I do not propose, in asking the House to Vote the Colonial Estimates, to deal in detail with the position which the Dominions and the Crown Colonies have taken up during this War, not because His Majesty's Government are any the less conscious to-day of the fine part which all parts of the Empire have played in this great conflict, but because really the part that they have played requires no description in this House. The part that our Dominion troops have taken in this War is well known to the House, and, above all people in the world, it is well known to our enemies. They have made their mark. Whether they come from Canada, Australia or New Zealand, South Africa or Newfoundland, they have made their mark, and have shown themselves worthy of the best traditions of the British Army, and greater praise than that cannot, I submit, be bestowed upon any soldiers, nor can any soldiers desire to have a finer record than that of the part they have played in many campaigns. On previous occasions the House has been told of the contributions made by the Dominions in men, in munitions, and in money, and that tale is only altered, to-day, to the extent that during the time that has intervened since the last statement was made—those contribu- tions have continued—have, indeed, in many cases, been increased—and the whole volume of support that the Dominions and Colonies of the Empire, during this War, have given is growing, and is steadier in its plane that it has ever been. Not only in these respects, but also in regard to shipping and in other directions, our Dominions have, indeed, taken their full share in the campaigns. There have been criticisms is some quarters in reference to what is called the "mentions"—references in newspapers and elsewhere—of the deeds of Dominion soldiers. It is suggested that there is some attempt made to claim for them a greater share of honours and credit than is claimed for the soldiers of the King who come from this country. I am only competent to speak for those whom, for the moment, I represent, and I say distinctly that if there has been any appearance of undue prominence given to the deeds of these gallant men it has been due to no act of theirs; and, speaking as Colonial Secretary, I would venture to suggest that, if there is to be an alteration, it should not be in the direction of less mention of the deeds of our men from overseas, but rather of increased mention of the men who come from the United Kingdom. In relation to this subject, it is not a question either in regard to the soldiers from overseas or from near at home of any desire of theirs that their deeds should be advertised. I know of no body of men—and I am proud to say that I reckon many of them, of all ranks, amongst my personal friends—who care less for advertising or more dislike having their names brought into public notice than do the gallant men on sea and land who are constantly fighting for us. But it is their due that it should be known what they are doing. There is no desire, I believe, in any way to discriminate between the soldiers of the King and the sailors of the King from whatever part of the Empire they may come, and there is certainly no reason why there should be discrimination as to deeds which are similar, and it is impossible for me or for anybody to attempt to do justice to the part they have played in the campaigns.

It is not only in these respects that our Dominions and Colonies have made their contribution to the War. It has been necessary, as the House knows, to limit the imports into this country, and in con sequence many of our Dominions have suffered severely. I doubt if many hon. Members realise how great has been the sacrifice imposed upon many of our Dominions by the enforcement of those regulations. They have borne and are bearing very heavy expenditure. The figures have been given to the House on previous occasions, and I am not going now to repeat them in their enlarged form. At the same time, when called upon to do so, they have also been called upon in consequence of the new regulations to suffer a very heavy burden in the consequential interference with their trade. It has fallen to my lot, unfortunately, to be not the Minister charged with imposing those regulations, but the post-office through which those regulations have been conveyed to our Dominions. I desire here to bear testimony to the magnificent patience and good-will with which our Dominions have borne those regulations, and have accepted most willingly, though regretfully, this great additional sacrifice which is necessary throughout the whole Empire if a war like this is to be successfully waged. They are doing all in their power in any direction indicated to them, to help the Empire to secure a complete and, as we hope, a speedy victory. The same story may with perfect truth be told of our Crown Colonies. It has been occasionally suggested that they have not been ready to provide all their strength; that they might have found more men than they have done, and the suggestion has been made that in some cases they have not by any means made their full contribution. I beg the House to believe there is no foundation for any criticism of that kind, and may I venture to remind those who are inclined, whether in this House or out of it, to offer criticism of the kind, that they do not always realise the peculiar local conditions of many of our Crown Colonies? In many cases there are comparatively small minorities of people who are responsible for government and for the condition of everyday local affairs, and in many cases you have to deal with natives who are not fit for enlistment, not even for service in Labour Battalions. All those local difficulties have to be examined, and I venture to say carefully examined, before anybody should condemn or criticise the action of those who really have done their part and done it in a way which deserves the gratitude of this House and the country.

In this connection I should like to refer to a matter which I think has a very particular bearing not only upon the part which the Crown Colonies have played in the War, but upon our consideration of all the questions which from time to time affect those great parts of His Majesty's Dominions—I mean to the feeling of the native races towards this country. It is my good fortune to receive from time to time constant testimonies to the admiration for this country and to the loyalty to our King, and to the devotion to our interests entertained by the native races of some of the most distant parts of His Majesty's Dominions. I hope the House will not think I am trespassing unduly on their patience if I read one or two brief messages I have received. I am not now referring to the actual gifts in kind which many of these native races have sent. Some of those are, no doubt, in these days, when we deal with thousands of millions, negligible in their amount, but it is not the amount, it is the spirit in which the gift is tendered, and it is also the relation which the amount bears to the possibilities of those who give which we should bear in mind. I do want the House to realise that among those natives in many, indeed, in all parts of His Majesty's Empire, there is a profound feeling of trust in the British Empire, and a real feeling of loyalty to our Sovereign and to the Empire as a whole, that is proved by language of this kind. This is a message from Marakei, in Gilbert Islands:

Are the natives conscripted?

