the new Grant should be used mainly for the purpose of improving teachers' salaries. I came without the least hesitation to the conclusion that the adoption of that principle would not, having regard to the purpose we have in view, be expedient or safe. Accordingly, the money has been ear-marked in the manner I have just described. A very wide diversity of practice obtains among the different authorities in Scotland as to the scale of remuneration for teachers, and the diversity of practice bears very little relation to the rate burden of the various localities. I considered, therefore, that before allocating this sum to the managers, corresponding to the number of teachers in their employment, something should be done towards levelling up the scale of the teachers' salaries which at present exists throughout Scotland. It is proposed to do that in several ways. In the first place, in the case of highly rated boards—by this I mean boards with an eighteen penny rate—I propose to grant such a sum as will in some degree approximate their present expenditure on salaries to the average expenditure on salaries throughout Scotland. This addition will be made to the salary bill of those boards free of cost to the authorities concerned. That is the first way in which salaries are levelled up. Again, in districts with a low rate, that is to say, a rate below the standard rate of 10d., I take power, as a condition of the Grant, that the scale of teachers' salaries shall be approximated to the average scale to which I have referred, at the expense of the local rates, before the distribution of the Grant, according to the number of teachers employed by the board comes into operation.
Will the right hon. Gentleman explain the average rate for teachers?
I have already stated that I propose to give the figures later.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say what is the average expenditure on teachers and the rate per child—the average expenditure of each board, as based on the rate per child?
If permitted, I will refer to that in a moment. As I said I wished to explain the Minute without reference to the figures at all, and then to show the Committee how it works out in figures. I have dealt with the case of the high rate and the case of the low rate. There is a third case in which the salary will be levelled up. There are boards or managers who have incurred the obligation of maintaining secondary and intermediate schools, where the salaries of specially qualified teachers required for such schools create a very special burden. In such cases, these managers may receive special consideration in the form of a sum for the general improvement of salaries of the teachers in their employment. The fourth case is the case of school boards whose rates lie between 10d. and 1s. 6d. The salaries which they pay in that case generally approximate, or slightly exceed, the average rate to which I have referred. Most of these school boards between 10d. and 1s. 6d. have already promised bonuses to their teachers. That system of bonuses has been superseded, but I desire to say that I hope—indeed, I will go further and say I expect—that where the salaries of teachers under such boards are below the average the sum which the boards have no doubt arranged to take from the rates for bonus purposes will be applied to levelling up those salaries to the average mentioned, and, even where salaries are already above that average, I hope the boards will see their way to apply the money thus set free to the still further improvement of teachers' salaries. When these provisions, to which I have referred, for levelling up salaries have been made the available balance will be allocated to school boards and managers simply and solely according to the number of teachers in their employment and in effecting an improvement in the pensions of retired teachers who, from one cause or another, are in receipt of comparatively exiguous amounts from the superannuation scheme. The amount allocated to each school board and body of managers will be duly submitted to them. They will thereupon submit a scheme for the distribution of the money. That scheme having been approved by the Department, with or without modification, the amount allocated will then be paid to the boards and to the managers concerned. The balance of the equivalent Grant for the present year will then be paid to secondary education committees for the purpose of Section 17 of the Act of 1908.
That is the general scheme, which I hope I have made clear to the Committee, and I think it will become even more clear when I consider, as I shall now do, how the general scheme works out in money. The amount of the equivalent Grant for the present year is, roughly, £530,000. Of this sum £130,000 will be added to the sum to be distributed to secondary education committees for the purpose of Section 17 of the Act of 1908. That accordingly leaves a balance of£400,000 to be applied to the improvement of teachers' salaries, and to the improvement of pensions of retired teachers. With regard, however, to the sum of£400,000, it is necessary to observe the following considerations: First, the Treasury stipulate that the amount required for the war bonus Grant shall be a first charge upon this sum. In this I think the Treasury is obviously right, if I may say so, for the simple reason that there is no such corresponding Grant for war bonuses in England. Grants for the purpose of war bonuses issued for and paid before the 31st of March by school boards and managers will, therefore, have to be met out of this sum of £400,000. The claims which have already been submitted to the Department under this head amount to £33,000, and the ultimate cost of the scheme when all the claims have come in cannot safely be estimated at less than £40,000. In the second place, the levelling up of salaries, to which I have referred, in the 1s. 6d. rate boards, and the Grant to secondary schools, which I have mentioned, will take, in all probability, though I cannot commit myself exactly to this figure, about£50,000. In the third place, the sum of£10,000 or thereabout is required to supplement pensions to retired teachers.
The Committee will therefore see that starting with the sum of £400,000 which is to be applied for the benefit of the teachers, and deducting these specific sums respectively of £40,000, £50,000, and £10,000, you will have a net sum of £300,000 left, and that sum, certainly not more, will remain for distribution in accordance with the general principle to which I have referred, namely, in proportion to the number of fully qualified teachers of all grades who are engaged in the service of any particular body of managers. The allocation of the sums paid to school boards and managers will, in the first place, be left to their discretion, but I propose to issue a circular, after consultation with the Committee of Salaries I have set up, which will contain suggestions for the consideration of boards and managers on that matter. I consider that I have been fortunate in securing as its chairman a man of such ripe experience, who enjoys such widespread public confidence in matters educational, as my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities, who has been good enough to agree, as the Committee knows, to act as chairman. The Committee, in my judgment, is a good and representative one, which will, I hope, in due time issue a definite pronouncement with regard to reasonable scales of salaries, on a more or less permanent footing, for various classes of teachers in Scotland. While I should have preferred for various reasons to set up a Committee representative of the new local authorities which I hope may be constituted under an Education Bill for Scotland, I have thought it, on the whole, better not to delay the appointment of a Committee until such a measure has been passed through this House, but rather to appoint it now.
I should like to give the House one or two figures, interesting figures I think they are, which bear on the Minute which has been issued. The average salary, and I think this answers the question put by my right hon. Friend at an earlier stage, over Scotland of all classes of teachers taken together, men and women, is£112.2 per teacher. This average affords a basis for deciding whether or no a board or managers are paying salaries above or below the average in Scotland. An addition of£350,000 to the salary bill—I say advisedly£350,000 and not £300,000, for the Committee will bear in mind that £50,000 is being employed for levelling up the salaries of teachers all over Scotland—represents an addition of 13.2 per cent. of that bill and £14.5 per head of all teachers, and increases the average salary of the teacher from£112.2 to£126.7, which is a most desirable result, I venture to think. I may add that the present allocation for the amount of teachers' salaries is by no means an attempt to solve the question of proper salaries for teachers. A partial improvement, however, will certainly be effected and an admitted defect will most certainly be remedied. But on the other hand the present arrangement will place no obstacle in the way of recommendation as to permanent scales of salary for which I look to the Salaries Committee. I think the teachers of Scotland deserve well at our hands. They have at this crisis shown that patriotic spirit which we should expect of them. At least 1,642 out of 6,299 male teachers are to-day rendering-military and naval service, and I am sure that our admiration and gratitude and good wishes are extended to all of them. In the meantime I hope that the teachers throughout the length and breadth of the land will see that the importance of their vocation is more and more realised and that the inadequacy of the remuneration which they have received for the discharge of their duties is fully understood. I trust that the sympathy that we entertain for their position, together with the practical expression of that sympathy which the Minute embodies, will prove an incentive to the teaching profession to still more strenuous efforts to worthily discharge the important task which is committed to them.
I desire to crave for that consideration, and even indulgence which this House most courteously grants to those who endeavour to address it for the first time. I am aware that it is the convention so to begin, but it is very much more than a convention to me, for I am quite sure that no man who is susceptible to the genius of this place, and who has in any degree the historic sense, can raise his voice for the first time within these honoured walls without something approaching trepidation. I suppose it is because one is obsessed by the unseen presence of those giants of Debate whose effigies adorn these precincts. At all events, it is so with me. It would seem that in making a maiden speech in this House there is some affinity with matrimony, as described in the Book of Common Prayer, "not by any to be enterprised, nor taken in hand unadvisedly, lightly or wantonly." Happily, unlike matrimony, a maiden speech only occurs once in a lifetime. May I congratulate this Committee on that happy identification at Inverness which freed the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Scotland from military arrest and enabled him to take his place here to-day and to make that very clear, very cogent, and eminently sympathetic statement, to which we have just listened with extreme pleasure. As a released prisoner of war, may I offer him my hearty sympathy and most respectful felicitations. The report of the Committee on Scottish education for the current year resembles, I think, the recent history of the right hon. Gentleman, in that it is a record of temporary military arrest. It is indeed a war-time document, couched in terms of regret and resignation. I think the most disquieting statement of all occurs in the following lines:
I want to urge, if I may, several reasons of a general character why my right hon. Friend should, as I say, without delay, set up this new agency to which I have referred. May I point out, in the first place, that we have no Minister of Education properly so-called in Scotland? My right hon. Friend, for whose ability and statesmanlike qualities I have the highest admiration, and who will no doubt before long either lend strength to the Cabinet or dignify and adorn one of the high judicial offices in his native land, is a kind of Atlas, bearing on his shoulders the whole weight of our Scottish administration. He plays the part to admiration, but I am sure he would be one of the first to agree that it is impossible for any man to do full justice to the multifarious demands of his exacting and composite office. I am sure he will not be offended if I liken him in this respect, and in no other, to the Lord High Everything Else in Gilbert's "Mikado." Hon. Members will recollect that the individual so described was First Lord of the Treasury, Lord Chief Justice, Commander-in-Chief, Lord High Admiral, Master of the Buckhounds, Groom of the Backstairs, Archbishop of Titipu, and Lord Mayor, both acting and elect all rolled into one. I know that my right hon. Friend does not aspire to such pluralism, but he certainly has the duties of five or six important Departments, and he has to provide in his own person the energies of four or five English Ministers. He is at once the most versatile and more hard-worked man in our British system of administration. When I hear him at that Table answering questions of an absolutely encyclopædic variety, I feel like one of Goldsmith's rustics: of an Education Minister who is an expert, who, by training and experience, moves in an arena which he has made his own, and who, with true apostolic zeal, desires to magnify his office to the national welfare. We have, then, no expert Minister of Education, nor can we have till that happy day arrives when Scotland possesses its own Parliament. Nor, Sir, have we an operative council of education. My right hon. Friend, in answer to a question, told me that the titular body has not met since the year 1913, though he was very careful to inform me that it was not dead but sleeping. I very much doubt whether the occasional galvanising of these sleepers of Ephesus into wakefulness would accomplish anything. I am speaking of education proper—that is, the actual work of the schools, the training colleges, and universities—and not the Departmental administration, all very important, but all ancillary to education rightly so-called.
What should be the end and aim of all the Departmental machinery which we set up? Is it not simply this, to bring a competent, trained, enthusiastic teacher into sympathetic relation with a willing child? Only this and nothing more. You may have the very finest machinery in the world, you may have the best administration, you may have the wisest inspectors, and the most skilled advice and curricula, but unless you can bring teachers and taught into an atmosphere in which the Hertzian waves of sympathy and good will can pass freely from one to the other without let or hindrance you fail, and you fail expensively and egregiously. In educational administration the first and great consideration should be not how to jam the wireless, but how to increase the conductivity of the educational atmosphere. My right hon. Friend has already done as much as his means and opportunities permit in this direction. I am certain that the teachers in Scotland are deeply grateful to him, and will even be more grateful when they read those sympathetic words which he uttered in his statement to-day. To allocate£350,000 for the augmentation of teachers' salaries does remove a rankling sense of dissatisfaction and injustice. It has freed some of the most poorly paid teachers from that stress and anxiety to which he referred, and under which no man or woman can labour and give heart, soul, and mind to the work of teaching. The crippling depression of straightened means is not an uncommon experience in all walks of life; but in the case of the teacher it is absolutely fatal, because it paralyses effort and it robs the child of its birthright.
Perfunctory, spiritless teaching is almost as bad as no teaching at all. As my right hon. Friend has pointed out, you will never secure that heart and soul teaching which alone can fructify until teachers are well paid, and until they are freed from petty tyranny and captious fault-finding. It is over-regulation, over-systematisation, and over-centralisation which has produced German education. God forbid that it should ever obtain in these Islands! Every intelligent man is ready to do lip service to the absolute necessity of good education in the democratic state. All states are democratic now—or soon will be. Yet it is true to say that teaching is the most poorly-requited, the most harassed and the most lightly esteemed of all the public services. There are few prizes, and there are many blanks. I speak of what I know, because for twelve years I was headmaster of an elementary school. Let me read a very brief extract from a letter of a rural teacher in Scotland sent to me a few days ago. He says: the gratitude which will flow forth from those whom he has enabled a little better
I have shown that we have neither a Minister nor a council capable of dealing with the actual work of the schools from an expert point of view. There remains the Permanent Secretary, an official of whom I desire to speak with the very highest respect. Scottish education owes very much to him. I hope the debt will be deepened in the years to come. Capable, earnest, and zealous for efficiency, he is nevertheless—I speak absolutely without offence—a benevolent despot, and that, too, in absentia There are some people who would say that that is the ideal method of educational government, but I should like to point out that there is no system of despotism, benevolent or otherwise, that has ever succeeded in enlisting the willing and eager co-operation of those who were subjected to it. It is the merest commonplace to say that the highest degree of efficiency can only be obtained when all are working together for the common good in complete sympathy and harmony. In a spiritual sphere such as education you can only have success in the schools if you can carry the local administrators with you, and your teachers. You can only do this in the case of your teachers when you reward them adequately, when you treat them considerately, and when you permit them a representative voice in discussing their conditions of service with the High Command. There is no properly constituted body from which my right hon. Friend and the Education Department generally can seek educational counsel with regard to the actual working of the schools. In reply to a question, my right hon. Friend said the Department from time to time consulted this person or that body. I submit that such a method is entirely haphazard. The selection of the persons whose advice is sought is dependent upon the idiosyncrasy of the selector, and it is based upon no particular principle.
I do not suppose anybody will be bold enough to announce that you can thrash out any moot point by means of a deputation. Some, of course, may say: "Look how successful Scottish education has been administered in the past, why cannot you leave it alone?" For many good reasons. No human institution but can be bettered. An old French proverb tells us that "The good is the enemy of the better." That is the enemy with which Scottish education is faced. Secondly, there will be in the near future, I suppose, a very fierce competition educationally amongst the nations, and only those best fitted and best organised will survive. There is a conspicuously weak place in our educational equipment, in that there is a lack of a regularly established body which the Scottish Educational Department can consult so as to ascertain and bring to a focus the collective wisdom of those who work this system so far from London town. I would suggest to my right hon. Friend that he should set up a National Advisory Council, representative of all bodies which work the system in Scotland. I can scarcely conceive that there can be any determined opposition to such a proposal. This is a day of advisory committees. Scarcely a public body but has set up one or more in order to help it in defining its future policy. I read last week that an advisory committee had been set up for poultry breeding. If the need of an advisory committee is felt to give counsel and advice in the rearing of chickens, how much more deeper need is there of one to give counsel and advice in regard to the mental, moral, and physical rearing of the children who are the sole and only hope of the nation?
The Reconstruction Sub-committee has suggested the setting up of a National Industrial Council, which is the very model of what I suggest to my right hon. Friend. It is said to be highly necessary to have this triple organisation with its roots in the workshops, in the districts, and in the nation. I noticed in the Report of the Commissions of Inquiry into Industrial Unrest this very significant recommendation: tration, His Majesty's inspectors, those who work either in the aula of the universities, in the laboratories and workshops of the technical schools, or in the class rooms of secondary and elementary schools. The meeting together of these persons for consultation would not fail to broaden and deepen the vision of all concerned, and bring about better relations between all the co-operating parties, and we should get something like solidarity, and that essential unity of national education, which is so greatly needed. Then, I say, that the deliberations of such a council would educate the nation in educational principles, and would create an educational force which would clear away obstacles and prepare the ground for necessary reforms. Further, it would examine, in the light of expert knowledge, all proposals for educational' change submitted to it by the Department, and it would thus serve as an effective check on faulty and immature-proposals. It would also co-ordinate the examination system, and make it a real aid to education.
There are other advantages and other spheres in which it might operate, to which I will not refer now. There are others to follow, but, before I sit down, may I make a very earnest plea for the inclusion of representative teachers, experts, in this suggested council? Bacon tells us that every man is a debtor to his profession, and I am certain that the great bulk of Scottish teachers ardently desire to pay that debt. They are eager to see teaching elevated into a recognised profession, commensurate in dignity and public estimation with its vital importance in the social economy. The mark which differentiates a profession from an occupation is simply this: that the professional man is afforded an opportunity in a representative capacity of participating in the self-government of his order. Teachers are not so ambitious—they merely wish to have a consultative voice in the framing of these rules and regulations which govern the actual exercise of their calling in the school. It is not much that they ask, but it is a mark of status, and every improvement of status cannot but be of the greatest advantage to the smooth working and general efficiency of the system, Teaching is the Cinderella of all intellectual occupations. My hon. Friend has already played the Fairy Godmother. With a wave of his wand he has banished some of the penurious surroundings of indifference and neglect. I beseech him to exercise his magic still further, and to give the members of this ill-requited but aspiring calling an opportunity of consorting in the halls of authority with those who stand by the educational throne.
I hope the hon. Member who has just sat down will allow me, first of all, to offer, as I do with thorough sincerity, my congratulations to him on his first appearance in our Debates. He has brought to the discussion of the subject not only high talent, earnest sympathy, and a long experience, but he has also shown to us that he can put forward his views with abundance of literary grace, with a warm eloquence, and with a most lavish wealth of illustration. I hope that the metaphor with which he began, and in which he compared the maiden speech to matrimony, may have a good omen for him, and that this may be the beginning of a long time of connubial bliss between him and the House. I want now to offer some observations upon the Vote which the Secretary for Scotland has put before us, and to dicsuss some aspects of the question. The period reviewed by the Report which is now in our hands is a period very unusual. It is a period during which education has been affected far more than at any time within the memory of man. Education, like other things, has been passing through a war period with all the accompanying strain and stress, and undoubtedly this must create some serious apprehension on our part. We know of certain difficulties which have already been shown. There is a lessening in the school accommodation, and we know there is a lessening of attendance, which in itself is a very serious subject, and which cannot be passed over as a light or trivial matter. We also know that there has been a fall, as the Report points out, in the number of those attending the training colleges, thus portending what is, perhaps, the most serious part, a lessening in the future supply of teachers.
Nevertheless, there are certain consolations which I would venture to put before the Committee. Times of strain may disturb the ordinary routine of school work, but they do produce an abundance of energy and experience that engraves itself upon the minds of our children, and that will remain in the generation that is coming forward. It is not all harm for that generation. They will have the experience, and that experience will strengthen them in a way which is hardly, perhaps, yet realised. They will, no doubt, have difficulties to face. One of the most pathetic things, I think, when we look upon the career of the youngest generation now at school is that the ranks of those who would only just have preceded them in the march through life will be almost empty, and that they will have to advance through life without that help, that guidance, that sustenance, and that encouragement which they would have had from their elders. That makes the school all the more necessary for them. I am glad, however, to see from the report that however strong the strain may have been the Department has not forgotten to keep up a real, wide, and comprehensive idea of education. Whatever it has had to meet, whatever strain there has been upon the teaching staff, and whatever the loss of accommodation, I am glad to see from the reports of the inspectors of the Department that the high and comprehensive ideal of education has not by one whit been impaired. There is another consolation. Nothing helps the schools of the country so much as that they should foe welded together with the experience of the country. Never have the schools of Scotland, and of England I am glad to think, come forward with such force, such strength, and such revivifying power as when they pass with the country through periods of stress and strain that make them more and more one heart and one soul of the country. Look back on the sixteenth century and on the strain of the eighteenth century through which Scotland was passing, and you will see how this repeats itself throughout the various periods of history.
We have, no doubt, adverted to in the Report, one very serious flaw in our educational efficiency, and that is the prevailing lack of that discipline which is healthy for children, and which is the best and truest foundation for real self-respect. If I am not mistaken that is to some extent the case, and if that is so it is a calamity. There is, however, another side to it which we must admit also, and console ourselves with it. It betokens a certain activity and energy of mind, something that is moved by the same stress and energy as is being called forth from every individual in the nation. I am glad to see that some very wise remarks are made by Mr. Wattie, one of the chief inspectors in Scotland. He says that the general tendency in all these cases has been "towards an earlier assertion of independence and control, and that something, too, must be set down to the spirit of manly emulation of brothers and fathers at the front." He goes on to say that, as has already been stated, "the principal cause is youthful energy finding a wrong outlet, and that the true remedy lies in its proper direction and not in its repression." I am not at all sorry that there should be in this time of disturbance a little lack of discipline if there is behind it a guiding power, a power that will not check it or kill it out or drive it underground, but that will give it new and more healthy directions.
5.0 P.M.
Next comes the question that is being so constantly talked of—reconstruction. Do let us leave the schools a little to work out their own salvation. There is nothing I so distrust as commissions and all that sort of thing which are to lay out the whole educational map like a tessellated pavement, which are to dovetail one authority with another, and which are to use constantly those blessed words devolution, co-ordination, and scientific organisation. I am tired to death of the whole gamut of this senseless gibberish, and I am sorry to find that a distinguished member of the Committee on Scottish Education, the accredited source of all clear thinking in this country, the other day indulged himself in some of these fanciful philosophical disquisitions of which he is so fond and of which he is so great a master. I read all his speeches with interest and curiosity, though not always with assent, and I am afraid that on this occasion I am bound to say that I distinctly differ from a good many of the principles that he put forward as if they were first axioms of philosophical truth. The first was that the schools must be organised after the type of military organisation in Germany under Von Moltke. I venture to say that at this moment that was a very unsavoury analogy, and I do not believe it is the way in which you will improve education or in which you ought to organise it. Next, Lord Haldane told us that administration must be separated from thinking, and that in education we must have one thinking branch and one administrative branch. I believe that, plainly stated, that is downright nonsense, and that there is no other word for it. We must teach the thinker what it is that he has to administer, and we must teach the administrator that it is his business to think before he tries to administer. If we go back as far as Plato it is as true in this day as it was in his day that the ruler must be what he calls the philosopher, that is the thinker, and the thinker must be the ruler—and I prefer Plato's authority even to that of the master of clear thinking in our own day. Another scheme put forward by Lord Haldane, which I do trust will not enter into any scheme of reconstruction in the administrative system of Scotland, was that there should be special provinces, each presided over by a university, which is to be the guide, source, and fountain of all education. I am a representative of two universities, and I yield to no one in the claim that I would make for the universities and the respect in which I hold them. It is not likely that I would lessen that respect or that claim, but the universities should exercise an authority not by being invested with official powers by some bureaucracy to form a step or wing in a bureaucratic machine, but they should exercise influence as sources of learning and by showing their sympathy and fellow-feeling with the schools of the country, by their own inherent excellence, and not by bureaucratic powers with which they may be invested as part of a machine. I venture to say that the university would be the very last to wish it. They desire their own independence, and nothing, as long as I can fight for it, will be allowed to interfere with that independence. But they do not desire to prescribe or to exercise any functions of bureaucracy with regard to the education of Scotland or to dominate her schools. They wish the schools to look to them as a lantern and a beacon, and to value them not because of the authority with which they may be invested, but because of their inherent earnestness, their enthusiastic spirit for learning, and the sympathy they may show to the schools I have very few words to add. I do not want this vast reconstruction. I place no great faith in new schemes of advisory councils, and I am afraid I must dissent radically from my hon. Friend who has just sat down in his idea that everything would be saved by an advisory council. We have an advisory council in Scotland, and I will tell you what that advisory council is: it is every inhabitant and ever y citizen of the country, who has perfect liberty to put his views before the Department. I say, after an experience of very many years and after watching carefully the action of my own successor, that the citizen may be certain, when he puts his views forward, he will have attentive and careful consideration from the Department in proportion to their value. Set up an advisory council, selected and arranged to be representative! Was there ever any advisory council, big or little, that had not got upon it a majority of faddists? Will not you find that the faddist will run it, and impose his own views upon the Department, and growl and grouse and complain if he does not get his views actively carried out? The faddist of the opposite kind will be equally objectionable, and the Department will be between the two fires of the extremists on each side, each of whom will think their perfect ideals are being overlooked and disregarded by a stupid, unsympathetic, and blind-eyed bureaucracy. No, let us beware how we bring together people who claim to be representative only because they can manage to get a certain number of followers who will take them as bound to express their opinions. Let the Department make itself the real guide, not as master, but as sympathiser, ready as an authority to discuss every topic with those interested in the question. That way I am perfectly certain you will have a real, sound, and wholesome advisory spirit in Scotland, which will give all sources of inspiration and all suggestions that may be really suitable.