For local defence in one case, I think; only for local defence, but I am not quite sure, and I should not like my answer to be taken as quite conclusive. But generally speaking, I think it is proof that our Crown Colonies have done their duty, and in their case, as in the case of the Dominions, sometimes with even greater pressure, and, therefore, with greater consequent suffering. Regulations as to imports have caused the utmost possible interference with their daily life and trade. Sometimes they have made almost piteous appeals to me as Secretary of State to do my best to get Regulations altered, and I have done my best, and the Shipping Controller has done his best, but, after all, it is only possible to do certain things. The result has been that in many cases there have been goods lying waiting for transport to this country which cannot be brought, and that naturally means loss to many of those who are engaged in the trade. In these cases of the Crown Colonies, as in the cases of the Dominions, these additional burdens of the War—trying burdens as they are—have been borne with a patience, a resignation, and a good will such as we could not possibly desire a better exhibition of should similar conditions arise elsewhere. The House knows that we are still engaged in the campaign in German East Africa, but I can only say on that one or two things. One is that it is sometimes suggested that that campaign ought to be brought to a more rapid conclusion. It has been my good fortune to follow the past history of that campaign, and present incidents, mostly on the maps, with those who have come back, and in one or two cases with general officers in command. It has been my business, too, since I have been at the Colonial Office, to follow these maps very closely. I thought I had some appreciation of the circumstances. But it is extremely difficult to realise, although I had the personal assistance of those who had just returned, of those who had been responsible, and of those who had taken part in this campaign, how tremendous have been the physical difficulties of that campaign. They have been stupendous! Occasionally we have—it is not, I know, intentional neglect or forgetfulness—but our attention has been so centred on the terrible campaign in Europe which is so close to us—occasionally we have omitted to consider these things—sometimes we have, through inadvertence, failed to give full credit to the commanders, the soldiers, or the natives who were doing the most invaluable work. The heroism of these men has occasionally found passing reference here or in some other places. I am finding no fault with those whose business it is to chronicle what is going on. I realise that what has happened is almost inevitable. But, at all events, we can hear sometimes when we are talking about the War in the country and outside of this House, we can—and will do well to do it—remember what is going on in some of these distant parts, and give our opinion on what these men have done and are doing. The responsibility for this campaign is entirely with the War Office, except in relation to General Northey, in German East Africa. I have been in communication with the authorities to see that everything is done that can be done to provide such comforts as are possible for our troops there. We know and believe that the same is done in regard to the rest of the forces. We know how these comforts have been appreciated and valued by the troops in Europe: of how much greater value will they be and to what greater extent will they be appreciated by the troops fighting under the conditions under which these troops have been fighting in East Africa? Before I leave this subject of our Crown Colonies and Protectorates I want to say a word or two about men to whom reference is seldom or ever made, because few people realise the conditions of their service. The natural tendency of everybody serving the King in whatever capacity in our Dominions and Colonies has been to volunteer for service in France. This is the great ambition of every man, whether he be a civil administrator or a young soldier. The first thing they do on getting leave to come back here is to try and get their leave extended in the hope that they may be given employment in France. That is the one desire of all of them. And here I desire to pay a tribute to the men who have been remaining at their posts under the orders of the Colonial Office in all parts of our Crown Colonies and Protectorates, doing dull and dreary work, very often wholly unknown even to their immediate chiefs, never talked of in this House or in the newspapers; doing work that is essential if the British Empire is to be maintained and our Government upheld. I am not using the language of exaggeration when I say that hundreds of these men are eating their hearts out in their desire to come away and serve in France. They would make efficient and gallant soldiers. But it is my responsibility and my duty, after consulting with the Governors on the spot, to decide as to whether or not these men can be spared. If, as I am advised, they cannot be spared, I have to say "No." They deserve all the credit we can give them here for the quiet endurance with which they are performing difficult tasks and bearing the bitter dis- appointment which they have to bear in not being permitted to take part as soldiers in the great campaign.

May I venture, here, with the utmost respect, but with great earnestness, to say a word of warning to my hon. Friends in this House and outside of it? I often receive letters asking me specially to consider the case of this or that officer—to give him extension of leave and allow him to get a permit for France. These officers of the Colonial Office are forbidden by the terms of their service to use any influence or make any effort of the sort indicated. Whether their friends and relations are aware of these regulations I do not know, but the friends and relatives do make these attempts on their behalf. I do not think, at all events, that Members of this House would do it if they realised the extraordinary hardship and the extraordinary injustice to vast numbers of these men who have no influential friends, and do not know Members of Parliament; who have nobody in high quarters to write on their behalf, and, therefore, have to live their lives without getting any of this help. If I were to listen to the petitions of people of high standing in this country on behalf of those in whom they are interested, and accede to their request, I should do a monstrous injustice to the others. I would most earnestly appeal, particularly to Members of this House, to accept for themselves the rule which I have to follow, and that is, that it is not the character of the man that is in question. Why, Sir, I have seen scores of these men—the very best material that you want for fighting men—who are longing, not to go back to some distant Protectorate or Colony, but to go over to France. Of course, they are suited in every respect, but to give them these opportunities, because they have special advantages, and to deny those opportunities to the hosts of other men who have no such powerful friends, would be to do a thing no Secretary of State could contemplate for a single instant.