I want, before I sit down, to touch upon one subject. I have stated that I do not altogether agree with schemes of reconstruction. Let us get to real things that do not need to be expressed in fine, long words, or in scientific terms. You must have a centre, and you must have representatives connected with your localities, which must be big enough to attract people who will not have their time wasted in the little petty affairs connected with the management of two or three schools. If you are to get the best minds of the country, the best administrative minds, the best business minds, the best thinking minds of the country into the work of local administration of education in Scotland, you must abolish your thousand school boards and supplant them by something like a tenth part of the number. You will then have adequate business to occupy a man who feels his time is of more value than to be occupied in merely managing small and trifling affairs. That is the first thing. The next, and even more essential, thing is this: Put your whole energy and your whole powers into the one essential thing. I do not care about curricula. Directly you talk about curricula, the subject leads to quarrels about classics, or mathematics, or something else. What I insist upon is this: the one essential is to have a good teacher. I think it was Scott who, giving a recipe for a good school after the manner of his own Mistress Dodds, said the first and the last part of that recipe was— Take a good teacher. I do not care what he teaches; I do not care how he teaches; if he has real energy, powers, sympathy, and the Divine instinct of imparting that power to his pupils, he will make a good school if you leave him a free hand. I am perfectly certain of this—that a school with plenty of freedom to a teacher may not always be a good school, but a school where there is no freedom for the teacher, and where he has no initiative of his own, will absolutely certainly be a very bad school. You cannot get over that fact.
All through the history of Scottish education, and of every education, the dark spot has been that we have underpaid our teachers. Looking back we find that we have looked upon the teaching profession as somehow or other a missionary effort that might be paid for like missionaries, who are supposed to abandon all the ordinary desires and comforts of life and devote themselves to the hardships of missionary work. You find that is so if you study the earliest days of education, and it was so even when the State began to interfere more with education. There was a good deal of this missionary effort amongst teachers. It was a fine effort, a generous effort, many men had a love for teaching which made them almost take to it as a labour of love, and as something which would itself content them. But, unfortunately, it has had a bad effect on the whole profession. It taught their fellow-men that this class of men were not to be paid as other men, that they were to be regarded as people who were above and beyond the ordinary interests and desires of mankind. Nothing could be more fatal. But remember, in the olden days of the parochial school the schoolmaster had a freehold; he was perfectly independent. It was a very difficult thing, as I know by experience of the early days of my administration, to get rid of him, even if he was very unfit. It required a long legal process, and sometimes, I am sorry to say, I had the worst of it. But at all events it had on the whole a good effect upon the teachers. It made the teacher an independent man, who stood side by side with the parish minister. He was an entity, a person of importance. At all events he had a free hand. Poor as he was, he was not subject to the caprices, the tyranny, the interference from half-educated men, who had the good fortune (or the bad fortune for the teacher) to gain a seat upon the education authority of the parish, and who often exercised upon the life of the teacher a baneful course of petty tyranny. I am not going to speak of this, however, wholly in the interests of the teacher. I am going to speak of it as something which the nation must look upon with interest, and of vital interest, to itself. The nation cannot have good schools without good teachers. I think we have spent far too much money on buildings. I think we have spent far too much money on equipment, and I often in the olden days warned school boards that there was a great deal of extravagance in what they spent on bricks and mortar.
We have spent too much on the paraphernalia and the outside, and we have not spent enough upon the essential—an improvement of the teacher's salary. And if we are to save this country, if we are to build up schools worthy of this country, that is this essential you must look to as your first and most pressing duty. My right hon. Friend has referred in very kind terms to the position he has asked me to occupy as chairman of the Salary Board. It would not be profitable for me to discuss the exact terms and the amount of salary which ought to be given, but I have no hesitation whatever in beginning that work by saying that I am not fighting merely for the teacher, but that I am taking up a question which is of vital importance to the country itself, and far beyond a mere professional question. My right hon. Friend, I am certain, will agree with this, that the amount that has been assigned for the increase of salaries of teachers which will raise a pittance of £112 to one of £126 a year is nothing but a drop in the bucket. It is only a beginning, and the country has to face this, that by some means or other a far larger expenditure, an expen- diture which will bring adequate remuneration to the teacher without those various drawbacks that are involved in this minute, must ultimately be incurred. I do not complain of those drawbacks; they are necessary; but in two sections of the Minute hon. Members, if they will look, will see that the increase of salaries to teachers depends upon the amount of the rate—whether a rate goes beyond 1s. 6d. or whether it falls below 10d. It is perfectly self-evident that that is a financial consideration; it is not an educational consideration. It has nothing whatever to do with the teacher himself. You cannot do anything else. So long as local authorities are pinched in means you must allocate your funds to some extent by the burden which they place upon themselves in the shape of a lower or a higher rate. That I quite admit, and I see that the Minute could not go outside that. But I do say that no such consideration can be allowed to come in when you deal fully and adequately with the whole question. When you get larger areas, which will be a means of equalising the rates and doing away with those differentiations which are so untoward for all educational administration, then the nation must face a very much larger expenditure than is involved in this.
I am sure Scottish Members always hear with great interest, and indeed delight, the hon. Member who has just spoken, who has made education his life work and to whom, we must never forget, the children and the people of Scotland owe so much for the work he did in past years, and I should like to associate myself with him entirely in what he has said with regard to teaching. The first essential of education is a good teacher. You must have other things, but that you must have if you are to make any progress whatever. I rejoice that the hon. Member again is going into harness as chairman of this Salaries Committee, and I am sure the Scottish Members wish him well and will be delighted to do anything they can to help him in his work. I should like to congratulate the Secretary for Scotland on having prevailed on the Treasury to give this extra Grant, and I am very glad he has decided that a very large proportion of it is to be devoted to the salaries of teachers. There is one point I should just like to ask him: I am quite clear myself, but I do not think he quite brought out that in this distribution of money the teachers in the voluntary schools are to be treated in exactly the same way as the teachers in the board schools. I am glad the right hon. Gentleman assents to that, because he did not mention it specifically, but it is so in the Minute, and I know there is a good deal of doubt outside as to whether it is the case. I am glad it is so, because certainly the voluntary teachers are not paid more than those in the board schools and have just as much need of the extra salary that this will bring to them.
There are no board schools in Scotland; they are all public schools.
Yes, there are. Schools run by the school board are board schools. I agree that this money is only an earnest, but it is a good thing to think that it is a permanent matter and is not in the nature of a mere war bonus, because if you compare the income which men and women who have had similar education can make in other professions the teacher, even with this increase, will be still very considerably underpaid; and if you regard it merely from the point of view of the cost of living the addition that is to be made to these salaries will not, I believe, anything like compensate the teacher for the extra cost of living during the last couple of years. A very serious point in connection with the payment of teachers is that during the last few years, owing, I believe, chiefly to the small salaries payable, boys especially have not been attracted to the teaching profession. The other day I came across a fact which surprised me very much, that during the last seven years no boy has gone into the teaching profession from Dumfries Academy, one of the leading secondary schools in Scotland, which was in previous years a school from which a large number of teachers came. It is quite true that there have been junior students—probably a large number—going from that school to the universities, many of them with the intention of becoming teachers, but as they get along in life they find that the attractions there are so poor compared with other occupations—the Civil Service, for instance, and other professions—that they drift into other lines before they actually become teachers. That is a very serious matter, and it can only be put right by offering a sufficient attraction to them to go into that profession. It is quite true, of course, that you are getting a lot of women, and very good teachers, but you cannot be altogether dependent upon women teachers. You must maintain a sufficient supply of capable male teachers or else you will find that Scotland will not keep up her reputation in regard to education. At the present moment there are boys and girls who go into munition work without any training, and can make bigger incomes than your teacher with expensive training and years of effort. Of course, that is a temporary employment.
Omnibus conductors!
I do not know the salaries of omnibus conductors. But, in any case, the teacher is underpaid, and we must see as a nation that the teacher gets more or we shall suffer for it. The addition that is proposed now will not give the teacher a princely income by any means, but I maintain in an occupation of that sort you must, at any rate, relieve the teacher from the anxiety about how he is to live or he cannot do his work well. If anxiety about his living is in his mind, he is not free to give his attention to his proper work. In the Report of the Committee of Council on Education this year there are some pleasing features, and there are some features that one is very anxious about. I think the hon. Member drew attention to one, namely, the diminished regularity of attendance. One sentence in the Report that struck me is this: to be properly educated. It is quite right, and we rejoice, that schoolboys in their holidays help with the harvest or help forestry. It does them and the people amongst whom they go a great deal of good; but I do think the people of Scotland generally do object to children being taken away from school before the proper age.
Another rather disquieting fact in this Report is the falling off in the attendance at continuation schools. That, of course, is easily accounted for by the fact that those who otherwise would be in these schools are fighting for their country. But the Department, with a great deal of encouragement, got the number in attendance before the War up to something like 150,000, and last year, I see, it has fallen to about 120,000. That, I have no doubt, will improve again after the War. There is rather a pleasing feature in connection with the War that the children in attendance at the schools, especially at poor schools, come there in a much better physical condition than they used to do. That is due partly to the medical inspection of children, and it is due also to the better wages earned by the parents. I believe, for instance, that in the North Cannongate School of Edinburgh, which is always regarded as a typical school in a poor district, the condition of the children has enormously improved during the last years, so that those who visited that school in years past, as I often did, would scarcely recognise the children to be of the same class and type. I am also glad to see that the number of children being specially looked! after as defective and epileptic children has enormously increased. I have a special interest in this, because I had the honour of passing through this House a small measure empowering special attention being given to these children, and I see that between the years 1909 and 1916 the number of these centres has risen from twenty-eight to sixty-one, and that whereas in 1909 there were 1,227 children, there are now 5,110, and the special Government Grants have increased from £4,266 to £23,354. But the Report goes on to say that still more might be done.
There is one other word I should like to say, and that is about secondary schools. It is always difficult to keep children at secondary schools. There is always the strain of the parents wishing to take the children away to earn wages, and in these days it is more than ever difficult to keep children there, and the difficulty has been increased by the, I think, quite proper policy of the Department during recent years 'to centralise secondary education so that it may be given in a more perfected condition. But during the War that has had rather a disastrous effect. I find, for instance, in the secondary school that I know best the-attendance has fallen off, and during next session is likely to fall off even more considerably because of the restricted train service. Take the case I know in Dumfries, where the Academy serves a large area round. It is practically impossible now for children to come from Lockerbie and other places about that district, not only because of the few trains, but because of the wrong time at which the trains are run. Children have to leave their homes perhaps at six or seven in the morning, in order to get to Dumfries in time, and they cannot get a train away, as they used to do, about four o'clock, but have to wait, perhaps, until seven o'clock. The result is that they do not get home until a late hour. That may seem a small matter, but, in reality, it is a very large matter. I have received a letter to-day, and I have had several letters, and have been spoken to by a good number of people as to whether some pressure by the Department might not be brought to bear upon the other Government Department that is. now running the railways to see whether, if there is an option in running trains at one hour or another, that option can be made in favour of running trains that will serve for these children to attend the secondary schools. In Dumfries this matter does affect a large number of children. I am glad to say that there is an institution which, to a certain extent, for some of the girls, mitigates the evil—a hostel which was founded by the late Mr. Thomas McKie. I should like to say, in regard to the hostel for which power was taken in the Education Act of 1908 for junior students, what a great success it has been. Authority was given to charge any deficit upon the secondary education fund for the counties of Dumfries and Kirkcudbrightshire, but I am glad to say that no call of that sort has been made, the hostel has been self-supporting and extremely well managed, and it has been most fortunate in having very capable matrons. It has been of enormous benefit to those who have lived there under very comfortable conditions with very good supervision, and it is far better for them to live there rather than travel backwards and forwards every day to distant homes. This has given a comradeship which in their future work will be most valuable. If there are any other towns where there are secondary schools with junior students, I should strongly recommend any people who have big houses—they are rather a dug in the market in these days—which they do not know what to do with to follow this example and give their house as a hostel. I am sure they would find that they could not use the premises to better advantage. I sincerely congratulate the right hon. Gentleman upon the manner in which he has inaugurated his rule as Secretary for Scotland by such a splendid gift to the teachers as he has been able to announce to-day.
I should like to congratulate the Secretary for Scotland upon his statement. The War has found out many faults and many weaknesses in education as in other things, and I think the country is quite ready to break away from routine and tradition if good cause be shown. Never in my recollection was there such a demand from the working classes of this country for the benefits of higher education. We see that by the resolutions that are coming in every week from trade unions and other labour bodies. Therefore, I think the right hon. Gentleman has a far better chance than any of his predecessors have had of doing great service to Scotland. I am sure from the right hon. Gentleman's speech that he fully recognises and feels his responsibility. The rising generation, the school children of to-day, are the Empire's most precious asset, and, unless we give those children a good education, not merely intellectual and moral but also physical, I say that this country, already so bitterly smitten by the ravages of war, will inevitably become weak and incompetent. I say that for any class of the community to content themselves with bringing up their own children adequately and well will not do at all in the momentous years that lie in front of us. I agree with those who have said that the first necessity of a sound and satisfactory system of education is to have an ample supply of well-trained and well-qualified teachers. That may seem somewhat of a platitude, but I think it requires constant reiteration. You must have good teachers. Too often the teacher is thought of last, whereas, after the child, he is the main, partner in the business. I think it is a most regrettable thing that neither in. England nor in Scotland has the teacher received that recognition which his importance warrants and deserves, and it would be a great triumph for the right hon. Gentleman if he could exalt teaching into, a really learned profession, and sweep away all make-believes and incompetence. It is for that reason that I ask the right hon. Gentleman to keep a watchful eye on the training colleges, and insist sternly and strictly on a broad and thorough education being given there. I think these institutions ought to be an integral part of the universities of Scotland, and they should be enveloped and inspired by the highest learning of the land, which; they are not at the present time.
Following up what my hon. Friend said in his charming and fascinating maiden speech I am perfectly sure that the teachers of Scotland will never have that, respect for themselves and their profession, which they ought to have, until they have a very much larger share than they have had hitherto in the guidance and shaping of our education policy. Are the teachers worthy of such confidence and such responsibility? Do their aims and views not extend beyond a mere trade union or professional interest? I think the very best answer to that is to be found in a little book published under the auspices of the teaching profession of Scotland, and which, I think, is in. the hands of every Scottish Member of Parliament. A more far-reaching sketch of national reforms has never before been published within living memory, and it is worth a whole wilderness of Blue Books. The authors of that book, so well informed and patriotic, deserve the thanks and the confidence of Parliament.
The profession of teaching ought to be an exceedingly pleasant and attractive one. The teacher's day is not so very long. His week-end is free and his vacation is measured by months. Again, the work itself—I mean having to do with young people and conveying instruction to them—is of the most fascinating kind, but, as the hon. Member for the Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities (Sir H. Craik) pointed out, there is one very serious drawback to the profession of teaching in Scotland, and it arises, as everyone knows, from the multiplicity of authorities. There are, first of all, the school boards, varying in membership and also in competence, and lending themselves, as we all know, in the rural parishes of the Highlands and islands of Scotland, to high, domineering, and tyrannical action. No one who has had any experience in the Highlands and islands of Scotland can deny that statement. Then there is the parent who thinks his child possesses intelligence of a very high order. He must be satisfied, and that is by no means an easy job, because the parent of every child in Scotland thinks if his child does not make progress it is the teacher who is at fault and not the child. Then there are those mysterious persons called "my lords" who move in majesty behind the scenes. I say all this multiplicity of authority has a wearing and doleful effect upon the teacher's mind. In whatever direction he looks he sees a critical and censorious face glaring at him, and I do not wonder that he is inclined to say strong things to those who come near him. I do not wonder at it, and I say this is one of the great drawbacks to the popularity of the teaching profession.
Very closely connected with this question of prestige and recognition of the teacher is the mundane and material question of salaries. Recently there was a meeting of teachers at which one of the speakers said that the profession of teaching was a sweated industry, and he was right. In Scotland the male teachers are somewhat better paid than in England. It is all very well to make eloquent speeches upon the high and noble functions of this profession, but all this sounds ridiculous when you consider the utterly inadequate way in which that profession is remunerated. When Oliver Goldsmith was thinking of taking up a career he was told to avoid a school by all means. In our own day it is a fact that young men of ability are avoiding the teaching profession because of inducements elsewhere, and that results in very grave detriment to the rising generation.
There are two things to be remembered. In the first place, all our scholastic problems would, I do not say be solved, but would be eased by higher Grants. That, no doubt, is a very elementary observation. In the second place, education, although conducted locally, is in every sense of the word an Imperial service, just as much as national defence by the Army and the Navy. I do not blame local authorities for the small salaries they give to teachers. The Boards are not all alike, well-off, but, inasmuch as the various localities of Scotland differ to an almost infinite degree in financial resources, it is the clear duty of the Treasury to rectify this anomaly by adequate subventions out of the coffers of the State. I quite agree with the statement made by the hon. Member for the Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities, that the support we receive from the Treasury is merely a drop in the bucket, and unless we have a national system of salaries I can see a time coming when the less opal parishes of Scotland will be altogether denuded of competent teachers. The present War crisis through which we are passing, involving as it does the absence of thousands of teachers in our fighting forces, has caused a shortage of staff in every school in the country. Consequently there has been a necessary relaxation of the whole regulations, because the schools have to carry on somehow; but what I am concerned with is that I hope and trust no permanent damage has been done to our educational system. What we need is more efficiency and not less, and it will be nothing short of a national misfortune if for short-sighted reasons of economy we allow the proportion of male to female teachers in our schools to become unduly small. I agree that both sexes are required in the schools, but I regret to find that now the proportion of female to male teachers is something like four to one, and that is very unsatisfactory indeed. We want both sexes in the work of education, and we do not want a starvation rate which will drive young men out of the profession.
There is another point to which the inspectors of schools have been alluding for a great many years past. The most important point in our future educational policy will be how best to obtain an educational and disciplinary grip of the young lad in his teens. There ought to be no time lost after leaving the elementary school. We all know, from painful personal experience, that it is a much more difficult thing to acquire than to forget. It is really no kindness to a lad to make him master of his own time, if he spends his hours going aimlessly about the streets "feeling the weight of too much liberty." Education ought to be compulsory and continuous up to the age of seventeen or eighteen. An ideal system of education, such as we wish both for England and for Scotland, would be one by which the poorest lad in the whole country could obtain the very highest education he could benefit by. I should like to see free education from the elementary school right up to the university, a broad highway of learning, without any obstruction or obstacle save that which nature has put on the individual. Superiority of intellect occurs quite as often in the cottage as in the castle, and educational facilities ought to be at hand in the rural districts for the development of such. We want all the brain power that we can get for this country both for its industries and its Civil Service. I know quite well that the idea of education being more to be desired than much fine gold may seem odd in view of the fact that so many who have the highest and best opportunities have successfully evaded them and regard all kinds of learning as so much trouble and worry. I say that the poor boy working under adverse circumstances deserves the very warmest encouragement from this House, and the means for developing such talent as occur in all the grades and sections of society should be always available.
I should like, before sitting down, to say one word on a subject in which I have been interested for a good many years, namely, the teaching of modern languages. I understand that there is a Commission sitting on the subject taking very ample evidence, and there is a rumour which is perhaps exaggerated that they intend to issue their report some time before the end of the "War. Well, put not your trust in commissions. I am perfectly sure when that Report comes out that it will not contain anything that we do not already very well know. Everyone knows that alike in school and university modern languages have been scandalously neglected. Everyone who has come into contact with the Germans, either as soldiers or as civilians, knows that they have a much more lively sense of the value of the living idioms than we have or than the French have. Their pre-war attention to modern languages has proved a valuable military asset in this War. There are a great number of German officers who know English and French in addition to their own language, and that I say is a military asset. Much of their pre-war success in trade was due to the practical nature of their linguistic studies. Let us denounce German ethics as much as we like, and let us call them Huns to our hearts' content, but let us also admit, if we can, that their patience, their sagacity and their educational organisation all present features which are worthy of our imitation.
Up till now, I think, we have regarded all kinds of foreign speech with scorn. If a man did not know English we thought that he ought to wipe out his disgrace by learning it at once. I am free to maintain that that attitude of self-contained insularity, self-satisfied imperialism if you like to call it so, will not subsist in view of the fact that we are now continentals. We are islanders no longer.
A very eminent educationist said in my hearing not long ago that he greatly feared for two things after the War: Greek and Free Trade. I do not propose to put myself out of order by saying which would be the greater loss, but I am perfectly sure that the elimination of Greek from our educational curriculum; would be a loss which would never be made up. I also say, and say with reluctance, that I am afraid Greek must continue to decrease in relative importance and probably in the end become a purely university subject. So ineffectively are the classical languages taught in this country and so utterly is the spirit submerged by the letter, that six or seven or even ten years' study of these ancient tongues does not carry pupils very far; whereas three years study of French under adequate conditions of time and supervision will give them a very considerable grip of the language by no means to be despised. I say that for elegance and expressiveness there is no language which comes so near to the marvellous tongue of ancient Greece as French does.
When I talk of modern languages, of course I include German. I do not see that there can be much doubt about that. It would be a very great calamity if that language, rude and clumsy as it may appear to us and with the very unfortunate associations which it has at the present time, were to fall into disfavour, from the study of which Carlyle could say that Germany was his spiritual home. There is no department of ancient or modern literature or of literary or scientific investigation in which the patient ingenuity of German students has not produced something valuable. There is one line, however, in which we shall have to follow our own tradition. I mean the line of moral instruction. We have nothing to learn from Germany there, except what most strenuously to avoid. For a great many years educational authorities have been perfectly aware that there was something wrong with the German schools and universities. We knew that there was something wanting not from the intellectual but from the moral point of view. There was a kind of miasma of materialism which overshadowed and enveloped those ancient temples of industrial peace. By the express command of the Emperor the whole educational system of the Fatherland was perverted to glorify a mad, a predatory megolamania. "Deutschland uber Alles." "Woe to all who obstruct us." "All history has been leading up to us." That was taught in all the schools, and these ideas, absurd as they are, were fully believed in at the beginning of this War by the whole population of Germany and were the true cause of the War. We used to be told in the seventies—at least some of us remember—that the German schoolmasters had really won the victory over France. I believe that when this War is over we shall be able to say that the same agency has conduced to Germany's down-tall. I could not help feeling, when the right hon. Gentleman was sketching out his programme of reform, that there was one necessary preliminary. There must be a victory for the forces of civilisation in this War. If the Allies go down in this War, nobody will care two straws for intellectual development. All education will be swamped and overborne in a torrent of barbaric militarism. It will be nothing but "arms and the man" after this War if we do not win. Meanwhile let us, in spite of all our depression, proclaim a veneration in our schools and universities for all learning, ancient, modern, literary, and scientific. We must not allow it to be thought that ignorance is a valuable quality or that immature thinking is something to which we can attach any weight. We must proclaim abroad that a man may be a good tradesman, a skilled engineer, or a competent craftsman, but if he has not some literary or some spiritual interest on the top of that he will go through life at a great disadvantage, and the community of which he is a member will suffer too.