It would be a great help if those who make these appeals would bear in mind what I have ventured to say, and will assist the Colonial Government and the Colonial Secretary by explaining that each must take his chance, and, if it is possible for the Government of the Colony in question to spare the man's services, he will be spared. In some cases I have thought it my duty to make use of extra pressure, for the reason that it may well be that in the case of the man on the spot—although I am, as a rule, inclined to trust the man on the spot, rather than interfere with him—yet, in some cases the local pressure, the local anxiety, may be so great that he is afraid to release more men, and sometimes I have had to interfere, and to take action myself, but that has only been after the most careful consideration—after discussing the matter with the Governor. I can assure the House that I do not allow a man to be kept in Colonial service who can be spared, and who, I think, would be of assistance to the Empire by joining the forces in France or elsewhere. On the other hand, the Government of our Crown Colonies and Protectorates has to be maintained, and I appeal to the House to help me in the performance of what is a difficult and necessarily a difficult task.

Will my right hon. Friend kindly tell us what number of men have been contributed by Malta and Cyprus for military service—either for combatant service or labour battalions?

I could not tell my hon. and gallant Friend off-hand, but I can tell him this, that I have been in constant communication with the Governors of Cyprus and Malta, and I am perfectly satisfied that in all cases of men who can be spared, they have been sent for this purpose, and in neither case has Malta or Cyprus been able to send more men who would be available for fighting or labour purposes, than have been sent already. I could not give the numbers, but I have gone most carefully into the matter on different occasions, and I can give him the assurance that there is no ground for complaint of any kind

I am not talking of officials, but of inhabitants.

I quite understand that.

Can the Military Service Act be applied there?

I do not think so. Does my hon. and gallant Friend ask whether it could be applied there?

No—whether it can be?

It cannot be applied, of course, without special enactment, but I do not think it would be desirable. I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend the question has not escaped my notice, and I am not speaking without a full recollection of all that has passed between the Governors of Malta and Cyprus and my self and the Colonial Office. So much for our Dominions and Crown Colonies. I do not think I need say more of them at this moment in relation to this subject. I must refer very briefly to a Commission and a Committee which has reported since this Vote was last under discussion—that is the Dominions Royal Commission, presided over by Lord D'Abernon, which has presented a voluminous Report, long ago in possession of this House and country. It only remains for me to say that we are indebted to Lord D'Abernon and his colleagues for all the hard work they did, and he is to be congratulated on having presented a unanimous Report, which, I hope, the House will study carefully, for I am quite sure they will find that their patience and their industry will be fully rewarded.

One of the first duties which I had to perform was to appoint a Committee to-deal with the question of the settlement of ex-Service men, and that Committee-presided over by Lord Tennyson, has also, I am glad to say, presented a unanimous Report, and that is the more a subject for congratulation inasmuch as on that Committee were representatives of all our self-governing communities. It was a very-large Committee, so large that I myself had grave misgiving as to whether it would be possible for it to do its work, but the work has been admirably done. The Committee was appointed only in-January or February. It has now reported, also unanimously, and, I venture to say, has made very admirable suggestions. For my part, I rejoice that it has adopted the view I have always endeavoured to advance in this House and out of it, namely, that whatever our views: may be, we must recognise that it is a part of our practical politics, and I hope, in all our legislation or actions dealing with this question, we shall make one-little alteration, and that is, we shall talk of it as "migration" and not "emigration." There is something in connection with the word "emigration" which is distasteful. It is by many people regarded almost as synonymous with exile, and it condemns work of this kind almost before it has been considered, and I cannot see why we should not call it migration for all time.

I rejoice that amongst other recommendations the Committee has made is that of a central body, because whatever our views may be of migration—some are in favour of it, and some have a great dislike of it—all of us who live in the United Kingdom agree that we desire, to the best of our ability, to keep the best of our men here; but, whatever may be our views, I venture to say this, that we must face the fact that a certain number of both men and women mean to migrate to different parts of the British Empire, and, if they mean to do so, we cannot, and ought not to, prevent them, and we ought to give them the best possible facilities, the utmost guidance, and there ought to be here the easiest means to ascertain, not only whether it is best for them to go, but how best to get there, under what conditions, and, generally speaking, give them all the guidance they require. Those are two of the recommendations which this Committee make, and they are, I think, well worth the attention of Parliament. I ought to say that we are very much indebted also to the members of this Committee, because, although their work did not last so long, and of course was not so laborious, yet, as the question was very pressing, they sat continuously, at a great deal of personal inconvenience to busy men, and I am sure the House will endorse my words of gratitude for the services of great value which they have rendered the country.