I would crave the indulgence of the House on addressing it for the first time. My speech, being confined to a simple and very practical point, 6.0 P.M.
cannot in any way compare with the very eloquent speech to which we have all just listened. I wish to put in a very strong plea for the county of which I am one of the representatives, and to ask for a share of the increased balance which will become available under the terms of the Minute. I believe as a county Perthshire is not, perhaps, strictly admissible to such a share, but there is a very strong desire on the part of the committee of the county of Perth on secondary education that they should have sums for the provision of hostels, and that they should also have an increased Grant for bursaries. I believe that the right hon. Gentleman, on a recent visit to Scotland, received deputations dealing with both these points, and I believe with regard to bursaries that he expressed himself as willing to consider applications which might be laid before him. With regard to the matter of hostels, I believe that at that time the right hon. Gentleman could not go further than to say he had sympathy with the views of the deputation. It is a great thing to have enlisted the sympathy of the right hon. Gentleman, and I hope that in due course of time his sympathy will be translated into action. The arguments for hostels in Perthshire is very strong. It is a very large county, and the centres at which there are secondary schools are relatively very few in number; therefore the distances which pupils have to travel are very great, especially at the present time when the decrease in railway facilities due to the War has increased the difficulties of those pupils in attending the schools. I do not wish to elaborate that line of argument, which was put very ably by the hon. Member for Dumfries Burghs (Mr. Gulland). I would only urge that the claims of large counties to consideration in the matter of hostels should be considered by the right hon. Gentleman, and I would remind him that he gives twice who gives quickly.
It is almost presumptuous for an Irish Member to take part in a Scottish Debate, but I am sure my Scottish colleagues will forgive my intruding because they know that for several years past, particularly since the passage of the Scottish Education Bill, in regard to which I served on the Grand Committee, I have always taken a deep interest in voluntary schools in Scotland. Listening to the Secretary for Scotland this afternoon, I was—shall I say?—a, wee bit disappointed that he did not give rather more hope with regard to the way the voluntary schools of Scotland are going to be assisted in the matter of the payment of teachers' salaries according to this new Minute. He gave one or two figures. I am sure he will excuse me if I put before him some of the figures I have extracted in the course of the last month or so from him, showing how monstrously underpaid are the Catholic school teachers in Scotland. To-day he based a great deal of his argument on the statement that the average salary of teachers in Scotland—I presume he included the voluntary school teachers—
Yes, it does include the voluntary school teachers.
Was £112, and that under his new scheme the increase will amount to the average of £126. It is worth noticing to what an extraordinary extent the Catholic school teachers are underpaid. We in Ireland have had brought to our notice the comparatively high standard of Scottish education, so far as the payment of teachers are concerned. In nearly every case it has been the payment to board school teachers that has been brought to our notice. I propose to-day to state the scale of payment to the voluntary school teachers, and it will certainly come as a shock to English and Irish Members when they compare the salaries paid to board school teachers and those paid to the Catholic school teachers. At the outset, one has to remember that owing to the system in Scotland, everyone has to contribute to the rates. Although the Catholic schools are not assisted out of the rates, it happens that every Catholic in Scotland has to pay his rates, which are applied to increasing the salaries and the educational facilities in the Presbyterian board schools. I make no complaint of that fact. Indeed, I honour the Scottish people in that they believe in dogmatic religious instruction in their schools. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] In the great majority of cases I have always understood that the board schools are Presbyterian. It so happens, and I am glad to notice it, that in Western Scotland, in the more purely Catholic districts, you have school boards which are predominantly Catholic. In any case, it happens that the Catholic voluntary school system is not assisted out of the rates. The only assistance Catholic "voluntary schools in Scotland obtain is, first from the central exchequer and then the assistance of a small Voluntary School Aid Grant of a certain amount.
May I point out to the hon. Member that where there is a majority of Roman Catholics as there is in certain parishes, the schools are maintained out of the rates.
That is exactly what I said. In some cases, particularly in the West of Scotland, where the population is overwhelmingly Catholic, the board schools are Catholic, but in Glasgow and Govan all the Catholic schools are entirely supported from central sources, and not one penny of rate assistance do they get. Their teachers have to be paid purely from central sources, and the result is that our Catholic teachers enjoy nothing in the nature of an average salary of £112. I find that in Glasgow the Catholic headmasters receive £181. Over the whole of Scotland the male assistants in Catholic schools get only £94 per annum, and the female assistants only £75 per annum. The Secretary for Scotland took average salaries. I am going to compare what the Catholic teachers get as compared with teachers in board schools. What do I find as regards the board schools in Glasgow and Govan? The headmasters in Glasgow Catholic schools receive £181, while in the Glasgow board schools the headmasters get £366; that is the average. The male assistants in the Glasgow board schools get £154 12s. I have not got the figures for the male Catholic assistants in Glasgow, but in all Scotland the average is £94. The female assistants in the Glasgow board schools get an average of £106, while the female assistant teachers in Catholic schools throughout Scotland get an average of £75.
Is not the hon. Member comparing the average salaries of teachers in a large city like Glasgow with the average salaries of Catholic teachers throughout the whole of Scotland?
That is so as regards the assistant teachers. I carefully pointed out that the average salary earned by Catholic headmasters in Glasgow was £181, whereas the Glasgow headmasters in the board schools earn an average of £366. I am sorry that I have not at the moment got the average salaries earned by the male and female assistants in Catholic schools in Glasgow. I should like to put it in another way. Look at the matter from the point of view of the position of the child. What is the amount of money spent on the education of a Catholic child in Glasgow and Govan? Let us take Glasgow, where there are many such children to be found, because I believe that out of the whole Catholic population of Scotland, which numbers some 550,000, something like 400,000 are found in the Arch-diocese of Glasgow. So far as the main contention of my argument is concerned, it is in Glasgow and Govan that the real pressing urgency occurs. In Govan the child who is educated in the board school gets out of central sources and out of local sources £4 4s. 8d. per year. In Glasgow the amount is slightly less— £3 16s. In the case of the Catholic child he only has £l 14s. 5d. spent upon his education. That is because the money for the education of the Catholic child comes purely from central sources, and not one single penny comes out of the rates. The result on education is, of course, disastrous. I have already shown that Catholic school teachers in Scotland are abominably underpaid. They get no assistance from the rates. In order to supplement the assistance that comes from central sources the Catholic people in Scotland and the Catholic managers and teachers have to subscribe every year. Something like £60,000 a year has to be raised not merely to supplement the wretched salaries of the teachers, but to provide for the building and equipment of the schools.
It may be said that as the Catholics in Scotland are in such a minority, therefore their schools would be smaller, and we should not expect the same scale of salaries to be paid in the small schools as in the big schools. The exact contrary is the case. I have had figures supplied to me, and I have looked carefully through them, and have found out what is happening in regard to school attendance in Glasgow and Govan. In the ninety-four Glasgow Presbyterian board schools there is an average of 997 scholars. In the thirty-two Govan Presbyterian board schools there is an average of 1,022 scholars. But in the twenty Glasgow Catholic schools there is an average attendance of 1,423 scholars. So that what happens is that the most poorly paid of our teachers and the most crowded of the schools in Glasgow are those frequented by Catholic school children. You have the disgraceful payment of the teachers and the overcrowding in regard; to children. What wonder is it that it is precisely in these Catholic schools is Glasgow and elsewhere that the health of the children is affected? A very interesting Report was presented at the end of 1914 by Dr. Ernest Roberts, the chief medical officer of health for the Glasgow School Board, for the year ended 13th June, 1914. In that Report he compares the health of the boys and girls in the board schools on the one hand with that of the boys and girls in the Catholic schools on the other. It is the most eloquent and appalling statement of figures I have ever read. He-says that girls of eleven and twelve in the Catholic schools, which I have shown are more crowded than the board schools, weigh on the average 5 lbs. less than the girls who are educated in the more roomy and better equipped board schools, in which the teachers are better paid. Take-the question of height. It is the same sad" story. In the Catholic schools in Glasgow the overcrowding has had the effect that the children are less in height than are the more favoured children in the board schools. I find that girls of nine years of age in the board schools in Glasgow are on the average 4 ft. 0½ in. in height, while girls of the same age in the Catholic schools are only 3 ft. 10½ ins. These are figures given by the chief medical officer of health for the Glasgow School Board and I do not think anybody will quarrel with the facilities he has had for investigating the facts in the board schools and also in the Catholic schools.
I bring this question forward for a definite reason. The Secretary for Scotland has just been able to acquire for Scotland a large equivalent Grant as the result of the educational effort that has been made in England by his colleague on the Treasury Bench. The first thing he ought to do when he is going to allocate salaries is to see that the underpaid teachers are first looked after. What is the good of bringing forward a statement that the average payment of teachers in Scotland at present is £112, if that covers up, as it does, the fact that you have at present in Scotland male assistants paid £94 and female assistants; paid £75? It is a perfect mockery to leave these low figures out of sight, and to ask people to take the figure of £112 as representing the average salary throughout Scotland. The figure may be right, but what satisfaction is it to a female assistant who is paid £75 if she is told that the average salary paid in Scotland is £112? This latest minute does not satisfy the requirement of the voluntary schools in Scotland. It is essential that the teachers in those underpaid schools should first of all have their salaries levelled up to a decent level, and when they are put upon a decent level let your new minute apply, and let there be a corresponding rise in the salaries of teachers throughout Scotland, board school as well as voluntary school. If that is done the Secretary of Scotland will have gone some way to meet a crying educational grievance. That leaves out of sight entirely all the other matters which have been touched upon—the fact of schools being overcrowded and the fact of the voluntary contributions being required to look after building and equipment. At all events, it will carry out what we believe is one of the first requirements to promote educational proficiency, and that is to see that the teachers are properly paid.
I am sure every Member would wish to see that the children of all religious creeds are properly taught, and that the teachers should be adequately remunerated, but we in Scotland may legitimately congratulate ourselves upon the fact that we are wonderfully free from that old religious controversy which has been such a canker and a blight upon educational matters in England. This has been a very interesting Debate, which will linger in my mind as one of pictures and metaphors and quotations going back to the great Elizabethans, to the Book of Common Prayer, through the eighteenth century of Oliver Goldsmith down to the fairy godmother whom I see sitting in front of me, and even to a more substantial figure than his, namely, that of Lord Haldane. We have had quotations from them all. These metaphors and citations have been called into use in order to prove what, I think, my right hon. Friend almost apologised for—because it ought to be in the nature of a platitude—the urgency, the necessity, and the cogency generally of education. It does not, indeed, require any draught either from ancient literature or modern science, or even from culture as it is understood in Germany, for us to emphasise not only the urgency of the educational problem, but the very fact that in the youth of our country lies the destiny of our race. If that were true, as, of course, obviously it must be true, of all time, it is a, greater truth and a greater platitude if possible to-day when so much of what we value and of what we have a legitimate right to look to is taken from us. My hon. Friend (Mr. Lyell) desired that the Government should adopt the policy which was advocated when I sat upon the other side of the Table—that matters educational in Scotland should be, I will not say governed by, though I honestly believe that would be the ultimate issue of the operation, but, at any rate, should be guided to some extent by an advisory committee. I was interested in listening to my hon. Friend (Sir H. Craik), who poured a little proper fluid upon that project. I entirely hold with him that the Government must be a Government which must govern, and that advisory committees of this kind, consisting of persons who might wish to become more than advisory, would be an incumbrance, and I strongly deprecate my right hon. Friend having any truck with that kind of thing. Again, it has been said that the university system in Scotland should be an autonomous body and should not be interfered with by others, nor should it interfere with other people's scholastic activities. I think that is very true, but there was a time when we rather feared that the universities had some ulterior intention of so moulding the course of examination that it would result in having a very strong influence upon the curriculum of the primary schools, and to that extent it was to be deprecated.
I should like to congratulate my hon. Friend (Mr. Holmes) on the very illuminating statement which he made. He travelled through what he described as a wilderness of Blue Books, but we felt that we were not in any wilderness at all, but rather in a country blossoming like a rose. He fell into one slight fallacy, which was that there were in Scotland four women teachers to every man. In point of fact, he has mistaken the figure, and the accurate figure would be three. Among other very considerable feats he abolished the insularity of Great Britain, upon which I should like to congratulate him, more particularly if it carries with it the abolition of our ignorance, because ignorance and insularity are supposed to go hand in hand, and indeed I think to some extent that comment is true, because there is a proclivity on the part of the average Briton, not only to dislike foreign languages but to treat them with contempt and scorn, and indeed to treat those who do not speak their own language as being below the human animal and if they do not understand English they are only to be looked upon as something which we really have not within our ken. All that, I think, is disappearing and it is very desirable. I support very heartily all he has said about the teaching both of the most ancient language, Greek, and the modern languages. I think each in its own way is not only desirable, but necessary for a really thorough and proper education, not that I lay any claim to knowing any of them myself. I say that sotto voce. But it is very important indeed that we should cultivate as much as we can the giving of a really liberal education to those who are coming on and with whom will lie the future of our country. I really only rose because I was reluctant to remain silent in case my silence might be misconstrued as an absence of enthusiasm for the rise in the salaries of teachers announced by my right hon. Friend. I am very glad indeed to welcome this step in advance. It was one which was begun at an earlier period. He has had the good fortune to have it mature and culminate during his period of office. I offer him my felicitations on that having occurred, and I hope for other increments which I am sure the House and the country would welcome, in spite of rather a general appetite for public money, which I deprecate. I hope this is but the forerunner of other increments to come.
It is only fair that we should congratulate the Secretary for Scotland on the able manner in which he has made use of the opportunity presented to him to-day. I quite agree with what has been said with regard to the position of the teachers. It is an honourable occupation and ought to be recognised as such by everyone. There are other things which must be discussed to-night besides education, and we do not have much opportunity to consider Scottish local affairs and I am glad to think we have been given this opportunity. We recognise that this is a question mainly of teachers' salaries. I am told that without any equivalent Grant they get about 80 per cent., but I do not suppose that is all they want, and I dare say by and by, as opportunity offers, they will be asking for more, and I quite agree with them. There is no doubt that in Scotland the teachers, especially the head teachers, are very poorly paid. Most Scottish Members have been receiving letters lately with regard to the position of these masters, and it seems a wonderful thing that they should be able to live and bring up a family decently on about £100 per annum. They are to have a little more, but it will not be very much when it is divided. So far as I am personally concerned I trust they will get more by and by, as times alter. At any rate, I think most people all over the world who study educational questions fully recognise that the Scottish people have to be congratulated on their excellent educational institutions for many years. I believe it is largely the model of the systems used in our Colonies and in the United States of America. I wish especially to call attention to the question of salaries of teachers in the Highland counties. I believe the Secretary for Scotland fully understands that matter much better than I do, and I would like to have an assurance from him, not that he will carry out my views, but that he will consider the matter and treat these teachers in the same manner as other teachers in regard to salaries. Although there is a dreadful war going on we must not neglect education, because on that depends the future of the country. I have always held that. I 30 not pretend that you are going to bring everybody up to a particular standard, but I do say that every boy and girl in the country should have an opportunity of putting themselves into that position in regard to education. I do not think we need to complain much about the position of education in this country, but we want to improve it and take every opportunity of doing so. I fully agree that it is the duty of the House of Commons and the duty of the nation to do what is right and fair in regard to the teachers, and in that event I am sure the result will be satisfactory. The Highland teachers are an excellent body of men, who are very useful in the parishes generally, and I do not think they ought to be treated different to any of the teachers in other parts of Scotland. I hope that the War will end soon and that education will go on progressing.
Of the importance of education and the importance of having good teachers to carry out that education, and also the vital necessity of paying reasonable salaries, I do not propose to repeat anything that has been so eloquently said already. But there are two points on which I would like to say a few words. I should like to congratulate the Secretary for Scotland on having fully justified his promise that a substantial portion of the equivalent Grant would be devoted to the purpose of increasing salaries, and I am glad to say, not only devoted to that purpose, but under conditions which, to a large extent, may help to increase salaries by increasing to a reasonable extent out of the rates what is paid in the way of salaries. I was particularly glad to hear the indication which the right hon. Gentleman has given that in the forthcoming Education Bill he is going to suggest larger education areas. Many of us in Scotland—and I think the feeling in favour of it has been growing very strongly—have been greatly disappointed that the question of larger educational areas has not been taken up and pressed home sooner than the present time. I welcome the right hon. Gentleman's assurance very greatly, because among other things it has a very intimate relation to the ability to pay better salaries, particularly in the larger and poorer rural areas. Then there is another question in the national interest, that of raising the age. We all know that after the War is over there will be a greater pressure than ever to try to claim children earning industrial wages and to take them away from school earlier than many of us think they should be taken away from their education. I trust the right hon. Gentleman will carefully consider the matter and forestall any such claim as that, and that in order to fully equip the coming generations of children to take part in the very severe fight that is going to take place, he will try if possible to lengthen the education of these children and make it more thorough than ever.
I should not be acting quite rightly towards the prominent educationalists who have addressed the Committee if I did not say a word of welcome for the concession—I will not say concession, because it is a matter of right—but the length to which the right hon. Gentleman has felt himself able to go in regard to the remuneration of teachers out of the means at his disposal. I ask that we should have more of the same kind as soon as it is possible to get the Treasury's sanction. I welcome the proposed methods of administration of the means which are at the disposal of the right hon. Gentleman. I accept fully what has been said on the main question by the Secretary for Scotland and on the detailed administration by the hon. Member for Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities, and I believe that is all we can ask for at the present moment. One hon. Member referred to the position of the Catholic teachers. I am not sure whether I interpret the position quite correctly, but as I understand it, the board schools and the Catholic and other denominational schools are all to share in the Grant, but where the rate exceeds a certain amount a little more is to be given to the board schools only. That is, I believe, the true interpretation. The denominational schools are not excluded except as regards the addition which is to be made when the rate exceeds a certain amount. I cannot quite see the reason for that. The Catholics and other denominationalists are paying their rates the same as other people, and I cannot help thinking that it is by an oversight that school boards only are mentioned. I should like to hear from the Secretary for Scotland whether Catholic and denominational schools are really and in all respects to be on the same footing as board schools. With regard to what the hon. Member for Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities said, there was one thing—perhaps not a popular subject to mention—in regard to which I was sorry to agree with him. I mean his rather strong denunciation of the views of Lord Haldane on what he called the military organisation of education. I think what Lord Haldane and other people see good in that rather overorganised administration of education is a little misunderstood. The good of it is only where it stretches down and brings education in touch with all the industries of the country, finding an opening through the medium of education for the employment and the utilisation of all scientific and other educational requirements. It is in that direction that I think the apprehensions of the hon. Member for South Lanark might be met, because if education was a great advantage to industry people would be eager to keep their children at school until they acquired an amount of instruction which was really of use to them in after life. That is really the main point on which the German system is to be commended. If Lord Haldane or anybody else commends it in any other respect as a thing to be adopted in lieu of the system we follow in this country, then I disagree with Lord Haldane and those who hold that view, and I agree with the hon. Member for Glasgow University. But that there is something to be learned in it should not be overlooked.
We should look back and see where it was that the modern German nation obtained their pre-eminence in education. Why was it that from the continents of Europe and America men flocked to the teachers in Germany? It was because of the enormous importance they attached to the necessity of seizing any good teacher and giving him an opportunity, by making their educational system provide ample means for their getting the best advantage out of the instruction given. The hon. Member, who is to be chairman of this Committee for augmenting school teachers' salaries, will have an opportunity of finding, not only what the salaries of the teachers are and how they can pass their examinations and get the Grant, but he will have the power of spotting the really capable teacher and offering him a proper reward, and I hope a system will be established by which those who give real evidence of teaching power may be utilised hereafter. It is in that direction that the future of education lies. I do not believe in any kind of cramming or in any kind of teaching which means merely blindly accepting information which can be reproduced from the utterances of the teacher. I believe the best students and those who make their way in the world are always questioning the accuracy of the instruction they get. I was taught all wrong, and it was only later that I found that it was one's duty to question everything one is taught until one could prove it and really ascertain on what evidence it rested. I would emphasise the fact that it is by picking out men who know how to teach, men who look out for the difficult pupil rather than the pupil who can cram for an examination, that real progress is to be looked for. Then we want more opportunity for the students themselves. But there is no use discussing that at the present moment. It cannot be got until we have more means with which to do it. I hope that all activities will be coordinated together, and that what is done this year will be done with a view to the greater development in the same direction in the near future.
As I have received a large number of representations from my Constituents on this subject, I desire to make a few remarks. I feel sure that there will be great satisfaction throughout Scotland at the statement of the right hon. Gentleman that the increase of teachers' salaries is intended to be a permanent one, and that he has made it perfectly clear that this is, in his view, only a partial solution of this problem, and only an instalment of what teachers may look for in years to come. It is clear that it is his intention to begin with a general levelling up, and that this should apply universally to all the classes of teachers, who have been for many years past in receipt of the lowest remuneration. It appears to me that the right hon. Gentleman's intentions are excellent, and that he desires to go as far as possible with what he has at meantime his disposal. But there is a point which has not yet been completely met with regard to the position of voluntary schools. I listened with a great deal of sympathy to the hon. Member for South Kerry (Mr. Boland), who raised that question. The answer to the hon. Member, of course, is a very simple one. If the managers of these schools were prepared to come into a national system, under which they would obtain rate aid, then the teachers would be in the position of the other school teachers and would have the advantages which might accrue. But I am not sure that that is a complete answer on a question of improvement of salaries in the case of the lowest-paid teachers, and I would urge on my right hon. Friend that as he is seeking to level up he should deal with the lowest-paid teachers, whether or not they be in the voluntary schools or under the school boards. It is a perfectly fair point to make that voluntary school teachers at present are in receipt of a very much smaller amount and are in a worse position than the other teachers. It is not perfectly clear that the voluntary teachers are going to share to a full extent in this Grant. The right hon. Gentleman made it clear that £300,000 would be divided under Section II. (3) of the Minute among all the managers of schools in receipt of certain grants, and in proportion to the number of teachers who had, or were deemed to hold certificates of competence, but when you go on further to the provisions of the Sub-section relating to districts where the rate is in excess of 1s. 6d. you exclude the voluntary schools, and when you go on to Sub-section (5) and the 10d. rate, again the voluntary schools are excluded because they are not getting the advantage of the school fund. To that extent there is a differentiation made. I will put it to the right hon. Gentleman whether it would not be possible to consider putting at least the voluntary school teachers in as good a position as the other teachers in regard to the additional amounts which may be distributed under these two Sub-sections, though, of course, the principle of distribution must necessarily be a different one as they are not under school boards and not in receipt of rate aid.
It would be out of order to deal with wider aspects of this question, but as representing a Constituency in which there is a very large number of voluntary schools in which the question is a very urgent and acute one, I would urge the right hon. Gentleman that the time has come to consider this whole problem, and that in the Bill which he is about to introduce, some opportunity might be afforded to secure some settlement of what has created a difficult situation in many districts in Scotland, namely, the position of the voluntary schools. The Committee will agree that if some settlement of this question could be arrived at, which would avoid the causes of friction that exist in certain districts of Scotland, it would be of enormous advantage. It is a Scottish question in its essence. These schools exist in different parts of Scotland and not only in the West of Scotland, where, of course, the Catholic question is no doubt more in evidence. It is a problem which is not insoluble, but one in the settlement of which I believe he would get the support of a very large section in Scotland representing these particular views. I think that it might be quite possible to frame a scheme which would permit, at any rate, the voluntary schools to come in under a system of local educational control with such safeguards as would meet the views of all those interested in this question. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will take this matter into consideration.
There is another point, with regard to the creation of a national advisory council, which has been already referred to by the hon. Member for South Edinburgh (Sir E. Parrott). I am sure that I voice the views of all Members present who have had the opportunity of discussing matters of educa- tional policy with the Secretary of the Education Department in London in saying that we have been received always with the greatest courtesy, and have greatly appreciated the information and assistance which we have always received from him. I have always felt that he was anxious to be sympathetic in regard to any representations that were made to him. But we have a feeling, which I think is well founded, that we shall have a lot of leeway to make up after the War. The Report that has been issued indicates clearly that we have been labouring under great difficulties during the War. It will be necessary to put forth our best efforts after the War. I think that what has been said by some speakers in this Debate is well worthy of consideration—that we ought to avail ourselves of every possible opportunity to improve our educational system in Scotland, that we ought not to supersede the Education Department in London, but strengthen its hands by securing that it shall be in constant touch and consultation with those who represent the local education authorities in Scotland, the teaching body and various other bodies that have a direct interest in education. We must remember that such bodies as Chambers of Commerce and trade unions will also undoubtedly have something to say upon the position of our educational affairs in Scotland after the War. Should we not be in a position to fortify the Education Department in London by securing that there will be constant touch with those who represent the various interests which I have mentioned in Scotland? I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman himself would find that such a scheme would work out satisfactorily in many ways. Instead of having to receive constant deputations from Scotland representing separate bodies he would be in touch with one advisory council, or whatever it is called, one body representing all interests concerned. They would be prepared to give him the greatest possible support on educational matters. I am quite satisfied that by consultation with such a body or with Scottish Members of Parliament a great deal could be done to help the educational situation after the War. I put in a plea for the representation particularly of the teachers upon such a body, because, after all, I think it has been recognised in this Debate that the key of our educational reform lies in the improvement of the status, training, conditions of service, and emoluments of the teachers, and that if we are to get an adequate supply now some special effort must be put forth to attract them into this profession. I was very glad to notice the statement in one of the reports that the University of Edinburgh has given a degree of bachelor of education, which is sought after by teachers. I wish that the other universities would follow in that respect because I think that it would help materially to encourage the teaching profession. There are many other ways in which that can be done into which I do not desire to enter at present. But I throw out the suggestion that the inspectorate might be regarded as a reward for service on the part of men who have done excellent professional work, and that teachers as a body might be brought into more constant touch with the education authorities themselves. I welcome the sympathetic treatment which the right hon. Gentleman has given the whole question. I look with hope and expectation to the Bill which he is going to introduce later on, and I feel sure that the words which he has spoken to-day will be welcomed all over Scotland and will increase the hope that we may see at his hands a solution of some of these vexed educational problems.
7.0 P.M.
I have listened with great care and interest to the whole of this Debate, and it may be convenient that I should now reply in a few words to the speeches which have been delivered by my Scottish colleagues and also by a representative from Ireland. I think that the Debate has been characterised by some features which are comparatively unusual. In the first place there have been no fewer than two maiden speeches. In the second place contributions to the Debate have been made by a large number of Members who may fairly be regarded as experts in the question under discussion. The maiden speech delivered by the hon. Member for South Edinburgh interested me very much. I would like, if I may, to congratulate him very sincerely upon it and to assure him that I failed entirely to detect any sign of the trepidation from which he described himself as suffering when delivering it. The House, I venture to say, is always glad to hear a Member who has a special knowledge or special experience of the subject regarding which he speaks, and that claim my hon. Friend can most fairly and cogently make. I look to him in future for assistance in matters of education with regard to which I know he has vast experience. He touched on a number of wider topics of education regarding which at this hour I do not think that it would be fitting that I should enter fully. But if I do not misunderstand his speech it was a speech in favour of a national council for education. I think he began, continued, and ended upon that note. The Debate on that subject has not been entirely on one side, and my hon. Friend was immediately answered by the hon. Member for Glasgow and Aberdeen University. I am afraid I must leave my hon. Friends to settle their differences on the subject, and in the meantime I do not want to commit myself to any definite undertaking on the subject of a national council. I have had various representations made to me pro and con, but in the Bill which I hope to have the honour of introducing at a later stage my hon. Friends will see the result of the representations made to me on both sides. I have given the best consideration I can to those representations. My hon. Friend referred to the Secretary of the Education Department as a benevolent despot in absentia, but I venture to take exception to that description. His benevolence I admit, his despotism I deny, and I do not think that the phrase in absentia used by my hon. Friend conveys a proper reflection of the true facts of the case. My hon. Friend forgets that the Scotch Education Department has an office in Edinburgh. Moreover, both I and the Secretary to the Education Department are often in Edinburgh receiving deputations and dealing with various questions which arise. With regard to other considerations in favour of the national council, they will be borne in mind. With regard to the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities, who is also an expert on this subject, I have to express my respectful concurrence with his views on the two subjects of wider areas and the necessity for good teachers. On the first topic I have already committed myself in answer to a question which was put to me; and, as to the necessity of having good teachers, I do not think anyone need have any hesitation in agreeing as to the pro- priety of that, especially after the Debate to which we have listened to-day. The right hon. Member for Dumfries District (Mr. Gulland) put a question, which was also put by several other Members, with regard to the participation of voluntary schools in the Grant which it is proposed to administer under the Minute. There is no doubt at all that voluntary schools will participate, just as other schools, in the sum of£300,000. They stand on precisely the same footing as do the board schools; and as to the sum for the augmentation of pensions for retired teachers, there, again, they are on precisely the same footing as board schools. They will also receive the Grant for secondary schools in the same way as board schools, but in the case of 1s. 6d. rate boards, I agree that the voluntary schools have no share. They do not raise rates, and I do not think they could be put under that category. It is not intended, and the Minute does not intend that they should, but in all other respects, and in regard to all other sums referred to in the Minute, the voluntary schools stand on precisely the same footing as board schools.
Have not the managers of voluntary schools to raise money for the carrying on of their schools?
I am quite aware of that fact, but the whole situation has been very carefully considered, and I think it will be found that the arrangement that I have indicated is a perfectly fair one. Looking to the amount of aid which the voluntary schools receive as compared with their contributions, I think the distribution is a perfectly fair one. In the meantime I am dealing with the questions put to me by my right hon. Friend the Member for Dumfries District, who raised one or two other points. He referred me to page 1 of the Report of the Department, and he inquired with regard to the fourth paragraph on that page what was the cause of the diminished school attendance at present. The causes are twofold. In the first place, there is, as my right hon. Friend knows, the right of school boards to exempt children over twelve years of age on account of the demand for rural labour in the country districts or for other purposes. There is no doubt that the right of exemption has been very freely exercised in recent times, and, as the Report shows, the total of exemptions rose from 11,530 to 15,059. That is one reason. The other reason is that under existing conditions the compulsory provisions for attendance at school are not enforced as in normal times. The system is somewhat difficult to administer, but I think that in these two causes my right hon. Friend will find the real reason for this, I was going to say deplorable, but I will substitute the word regrettable, state of matters, which, if it could be avoided, I am sure everyone of us would desire to avoid. My right hon. Friend also referred to the imperfect train service in Dumfriesshire from the point of view of children desiring to attend school. The Department has issued a circular on the subject of train services, from that point of view, to the county committees in Scotland, with a view of ascertaining the cause of complaint and of obtaining its removal. Very few complaints have been received in answer to that circular, but in those cases where we did receive complaints we made representations and immediately the cause of complaint was removed. If my hon. Friend's constituents will complain in the right quarter, I hope that in other cases a remedy will result.
The complaints in some cases were addressed direct to the railway companies.
That is, no doubt, better still; but if the local company does not at once remedy the complaint, I invite the hon. Member to communicate with the Education Department, who would certainly take steps to obtain an improvement. My hon. Friend the Member for Govan delivered a very illuminating and stimulating speech. I confess, however, that I was shocked to hear what he said in regard to Greek, knowing, as I do, his passionate attachment to that language. I have often found him reading Sophocles in the original. At the same time, I shall bear in mind what he has said on the subject, coming, as it does, from a Member of this House whose experience entitles, and indeed demands, that his views should be carefully considered. There was an interesting maiden speech from my hon. and gallant Friend behind me. It was brief and to the point in regard to two subjects—hostels and bursaries. In regard to hostels, I received a deputation from Perthshire, and I am in sympathy with the views put forward both by them and by him; but I am a little afraid that it is not quite possible to meet all their wishes under existing war-time conditions. I am afraid there may be some difficulty in doing so. As regards bursaries, I think my hon. and gallant Friend will find that communications are even now going on between the Education Department and the Perthshire educational authorities. The latter have been requested to state precisely their requirements in order that those requirements may be fully considered, and, if possible, met.
Then there came the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for South Kerry (Mr. Boland), who, I think, is not in the House at the present moment. He spoke on the subject of Catholic schools. We all recognise that it is a very important and difficult problem. I have often had to consider it during the last few months, and I have met deputations from Bishops and other dignitaries of the Catholic Church, who have put their views before me. If my hon. Friend were here, I would ask him this question, but as he is not present I address my question to the Catholic community of Scotland, and I put to them this question: Are they willing to bring their schools under public control, subject to suitable safeguards both in the matter of the choice of teachers and religious instruction, and so enjoy the benefit of rate aid? I cannot hold out any hope, so long as they decline to do so, of any such aid; but if, on the other hand, they can affirmatively answer that question, it is obvious that the position of the schools would in every particular immediately improve. Whether in regard to the salaries of teachers, or personnel, I think I am right in saying that from the moment they assent to my proposal the Catholic community would never regret having come in on the terms I have ventured to suggest. At any rate, I seriously address that question for careful consideration to those who are interested, and if they answer in the way I suggest it might be answered, then I think many, if not all, the difficulties felt by that particular class would disappear. I listened with very great pleasure to my right hon. Friend opposite (Mr. Tennant), who raised his voice in support of the proposals which I now make. It is an encouragement, and I thank him for it The right hon. Gentleman expressed his views about the advisory council, and these will be considered along with other views which were expressed. The Member for Sutherlandshire referred to the question of the Highland teachers. My sympathies are with them, and the appeal made on their behalf. Most of the eighteen penny rate boards to which I have referred as receiving Grants levelling up salaries to the average level are in the Highlands, and they will benefit. My hon. and learned Friend the Member for South Lanarkshire spoke of larger areas and of raising the school age. On the first of these topics I am committed, and with regard to raising the school age I invite my hon. and learned Friend to await the introduction of the Scottish Education Bill, which I hope will be at a reasonably early date. I will then make a statement to the House, and he will learn what are the proposals in that regard. It could not be in order to refer further to that matter at the present moment.
Can my right hon. Friend give an approximate date of the introduction of this Bill?
I am afraid I cannot even give an approximate date. It will be as soon as the necessary arrangements can be made and facilities obtained—a matter which, as my right hon. Friend knows, does not rest with me.
Not before the Adjournment?
No, not before the Adjournment, but there will be no avoidable delay in the matter. With regard to the speech of the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Sir W. Beale) and the speech of my hon. and learned Friend the Member for North-East Lanarkshire (Mr. Millar), which were both concerned with the question of the voluntary schools— and these, as I well know, are of supreme interest in the western part of Scotland— I have indicated as well as I could what the proposals made in the Minute amount to. With regard to those schools I venture to think that the true cure is on the lines which I have already indicated in answer to the hon. Member for South Kerry. I think in the limits of time, which I ought to occupy, I have travelled over most of the points which have been raised by my hon. Friends in the Debate, and having done so perhaps they will be good enough to let the Vote pass.
Question put, and agreed to.
SCOTTISH LAND COURT.—Class III
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £4,186, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Scottish Land Court."—[NOTE.—£3,000 has been voted on account.]
I rise to say a word or two about the Scottish Land Court Report, which I think I may, without offence, characterise as one of the most extraordinary documents ever submitted to Parliament by an administrative and judicial body. The Land Court has not been a special friend of mine. I have passed many criticisms upon it, and I have never had any great confidence in it. I am bound to say I think that that feeling has been justified by the document now before the House. The interpretation by the Court of its functions seems to me somewhat extraordinary. They are, no doubt, obliged to report to Parliament about their administrative work. We like to know the number of small holdings they have created, and the action they have taken with regard to rents and all that sort of thing, and we like to keep an eye on the administration of the Land Acts in Scotland. There is very little to say on that subject this year, because they are practically marking time. The expense of creating small holdings at the present moment, with the cost of drainage, fencing, and building, renders it quite impossible to continue a policy of that kind under the circumstances now existing. But the Court in its present Report goes so far as to say that the Act has proved completely unworkable. They complain very bitterly of the decisions of the Second Court of Session. They do so not too fairly, and some of the cases are, I think, improperly and wrongly reported. The whole impression one gets from reading this document is that not only is the Land Court dissatisfied with the decisions of the Court of Session, but one almost feels that they suggest that the Court of Session is wilfully misinterpreting the Acts of Parliament. They lay stress on the fact that the Court does not construe the Act of 1886 and the Act of 1911, and that the direction of Parliament in that respect has been so disregarded that they are put in the position of either having to disobey Parliament or to disobey the Court. As a layman it is impossible for me to pretend for a moment to criticise these matters or to deal with them. I am not competent to do so. But when I read the Report I came to the conclusion, that the Land Court entirely misinterpreted that direction with regard to the Act of 1911, and for this very good reason.
The Act of 1911, as everybody knows, is. a compromise, and not a very satisfactory one. Neither of us liked it as it stood, and we all realised that probably it, would not be very easy to work. But I still think and do believe that if the Act had been sympathetically worked, and with no feeling of political bias, which I am afraid was there, we would not have got into the position we are now, and I think the Act might have been fairly useful. But the Act is peculiar in this respect: The original Bill was entirely transmogrified as far as particular Clauses are concerned before it passed into law. The original intention was that the Crofters Acts and the crofter tenure should be carried all over Scotland. That idea was wholly altered before the Bill passed, and a new class of holder, statutory small tenants, created by the Bill. Very elaborate Clauses with regard to the statutory small tenant were inserted in the Bill. Apparently because the Act of 1886—that is, the Crofters Act—and the conditions that appertained to crofting do not seem to be held by the Second Division of the Court of Session, or anybody else, to apply to a new class of tenant, who was not thought of at that time and did not exist, we are told that the direction of Parliament has been expressly disregarded. As an ordinary layman that is the conclusion I have arrived at. That is rather strengthened by the fact that somewhere or other towards the end of the Report we are told that the only way out of the difficulty and the obvious way is to restore the old Bill, and to give them in fact a wholly new one. That, of course, it is our intention not to do. Many of us held when that Bill was passed that while it might fairly be applied to the Highland and crofting counties, there ought to have been a second Bill to deal with the different class of tenure which exists in the Lowlands. I think it is a great pity that that was not done. We attempted to do it in another way by introducing the statutory small tenants, and the application of the new Clauses with regard to compensation, which very seriously aggravated the position.
We are told now by the Land Court that the Act of 1911 is totally unworkable, and they criticise the Second Division of the Court of Session, which is a superior Court which they have no right to criticise. I have no objection to them stating certain information, and no objection to them pointing out that the law requires amendment, but when they intro-duce almost violent criticism, it produces an uncomfortable impression of mind that there is grave impropriety in the manner in which they do so. In addition to these features which have been very improperly dealt with in the Report, we have the further declaration that the decision of the House of Lords in the Lindean case on the question of compensation has put the coping stone on the whole situation, and has made the Act impossible. The Act is perfectly plain on the question of compensation. When two such learned Scottish judges were responsible for the judgment, I do not think that anyone can doubt that they gave that judgment According to the facts, and with a perfect understanding of the position. The Land Court are to blame for the situation which has arisen. They had no business to take the land, unless they were prepared to pay compensation. My right hon. Friend opposite was very careful not to allow anything to be done until the amount of payment had been ascertained, and if he found it was too great he stopped the transaction. In this particular case they had not the sense to do that. They entered upon possession of the land long before the question was settled by the Land Court or anybody else, and having begun to occupy, they, of course, had to make payment from that time by the decision of the Court. They took the very heart out of the holding, they went as close to the mansion house as they could, and refused the offer of an outlying farm, which, I am told, by people who know the place, would have been much more suitable for small holdings, and about which no question of compensation would have arisen. I do not think it is unreasonable for them to take care in the future at a reasonable price to find perfectly suitable land for small holdings, and not involving serious compensation, which makes a transaction of the kind quite impossible.
The difficulties which press upon them in that way have been very obvious to some of us. It is most desirable that we should have something done, an arrangement of some kind made under which we are to be able to settle large numbers of discharged soldiers on the land in Scotland. I do not think there would be any difficulty whatever in making voluntary arrangements which would be acceptable to everybody, and not the kind of arrangement which is suggested in one of the last pages of the Report by the Land Court, in which they offer us an entirely new land policy, which appears to ignore absolutely any kind of interest which either the landlord or the tenant has in the land they propose to take. They can hardly leave that out. I am quite certain that a voluntary arrangement can be made with the consent of tenants and landlord, and that in the hands of proper people who understand the question, and have knowledge and experience, and select proper places, I am quite sure we could get a very large number of small holdings established in Scotland, provided that money is found to equip them and settle those people as they desire. We shall certainly have to look to a voluntary arrangement to carry that out, and we cannot depend on the Land Court. Therefore, it is the more unpleasant that one should have to criticise in such a manner a Report of this kind, submitted by the Land Court, which brings back very acutely controversies which we all want to forget, if we can, and which certainly does not place the Land Court in a position which entitles them to expect any very great renewed confidence in their wisdom and in their suitability for the purposes for which they were established. I am sorry that it is necessary to say that about them. I am sorry that they should have given me an excuse to say what I have. But I am bound to say that the general impression created on my mind by this Report is not a good one. I really do think I am entitled to ask the Secretary for Scotland what view he takes about it. It seems to me to be altogether subversive of everything that is proper that an inferior Court should criticise, as it has, the attitude of the Second Division of Court of Session in regard to the cases sent up. I see it goes the length of suggesting that no further cases should go before that Court, but that they should go before the Court of Session as a whole. I presume that if the Court of Session disagrees with the Land Court that the latter will say that the Court of Session should be swept away! If Lord Shaw and Lord Haldane were sitting, I am afraid the Land Court would not be satisfied with their judgment. I do not know whether we shall see the end of this, but at this time, and under the present circumstances, I do regard it as very unfortunate that this question should have been raised in this very unpleasant way, and I do ask the Secretary for Scotland what view he takes of the situation. I do not know whether he has any authority in the matter, but I would ask him whether, in some way or other, the matter ought not to be dealt with.
I have risen not for the purpose of discussing the question upon which the hon. Baronet has concluded his remarks, or, indeed, for the purpose of discussing at all the question as to whether, in their view of the Act of 1911, the Land Court was right, or the Second Division of the Court of Session was right. I believe it would be fruitless and also that it would be out of order to do so, and it would serve no public purpose. But I think that the hon. Baronet went altogether beyond the mark when he suggested that there was anything in the nature of wilful misinterpretation by the Land Court of the views expressed by the Second Division of the Court of Session.
No, no! What I said was that the statement of the case or the statement of some of the cases was inaccurate.
I am glad that what the hon. Baronet said was not what I understood. It would hardly be possible in the circumstances, for anyone accurately to express the view of those who hold an opposite opinion on the questions which, we are discussing. Great allowances must be made. The Land Court is composed of four men—one legal and the other three chosen as men of authority and weight and experience in agricultural affairs. As I understand their attitude it is this: They have had put upon them a task of great importance to the country, with great responsibility, for the purpose, if possible, of trying to prevent the depopulation of the country districts and to settle new tenants upon the land throughout Scotland. They have done, in one way or another, a very great deal. I think they have dealt with some 5,000 odd cases. In each of these I have no doubt they have made it easier for one family to live in their native land instead of having to go abroad and seek a home elsewhere. It has been the custom rather to estimate the value of their work by the amount of rent that they have deducted compared with the cost at which it has been done. That is not at all the real value of the work. If they have kept in this country 5,000 Scottish families, or any considerable portion of them, the value of that is to be measured by the value which the country attaches to men of that class, bred on the land and rearing families. If ever there was a time when any expenditure and any trouble was justified in trying to serve the purpose for which they have been put there by Act of Parliament, surely it is the present time. In those areas where they have mostly done their work practically every man has gone to fight for his country. I, therefore, sympathise very deeply with the Land Court and with their earnestness of purpose if they find that their usefulness is impaired by restrictions and interpretations of the Act. Whether we agree or not, the effect is to prevent them carrying out their purpose. In that case I make great allowance for the zeal with which they express themselves as to the effect all this is going to have upon their work and the fervour with which they present to Parliament in their proceedings their idea of what the effect is going to be in destroying the work on which they are centred. I would make any allowance for their earnestness and desire and the fervour with which they refer to the difficulties which stand in their path. I am not going to go through and discuss different questions, but I would like to give an indication—I have gone through their report carefully—of the kind of question which has led them to make the report which they have made.
Take first the question of the creation of new holdings. That work, as the hon. Baronet undoubtedly agrees, has been very greatly arrested, indeed, has been practically put a stop to, by the compensation which has been awarded, not for the value of the land taken for the purpose of forming these small holdings, but for the alleged injury to the remainder of the land of the estate. The owner of the estate may still be enjoying the same rent, the same return, and greater security for his rent, but still is held entitled in some cases to receive compensation equal to the whole value of the land which has been taken over and above the rent which he is going to get. This, in effect, is the Lindean case. In that case compensation was not so excessive as in some other cases, though it was very, very heavy. I think the legal question in the Lindean case was an entirely different one from the practical question. It was held in the Court of Session and in the House of Lords that the arbiter had power to make the award which he did. I always entertained a doubt in regard to that. My view was that it was always doubtful, but whether it was or not I gave way to the advice which was that of a greater authority, and of more value than any opinion I might have. The point is not really as to whether the arbiter has the power to give that award. The fact which faced us all was the amount of the award; the arbiters have, in fact, awarded enormous sums for compensation, which, to my mind, are not only excessive, but—I believe I speak the general sense of the opinion in Scotland—are preposterous. It has given a shock to the people throughout Scotland that it could be possible to have awards like this, and that such awards should be given in case after case on account of imaginary damage, where the actual return the landlord is receiving by his rent after the operation is as high as it was before the land was taken and cut into small holdings. That is the Lindean case. Undoubtedly any one facing this question of trying to put before Parliament the situation in which the Land Court found themselves placed in regard to carrying out the Act is bound to give a prominent place to the difficulty which thus arises.
Take another question—that of the security of tenure given to existing holders. In my opinion, the most important part of the Act of 1911 was the security which it immediately gave to all existing landholders. A very large number of landholders who became entitled, on the passing of the Act, to security of tenure were thus protected from having their rents raised, and were given all the protection in the Act, and, undoubtedly, the Act has had a very important effect in preventing these men being driven abroad by having their rents increased. From the benefits of this security of tenure, as I understand the Report of the Land Court, there is. excluded every small landholder whose holding includes any buildings which have been erected for the purpose of carrying on a subsidiary occupation. In one case, I think, it was a weaving shed, and in another case, I believe, it was a smithy, and I believe the same thing would apply to a joiner's shop.