4.0 P.M.

Since the Colonial Estimates were last under consideration the Imperial War Conference has met, and it would, of course, be wholly improper of me not to say something about that Conference and the work it has done. Owing to the demands of the War the Prime Minister was unable to preside over the Conference, as is the general practice, and consequently it fell to my lot to preside over all the meetings of the Conference from the beginning to the end. Naturally I appreciated very greatly the honour which fell to my lot to preside over a gathering of that kind so soon after I had gone to the Colonial Office, and I look back upon it with feelings of unalloyed pleasure and gratification. It was a real lesson in the way in which Imperial responsibilities are to be borne and realised by us, and I at all events shall never forget the experience that I gained during that Conference. Of course it was a matter of great regret to us all that the great Dominion of Australia was unable to send a representative. The Government of Australia were not in a position to nominate a representative, and we all expressed our very great regret at the absence of any representative of that great Dominion. We all rejoiced that one great step was made in that Conference, and that was the inclusion of India amongst the representatives of the Empire. This is the first time the Indian Empire has sent direct representatives to a conference, and this made it an Imperial Conference for the first time in the truest sense of the word. The presence of the Indian representatives was warmly welcomed by our representatives from Overseas, and their contribution was in many instances of the utmost value. Not only was their contribution of great value, but I am quite sure that their presence round the table, with our representatives from Overseas, did a great deal to remove misconceptions and to pave the way for the settlement of differences which had existed between the Overseas Dominions and India and different parts of the British Empire. I hope that one result of this will be to find a modus vivendi in regard to the difficult question of labour provided by India for some of our Crown Colonies. This was discussed among other questions. We had a committee which went very fully into it, and we have now come to some conclusion, of which I have approved, and I hope this may lead to an improvement in that very important question of providing labour for some of our Crown Colonies.

At that Conference we passed a good many resolutions, and when the Conference had concluded, or rather was drawing to a conclusion, and I was discussing with the representative of our Overseas Dominions what we had done, I found that the most frequent remark made to me was: "I hope you are not going to let the work we have done and the Resolutions we have passed be pigeon-holed and nothing come of them." I assured them that, at all events, so far as I could exercise my influence and could command what was done, I would take care that every effort was made to give as early effect as possible to the Resolutions passed by the Conference. That is my firm determination. It is obvious that some of them can only be dealt with after the War is over. Some of them it is impossible even to commence negotiations upon of a practical kind at this moment. Some of them we have already been able to deal with. Of course, the question of India we have now put on a firm footing. There is the question of soldiers graves in the different areas of the War, a subject which I rejoice we were able to deal with as we did, and I should like to say what valuable and sympathetic help we received from the Adjutant-General, Sir Neville Macready, and Brigadier-General Fabian Ware, who have devoted themselves to this work, and I am proud to be able to say that now, owing to the initiation of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, a Commission has been established whose business it is to care for the graves where our gallant dead lie, and I know that already, in every case where it has been possible, the most admirable arrangements have been made, and many of those resting places to-day are as peaceful and beautiful as anything you can find in the United Kingdom. I am sure that is work which will meet with the universal approval of this House and the country. All these Resolutions have been public. They deal with such matters as the constitution of the Empire, and the development and control of our national resources. We also dealt with the control of imports after the War, and we passed a Resolution which I will read to the Committee. It runs as follows: Departments concerned, and he has asked me to preside over that Committee. He has entrusted us with the duty of inquiring into and reporting upon the best methods and machinery by which to give effect to the Resolution. I need hardly say this is not a very easy or a light task, but it is one which I am confident that the Government ought to approach, and we ought to at once begin examining it, so as to find the best method and machinery for the purpose. This, at all events, is an earnest of what I have already said, that we do not intend these Resolutions to lie in the pigeon-holes, and that we are taking all the steps we can to give effect to them so far as it is possible to take any steps while the War is going on.

I believe myself that the result of the Imperial War Conference will have been to strengthen our hands in the prosecution of the War, and to help us to take such steps as are necessary when the War is over that we may be able to take full advantage of the lesson we have learned and make the Empire stronger and more powerful than she was when we went to War three years ago. I can say myself that the whole of the discussions in the Conference were carried on in the same spirit of toleration and generosity, and every representative of the Overseas Dominions, and every Minister from over the sea showed the same high patriotism and unselfish desire to promote the general interests of the Empire. I will take two subjects only. Nothing struck me so much as the determination of each representative of our Dominions not to dogmatise or attempt to lay down the law, or to say this and that must be done. What they really desire is that we should realise how strong their feeling is, and that we should realise that their feelings do not originate in any desire for increased territory or in questions of that kind, but solely from the desire that, after this War, the peace shall be such as to secure the ultimate peace of the world and the security of the British Empire. These are the sole motives that have moved them, and it was in this sense that they pressed their views and argued whenever occasion offered.

I think the knowledge we have in our possession which I referred to at the beginning of my remarks of the past efforts of our Dominions and Crown Colonies, the experience of our Imperial War Conference, all go to show that at this supreme moment in our national history the whole Empire is one, and is prepared to stand together and use all its resources to make a combined effort in order that victory may be attained, and that that victory may be of a complete and final character. That was the sole desire of the representatives of our Dominions who have been here, and they have given ample proof of it by the part they have played in this War, and I am very proud to be for the moment the mouthpiece in this House of our great Overseas Possessions, whether self-governing or Crown Colonies, and to be able to say, on their behalf, as I do with the utmost confidence, that the spirit which led them to take part in this War shows that they regarded it as their war, and not ours alone, in which they have their share, just as much as we have ours. That spirit obtains to-day, and it is more buoyant and stronger than ever. That is the spirit which will bring this War to a successful conclusion, so that we may build, as a result of it, a peace that will endure for ever.