The smithy was not a subsidiary occupation.
The principle would apply if necessary to the smithy in any particular case. But the principle that is applied is that wherever a small landholder has a holding which is not either entirely agricultural or entirely pastoral, or partly one and partly the other, then he is not entitled to the benefit of the security of tenure given by the Act. If he is carrying on a subsidiary occupation in any buildings upon his holding, then he ceases to be entitled to the benefit of the Act. That, as I understand, is the principle which has been laid down. If I am mistaken I shall be glad to be corrected by legal gentlemen of more authority than I have, but that is the view presented by the Land Court. If that is carried out in its logical result one can see what amount of injury it may do to the cause of the creation of small holdings. One of the most important things—I think we are all agreed on this—in connection with these small holdings is that every form of subsidiary occupation should be encouraged. I do not believe there is anyone in this House who takes a different view upon that question. Take another case. Supposing the man is carrying on some part of his holding as an ordinary fruit farm, such as is familiar in my own Constituency and elsewhere. He devotes an acre or two to the cultivation of raspberries, and that, I understand, is held not to be agriculture. That may be legally correct, but to the ordinary practical man in dealing with this question it seems to be quite absurd. It is the very thing that I should encourage them to do, and it is all the more absurd, because in the Act itself it says that if a man once gets a holding he is to be entitled—
When the compromise was being arranged it was specially understood that a man could not put down glasshouses, espaliers, and such things, and then go on for several years and demand compensation.
I am referring to the question, and the Lord Advocate will put me right if I am wrong, as to whether where you have a holding with an acre or so devoted to raspberries, assuming it is subsidiary, the tenant of that holding would be entitled to the benefit of security of tenure and become a small landholder.
I do not think he would require to carry it as far as it being subsidiary at all. What makes the difficulty about fruit growing is that market gardening is excluded by the Statute. The difficulty comes in where you have land under vegetables which may or may not be constituted to be a market garden, but I assure the hon. Gentleman that if all that is in question is the laying down of half an acre with raspberries that can be done with perfect immunity.
That is not the point I put. My point was whether you think that the holding is one entitled to security of tenure?
My interruption was really meant to clear that up. I say that if you have a holding with half an acre or an acre of raspberries that will not exclude the holding from the Act so far as I know, or so far, certainly, as decisions have gone. It is another thing if you convert it into a market garden.
I was assuming it was not a market garden at all. As I understand it, and I think if the Lord Advocate will look into it again he will probably find that my understanding of the case is the right one, it has been laid down that it is only ordinary agricultural purposes to which the land can be put, and that½ acre of raspberries or anything out of the usual is not either agricultural or pastoral, and if it is not agricultural or pastoral it does not, of course, come within the definition of a small holding. I can give the reference to the Committee, but I have no doubt that the Lord Advocate has read the Report.
I was myself in the case.
Then I do not need to trouble the right hon. Gentleman. Let me put it in this way, because this is the question I have considered before, not as bearing upon that particular case at all. As I read the result, the effect of it will be to place it in the power of any land- lord to prevent a smallholder of that description from getting the benefit of the security of tenure, and with regard to the statutory small tenant it would stop the operation and prevent the land from being turned to any extent to purposes other than those that are ordinary agricultural purposes. That is my reading of it, but I am most unwilling to spend time in controversy as to what is the true effect of the meaning of the legal decision. What I want to point out is that, assuming the view of the Land Court is right, see what an unfortunate result follows. You have the people who have been desirous of doing a little better for themselves by taking up some subsidiary occupation or developing their land to the best advantage deprived of the benefit of this Act. I say with regard to that that undoubtedly the Land Court were entirely right to bring the matter before the notice of Parliament in their Report. Then take another class of case. It is laid down that the landholders who have mainly executed the improvements by themselves, or their predecessors in the family, are entitled to the benefit of the Act, and the question has arisen as to the meaning of the words "predecessors in the same family." It has been held, and I am willing to assume for this purpose that it is quite soundly held by the Second Division of the Court, that that means family by direct descent, which would mean either the son or daughter. Take one of the cases which the Land Court has dealt with, and which has been decided. A lady named Mrs. McKay, whose family has been in possession of a holding for some three hundred years, succeeded to the holding. The landlord was unwilling to give it to her, and preferred to get it in the name of her husband. To meet the views of the landlord—it is a perfectly natural and a quite usual thing on large holdings as well as on small that the landlord prefers to have the husband as the tenant rather than the wife—that was done, but when the operation takes place and the holding is transferred to the husband, it is then held that the tenant is not in the same family; his father-in-law was not a "predecessor in the same family." From the point of view of the policy we are all seeking, that is obviously quite a wrong thing, and a thing which ought to be put right. I do not think any of us would doubt that. In the same way, under the same reading as to the word "family," when the tenancy ceases the son-in-law in such a case would be excluded from getting compensation. He would be liable to be rented on his improvements, and on the termination of his lease he would be excluded from getting compensation.
All these things, as a matter of legal discussion, may be a mere subject for arguing, but when you come down to it, each one of that class of case is affecting a large number of homes, and in the eyes of those people who are feeling these restrictions, undoubtedly it is a very serious matter to them when they come up against a situation like that, and it not only does an injustice from their point of view, but creates intense feeling, and even bitterness. I have known cases of small people in the country who have never got over the feeling that in some way or other by the law advantage has been taken of them, and that is the easiest state of mind in which to lead people to go abroad, if they are not as well treated as they think they ought to be. I have already dealt incidentally with the question of the restriction on the cultivation of the small holding of the Statutory tenant. I think it will be agreed that undoubtedly they will not be allowed to cultivate, according to one of the decisions that was given, raspberries or vegetables, or anything other than what is described as ordinary agricultural cultivation. As the Land Court has pointed out with regard to that, a decision of that kind would at one time have prevented the planting of turnips or potatoes on a man's ground. Is it not ridiculous that now, when everyone is turning to every form of cultivation, a man should be prevented from getting away from the regular rotation employed by farmers in the district? It is against public policy to have a restriction of that kind, because the freedom of the small holder is the greatest interest of the country. I am not going to discuss at length the question as to whether the Crofters Act of 1886 should be read along with the Small Landholders Act of 1911. I am willing to assume that the Second Division in their view of that is right; but look how unhappy is the result! Supposing throughout the Highlands when these men come back they find that it has been settled, that some of the privileges they fought for in 1883 and up to 1886, when they got their charter enabling them to remain in their native country, had been taken away from them by the actions of the Land Court. Look what the effect of that is going to be on them!
What are they?
I am taking the views presented to us in this Report, that there are certain advantages which people enjoyed under the Crofters Act of 1886 that they now no longer enjoy.
Will the hon. Gentleman kindly say what they are?
8.0 P.M.
The paragraph I refer to is on page 26. It says:
"Under the Small Landholders Act of 1886 (which applied only to the northern counties), enlargements of small holdings, to the extent and under the conditions therein prescribed, involved no compensation whatever to the landlord, and no compensation to the sporting or agricultural tenant of the land taken for enlargements except in the form of allowing him a deduction from the rent payable under his current lease. The procedure was simple and inexpensive. These provisions of the Act of 1886 were largely taken advantage of, and, as a rule, proved highly beneficial. Lands, extending in all to 72,341 acres, including portions of deer forests, were assigned in enlargement of small holdings by the Crofters' Commission.
These beneficial provisions, the Small Landholders Act of 1011, as judicially interpreted, has nullified, as completely in the northern counties as in the remaining counties to which the Act of 1886 was extended by the Act of 1911—"
and then they go on to give two examples which I need not read. I am assuming for the purpose of my point the view that the Land Court has presented to be the true view of the case. Taking all these different points together, the impression which is produced in my mind is that nothing could be more unfortunate than that the effect of the Small Landholders Act, 1911, should be restricted at the present time. We have been spending time during the last month or two making provision for large farmers throughout the country under which they are to be guaranteed very large sums per acre for all the wheat and oats that they grow. I am not going to enter into a controversy with regard to that at all, except that I want to point out that under the Corn Production Bill it is proposed to give them for every acre of wheat something like £4 18s. in addition to the pre-war price, and for oats something like £3 16s. per acre. While we are doing so much, and doing it for a public purpose, for the holders of large holdings producing wheat and oats in large quantities, I think we ought to do everything in our power to improve the situation of the smaller people, so that we do not have a repetition of the feeling with which the people came back from the wars in the beginning of the last century, and found their homesteads burned down with the authority of the law. Do not let them have the feeling that their privileges under these Acts have been frittered away by proceedings in the law Courts. I really do not believe that the kind of thing which is being done is representative of the true feeling of the landlords of Scotland at the present time at all. I accept at once what has been said by the hon. Baronet (Sir George Younger) with reference to the spirit which prevails at the present time in every quarter of the House—that this is a time when we all ought to make an effort to make adequate provision for these people; that whatever the decisions of the Courts may be, we ought to do our best to get rid of the source of irritation, and when these people come back from fighting for their country, to make the fullest provision to make their lives easier for them in the holding they at present have, and also to make provision for all those who want to settle on the land, whether in the Highlands or in the Lowlands. While I have endeavoured to convey the impression produced upon my mind by reading this Report in regard to the attitude of certain sections of the landlords in Scotland, I would be sorry if it was thought I intended, by that, to make any reflection in regard to the general body of landlords, because they have been as loyal as the small holders themselves. But I do think, when we are dealing with this Report, we ought not lightly to throw it aside because its language may not be so respectful as anyone would use towards a judge, but to make allowance for the purposes the Land Court have in view to learn what it is they find is really causing friction, and in the carrying out of the Act to do everything to support the Secretary for Scotland in minimising the causes of friction. If we can agree, with his assistance, upon some scheme which may be generally adopted, I am sure it would be received with universal favour not only in this House, but from one end of Scotland to the other.
I welcome very gladly some of the concluding sentences of the hon. Member who has just sat down, but I venture to suggest that we are far more likely to do good work and assist to cooperation in all parts of the House, so far as Scottish Members are concerned, if we disregard the kind of Report I hold in my hand than by paying regard to it. I will say why. I do not think there is anything that can be very helpful in the Report. I am not an old Member of the House, but we have had a considerable amount of discussion in the last year or two, from the point of view of the advantages and the many difficulties of the Act of 1911, and we have a very good idea where the weak spots are. After all, it is more a matter of amicable arrangement and willingness to co-operate on the part of all parties in order to arrive at an effective solution of this question. So far as the merits of a particular suggestion of the Land Court is concerned, or the merits of the decision of the Land Court or of the Court of Session, I am not desirous of entering upon that at all. But I do wish to say a word about what I think I can hardly do less than characterise as some of the most improper language used by the Land Court in reference to the Court of Session and the House of Lords, who are their judicial superiors. I will read one or two sentences to which I venture to take great exception, and I regret it is not possible to purge the Report of such expressions before it is made public. Whether they have been put in thoughtlessly or wilfully does not matter; they are equally objectionable, and a responsible body like the Land Court should not have put in any such language. The duty of the Land Court is to carry out the Act of 1911. I would welcome any suggestions from the Land Court, because they would be founded on their experience, for amending the land law of 1911. That is perfectly reasonable, and one would look to them for such suggestions; but to go beyond that, and to say that the Courts which are superior to them are inferior in intelligence or anything else, and to suggest that they have gone completely wrong, possibly wilfully wrong—
Inexperienced—
And far more than that—I regret very much. In the second paragraph they say they are prevented from attaching the usual appendices. The result is that we have a Report of thirty-two pages, twelves pages of which are the true Report, and twenty of which are mainly a tirade against the decisions of the Courts superior. But let me refer to one or two of the phrases. For instance, on page 15, there are the words:
"It is vain to extort, or expect, farmers large or small to make the most of their land from time to time-so long as they are liable to judicial prohibition."
That is a most improper phrase. The prohibition is in the Act of Parliament itself, as construed by the Courts, but the Land Court have no right to suggest that it has been improperly construed by the superior Court. Parliament may well have passed a defective statute, but it is Parliament, by statute, which makes the prohibition. Take the next paragraph:
"We next proceed to refer to the decisions of the Supreme Court, especially to those which have materially narrowed the scope and, in our view, largely destroyed the usefulness of the Agricultural Holdings Act in 1908 and the Small Landholders Acts."
There is another instance, a sentence on page 16, where they refer to a "certain type of the legal technical mind." In view of the context, that is clearly directed to the Courts superior to them. There are a good many of these cases. I am not going to read them all, but look at page 19:
"If it appears to Parliament constitutional or right that any tribunal could repeal or reverse express and imperative enactments of statutes, the unfortunate smallholders must submit."
I think that is most improper language for an inferior Court to use of a superior Court. They also say in the Report that it is an extraordinary example of a judicial insertion into a Statute of words which infringe or seriously limit its meaning. Finally, on page 28, we have these words:
"It places this Court in an unpleasant dilemma. If we obey Parliament which created us to carry out the Act of 1911 and the Crofters Act our orders will he overruled by the second division. If we follow the opinion of the second division we disobey Parliament and cripple the Acts and are made the instrument of great injustice to small tenants."
The duty of the Land Court is to accept the construction put on the Act by both the superior and judicial Courts and acquiesce in it. It is perfectly proper for them to make suggestions to meet the difficulty which that interpretation makes clear, and for which Parliament alone can give remedy, but to use language of that kind towards a superior judicial Court seems to me to be a little improper and most unfortunate. With reference to what the hon. Member (Mr. Falconer) said, I would like to draw his attention to the words of the Section about market gardening, on page 17, where"a holding cultivated wholly or mainly for the purpose of the trade or business of market gardening," is expressly excluded. Those are the words on which the question turned, and I do not propose to go into their merits.
I was referring to the case of Bishop.
Those are the words on which market gardening is excluded. One other remark I wish to make is this. I happened to be counsel in one or two cases, and to my own knowledge statements in the narrative of those cases are incorrect. In other instances the citation of the circumstances of the case are partial and distinctly misleading. They are particularly so in reference to the case of Lord Aberdeen's trustees against Smith. They are also in one or two other instances. I would not suggest for a moment they were intentionally misleading.
I desire to say a few words on the matter which has been dealt with by the hon. Member who has just sat down and also by the hon. Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir G. Younger). I recollect very well the circumstances under which the Act of 1911 was, as I thought—and I protested at the time—mutilated at the instance of the hon. Member for Ayr Burghs; therefore I can quite understand that he does not like having his attention called to the anomalies of the tenure which he then introduced. The position of a Court of this kind is really very different from that of an ordinary Court of law. This Court was entrusted with the duty of administering certain Acts of Parliament, and it is its duty to report to Parliament the course of proceedings and the whole tenour of what comes before them in the administration of those Acts. A High Court of Justice ought not to be entrusted with such a power. It has not to report how a particular Act of Parliament is administered. This is an entirely different Court. I think the strictures that have arisen are owing to the fact that hon. Members have not realised the difference between the two Courts, and have not realised the duties placed upon this Court by Parliament. I desire to thank the Court for what they have done. It was distinctly their duty to point out the difficulties which have arisen in administering what they believe to be the meaning of the Statute which they were instituted to interpret and carry out. I do not know what other course they could pursue. No one will deny that there are anomalies and difficulties in the Statute, and it cannot be said that the Court were taking an extraordinary course in pointing out difficulties which have been admitted in this House, and which would have been corrected had it not been for want of time and other circumstances.
It is really a very interesting commentary on the Debate we have had recently in this House in regard to the fullest production from the soil of this country that we should here find restrictions and difficulties placed in the way of those small men who have been making two blades of grass grow where one grew before. That duty is regarded as a paramount duty in this country at the present time in order to assist us in the extreme difficulties in which we find ourselves, and we have gone out of our way in the Corn Production Bill to remove all restriction, by lease or otherwise, upon the efforts of the tenant, or the man actually cultivating the soil, so as to make the soil produce its maximum at the present time. Therefore, the Court would have been wanting in its duty if it had not pointed out that there are in the Statute Clauses which actually prevent, hamper, and penalise a man who is trying to do his best to produce the maximum from the soil. The object of the Act was to encourage small holders to make the soil produce all that it was capable of producing, and, therefore, when the efforts of this House have been frustrated by whatever it may be—by judicial decision, no doubt given in good faith, but which have, as a matter of fact, put obstacles in the way of the beneficent purposes of the Act— I think the Court was quite justified in calling our attention to these matters. And they disclose a state of things which is really hampering the development of the country. I have from time to time called attention to the fact that we are still hampered by the feudal system, and this Report is a remarkable illustration of that. We find a landlord attempting to deprive a small holder of his holding because his language was not exactly, in the opinion of the factor, correct. As the Court pointed out, in past times, prive a man of his holding on that ground is really a reminiscence of ancient days. The Court added:
There are many other things in this Report to which I should like, if time permitted, to refer. They are of the most striking and extraordinary kind, and I think they need a remedy as soon as possible. Unfortunately, in this discussion we are unable to suggest any legislation, and I am not going to be out of order in doing so, but I think I may say, so far as the Secretary for Scotland can do anything, we would urge upon him that he should do something to correct, as far as possible, the difficulties to which allusion is made in the Report. One of those difficulties, I may remind the Secretary for Scotland, is this: they tell us that the difficulty of creating small holdings has been largely increased, if not entirely caused, by the cessation of the grants to the Agriculture (Scotland) Fund. We have been deprived of the advantage of the Act under the present circumstances. I suggest to the Secretary for Scotland that he should remove some of those difficulties. I find that out of £84,000 expended from the agricultural Grant for Scotland no less than £65,000 was spent last year by way of compensation paid to landowners and tenants under the terms of Section 7 of the Act and about £12,200 were paid for legal expenses in connection with arbitration. That is indeed a terrible condemnation to the operation of the Act. Really I think the intended benefits of this Act are clearly being prevented by a result of that kind, and if anything can be done by the right hon. Gentleman to free us from expenditure of that kind he will be conferring great benefits upon Scotland. I will not now go more fully into the details of the Report although there is very much I should like to say, but I reserve my criticisms for a more suitable opportunity.
I should like to say a few words in reply to what has fallen from hon. Members opposite who have taken exception to the form of this Report. I regret that they have not remained present to hear the answer which is to be given by the Secretary for Scotland. I should like in the first place to point out that the criticisms which have been made were almost entirely confined to the form in which the Report has been made. As far as the remarks of the hon. Member for South Lanark (Mr. Watson) are concerned it seemed to me that some of his criticisms were not really substantiated. The main decision to which attention was directed by the Land Court was the Liudean case which was decided in the House of Lords, and no attempt has been made to impugn its validity. On the question of substance there was no attempt made to deal with the very serious facts which are brought out in the Report. This Report is a document which I am bound to say is calculated to create very serious anxiety in the minds of the people of Scotland as regards the future of the policy of land settlement in Scotland. There has been no attempt on the part of hon. Members who have criticised the Report to meet the real difficulties that have arisen in connection with the decisions of the Courts upon the assumption that these decisions are well founded and will have to be given effect to. That is really the question the Committee is concerned with. The situation has arisen, and what is going to be done? One of the most significant facts in the whole Report, which I think the Committee will agree requires immediate consideration, is the statement that the number of existing small holdings in Scotland has steadily diminished since the commencement of the Act of 1911, which was intended by Parliament for their preservation and encouragement. That is a fact of enormous significance. I asked the right hon. Gentleman the other day to give me the figures in regard to small holdings, and he said that the number of small holdings up to June, 1911, was 51,866, holdings of above one acre and not exceeding fifty, whereas on the 5th June, 1912, there were only 50,969, being a diminution for that period of 897 holdings in Scotland. That is a fact that Scotland must recognise with very serious anxiety. It really means that the whole policy of our small landholders at the present moment is absolutely defeated.
I do not want to go further into the question as to how that has arisen. It has been suggested by the hon. Baronet the Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir G. Younger) that there has been political bias, but I think we should dismiss such matters from a Debate of this kind. We are bound to deal with the facts, and we are bound to see what remedies we can devise, and I certainly do not think that gentlemen holding positions as members of the Land Court would allow themselves to be carried away by political bias in a matter of this importance. With regard to the number of holdings in different parts of Scotland there has been felt very grave disappointment. Speaking for my own district in Lanarkshire, where we had anticipated a large number of holdings, I may point out that 234 applications were made for new holdings, and only five have been created since the passage of the Act. Consequently there has been very bitter disappointment, and this disappointment has been felt all over the country. Surely at a time like this, when there is a good feeling existing on the part of all hon. Members who are anxious to co-operate, we ought to be able to secure same settlement of this vexed problem. There is an opportunity now of getting some measure of agreement that would enable us to put right what the Report indicates requires to be done. The hon. Member for South Lanark indicated that he thought the Land Court was entitled to give the benefit of their experience in administering the Act of Parliament. That is exactly what they have done. They have given us the benefit of their experience, and they have stated the limitations under which they have to proceed, with a view to arriving at some better method of dealing with this question of small holdings which we are discussing to-day. I know that we are at present precluded from considering legislation, but may I suggest that we appear to be faced with a complete deadlock at the present moment? There is sufficient good will, however, to enable us to devise some method of dealing with the situation until further legislation may be obtained. We have the interests of our soldiers and sailors to deal with at once, and I hope we shall have some immediate advance made in connection with the schemes under the Small Colonies Act and at Borgie which are at present under consideration. I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman in regard to this Report that the people of Scotland will not rest content until some immediate step is taken to secure for the future some better administration of these Acts). I trust the effect of the Debate to-day will be that the right hon. Gentleman will be in a position to indicate that notice will be taken of the very serious considerations which have been pointed out, and that the policy of land settlement will be carried on in the immediate future more effectively. With regard to the question of auxiliary occupations, that certainly ought to be settled in a way which will secure for the people of the Highlands the opportunity of carrying on subsidiary occupations in connection with the work they are engaged upon on their holdings. With regard to the renting of improvements made by the predecessors of the same family, the widest definition should be applied in order to prevent the manifest injustice which follows upon the rack renting of improvements which have been actually created by members of the same family. The sooner it is made clear that these holdings are to be cultivated by such methods as will enable the holder to produce the most from his holding, whatever form of cultivation it may be, the better. I certainly hope that as one result of this Debate to-day we shall not have too much importance attached to any questions of form, but that we shall try to get to the serious realities of the situation.
I should like to know, if you get rid of the Land Court, what you are going to put into its place? It has been suggested that you can settle matters by arrangement. That has never been found satisfactory. There are not many Acts of Parliament which allow you to take land without coming to Parliament to get it. It has never been found satisfactory to try and widen streets by taking land without an Act of Parliament. Consequently, so far as our experience goes, we must have a Land Court of some sort. I quite agree with what was said by the hon. Baronet (Sir G. Younger) about the two Acts of Parliament. The late Mr. Weir and myself were always in favour of having one Act for the crofters and another Act for the rest of Scotland. It was thought otherwise, but the arrangement does not work satisfactorily. A different feeling altogether with regard to dealing with land has arisen since the War began. The Government and the people to a large extent have come to the determination that more food must be produced in this country as a safeguard against starvation or anything approaching it. There will, therefore, be a determination in all the counties of the United Kingdom to properly cultivate the whole of the land. I want to know how we are to get on in Sutherlandshire without a Land Court? We have 400,000 acres which have been earmarked and mapped out and planned as fit for an extension of crofts, for new crofts, and for small holdings. How are we to get it? The only possible way by private arrangement is to pay too much for it, and if the occupier pays too much he is handicapped and very soon has to go elsewhere. We have had in Sutherlandshire one example. Too much money was paid because there was no Land Court to settle the matter, and consequently it was a failure. It is a well-known fact that in all these matters and in other commercial matters you can only settle things by some sort of arbitration. I am as anxious as anyone to get it by private arrangement without the assistance of the Land Court, but I do not know how you are going to do it or what would happen if after all your trouble you found that someone stood in the way of a settlement and that it consequently came to nothing. If you could do without the Land Court, you would do it cheaper provided that you did not pay too much for the land itself. I do not know what the Secretary for Scotland is going to say about it, but I trust he will fairly consider the matter. If an improvement is wanted in the Land Act, I presume it will be for the Secretary for Scotland next Session to propose something of the sort, and the sooner it is done the better. The sooner this question about the Land Court and its powers and everything concerning the production of food is settled the better for the people of this country. I have no hesitation in saying that you can produce more food in this country. There is a great deal of waste land, and, if it is not suitable for cultivation as arable land, it will do for sheep and cattle, but we want to let the workers have an opportunity of getting a decent living, and we want to take care that they do not pay too much. We, therefore, want and must insist upon having some way, Land Court or otherwise, of settling any disputes that may arise.
I was one of those who took a very great interest in the passage of this Act in 1911. I had my doubts then whether the admissions we made into that Act, under pressure from another place that made it absolutely necessary for us to yield, because otherwise we should have lost the Act altogether, would not very largely belittle its effect. Still, I have always regarded the Act as a great advance, and, whatever may be its defects at the present time, it has created a state of things which will render it quite unnecessary for anything of the sort which my hon. Friend who has just sat down has suggested, namely, the destruction of the Land Court. The Land Court will remain. A great deal of the Debate to-night has turned on the language used in this Report. There may be certain literary and temperamental inadvertances, but the main fact is that it has brought out a state of things under the decisions which have taken place which is truly very deplorable. The hon. Baronet (Sir G. Younger) who opened the discussion is the last person in the world, in my opinion, to take exception to what this Court may have said or does say, because I remember that in 1914, on a Motion for additional members for it, the hon. Baronet himself was one of those who attacked the Court, a judicial Court, even before it had started its investigations or when it had only just begun. This is what he said on the proposal to appoint additional members to the Land Court:
"I do not care in the least what the polities of these gentlemen are, provided they are Known to be thoroughly experienced and men who would have the confidence of those whose property they are going to interfere with and whose decisions would be of the greatest importance."
That is the attitude the hon. Baronet adopted towards this Court, that they were a body going to interfere with other people's property. I do not want to say a single word at this crisis and at this time that would exacerbate feeling between landlords and tenants in Scotland. There is a way which can be followed which does not require legislation. One cannot read the Report, which shows how the Act has been put into operation, without being convinced that on the part of some of the landowners in Scotland—I do not say on the part of the bulk of them—there has been, and is, a determined opposition to the operation of the Act. It is very deplorable, and I wish we could do away with that feeling, because there is absolutely nothing of more importance in Scotland than that we should get these small men on to the land. What does the Land Court find? It is the facts that they find, and that nobody can deny, which make the Report such a valuable document, irrespective of its indiscretions. They were repelling a charge constantly made against them, which is at the root of a large amount of the hostility with which they have been met, namely, that they have reduced rents here, there, and everywhere, and it is alleged against the Land Court that they did it on some rough and ready rule of thumb method. This is what they say:
"We have found, as a general rule, that this practice did prevail to a greater or less extent."
That is the practice of renting tenants on their own improvements.
"In some cases we found that after change of ownership rents were doubled, and in one case quadrupled, and that this rise was almost entirely exacted on improvements made by the tenants or their respective statutory predecessors, for which no payment or fair consideration had been received."
That is the sort of thing that is going on in Scotland. Here, again, is another case which no one has attempted to deny. There was a scheme put forward by the Board of Agriculture to form a number of small holdings on the farm of Galson, in the parish of Barvas, and elsewhere in the Lews. What happened? The cost was so great under war conditions that the Board of Agriculture came to the conclusion that it ought not to proceed with the scheme. The landlord had opposed the scheme up to that moment, but as soon as the Board said, "Oh, no, we will not go on," he turned round and tried to prevent the Land Court from putting an end to the scheme which he had been opposing all the time. That seems to show that there is a latent opposition somewhere. All I suggest is that if the landlords in Scot-Hand who are taking this attitude will only alter their attitude towards the Act and do what other landlords have done, namely, come to an agreement with the Board of Agriculture, there need not be this expenditure of public money and there would be an opportunity of doing what good landlords have done in other parts of the country, permitting the creation of these small holdings, instead of standing out until we get a result such as we had in the Lindean case. There, because the Land Court came between the wind and the nobility of the landowner, tremendous compensation had to be paid. I speak strongly on these things, and although I regret certain verbal indiscretions and inadvertencies, the Report is a most valuable one. I would appeal to all parties now. There have been advances and there is a spirit of conciliation abroad. Let the landlord who has not been willing to help in this matter alter his method of approaching the subject, and I am perfectly sure that if that were done it will conduce not only to his own advantage, but to the advantage of the country.
I am disposed to agree with what the hon. Baronet the Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir G. Younger) said when he opened this discussion, that it is regrettable that at a time like this we should have a discussion upon the lines upon which this discussion has mainly proceeded. I am most anxious, as we all are, to maintain the spirit of national unity which prevails within and outside the House, and anything which is calculated to disturb that unity is seriously to be deprecated. I do not stay for a moment to seek to apportion the blame in this matter, but I do think that a somewhat exaggerated view of the contents of this document was taken by the hon. Baronet who spoke first in the course of the Debate. I should like, before going any further, to remind the Committee that I have no responsibility whatever for the Land Court. It is not, like the Board of Agriculture, under my control; on the contrary, Parliament in its wisdom thought fit, and I am far from disputing the wisdom of Parliament, to make it an independent body, and accordingly, though in this House it may be convenient that I should answer for the Land Court, it ought to be distinctly remembered that their position is of that character and that they are entitled to proceed upon that footing. I turn to the Report to which exception has been taken to-night. What do I find? I find that a very large part of that Report is of a character which is wholly unexceptionable, admittedly unexceptionable. It is a valuable record of work done, an interesting narrative of most important happenings in the country in which we are interested, and it includes a disclosure of circumstances which demand our closest and immediate attention.
Well, then, what is the complaint? The complaint is, as I understood from my two hon. Friends, who I regret are not in the Committee now, because I should have liked them to have heard what I have to say in reply to their speeches—although I am bound to say they did apologise for their absence—the real gravamen of the complaint they made, as I understood it with regard to the Land Report, was that it disclosed an attitude, first of all, towards the House of Lords in its judicial capacity, and, secondly, towards the Court of Session, which was greatly to be deprecated. With regard to the attitude of the Land Court, as disclosed in this Report, to the House of Lords, I am wholly unable to find anything, so far as my researches have gone, to justify any criticism of that character. Accordingly, with that sentence, I pass from that criticism to consider the other that was made, namely, the suggestion that the attitude of the Land Court towards the Court of Session was wholly to be deprecated and was, as one of my hon. Friends put it, highly improper. I should be the very last to do otherwise than maintain the independence of the judiciary and their right to protection from unfair attack from whatever quarter it came. But what is the attack on the Second Division of which complaint is made? When I read this Report it really seems to me to come down to this, that the Land Court has formulated at least three grounds of complaint in regard to the decisions which had been come to. The first is based upon their view that the Second Division of the Court of Sessions omitted to construe the Land Acts as a whole. The second ground is that they have misinterpreted the law of subsidiary occupation, and the third is that they have not given what is generally recog- nised as law in all our systems in these countries, a liberal interpretation to a remedial Statute. These are the three grounds of complaint as I read the Report, and it proceeds to suggest that the result of the view taken by the Court of Session on these three points is to render the duty of the Court, holding the views they do, puzzling, and the working of the Act difficult and disappointing. I think that is a fair anaylsis of the substance of what this Report contains, and that is the comment which the Land Court has thought proper to make.
9.0 P.M.
I wonder if my hon. Friends who complain would maintain that the Land Court is not entitled to make any comment at all upon the decisions of the superior Court, but must remain dumb, whatever the results of these decisions may be upon the work which the Land Court has to accomplish. I scarcely think they will maintain that. I think that would be to put the claim too high. If, therefore, the Land Court had expressed itself on the lines that I have indicated, namely, that in respect of these three considerations to which I have referred the operations of 'the Statute have been rendered difficult, I do not think any exception would have been taken to what they said. It really seems to me, therefore, that the gravamen of the charge is really a charge against the Land Court with regard to the manner in which they had expressed the protest, which I think, quite legitimately, they may have been entitled to make. It is really a question of manner rather than of substance, and while I am quite free to say that if I were writing the Report of the Land Court, which heaven forbid that I should ever have to do, I might not express in precisely the same language that they have used the views which they entertain, nevertheless, on the other hand, I think some allowance ought to be made for a Court which is of a quite unique character, which is anxiously desirous of helping smallholders, and which feels strongly that the efforts which they are making have been rendered more or less nugatory by reason of the interpretation perhaps necessarily placed upon a remedial Statute. I do not think anyone can suggest that the Land Court intentionally attributes to the Court of (Session anything but a desire properly to administer the Act. Really I think what the complaint resolves itself into is that the result of the interpretation which the Court of Session may have been bound to place upon the Act is unfortunate. Knowing the members of the Land Court as I do, I am perfectly satisfied that they are animated by a sincere desire to do their duty, and that the use of the language employed by them must be attributed not to any intentional disrespect to the Court of Session, but to their disappointment with the result of the Court of Session's judgments upon the important work which is confided to their care. Such comment as has been made therefore, in my judgment, resolves itself into a comment upon the form of the Report. But really the substance of the Report is of much more importance to us than the form, and the substance of the Report discloses a very grave state of matters indeed in Scotland. I should be out of order if I went into detail, but no one would be more delighted than I if I could be of any assistance to Members on both sides of the House in hammering out some kind of scheme for the improvement of the existing land law in Scotland.
Criticism has been made with regard to the diminished Grants to the Board of Agriculture, I think, by my hon. Friend (Mr. Molteno), and he indicated that the reason why small holdings were not now being instituted was because the Grants to the Board of Agriculture had been diminished. He was not quite correct in that statement, because on page 6 of the Report that is only one of a variety of reasons which, it is said, have brought about that result. The Report states various reasons—that the Board's grants from Parliament have been curtailed or suspended, that the cost of building and fencing has arisen so extraordinarily in the last two years, and as regards several schemes which they contemplated that the Lindean case stood in the way. So that the withholding of the Grant is only one of the three elements which contributed to the result which we all deplore, but which I greatly fear is inevitable under existing circumstances.
If these Grants had been made, which amount now to over half a million of money, surely that would have helped to settle the land question?
Under war-time conditions I greatly doubt it, because, even if you had the money, you have the difficulty of transport, the difficulty of securing material, and the difficulty of obtaining labour, and even if you had a large amount of money, I doubt very much whether you could successfully overcome under existing conditions the difficulties to which I have referred.
You cannot do it without money.
I am endeavouring to point out that it may be impossible to do it with or without money. With regard to the diminution in the number of small holdings, it is quite true that the number has decreased, and that is a most regrettable fact, but it is comforting to observe that there has been a certain arrest in the decrease since the Act came into operation, and now we hope that the decrease may still more successfully be arrested. There again, the considerations to which I have referred in war-time, considerations of material, of labour, and of transport, come in to account for the diminution of small holdings to a certain extent. If some means can be found whereby the scheme could proceed, even under war-time conditions, no one would be more glad than I, and no one would be more delighted to assist in achieving that result.
I do not intend to apologise for the Land Court, nor to defend any expressions which may be found in their Report. It is now public property, and will come under the review of those who are very well acquainted with the facts of land tenure and the operations of the Smallholders Acts. I rise for the purpose of dealing with some of the criticisms that we had earlier in the Debate from the hon. Baronet (Sir G. Younger). Like the hon. Member for Sutherland, I am sorry that the hon. Baronet is not in his place. I will follow the example of the hon. Baronet and try to deal with these criticisms without imparting any feeling into the question. Among other things which he said in criticising the Report of the Land Court, that during the past year very few or no new small holdings had been created, and that that was due to the large increases in the cost of building material. It did not take the increased cost of building materials that has occurred since the War began to hamper and to retard the number of small holdings that were created under the Act of 1911 by the Land Court. Lindean has been mentioned to-night. I wish to mention one other case—the Bullin case—another farm which was attempted to be taken for small holdings. There, as in the Lindean case, the cost was so excessive that the then Secretary for Scotland (Mr. McKinnon Wood) had reluctantly to refuse to go on with the scheme for creating these small holdings. The expenses awarded in the case I have just referred to amounted almost to a figure that would have justified the entire purchase of the farm, and would have left the farm in the hands of the landlord. It is these excessive costs which have retarded more than anything else the successful creation of small holdings under the Small Holdings Act, 1911.
So far as Lindean was concerned, the hon. Baronet said that if anyone was to blame for what had occurred it was the members of the Land Court. They insisted on taking a certain bit of the estate, and, that being the case, they were entitled to pay for that part of the estate. I believe that the Land Court would have been quite prepared to have paid a fair price for the part of the Lindean estate which they took. Their objection was to the unfair price which they have been called upon to pay for that part of the estate. The hon. Member said, further, that they were offered another bit of the estate, and could have had it under much more favourable conditions had they been prepared to accept it. This was offered by the landlord himself. I would have liked to have asked the hon. Baronet whether he is of the opinion that the landlord and the landlord alone should have the right to say what part of an estate is to be taken for the creation of small holdings. I would like to have put it to the hon. Baronet whether he is of opinion that the Land Court set up by the State to deal with the special subject should not have some say in the land that is to be selected for their particular purpose. The hon. Baronet went on to say that this Report raises all the old controversies, and is creating a very bitter feeling. I do not agree with that statement. It may be that there is a bitter feeling created so far as the landlords in Scotland are concerned regarding some of the statements made in the Report, but in my opinion this Report, instead of creating a bitter feeling, will be very highly appreciated by the majority of people in Scotland, and that in making such a frank statement regarding the difficulties that stand in the way of people making the best possible use of the land they will rather earn the thanks of their fellow countrymen than create any bitter feeling by anything that may appear in their Report.
There is one part of that Report with which I want to deal, and that is where it is stated that the determined efforts of some landlords to exclude pastoral holdings, dairy holdings, and fruit holdings from the Act of 1911 have now succeeded, so far as the last class of holdings is concerned. If it is true that so far as fruit holdings are concerned the efforts of some landlords in Scotland to exclude them from the Act of 1911 have at last succeeded, I think a very foolish policy has been followed by those landlords, looking at this question purely from their own point of view. I have in my possession a statement of the earnings of a small holder in my own Constituency, who on a very small holding has been able to produce marvellous results. The statement deals with his earnings for a period of twenty-five years. This small holder has cultivated fruit, flowers, and vegetables. When he began operations in 1891 he had no knowledge of land cultivation. Up to that time he had followed the occupation of a dockyard labourer in. the city of Glasgow. He took a small holding in my Constituency, and during the first year of his operations his total income amounted to £49. That income has risen, year after year, by progressive increases, until in 1914, his income amounted to £584 4s. 5d. for that year, and up to that time he had never had more than three and a quarter acres of land. I think these figures show conclusively what can be done by small holdings if a proper system of cultivation is adopted. In the last issue of the "Scottish Small Holder" there is a fine description of my Constituent's small holding, and I would recommend my fellow Members from Scotland to read that description.
I think, along with some of the other hon. Members who have spoken, that this Report will be the means of creating such a feeling in Scotland as to the difficulties in the way of our people getting on to the land and using it under fair conditions, that my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland and the members of the Government may be compelled in the near future to do something to relieve the situation. The right hon. Baronet stated that he was trying to get this controversy settled by agreement. I wish him good luck in his efforts, and if I personally can do anything to assist him in getting it settled by agreement, I shall be only too pleased; but I fear that the difficulties are of such a character that it will not be easy to overcome them by agreement, and that we may have in the near future to deal with them by remedial legislation. I hope that, as the result of this discussion, in focussing public opinion on the Report of the Land Court, far greater interest will be taken in this important question than we have had up to the present tune in Scotland. The present crisis through which the country is passing has shown to everyone the vast importance of food production, and everything ought to be done to remove the barriers that are preventing the people of this country from producing as large a portion of the food necessary for feeding our population as is possible.
Question put, and agreed to.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT BOARD FOR SCOTLAND.—Class II
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £29,058, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Local Government Board for Scotland, and also Expenses in respect of Advances under the Housing Act, 1914."— [NOTE.—£18,000 has been voted on account.]
The Local Government Board for Scotland have had their attention directed on a number of occasions during the past year to the necessity for the provision of housing schemes for munition workers, and also for Admiralty and War Office workers. The Report on page 25 sets forth the particular efforts which have been made by the Department to secure adequate housing for munition workers. There has been considerable difficulty in some of the populous districts, particularly in the West of Scotland, where several of the schemes have been brought into operation. The influx of munition workers has rendered it essential that further housing accommodation should be provided in these districts. In the West of Scotland, particularly in the middle ward of Lanarkshire, the conditions of housing at the present moment are very serious indeed. Notwithstanding the provision which has been made, there is at the present time a very serious menace to public health in that district, owing to the congestion of population and the insanitary condition of many of the buildings which are occupied by miners and munition workers and steel workers engaged in the local industries. Special representations have been made to the Government on different occasions with regard to this matter, and within the last month a deputation from the middle ward of Lanarkshire, representing all the local authorities and the district trade councils, approached the Secretary for Scotland upon the subject. I understand that the Local Government Board for Scotland has indicated its entire approval of the suggestion that further steps should be taken immediately and during the War to provide further housing accommodation. This is called for on three grounds: First, because the houses are actually required to house the people who are engaged in war work in the district; second, the public health aspect of the question has become very serious. A great many buildings have been condemned in the district as insanitary, and closing orders have been made. I could refer to several districts in my own Constituency where buildings condemned some years ago are still occupied on account of the difficulty in securing further accommodation. This is the case at Hart Hill and other places. Third, there is the question of industrial unrest. There is no doubt that the housing question has been one of the chief causes of the unrest in many of our large industrial districts.
For these reasons it was necessary that some immediate further steps should be taken to deal with the situation during the War. Though there has been an influx of population in connection with munition and other work during the War, the population of the West of Scotland has been growing rapidly, and any accommodation that might be provided even during the War would be more than required after the termination of hostilities to meet the normal demand on account of the tremendous shortage of houses. I hope we may be in a position this evening to hear from the learned Solicitor-General for Scotland, whom we welcome as the spokesman of the Government on the Scottish Estimates, and that he may be able to indicate whether further steps are being taken by the Local Government Board or by the Secretary for Scotland to deal with the serious situation in Lanarkshire. I believe that congestion also prevails in many other districts in the counties surrounding, where there is a large industrial mining population. The time has come when action should be taken without further delay. This is a national problem. I do not propose to refer to the many aspects of the question at this late hour, but I urge on the Government that at the present moment the situation is so serious from the point of view of the health and comfort of our workers, and also in order to prevent the feelings of unrest which are so apt to develop at this stage of the War, when people are faced with continuous discomforts, that further steps should be taken at once; and I trust that the Government will give some assurance to that effect.
In my capacity as Solicitor-General I happen to be a member of the Local Government Board, and my connection with that Board enables me to give some answer to the questions which my hon. and learned Friend has just raised. I am quite well aware that in the county of Lanarkshire the problem of housing is very acute, and I was present at the deputation from various boroughs, which my hon. Friend referred. My hon. Friend dealt with the problem in two of its aspects. In the first place, as I understood him, he wished to know what was being done in connection with the general policy of housing, and also to know what has been done in connection with the immediate provision of houses for people connected with war work. In connection with the general question, I would call to my hon. Friend's recollection the appointment of the Housing Commission five years ago. It was set up in order to report upon this and cognate questions, and it is impossible to go into the details of the housing policy until the Report of that Commission has been received and considered. But I am in a position to say that the Report of the Commission will be available very shortly, indeed, during the present month, and it will be a most comprehensive Report. The Commission has taken elaborate means of ascertaining the facts, and has considered the housing problem practically from the national standpoint. The Commission's Report, I understand, will deal not merely with city problems, but also with problems which specially bear on certain country districts, as well as upon those engaged in the fishing industry. It will further deal with the compulsory acquisition of land by local or other authorities.
The most valuable portions of the Royal Commission's Report will be the recommendation of the provision of funds for carrying out schemes of that kind, a proportion of the cost to be borne by the State, and a proportion to be borne by the local authorities. In the meantime, I should like to say that the Government have not been idle in regard to making preparations for dealing with the housing question in its general aspect. Deputations have been received by my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland, and the matter has been before the Cabinet, who have come to the decision that it is necessary to afford substantial financial assistance from the public funds to local authorities who are prepared to provide houses for the working-classes, and for those engaged in work connected with the War. I think a circular was issued by the Local Government Board of Scotland to-day from Edinburgh to the local authorities in which they are asked what their requirements are and the amounts necessary for their various districts, and the Local Government Board hope that by the 15th October they will be in possession of all the facts which are material to this matter. I am afraid that is all I can say with regard to the general question. With regard to the provision of houses for purposes which are more immediately connected with the War the Ministry of Munitions and the staff of the Local Government Board have been very busily occupied with the provision of houses for the workers who are connected with the output of munitions and also the output of war material. Building is extremely difficult in view of the unfavourable conditions which prevail in regard to labour and material available, and also with regard to the cost of labour.
I should like to mention, with regard to the latter point that, in the first place, the Secretary for Scotland received a deputation at which my hon. and learned Friend was present and he was asked to bring the matter before the Ministry of Munitions. These gentlemen from Leith Burghs urged their questions so well before the Secretary for Scotland that they are now being considered by the Departments. In regard to the work which has to be done by the Local Government Board itself, by arrangement with the Admiralty and the Ministry of Munitions, houses in Lanarkshire have already been completed under the administration of the Local Government Board—200 houses at present complete, 250 houses in course of erection, and in a few months it is expected to have 100 additional erected. These are small contributions compared with the point of view of houses required in that county, but I can assure my hon. and learned Friend that a great deal has been done by the Local Government Board, when we consider the disadvantages under which their operations are conducted. The Admiralty, of course, have had houses built on a much more extensive scale during the past year, and there have been erected very nearly 2,000 houses, and there are in the course of erection something like an additional 1,000 houses. I hope that the Committee and my right hon. Friend will be satisfied with this explanation. I am afraid it is all I can do. Although I meet my colleagues on the Local Government Board in regard to matters of administration, I only learned details of this kind incidentally; but I can, at all events, speak to the anxiety of my colleagues on this particular question, and assure the Committee that nothing will be left undone, so far as they are concerned, to deal with this question of housing on broad lines, so that, at any rate, we may have as adequate provision of housing for the working classes as present conditions will allow.
Am I to understand that it is intended to deal with the war situation now created and to provide schemes for housing in Lanarkshire? The hon. Gentleman has referred to the general question, but the deputation received by the Secretary for Scotland urged that the question of housing required to be dealt with immediately on grounds of public health, as well as to meet the needs of munition workers.
With regard to that question, there is no doubt there is some difficulty in drawing a line between houses necessary on grounds of public health as distinguished from housing which will immediately satisfy the requirements of those doing war work. I cannot say that a decision has yet been come to which entitles me to say definitely that more houses will be built in those particular areas which the hon. Member has in mind. All I can say on that subject is that the matter is being looked at in both its aspects by both the Departments concerned, the Admiralty and the Ministry of Munitions, and if those Departments decide that houses should be erected at once, then work in Lanarkshire will be immediately started. I certainly can go that far, and I should like to say that the question is being considered by the Department at the present time.