Will the Committee report before the end of the Recess?

I cannot possibly say.

I am sure the House has listened with much pleasure to the interesting statement upon Colonial administration made by the right hon. Gentleman, and more particularly his eloquent tribute to the loyalty and patriotism of the native inhabitants of the British Empire, who have every confidence in the justice and integrity of our rule. I want to take this opportunity to urge upon the Government the necessity of appointing a Commission to inquire into the resources of the Crown Colonies and our Dependencies. I know the time we have is limited, and I shall not dwell at any length upon the necessity of increasing the supply of raw materials for this country. Before the War the demand for raw materials by our manufacturers was enormous. We have vastly increased our capacity for output, and, as far as I can see, there has been as yet no inquiry as to how that power of production is to be supplied with raw material. It is quite evident that our rate of recovery after this War will depend, first of all, upon the supply of raw material and the rate at which we can make the manufactured article. It is true we were told the other day that there was to be a committee on oils and fats. The country does not want small secret inquiries by committees composed of Heaven knows who. It wants a regular Royal Commission composed of men who will be able to rise above the narroy commercial points of view and take a broad survey of these questions, and who will be capable of appreciating the intimate connection between a high rate of production and human welfare.

There is great similarity between the problem at home and abroad—between white labour and coloured labour. The Whitley Report acknowledged that if you wish to get a high rate of production you must recognise the humanity of the workers. It is the same with regard to black labour. If you wish to get a high rate of production, you must first of all discard all ideas of coercion or cajolery. You must frankly recognise that the native, whether he is black or brown, is a citizen of this great Commonwealth and has the same right to be treated as a citizen of the Commonwealth as the white man. I say this advisedly, because there has been an attempt, not only inside this House but outside this House, to revive old ideas and old discarded theories which are plainly opposed to the modern spirit of the British Empire. You have advanced the idea that the Colonies and the Dependencies are to be treated as estates of the Crown. Inasmuch as we have spent a great deal upon our Army and Navy, we are entitled to exact contributions from the inhabitants of our Crown Colonies and Dependencies. You also have advanced the. theory that the natives in West Africa, for instance, are too lazy and too ignorant to cultivate their property properly, and that the native rights should be no longer recognised but that the land should be taken away from them and handed over to large concessions, who will employ the natives as labourers and contribute large profits to the Imperial Exchequer. I need not ask the Colonial Secretary whether he approves of this idea or not, because I am perfectly sure that he and the Under-Secretary will agree with me that it is quite impossible for the Government of this Empire to embrace these theories or to pursue this policy without deep dishonour to itself and without throwing the whole of the African Continent into a turmoil of suspicion and unrest. I do not for a moment deny that there are large tracts in the hinterland which are unoccupied and which are capable of considerable improvement, but I suggest that this is a point into which this Commission might very properly inquire to ascertain how much of this land could be taken over and developed on the plantation system without injury to the native rights and to their own ideas and customs.

I advance most clearly and most definitely the proposition that there is no surer way of killing the goose that lays the golden egg than to destroy the confidence of the African native in the integrity of our rule. There is no better proof of what confidence in the mind of the native will do than the phenomenal increase of production in West Africa, where the rights of the natives to their land is frankly recognised by the Government. Ordinances have declared that the lands, whether occupied or unoccupied, are all native lands. They are the property of the natives, and the Governor holds them in trust for the natives alone and entirely for their benefit. What has been the result? You have a phenomenal increase of production both on the Gold Coast and in Nigeria. About twenty years ago the Gold Coast, I believe, only sent one bag of cocoa of the value of £4. Now their exports, I believe, are worth over £4,000,000. The exports of edible oil, oil nuts, and seed from Nigeria are now worth from £7,000,000 to £8,000,000. If any further evidence is needed of the capacity of the native to produce and of his energy, in spite of the assertion of some people to the contrary, this extract from the annual message of the Governor of the Gold Coast will supply it— argument for educating the native to produce more, to cultivate his land better, and to put it on the market in a better condition. I would put to my right hon. Friend the necessity of this Royal Commission inquiry into whether the capacity of our Dependencies to produce could not be enormously increased by further provision for research. I do not for a moment deny that very good work is being done both in East Africa and West Africa and also in the West Indies by the Agricultural Department, but it would be of enormous benefit to our Colonial Empire if we spent more money on research. We want two agricultural colleges, one in the West and one in the East—first of all for the stimulation of research; secondly, to train young Englishmen to go out to our Crown Colonies and to settle down as producers themselves; and, thirdly, to train a large staff of young Englishmen who could go out and act as agricultural instructors and who could in turn educate the natives. I do most strongly urge that research is the basis of all progress in agriculture, whether it is at home or in Africa or in India. The House will be interested to hear of the enormous progress that has been made, for instance, in India in this respect. In 1901 Lord Curzon established a college of research, and it is interesting to note that it was established by the aid of Mr. Phipps, a citizen of Chicago, who gave £30,000 towards it. Already the OFFICIAL REPORT says that the value of the agricultural products of India has been thereby increased by over £3,000,000. A great scientist, Mr. Howarth, and his wife discovered a new wheat which was rustproof and strong in its straw, with the consequence that the production per acre has increased by Rs.16, and it is estimated that the agricultural wealth of India will be increased by £5,000,000 a year. It is the same with regard to cotton. Wonderful work has been done in fixing seeds of native kinds and producing cotton for the use of the Lancashire markets. If we are going to develop our resources properly, the first thing we should do is to spend money upon research. I have given proof of the wonderful increase of production that has been brought about in India, and I suggest that a similar increase could be brought about in Africa and the West Indies by the same means.

The Commission should also inquire into the question of labour. The right hon. Gentleman did say something about it; but there is, I believe, a dearth of plantation labour all over the British Empire. This Commission should try to discover a scientific system for the supply of labour. You have the same differences of ideals in Africa as you have at home. Some people advocate the mechanical theory, and some people advocate the human theory. For instance, in British East Africa, before the War, a Commission inquired into the supply of labour. On the one hand you had people saying that the proper way to get native labour was to cut down the reserves and place a heavy poll tax upon the native and force him out to work; and, on the other hand, you had people pointing out that if you got the confidence of the native, and treated him properly, you would have no difficulty in getting a proper supply of natives, as was proved by the fact that those who did follow that policy had no difficulty. The right hon. Gentleman has said that there the problem had arisen, and asked what was to be done when Indian indentured labour comes to an end, as it undoubtedly must, soon after the War? That is a question into which the Commission might well inquire, namely, What is the proper policy for getting us a proper supply of labour? Are we going to follow the old methods of cajolery and coercion or treat the native and the Indian as a potential citizen and a potential settler? Another point into which the Commission might inquire is whether it would not be possible to get an adequate supply of labour by treating the native as a potential citizen and allowing him, after he has served, say, three or five years on a contract, an opportunity of bringing over his wife and family and settling down and becoming a producer himself. The experiment has been tried in the West Indies Toy Mr. Lamont, and it would be very interesting to know whether it has been a success and whether it is possible to extend that system. It would also be very interesting to know what is the secret of the enormous production of rice by Indian natives in British Guiana. I am told that they supply the whole continent of America with their rice. We should like to know whether that system is not capable of extension by British Indians and other natives in other parts of our Empire, which are now being supplied by indentured and contract labour. In conclusion, I would strongly urge that all attempts to put our great Empire upon a commercial basis and to ring it round with tariffs, that none of these devices will be so potent to increase the production or to increase the loyalty of our fellow citizens of this great Empire as a generous policy of recognising the humanity of the workman himself.

I desire to follow the Noble Lord (Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck) in his main contentions, but before turning to that subject perhaps I may be allowed to say a word with regard to the reference made by the Secretary of State for the Colonies to our Dominions and Dependencies and the splendid part which they have played in the War. I am quite sure that the right hon. Gentleman was only speaking the mind of the whole House in his warm testimony to the sacrifices which they have made. I hope that his words will be read all round the world, and will give satisfaction to those of whom he spoke. He made some reference to the distribution of news as to the German East African Expedition. I may say that, if permission had been granted by the Censor, the difficulties of that undertaking would have been much better appreciated by the public. Those difficulties are indeed untold, and are almost unbelievable. When the true story is told there will be no greater story in this War than that of the expedition there. I have reason to know, from private information I have had the opportunity of seeing, that it merits everything which the right hon. Gentleman has said.

As to the loyalty of the native races, it must be a matter of great pride to the British nation that their feeling towards the native has had this response in this time of trial. No greater mistake was made by Germany, who has made many mistakes in regard to the psychology of other people, than in her expectation of native disorders throughout our Empire. I should like to join with the right hon. Gentleman in paying credit to those men who have now to stop in their posts when their hearts really are here. I take his rebuke to a certain extent to myself for having endeavoured to get one useful servant away from his position. I am very glad to say, after hearing what the right hon. Gentleman has said, that I did not succeed, because I believe he is doing very good work now in one of the African Colonies, and is sticking to his post in difficult circumstances. The House owes it to those natives who have proved themselves so loyal to think very deeply of their future and with all possible foresight when peace returns.

I desire to speak specially with regard to the subject of the natives of our tropical and sub-tropical Dependencies. Owing to the large number of subjects which are before the House to-day, I will confine myself entirely to that. We have at home a Reconstruction Ministry. I suppose that the right hon. Gentleman is the head of a Reconstruction Ministry for the Empire, particularly in regard to our Dependencies which are not self-governing. I suggest to him that he might receive assistance if he had a Construction or Development Commission to take up some of the subjects which must be attacked immediately peace comes, in regard to which he would have to be almost superhuman if he were able to give his attention to them as well as carrying on his great Department in the midst of this great War. The object of such a Commission would be to investigate the methods of increasing the welfare of the inhabitants, and the productivity of the natural resources of all these lands. There are the subjects of education, health, land, land systems and produce. Although it seems a large programme, I do not suggest that we should have a Commission which would occupy five years in taking evidence and take another two or three years to report. We do not want a sort of "Encyclopædia Britannica" of the British Empire. The idea in the minds of the Noble Lord and myself is a working Commission which would be practical and immediate, and which would take a long-sighted view of the things that must be done next. There is not less but more necessity for selection in consequence of this great War, and we must select the most important services in view of the resources which have been destroyed. We have not more resources but fewer resources for new work. Take the subject of health. I am quite aware that a great deal has been done in regard to the study of tropical diseases. How is that being applied? Is it being applied generally throughout the whole of our Colonies? The death rates vary very much. In the South African mines, although they are very dangerous and were very destructive, the death rate has been brought down to 40. That is sufficiently high, but still it is a great improvement. In the East Indies immigration plantation the death rate is 80, British Guiana 28, Honduras 22, Trinidad 20.