I am sure we are all very glad to hear what is the real maiden speech of the Solicitor-General for Scotland—I know he has spoken in the past once or twice before—on the very important subject of housing. It is very difficult to speak on this question just now, because, as the hon. Gentleman has said, we are on the eve of great things and we really cannot press him for more information than he has given, and I think it was very good of him to have given us the information which he has afforded. I should like to say a few words about what he has said as to what may be called the necessity of housing for war workers in that part of Scotland which I represent. There are two burghs, Dumfries and Annan, which have suffered during the last two years from a considerable shortage of housing because of the extra pressure for accommodation on account of munition work. On the whole, I think that difficulty has been got over very well and the Local Government Board have done what they could to make things easier, but I would press upon the hon. Gentleman that there will be difficulties there and I hope he will keep his eye on that part of the world. It is good news to hear that after a long number of years the Royal Commission has actually at last come to produce its Report. The delay which has occurred has made everybody expect something really great, and if what he says it true, we shall not be disappointed. As to the circular which he stated was to be issued from Edinburgh to-day to the local authorities, I should like to ask him if he could say how that circular is related, if it is related at all, to the Report of the Royal Commission? I am very glad that the circular has been issued because it has been issued also to local authorities in England, and they are promised loans for whatever they do in this way. It is quite right that the Scottish local authorities should be in the same position, but do I understand that this circular is merely an inquiring circular as to what the necessities of each locality are, because it will make a great deal of difference to local authorities if they are promised loans, and the interests of the locality will differ a good deal according to-the financial offers which are made to them? I quite realise the difficulty of the Solicitor-General, but I would really ask him, if he can, to give us a little more information as to the relations between this circular and the forthcoming Report of the Royal Commission.
With regard to the two points which the right hon. Gentleman has. raised, I can only say with regard to the first that a Special Commission was sent down by the Local Government Board to inquire into the conditions in the burghs mentioned, and they are not being lost sight of by the officials of the Local Government Board. I am sorry I have not at the moment the details of what has been done in the way of providing accommodation with regard to those burghs. With regard to the circular which has been sent out all I can say is this, that it does not deal with the policy at all. I cannot say that the circular has any relation to the Report of the Royal Commission. What the circular does is to ask the local authorities to state what number of houses will be required on the cessation of hostilities for the purpose of settling the local housing problem. When we consider that it is admitted that the shortage in Scotland of houses at the end of the War will amount to 200,000, and when it is a problem of that kind, I think my right hon. Friend will agree that the matter is one which will require very careful consideration, and that is why we are proceeding so warily. We may, I think, be perfectly certain that the answers of the local authorities will be considered with reference to the Report of the Royal Commission. I am glad to be able to say, as I said before, that it has been definitely decided by the Government that substantial financial assistance will be afforded from the public funds to those localities which are prepared to erect housing for the working classes at the end of the War. I hope these explanations will be accepted by my right hon. Friend.
Question put, and agreed to.
BOARD OF AGRICULTURE, SCOTLAND— Class II
Motion made, and Question proposed, 29. "That a sum, not exceeding£45,966, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland, including certain Grants in Aid"—[NOTE.—£25,000 has been voted on account.]
In the Report of the Board of Agriculture for Scotland just issued there are six short paragraphs towards the end devoted to the subject of forestry. This is a subject that has now become one of absorbing interest not for Scotland only, but for the whole of the United Kingdom, and I claim that tonight, even amongst the other subjects under discussion, this is one that should not lightly be passed over. To say that forestry in Scotland has up to now been shamefully neglected is stating nothing more than the absolute truth. An enlightened and far-seeing landed proprietor here and there has had the foresight to plant up his estate, such a one, for instance, as the sixth Duke of Athol, but, as a rule, planting has been haphazard, windfalls have been welcomed, and replanting neglected. Nor has the State done anything really serviceable to mend matters. True, Commissions of Inquiry have been appointed and from time to time reported. I think there have been seven such Reports presented, beginning in 1885, and concluding with the Inquiry of 1911–12, of which I myself was a member, and now you have the final Report of the Forestry Sub-committee, appointed in July of last year, and whose Report has just appeared. This voluminous Report, which I have only had time to glance over, is one of absorbing interest well worth study by all of us. It is full of excellent recommendations, which, if followed out, would in course of time make for us a different Scotland. But the chief recommendation which it makes, and which I hope the Secretary for Scotland will keep in mind and push for, is the taking away of the subject of policy altogether from the Board of Agriculture and making it a separate Department by itself. If Parliament adopts this recommendation, I hope the right hon. Gentle- man (Mr. Munro) will see to it that Scotland has a good representation upon the Committee.
For what are the facts as to the possibilities of Scotland? In 1913 Scotland had under woods 868,000 acres, whilst England, apart from coppice, of which Scotland has little or none, had 1,176,000 acres, and Ireland had only 290,000 acres. But of mountain and heath land used for grazing and deer forests, and land devoted to sport, England and Wales together had only 3,720,000 acres, whilst Scotland had 12,500,000 acres. Of that enormous area 3,000,000 acres certainly stand higher than 1,500 feet, and may, perhaps, be ruled out, although beyond that height much good timber grows. Still, these figures show the possibilities of Scotland for afforestation, which would be much more profitable to the country at large than the purposes to which much of that land is at present put. Forests give ten times the employment of sheep farms. Hundreds of small holders could thrive in glens where at present a score can scarcely scrape a living. But that is not the whole case for Scotland. I asked for figures as to the acreage of Scotch woods felled since the War broke out, and what proportion it bore to the quantity standing before the War. I was not, however, supplied with these figures, which would have been very serviceable in view of the expected Grant following upon the latest Report upon forestry. From private information, however, and from my own observation in various parts of both England and Scotland, I have a decided conviction that in proportion to its acreage of woods before the War Scotland has been denuded of its forests to a far greater extent than has England. This is not to be wondered at, seeing that the proportion of soft woods is so much greater, the quality so good, and the dimensions so various. This must be kept well in mind in view of coming events.
What has been done up to this for Scottish forestry, and especially what has been done during this last year? The meagre results for last year will be found on page 38 of the Agricultural Report. Six hundred pounds has been advanced for Mid-Lanark by way of loan to afforest a catchment area. A nursery has been established at Craibstone, and a scheme which was mapped out a year ago to train discharged soldiers in forestry work there has, it is said, not matured. No; and the timber purchased on Craibstone by the Government has been now re-sold to a local wood merchant and the whole scheme looks like being abandoned. The only hopeful part of the Report is the mention of the generous gift of Borgie by the Duke of Sutherland, where is is proposed gradually to afforest 8,000 acres. It would not be too much for Scotland to look for another 2,000,000 or more acres to be planted. This, however, can only be done by State aid in one or other of the ways suggested by the latest Report, which is really a bringing up to date of all the previous Reports. As yet we have only had forestry taught as to its theory in three colleges—Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Aberdeen. We lately had advisory officers appointed whose work, however, has been laid aside owing to the War. Very little surveying has been done, no demonstration area has been acquired, and no practical training, therefore, given, and, needless to say, with the exception of Inverliever, bought so long back as 1907, no land for planting has been acquired by purchase.
I think I have said enough to show that this is a matter which Scottish Members should keep well in view. A Bill has just gone through the House which has had for its main object the stimulating of corn production. The War has shown the necessity for this. In that Bill a price for the product is guaranteed for a period of years as well as a rate for labour employed. Next to food the greatest scarcity has been in timber, but in none of the Reports on forestry is it suggested that a price be guaranteed for the timber, or a limit put to the wages paid. All that is asked for is some modification in the present system of taxing woodlands, and the advance on loan at fair rates of interest, and under proper supervision as to planting, etc., of such sums of money as may be necessary for the encouragement of planting under these conditions. It is surely to the interest of Scotsmen to keep this subject of forestry well under their view. This is my maiden speech, and I do not imagine a speech could be made in a finer place than in the shadow of a Scottish forest.
The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has touched upon a subject which is of very great importance. No doubt forestry in Scotland has been much neglected in the past, but I do not think that we could expect that the Board of Agriculture would undertake a great deal of work in this respect during this last year. Their energies have been largely taken up with the more important subject of the increase of food production. We know that they have done good work in that direction in recognising its importance, and in organising and appointing a committee in every county in Scotland the Board of Agriculture rendered valuable service. I believe that their officials have acted with prudence in all that they have done in stimulating food production. What is of more importance, they have won the confidence and the respect of the farmers generally throughout Scotland. Recently a Departmental Committee has made some recommendations with respect to food production which have been accepted by the Board of Agriculture. The latter have also had a large amount of work in connection with recruiting. Here, again, the agriculturists of Scotland have had to protest against their men being too largely taken from them by the action of the Board. A common-sense view has been taken, which has resulted in a fair amount and reasonable amount of labour being left on the farmers. That, of course, has been a matter of very great importance. Other schemes which they have supported before the War, namely, the improvement in stock breeding, have not gone as far as many of us would like to see. During this time of crisis we have not the power or facilities for doing as much as might have been done in this direction. However, I just want to say as regards this all important matter of food production, that what has been done by the Board during the past year has been good work and has helped on a great object.
I should like to ask my right hon. Friend what progress has been made at the farm of Borgie? I do not think I need make any apology for alluding to that estate, as my right hon. Friend is aware I looked upon it as my "wee ewe lamb." As I make out, not very much progress has been made. When I left the farm in September last, that is almost a year ago, we had come to a decision as to what ought to be done. I am afraid that looks very much as if very little progress has been made. I quite realise the difficulty of making progress, but at the same time I would like to give the right hon. Gentleman the three or four minutes which remain in which to tell us what actually has been done, if he will be so kind.
I willingly accept the opportunity that has been afforded me by my right hon. Friend to make a short statement with regard to Borgie. I quite recognise that the project is one which owed its inception to him, and one in which, no doubt, he takes a deep personal interest. I wish the progress made were more substantial than, unfortunately, it has been. I gave an answer yesterday or the day before; I am not sure that he has seen it, but in that answer, which related to a question about Borgie, I set out the difficulties which have been encountered in making any progress there. They were difficulties of labour, difficulties of transport, and difficulties of material. I also said in response to the question that I had sanctioned the expenditure in the coming year of a sum of£3,500 for the purpose of fencing, reclamation, and cognate purposes. We hope to get on more quickly in the future than we have done in the past, but I think my right hon. Friend will agree that we have had to contend with very adverse conditions. I should like to say a word or two with regard to the two speeches on forestry.
Before he goes on to that, can the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether there are any settlers in Borgie yet?
That question was put yesterday, and I said in answer that I very much regretted that, according to my information, there were none up till now, and that for the reasons I have mentioned.
You only take soldiers?
10.0 P.M.
Soldiers and sailors. I would like to congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for South Aberdeen (Sir J. Flemming) on the speech which he has made on the subject of forestry. This has been a day characterised by maiden speeches. We have had three—[HON. MEMBERS: "Four!"]—or four maiden speeches, which I think must be almost a record in the House of Commons. His speech, the greater part of which I had the privilege of hearing, was characterised, if he will allow me to say so, by a shrewdness, relevancy, and cogency which one would expect from a Member who represents that city. He dwelt on the alliance between forestry and small holdings, and in that view I am entirely in accordance with him. It is a view I have expressed in public before now, and I hope I may have an opportunity before long of giving effect to it.
Question put, and agreed to.
It being Ten of the clock, the DEPUTY-CHAIRMAN (Mr. Maclean) proceeded, pursuant to Standing Order No. 15, to put severally the Questions, That the total amounts of the Votes outstanding in the several Classes of the Civil Services Estimates, and of the other outstanding Votes, including Supplementary Estimates, and the total amounts of the Votes outstanding in the Estimates for the Navy and the Army, and the Revenue Departments, be granted for the Services denned in those Classes and Estimates.
Civil Services Estimates, 1917–18
Class I
"That a sum, not exceeding £622,464, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class I. of the Estimates for Civil Services, namely:
£ 7. Diplomatic and Consular Buildings (Supplementary) 6,000 11. Surveys of the United Kingdom 2,830 12. Harbours under the Board of Trade 2,357 13. Peterhead Harbour 7,000 14. Rates on Government Property 462,000 15. Public Works and Buildings, Ireland 99,660 16. Railways, Ireland 42,617 £622,464."
Question agreed to.
Class II
"That a sum, not exceeding £2,497,230, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918. for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class II. of the Estimates for Civil Services, namely:
£ 1. House of Lords Offices 22,149 2. House of Commons 196,794 2A. War Cabinet 6,000 3. Treasury and Subordinate Departments 74,898 4. Home Office 143,784 5. Foreign Office 31,181 6. Colonial Office 35,750 7. Privy Council Office 6,108 8. Board of Trade 238,923 9. Mercantile Marine Services 64,261 10. Bankruptcy Department of the Board of Trade 3 11. Board of Agriculture and Fisheries 139,207 12. Charity Commission 15,484 13. Government Chemist 16,396 14. Civil Service Commission 23,256 15. Exchequer and Audit Department 43,910 16. Friendly Societies Registry 13,244 17. Local Government Board 382,271 18. Board of Control, England 68,342 19. The Mint 35 20. National Debt Office. 7,371 21. Public Record Office 12,995 22. Public Works Loan Commission 6,207 23. Registrar General's Office, England 24,593 24. Stationery and Printing 265,944 25. Office of Works, Forests, and Land Revenues 11,522 27. Secret Service (including a Supplementary sum of £300,000) 320,000 Scotland. 28. Secretary for Scotland's Office 10,887 30. Fishery Board 12,077 31. General Board of Control 19,261 32. Registrar General's Office 4,183 Ireland. 34. Household of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 2,104 35. Chief Secretary for Ireland 13,904 36. Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction 73,777 37. Charitable Donations and Bequests Office 1,055 38. Congested Districts Board for Ireland 105,750 39. Local Government Board 66,848 40. Public Record Office 3,830 41. Public Works Office 24,404
£ 42. Registrar General's Office 8,583 43. Valuation and Boundary Survey 15,689 £2,497,230."
Question agreed to
Class III
"That a sum, not exceeding £2,617,019, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class III. of the Estimates for Civil Services, namely:
£ 1. Law Charges 29,089 2. Miscellaneous Legal Expenses 10,204 3. Supreme Court of Judicature and Court of Criminal Appeal 163,073 4. Land Registry 22,483 5. Public Trustee 5 6. County Courts 85,498 7. Police, England and Wales 58,346 8. Prisons, England and the Colonies 271,590 9. Reformatory and Industrial Schools, Great Britain (including a Supplementary sum of £64,328) 239,343 10. Criminal Lunatic Asylums, England 31,434 Scotland. 11. Law Charges and Courts of Law 47,352 13. Register House, Edinburgh 24,622 14. Prisons 47,900 Ireland. 15. Law Charges and Criminal Prosecutions. 35,431 16. Supreme Court of Judicature, and other Legal Departments 65,563 17. Irish Land Commission 459,809 18. County Court Officers, etc. 66,369 19. Dublin Metropolitan Police 48,201 20. Royal Irish Constabulary 782,849 21. Prisons 62,782
£ 22. Reformatory and Industrial Schools 59,740 23. Dundrum Criminal Lunatic Asylum 5,336 £2,617,019."
Question agreed to.
Class IV
"That a sum, not exceeding £16,396,210, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class IV. of the Estimates for Civil Services, namely:
£ 1. Board of Education 13,565,780 2. British Museum 73,595 3. National Gallery 6,421 4. National Portrait Gallery 1,631 5. Wallace Collection 2,031 6. London Museum 1,300 7. Scientific Investigation, etc. 50,006 8. Scientific and Industrial Research 1,018,050 9. Universities and Colleges, Great Britain, and Intermediate Education, Wales 211,200 Scotland. 11. National Galleries 1,980 Ireland. 12. Public Education (including a Supplementary sum of £384,000) 1,242,018 13. Intermediate Education, Ireland 39,000 14. Endowed Schools Commissioners 450 15. National Gallery 1,030 16. Science and Art 124,218 17. Universities and Colleges 57,500 £16,396,210."
Question agreed to.
Class V
"That a sum, not exceeding £847,605, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class V. of the Estimates for Civil Services, namely:
£ 1. Diplomatic and Consular Services … 350,969 2. Colonial Services … 483,961 3. Telegraph Subsidies … 11,675 4. Cyprus (Grant in Aid) … 1,000 £847,605."
Question agreed to.
Class VI
"That a sum, not exceeding £483,906, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class VI. of the Estimates for Civil Services, namely:
£ 1. Superannuation and Retired Allowances … 441,576 2. Miscellaneous Expenses … 12,318 3. Hospitals and Charities, Ireland … 748 4. Temporary Commissions … 4,000 5. Repayments to the Local Loans Fund … 3,241 6. Ireland Development Grant … 5,000 7. Statutory Committee of the Royal Patriotic und Corporation … 1,150 8. Repayments to the Civil Contingencies Fund … 15,873 £483,906."
Question agreed to.
Class VII
"That a sum, not exceeding £12,756,330, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in Class VII. of the Estimates for Civil Services, namely:
£ 1. Old Age Pensions 7,200,000 2. National Health Insurance, Joint Committee 194,746 3. National Health Insurance Commission (England) 3,234,463
£ 4. National Health Insurance Commission(Wales) 226,002 5. National Health Insurance Commission (Scotland) 415,183 6. National Health Insurance Commission (Ireland) 213,575 7. Ministry of Labour 832,426 8. National Insurance, Audit Department 53,700 9. Treatment of Tuberculosis (Special Grants) 328,000 10. Highlands and Islands (Medical Service) Board 41,898 11 Friendly Societies' Deficiency 16,332 £12,756,330."
Question agreed to.
Ministry of Munitions (Oednance Factories')
"That a sum, not exceeding £90, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in the Estimates for the Ministry of Munitions."
Question agreed to.
Ministry of Pensions
"That a sum, not exceeding £900, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in the Estimate for the Ministry of Pensions."
Question agreed to.
Ministry of Food
"That a sum, not exceeding £l,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in the Estimate for the Ministry of Food."
Question agreed to.
Ministry of Shipping
"That a sum, not exceeding £1,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in the Estimate for the Ministry of Shipping."
Question agreed to.
Navy Estimates, 1917–18
"That a sum, not exceeding £16,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Navy Services, namely:
£ 2. Victualling and Clothing for the Navy 1,000 3. Medical Establishments and Services 1,000 4. Civilians employed on Fleet Services 1,000 5. Educational Services 1,000 6. Scientific Services 1,000 7. Royal Naval Reserves 1,000 8. Sec. 1. Shipbuilding, Repairs, Maintenance, etc. Personnel 1,000 8. Sec. 2. Shipbuilding, Repairs, Maintenance, etc. Materiel 1,000 8. Sec. 3. Shipbuilding, Repairs, Maintenance, etc. Contract Work 1,000 9. Naval Armaments 1,000 10. Works, Buildings, and Repairs, at Home and Abroad 1,000 11. Miscellaneous Effective Services 1,000 12. Admiralty Office 1,000 13. Half-Pay and Retired Pay 1,000 14. Naval and Marine Pensions, Gratuities and Compassionate Allowances 1,000 15. Civil Superannuation, Compensation Allowances, and Gratuities 1,000 £16,000"
Question agreed to
Army Estimates, 1917–18
"That a sum, not exceeding £13,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Army Services, namely:
£ 3. Special Reserve 1,000 4. Territorial Forces 1,000 5. Establishments for Military Education 1,000 6. Quartering, Transport, and Remounts 1,000 7. Supplies and Clothing 1,000 8. Ordnance Department Establishments and General Stores 1,000 9. Warlike and Engineer Stores 1,000 10. Works and Buildings 1,000 11. Miscellaneous Effective Services 1,000 12. War Office 1,000 13. Half Pay, Retired Pay, and other Non - Effective Charges for Officers 1,000 14. Pensions and other Non-Effective Charges for Warrant Officers, Non-commissioned Officers, Men, and others 1,000 15. Civil Superannuation, Compensation, and Gratuities 1,000 £13,000."
Question agreed to.
Revenue Departments Estimates, 1917–18
"That a sum, not exceeding £3,048,743, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918, for Expenditure in respect of the Services included in the Estimates for Revenue Departments, namely:
£ 1. Customs and Excise 1,422,693 2. Inland Revenue 1,626,050 £3,048,743."
Question agreed to.
Resolutions to be reported upon Monday next; Committee to sit again To-morrow.
Ways and Means [7th August]
Resolution reported,
"That the Treasury may borrow in such manner as they think fit, on the security of the Consolidated Fund, any sums required for raising the Supply granted to His Majesty for the service of the year ending on the thirty-first day of March, nineteen hundred and eighteen, and in addition a sum not exceeding two hundred and fifty million pounds, and that there shall be charged on the Consolidated Fund—
( a ) any sums which may be required to be so charged in the exercise in connection with any money to be so borrowed of any powers which are given by the War Loan Acts, 1914 to 1916, or any other enactment, in connection with money borrowed under the War Loan Acts, 1914 to 1916, or any other enactment; and
( b ) any sums which may be required for the expenses of the redemption of any securities issued for the purpose of money to be so borrowed; and
( c ) any sums which may be required for the remuneration of the Banks of England and Ireland in connection with the management of any securities issued for the purpose of money to be so borrowed."
Resolution read a second time.
I beg to move to leave out the words "and in addition a sum not exceeding two hundred and fifty million pounds."
I move this Amendment in order to get an explanation from the Government as to the meaning of these words. The Resolution states "that the Treasury may borrow in such manner as they think fit on the security of the Consolidated Fund any sum required for raising the Supply granted to His Majesty for the service of the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1918." Now, I have not had time to look up all the precedents, and my recollection may be wrong, but my recollection is that usually the Resolution stops short at these words— that is to say, that this House authorises the borrowing of money, the expenditure of which it has already sanctioned, either by means of Votes in Supply or by Votes of Credit. Now, of course, that is in order, and no one would have anything to say. But now there appears these words "and in addition a sum not exceeding two hundred and fifty million pounds." I want to know whether this House has authorised the expenditure of that sum. I do not remember that the House, either by a Vote in Supply or by a Vote of Credit, has ever authorised the expenditure of the money. It may be that these words appeared in the last Financial Resolution authorising the last Loan. I do not know whether that is so or not, but if that is the answer it must be remembered that the last Financial Resolution, and the Bill which was founded on it, was brought in under very different circumstances to what we are in at the present moment. It was brought in at the end of the Session, when this House was going to rise and would not meet again until there was a new Session. Therefore there was an interregnum during which the House would not be sitting, and it may have been necessary, under the very exceptional circumstances under which we were in, and in view of the fact that the Session had terminated and that the House would not meet again until in new Session, to provide some additional sum which the House had not already voted. If that is the explanation, I would point out that we are in a very different position now, because this is not the end of a Session. All we are going to do is to adjourn for a short time, until the middle of October, and already in the last few days we have passed a Vote of Credit for £650,000,000, which is supposed to last until the end of October or the beginning of November, by which time the House will meet again, and therefore, if it is necessary to have any further expenditure of money, it will be competent for the Government to come down to this House and ask sanction for the proposed expenditure. Under these circumstances I would like to have an explanation of the meaning of these words "two hundred and fifty million pounds." I think the House will admit that even in these days£250,000,000 is a fairly considerable sum, and that they ought not to lightly pass a Resolution authorising the borrowing of a sum like £250,000,000 unless a clear explanation is given by the Government as to why they require it, and whether or no the House has sanctioned the expenditure of this sum.