That is per 1,000?

Yes; one always speaks of the death rate per 1,000. There is room there for collecting the experience of the whole world and seeing whether systems which answer in one cannot be applied to the others. We are trustees of very many races, with great varieties of temperament and capacity, with definite characteristics belonging to each, and with different stages of development. We have traditional systems of tribal rule, which vary, and also land customs. In dealing with all these races we ought, as far as possible, to respect these native customs and systems. I believe it has been the great difference between our government of natives and that of others that we have endeavoured to respect them. That is certainly a right system, and I hope it will be further developed and that we shall apply it to others. Land is, as everywhere else, a basic problem. I am very jealous in regard to the alienation of tracts of land, especially to aliens—although, of course, the land cannot be removed from under our flag—even if those aliens are now Allies or neutrals, and to international companies. It would be advisable for us to have this inquiry into the system of native production, referred to by the Noble Lord, with respect to the land system of the natives, as compared with the system which involves seizing their lands and merely exploiting them and driving them into native reserves. Where the tenure is most secure the output of vegetable products is generally most abundant.

I suggest that the Northern Nigeria system, under which the ownership of all the lands is vested in the inhabitants, and under which native law and custom govern alienation, is the soundest system which has yet been evolved in British Colonial practice. There is least room there for predatory exploitation and most for native development. How far can that be developed in other Colonies? Of course, if you work through the native who is not very highly developed in civilisation, you meet with disadvantages which are very patent at once. The Noble Lord referred to them. There is room for improved methods of production, and particularly for improved methods of shipping. I have sometimes even heard criticisms of our own English farmers with regard to the methods by which they market their goods, so I suggest that we should be rather lenient in looking at the faults of the natives in that regard, and that we should endeavour by a system of inspection to cure them. It may be necessary to consider advances for machinery. I understand that a Committee has been set up to deal with the question of the cotton products of the Empire. That is a subject on which I have spoken several times, and I have been rather disappointed that firmer action has not been taken in the last three or four years in respect to that matter. We shall need all these supplies. We shall, I think, be short of capital for development, so that any system which involves native production and not so much the expenditure of capital from home will be of great advantage to us. Can we, for instance, get more sugar by native production in the West Indies and the South Pacific? Again, there is rice, which is being produced in British Guiana owing to the initiative of the Indian immigrants there. There are also other things that we desire, the development of which can be considered. The subject of emigration or migration has been mentioned. We want to inquire into the system of true migration—not the mere movement of labour back and forth across the ocean, but the real settlement of industrious races where there is land not suited for white settlement and which can be really settled by taking the surplus from some of the more densely-populated parts of our Empire to those which are sparsely populated.

Possibly the question of the education of the natives is the most important. I do not know that that has been very directly tackled by the Government. Have those efforts which have been made not been rather too literary? Do not we need to train the native races rather than to teach them to read and write? Of course, the capacity of the natives, and how we can develop it, is an essential factor. Have we any definite system? Are the variations in the several Colonies deliberate? In some Colonies, for instance, there is comparatively little attention paid to agriculture, and in others you have a Government Grant for agriculture and industry. What positions are we preparing the natives for? In some of the tropical countries, undoubtedly, in positions of trust and oversight we shall have to use the natives. The tropics require native forestry officers and agricultural experts, overseers and accountants. We need to link up education to the industry and daily life of the population in order that we may develop the capacity of the races as well as of the soil. There are very many altruistic societies which are giving more attention to these matters than the Government bodies. In addition to their religious objects, with which we have sympathy, they are also seeking to give education adapted to the economic conditions and environment of the natives. They have medical missions and hospitals, which are amongst the most splendid civilising influences in the world. There is one rather singular fact which has been brought out by the War, and that is the work of the German missionaries in British territories is represented by 700,000 Christians and a great deal of educational work. That, of course, includes India. I am personally glad to know that these missionaries have been treated with kindness and consideration by the British authorities in every place. I wonder what is to be the fate of their schemes?

There is, I think, undoubted room for inquiry by this Development Commission, by Members of this House, and men acquainted with our various Colonies and who are not dominated by commercial ambitions only. I should like with the Noble Lord (Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck) to emphasise the human side as the most important in the development of this part of our Empire. In our dealings with these dependent races the most important thing is to seek a foundation of justice on which to build a new civilisation. If the House will permit me to apply the words with humility and sincerity, I would say here, indeed, we must seek first the Kingdom of God and his righteousness in our dealing with these dependent races. The War has produced a great ferment in the black world. How many of them have died in our service and what did their tribes think they died for? I recently heard two men of a black race address an audience. They were fluent, visionary, and full of race consciousness, but they showed ambitions for their race which were similar to those of races which have had centuries of contact with civilisation. The energies of these men, who have obtained some sort of education, ought to be used in social and not in political directions for the benefit of their own race. They ought to be studying botany, chemistry, and zoology and not politics.