I am very glad to give the explanation asked for by my right hon. Friend. There is nothing exceptional in this. It has appeared not only in the last Vote, but in every Vote which has been introduced during the War, and the object of it is simply this: The Loan may be taken at a time when you may want to borrow money to carry you to the 31st March. That, to which my right hon. Friend has taken exception, gives us the right to borrow for the total amount of Supply for the year, even although the Votes of Credit have not been taken upon that. It is simply a question of giving a margin in the possible contingency of the Loan being taken at such a time as to carry us to 31st March. I hope that explanation is satisfactory to my right hon. Friend?
I am bound to say, I do not quite follow my right hon. Friend. I should be very much obliged if he would tell us whether in every case of a Loan of this kind there has been this extra power given during the War? I understand Votes of Credit give you definite sums.
They give us the right to get them, but they do not give us the money.
They give you, at any rate, the right to draw upon the Exchequer for those sums of money. It is quite true that they do not. give you the money, but they give you the right to draw the money, and you hope, by the grace of God, you may be able to find the money somehow or somewhere. But here you have an extra£250,000,000 over and above what has been voted. The words are:
"That the Treasury may borrow in such manner as they think fit, on the security of the Consolidated Fund any sums required for raising the Supply granted to His Majesty for the service of the year ending 31st March, and, in addition, a sum not exceeding£250,000,000."
I am bound to say I feel, with my right hon. Friend sitting near me, that that is an addition to the Vote of Credit which has already been passed. If I am wrong, perhaps the Chancellor of the Exchequer will correct me.
Yes, my right hon. Friend is to this extent wrong that the Loan Bill does not give us power merely to raise money which has been voted by this House. Of course, that is only the amount voted by Votes of Credit, whereas what we ask for is to raise money to the amount which may be raised by Votes of Credit, and, in addition, to raise the£250,000,000. This has been copied from previous War Loans, and has been put in for the simple purpose of providing for possible overlapping between the time the Loan is raised and the end of the finan- cial year. In any case, while I quite recognise the immensity of the sum, no one can imagine that the Government is likely to borrow more than it requires in, a case of that kind. There can be no question of that. It is simply a matter of possibly overcoming the gap in time between the period when the Loan is taken and the time at which the year ends.
Can my right hon. Friend say whether the amount in previous Loans was £250,000,000?
I simply copied this from previous Resolutions without giving any thought until the point was raised just now, but the explanation, I am sure, is the correct one.
May I express the hope that the right hon. Gentleman will not think it necessary for him to copy that again?
Surely my right hon. Friend should not make a remark of that kind without seeing there is not the possibility of the need. I have explained there may he such a possibility.
Of course, if my right hon. Friend shows that there is a real need for it, the House will not quarrel, but a financial purist like my right hon. Friend thinks—and I believe most of us think—It is not desirable to give an unnecessary sum over and above what the requirements may be for this purpose. It is quite true the Chancellor would not ask for£250,000,000 if he thought£250,000,000 was excessive. At the same time, it is not really desirable to have an unnecessarily large sum for a margin.
I have listened to this rather desultory Debate, and what strikes the ordinary Member is that the Government is asking for provision against the 31st March. This seems a very early period in the year to make provision against the end of the financial year. If the Government find themselves in the position that they require powers of this kind, would not the autumn be the right time to ask for these powers? Instead of that, they come in the early days of August and ask for powers to raise £250,000,000 because a contingency, which they foresee, may occur towards the 31st March. The ex- planation does not meet that case. I am no financial purist, but the Members of this House are only beginning to remember that, after all, the great function of this House is to grant supplies and keep control over expenditure. I do not think the statement made by the right hon. Gentleman really explains the case or the difficulty they desire to meet in August.
I have only the right to intervene again by the indulgence of the House. This is not a case of expenditure. What we are asking for is not power to spend, but power to raise money to meet expenditure which has been voted by this. House. My hon. and gallant Friend must know that a Loan which is something which cannot be raised every month, and it must be obvious that we are bound to raise a sufficient sum to carry us on till the financial year comes to an end.
Amendment negatived.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."
The argument of the Chancellor of the Exchequer simply amounts to this, that it has been done before during the War. May I point out that during the War this House has practically abandoned its functions and has allowed the Government to do what it pleases, and I think it is time we stopped that. It is no argument for this proposal, to say that because during the War the House has done certain things it is necessary that such a precedent should be continued or that we should part with our control over expenditure during the whole of the War because we have been foolish enough to part with it at the beginning of the War. My right hon. Friend says that there must be a margin. Having borrowed the money, what are you going to do with it? The right hon. Gentleman must borrow it in order that he may spend it, and I say that it is a wrong principle that before you have received the sanction of the House to spend the money that you should provide yourself with money which you are afterwards going to ask the House to give you leave to do something with it when you have got it. I do not think merely because it is convenient for the Government that we should give them power to raise this enormous sum of money by Loan. The position now is not the same as it was during the last Loan We are going to meet again in October. I do not know bow much money the Government will spend under the Vote of Credit and under Votes in Supply, but I think I am not far wrong in saying that up to the 31st of March it will be something like£2,000,000,000 which will have been authorised.
It is£1,250,000,000.
To give the Government power to borrow£1,250,000,000 is a large order. It is quite unnecessary to give them power to borrow another£1,250,000,000. If they issue a Loan for£1,250,000,000, I hope that they will get it, but that is quite sufficient power to give them, This discussion has arisen unexpectedly, and the method of procedure with regard to Resolutions in Committee of Ways and Means is rather intricate. You have to follow it very carefully, and I am quite prepared to admit, having had great confidence in the Government in the past, that perhaps I have not exercised that vigilance which I ought to exercise when these Resolutions are brought forward. As a matter of fact, I have not, as usual, gone to the Clerk and asked him to allow me to look at his desk, but I looked to-day to make sure, and I found this. I hope, if the House takes no further notice about this particular sum, that in the future the Government will abandon these bad precedents, and confine their borrowing powers to such sums as have been voted.
I do not think that I can add anything to what I have said, because I do not think that my right hon. Friend has put forward any argument which he did not introduce before. I am as desirous as he is that we should not treat lightly matters of this kind, but I really think that this is quite satisfactory. Supposing a loan were raised towards the end of the financial year, the calls would only come gradually, and I believe that this is a provision which is more or less necessary.
This is not near the end of the financial year.
We shall only have one loan in the year, and we do not know when it will be issued. I think we are both agreed that there should not be any lightness in the way in which these things are done. The question can be raised again on the Bill itself, and I shall be quite glad to have it raised again, unless in the meantime the right hon. Gentleman has satisfied himself by examination that this is not an unreasonable request to make.
There is one argument which the right hon. Gentleman really must not use in future on these matters, and that is that it has been the precedent during the War. If there is one thing on which all Members of the House are satisfied it is that the proceedings which were sanctioned at the beginning of the War are not proceedings in regard to financial matters that we would sanction now. There was every excuse for laxity and haste at the beginning of the War, but we venture to say that there is no excuse now, and that the mere argument that it was done three years ago when the War came unexpectedly upon us is no defence at all.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolution by the Chairman of Ways and Means, Mr. Bonar Law, and Mr. Baldwin.
War Loan Bill
"To make further provision for raising money for the present War; and for purposes incidental thereto," presented accordingly, and read the first time; to be read a second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 87.]
Solicitors (Examination) Bill [Lords]
Order for Second Reading read.
I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a second time."
In making this Motion I should like to say a word or two only, because I hope the House will allow the Bill to pass through all its stages to-night. It was introduced in another place, and is a War measure of the simplest kind. As the law now stands, the Law Society is required to hold three times a year each of the three examinations which a man must pass before he can become a solicitor. Experience shows that owing to the War there is not a sufficient number of candidates to justify the holding of more than two of each of such examinations in a year, and the object of the Bill is to provide that there shall be two instead of three of each of those examinations each year. As a consequence of that provision, it is further provided that the Law Society may permit candidates to enter for their final examination at any time within six months before the, expiration of their articles. The object of that provision is to avoid the hardship which might otherwise arise from the reduction of the number of examinations.
I beg to move, to leave out from the word "That," to the end of the Question, and to insert instead thereof the words, "this House declines to pass a Bill regulating the admission of solicitors until provision has been made for the admission of women to that profession."
No doubt it is very desirable to facilitate the examination of candidates for the profession of solicitor, but I cannot understand why the Government have failed, during war time, to bring in a Bill for the admission of women to that profession. A Bill for that purpose has passed the other House, and we require some explanation of the failure of the Government to put that Bill on the Order Paper. Their failure to carry it through shows a lamentable disregard of what is, in fact, the proper function of the profession of solicitor. The Government are apparently treating the profession from a point of view of the vested interests of those persons who now carry on that profession, whereas that profession ought to be treated, so far as legislation is concerned, solely from the point of view of those who employ solicitors. Will the Solicitor-General explain to the House on what ground during war-time he introduces to this House, as a war measure, a Bill for the purpose of facilitating the examination and admission of men into the profession of solicitor whereas, at the same time, he refuses to introduce a Bill facilitating and legalising the entrance into that profession of women? In present circumstances it is quite likely that in the profession of solicitors, as in every other learned profession, there will be a great shortage.
We know that in the medical profession, as a result of the War, an increasing number of women doctors have come forward to fill the places which, owing to war conditions, have been vacated by men. Precisely the same would be true of solicitors. Many solicitors have gone to the front. In common with other human beings, some of them have been killed, because solicitors are not more immune from German bullets than anybody else. There will naturally be a dearth of solicitors, and why should clients, ordinary laymen, be prevented from having a larger selection of solicitors which would be obtained if women were allowed to enter that profession? It is to the interest of everybody that as many persons as possible should become solicitors. I do not know whether that would affect the present solicitors, but it certainly is to the interest of clients that they should have the largest selection of persons to whom they can go for legal advice. If it is a war measure to facilitate the addition of men to this profession, it must be equally a war measure to facilitate the admission of women. Therefore, before we pass this Bill, we are entitled to know why it is that the Government will not bring forward in this House the measure passed in another place which would allow women that to which they are equally entitled with men, namely, an opportunity of practising their ingenuity and skill in a learned profession, an opportunity which, if granted, would only result in advantage to every person likely to have recourse to the law Courts, because, after all, no one is obliged to employ a solicitor if he does not choose. If all the women in the world were solicitors and a man had a prejudice against employing them he need not do so. He might employ a man, or, better still, keep out of lawsuits altogether. Why, then, should women not become solicitors? Why is the Government not allowing this Bill to come forward? Admittedly for one reason only, because they do not want to interfere with a vested interest. There is nothing else but the desire for a close trade corporation—one of the worst and narrowest trade unions. For that reason only the Bill which passed in another place has not been brought forward in this House, but has been suppressed by the action of the Government. So long as that is so I hope we shall not facilitate the admission of men to the profession of solicitor.
I do not think I can accept that as an Amendment to the Second Reading. It introduces an entirely different topic, which is contained in another Bill now before Parliament. The hon. Member is entitled to move the rejection of the Bill for any reason that he pleases. I think he ought to move that it be read this day three months.
I beg to move to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months."
I regret very much that the hon. and gallant Gentleman (Major Hills) is not here, as this is a subject to which he has paid a great deal of attention, and one on which I think his desires have been harshly dealt with by the Government. I understand from your ruling that although we are not entitled to put this Amendment in the form in which he has put it down, nevertheless we may urge, as a reason for not passing it, the arguments which have been put forward by my bon. Friend (Mr. Holt). This subject of the admission of women to become solicitors is by no means a new one. It has been before Parliament for many years, and the House of Lords, on the proposal of the late Lord Chancellor, after a very considerable Debate, and with the views of both sides very fully put forward, thought it advisable to pass a Bill through that Chamber authorising women to become solicitors. I believe, from what I can gather of the opinion of the House, that this House would pass the same Bill if it only had the chance. The authority that is able to give that opportunity to the House of Commons is His Majesty's Government. Bills which come down from the Lords here can be taken up by the Government, notwithstanding any alterations which have been made in our Standing Orders, and I would strongly urge that the Government should state whether or not they are prepared to take up this Bill which has passed the House of Lords. There will be plenty of time to do it after the Recess, and I think certainly, whatever opposition they may think they would find outside amongst the solicitors themselves, they would find there was no such opposition in this House. The position of women in regard to the law has changed very much during the War. In solicitors' offices women have been employed in many capacities, and there are many solicitors who are using women for practically all the purposes for which they have been hitherto accustomed to make use of the services of male clerks. There is no reason why, if they are qualified, women should not be able to proceed from being clerks and become solicitors with all the rights of solicitors. I strongly press the Government to take advantage of this opportunity in which they ask to be allowed to pass emergency legislation for male solicitors, and undertake to give an opportunity to this House to press forward with the Bill passed by the Lords, in which similar rights are given to women. I join with my hon. Friend in moving the rejection of this Bill, on these grounds.
I join in the appeal to the Government with respect to the Bill which has been passed by the House of Lords. It seems to me very extraordinary that in a reform of this kind the Government should have allowed the House of Lords to go in advance of them. The difficulty in these matters has always been in getting them passed in another place, but with that difficulty overcome, and with a willingness in this House, I cannot understand why the Government have not introduced these two Bills together. They would have got them both. I do not understand why this Bill is not brought forward alongside the other Bill. If the Solicitor-General was going to choose I should have thought that he would have preferred the other Bill. What is the main argument of the Solicitor-General for bringing forward this Bill? It is stated in the Memorandum:
"Owing to the War there is not a sufficient number of candidates at the examinations to justify the holding of more than two of each of such examinations annually."
That is surely a very good reason for opening the examination to women who are anxious to come forward for examination. There would be no dearth of candidates had the opportunity been given to women to come forward. They are taking the places of men in all directions and doing the work of men, and showing that they can do it capably. Speaking as one who is not a solicitor, I should have thought that there was no profession in the world more suited to the capacities of able women than the profession of solicitor. My learned Friend cannot plead that this is merely a war measure because in the last Clause power is given to the Lord Chancellor, with the consent of the Master of the Rolls, to extend this measure for such longer period as he may by Order allow. We know who the Lord Chancellor is, but we do not know who will be the Master of the Rolls. This Bill is to remain in force during the War and for a year after the termination of the War, and power is further put into the hands of these two men to prolong the Bill indefinitely. Therefore, it cannot be pleaded that this is a war measure. I think it is a very extraordinary measure. This House has not hitherto been unfriendly to the claims of women. In the matter of the Reform Bill the House has shown what its will is. Here is a profession pre-eminently suited to women, and the House of Lords has given up a lead in the matter. I do not know why the Government have not brought in the two Bills together. I do not see how they can get all the stages of the Bill to-night. We have not had an opportunity of considering it, not even those of us who are determined that the claims of women shall not be ignored by this House. This has been brought in unexpectedly, and I am sure that if the House was really aware of it, the Government would not be allowed to do it. It is very difficult for us to allow this Bill to go through now if we can prevent it. If the House were aware of what the Government were doing they would not allow it to be done. Therefore I urge my right hon. and learned Friend not to insist on getting the whole of the stages to-night, but to let the House have time to think over the matter, and see whether the Government will act in the manner suggested.
I shall certainly not insist on getting all the stages of the Bill to-night. I would not if I could, and I could not if I would. But in view of what has been said, it is necessary to distinguish between two things. The object of the Bill is perfectly simple, modest, and necessary. The Law Society at present is bound to hold every year three preliminary examinations, three intermediate examinations, and three final examinations. The object of the Bill is to get rid of that necessity, and to permit the Law Society to have as few as two of each of these examinations. No doubt there is much to be said for the view of those who desire that women should be admitted to the profession of solicitor. But it does not appear to me that their particular cause is advanced by the mere opposition which is offered to this Bill, because even if women were admitted to the profession, it might nevertheless be a great convenience and a great saving of expense to have no more than two of each kind of examination each year. I hope that the cause which is exemplified in the Bill for the admission of women to the profession is not going to be prejudiced by mere antagonism to this measure, which, on its merits, I should have thought is a reasonable and proper measure, whatever may be done in the other matter. It has been said that the fair course would have been to bring in with this Bill the Bill that has passed through all its stages in another place. My right hon. Friend may not have had present to his recollection this fact, that the further Bill of which, we have heard was not a Government measure. It was a private Bill, and it does not in the least follow because it is desired to relieve the Law Society of the necessity of holding so large a number of examinations, that therefore the Government is bound to support in this House the other measure. I am anxious not to say a word to prejudice that measure, but it is important to distinguish the two, and to judge this Bill on its merits and on its merits alone. In regard to the last Clause, I submit that it is obviously a provision relating to the War. The Act is to continue in force not only during the War, but for twelve months afterwards, and if experience shows the utility of it, and the Law Society thinks that the period should be further extended, then, with the consent of the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls, the smaller number of examinations may continue to be held during such longer period. I should have thought that that was a most reasonable provision. I trust that both to-night and upon any subsequent discussion the merits of this Bill will be considered by themselves, and that the Bill is not going to be prejudiced in any way by the views which hon. Members may hold on what, after all, is quite a different matter.
I am very sorry that the Solicitor-General has not given my hon. Friend and right hon. Friend some better assurance with regard to the Bill for the admission of women. Nobody objects to this Bill in the slightest, and we are quite willing to oblige the Solicitor-General and the Law Society, because it is apparently at their instigation that the Government are acting in this matter. It is not really a public Bill in the ordinary sense; it is a matter taken up by the Law Society, and it is really a private Bill. If the Government will say now that they will give facilities for the other Bill admitting women to the legal profession, They can have all the stages of this Bill to-night. It is the case that the other matter is of much longer standing. I do not suppose that anybody in the House before to-day knew of this Bill or the grievance it is seeking to remedy, but the question of the admission of women to the legal profession is a long-standing grievance and has been before this House again and again. The Government have been asked more than once to give facilities for the measure admitting women to the legal profession, and they have been refused. There is really a very strong case for the Solicitor-General to delay at any rate any proceedings on this Bill until he has had an opportunity of reconsidering the question with regard to the other Bill. I notice that the memorandum says that if the examinations are reduced to two, the candidates whose articles expire in a term during which no examination is held will be prejudiced by the delay. That seems to be the whole reason for this Clause. What about those women who have been preparing for years to enter the profession? Surely their case has been prejudiced by the delay of years, whereas even the hardest case here is only a matter of a few months. The memorandum also says that owing to the War there is not a sufficient number of candidates. Why not admit these women who are qualified to do the work, and who everyone admits are just as capable of doing it as men? I appeal to the Solicitor-General to recognise that the women have a. strong claim to enter this profession, from which alone they are barred. I think the Government should really consent to the adjournment of this Debate so that the Solictor-General may consult his colleagues about the other Bill that is still before the House.
I desire very heartily to support the appeal for the adjournment of the Debate on this Bill until a promise is given that facilities will be afforded during the present Session for taking up the Bill now in another place. The Solicitor-General has reminded us that the Bill in another place is not a Government Bill, and that therefore they are not bound to take it up in this House. But I Submit that the Government, as represented by the Solicitor-General, do not seem to realise what an enormous difference there will be in the position of women. They have given hearty consent to women having the vote, and I think they should also give women facilities to practice in a profession for which many of them are admirably qualified. I urge the adjournment of this Debate until the Government has had some further consideration of the desirability of taking up the Bill in another place.
Surely it is not fair on a Bill of this kind which deals entirely with a great public body and which is not a private Bill in the ordinary sense to raise another question of long standing and one which has agitated legal circles for years. The Law Society in carrying on these examinations for the admission of properly qualified persons to discharge the duties of solicitors is performing a great public duty, and in war-time, when it is the desire of everyone to cut down expenses, what is the use of mixing up the question of the admission of women to that profession? Many of us may be in favour of a proposal of that kind, but surely it is far better in the interests of that cause that it should be considered entirely separate from what is a mere matter of rendering easier and cheaper the performance of a great public duty by a great public body.
I hope that the Government will not yield to the blandishments of a section of this House who have taken the opportunity of advocating the admission of women as solicitors. I cannot conceive a more ill-timed suggestion on a matter which must be one of thorny debate and difference of opinion, and especially in this time of war when the solicitors' profession almost to a man are fighting for their country, than that the opportunity should be taken to advocate a great change in the law of that kind. It seems to me that the hon. Member for Hexham (Mr. Holt) went out of his way to make a most unwarranted attack on the solicitors' profession. He referred to a close borough which seemed to come very unkindly indeed from a combination such as the hon. Gentleman indulges in with blue funnels, and red funnels, and other kinds of funnels, and a combination only got together by capitalism and not got together by education. It seems to me to be a most unwarranted attack, and I should not like it to go forth to the world that there is no one here ready to advocate the case of the solicitors who are fighting the battles of their country. Surely, in fairness and justice to a body of men who are doing such magnificent work for their country, such interference at a time like this should not be tolerated by this House. I raise my voice in protest that on a Private Bill brought in in another place that its advocates here should take this opportunity of fostering their views, especially at a time like this of stress and strife and on a Bill which would be hotly contested in the ordinary course of business.
11.0 P.M.
I am considerably disappointed with the reply of the Solicitor-General. His argument was that this Bill has been brought in because there are far too few candidates to present themselves for examination. It is our object to assist him in that matter and to increase the number of candidates coming forward by admitting women. The right hon. Gentleman will not argue, I suppose, that he thinks that women are too good to become solicitors. He is quite prepared to agree that they should become doctors or that they should be allowed to invade every other profession, but he surely does not think that women are too good to be solicitors or even barristers? I strongly object to power being taken out of the hands of the House of Commons and placed in the hands of the Lord Chancellor, and the Master of the Rolls. I do not think that we ought to part with our power in any way, and whatever happens I hope that the latter portion of the Clause will be deleted when we come to consider the matter further. We are going to add to the electorate of this great country something like 6,000,000 or 8,000,000 women, and surely there can be no objection to adding a few women to this very respectable and learned profession. In view of these various facts, I beg to move, "That the Debate be now adjourned."
I beg to second the Motion.
My recollection may be somewhat at fault, but I understood that, if the further stages were not asked for to-night, there would be no difficulty in getting the Second Reading of the Bill. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]
I did not quite hear the hon. and learned Gentleman's remarks, but we want to know, if we allow this Bill to go through, whether the hon. and learned Gentleman, on behalf of the Government, will give an undertaking that the other matters—
The Question is, "That the Debate be now adjourned." Perhaps the hon. Member will confine his remarks to that.
What we desire to know is whether before we adjourn the Debate the right hon. Gentleman can give an assurance that the Government will give facilities for the judgment of the House on the other Bill. If we get that assurance we do not wish to adjourn the Debate. We only wish for the assurance that the Government will give the House an opportunity of expressing its opinion.
Do we understand that if the right hon. Gentleman gets the Second Reading he will not attempt to go further to-night?
Yes.
I take it that after the discussion which has taken place he will also consult with his colleagues about the possibility of bringing in the other Bill this Session and passing it? I will not object to the Adjournment if some such consideration takes place.
I will certainly consult my colleagues. But I can give no assurance.
In that case I should say, personally, I think the House ought not to object to take the Second Reading.
I hope we are not to take it, from the remarks of the Solicitor-General, that a highly contentious Bill is to be brought forward at this late period of the Session? Having regard to the promise made that this Bill should receive a Second Reading to-day, I am sorry that there should have been any discussion on the particular matter referred to, and arranged by the two Whips on the other side to engender opposition. [HON. MBMBERS: "No, no!"]
Question, "That the Debate be now adjourned," put, and negatived.
Amendment negatived.
Main Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a second time, and committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.—[ Mr. J. Hope. ]
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Whereupon Mr. SPEAKER, pursuant to the Order of the House of 12th February, proposed the Question, "That this House do now Adjourn."
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at Five minutes after Eleven o'clock.