Schemes which will merely exploit the native races and lands will not benefit the Empire ultimately, whatever Stock Ex-change successes they may bring. These lands are in our charge, and they need the wise physician and the prudent prospector. The need of the physician is the quack's opportunity. I hope we shall consider very carefully before we adopt any scheme which is not founded upon justice to the natives. I do not propose to follow the right hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary into his announcement of the examination of schemes for methods of preference. I consider that development is more important than preference. It is not so full of difficulties and dangers as an arrangement of monopolies and exclusions which, to be effective, must affect those who are now our closest Allies and who are sharing all our losses and sacrifices—which at least entitles them to equal treatment—and which must also affect neutrals whose friendship is so valuable to us at this time. I hope the Government will consider this suggestion on practical, useful lines.

In the first place, I wish to direct some consideration to the subject of our Empire resources. In connection with these resources, what appears to me to be mainly required is development, production, and then distribution or transportation. I am very much afraid that if an additional Committee or Royal Commission is set up it may rather tend to multiplication of endeavour, and will be rather more embarrassing than if we adhere to some more natural process of bringing about results. As the right hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary pointed out, we have had the great advantage of what is called the Dominions Commission and their Report, which is a most useful production, full of valuable information and of the most sage counsel. I would venture to say that the Report of the Dominions Commission is the most valuable Report presented to this House since the great Report of Lord Durham on Constitutional Government. Let us look for a moment or two at the subjects discussed. The very first recommendation the Commissioners make in the conclusions of their final Report is this, under the heading of "Scientific development of natural resources and lines of future development:" "It is vital that the Empire should, as far as possible, be placed in a position which would enable it to resist any pressure which a foreign Power, or group of Powers, can exercise in time of peace or war in virtue of a control of raw materials and commodities essential to its well-being."

Then they proceed to discuss the question, which the right hon. Gentleman referred to, of migration and the importance of keeping those who choose to leave this country of their own accord in countries under the flag. They also point out the great importance of the increased emigration of women to the Dominions, and they say that at the present time there is no proper sort of provision for emigration in any respect whatever. Further, they urge in this Report the importance of making the best provision possible for those who have paticipated in the War and who may return more or less wounded and needing help. In respect to this latter consideration, the settlement of soldiers on the land at home and in the Dominions abroad, the later Committee set up by the right hon. Gentleman makes most valuable additional suggestions, but as that Report has only just been issued I do not intend to refer to it at length.

Then, again, the Dominions Commission Report makes very valuable suggestions in regard to the question of transportation. They most properly point out that in order that the Empire may have its full supply of the materials it requires you must have the means of carrying the products from the different parts of the world where they are produced to the places where there is a market for them. In that connection they bring out two considerations, one the importance of large and deep harbours and the other the production of long ships of deep draught, and they indicate that there are three great outlets for our exportation and three great seaways for the bringing of the produce of the world, and particularly of our own Dominions, to our shores. They point out that one of these is by way of Halifax, Bermuda, Jamaica, the Panama Canal, and then over the Pacific to Jahitti, Auckland, Wellington, Sydney, and Melbourne. That is one route. The second is by the Suez Canal, and the third is the route round the Cape of Good Hope. With regard to all of these they put it down as elementary and essential that the harbours must be produced which the Empire requires, and that it is necessary to have large ships, long ships, and ships of great draught to secure commodities cheaply and regularly. I take the liberty of reading the formal recommendation which the Commission make with regard to this matter. It is very short. They say:

I do not see, however, any announcement made on the part of the Government that any step has been taken in that direction. The suggestion made to-day by the Secretary of State for the Colonies is that a Board or Commission or Committee, in relation to one of the Clauses to which he referred, and which he quoted, forming part of the Report of the Imperial Conference, should be set up; but to this moment, so far as I am aware—and I have been careful to make inquiries—nothing has been done to carry out that important suggestion of the Dominions Commission with regard to an Imperial Development Board.

Now I leave that subject and come to the next subject which the right hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary dealt with—namely, the important work, the all-important work, done by the late Imperial Conference, over which the right hon. Gentleman presided with so much dignity, success, and acceptance, that in the final days of the sittings the conference unanimously passed resolu- tions, most just and complimentary to him, for the great services he had rendered in the Chair, and for the ability with which he conducted the proceedings.

The right hon. Gentleman read one resolution of the conference, a very important one indeed. May I take the liberty, as it is only a sentence, of reading it again? That resolution, passed unanimously, says:

It will be seen that there is no attempt to evade our obligations to our Allies. The declaration here made is strictly in keeping with the conclusions at which the Paris Conference arrived. Subsequently the late Prime Minister announced that the proceedings of the Paris Conference were adopted as the policy of the Government. I do not know whether they are the policy of this Government or not. I hope they are, but I may tell the right hon. Gentleman that I have heard very considerable doubts expressed as to whether the present Government adhere as firmly to the principles set out in the Paris Conference as did the former Government. That may be a mistake, but it appears to me that, inasmuch as this Resolution of the Imperial Conference over which the right hon. Gentleman presided gives affirmation to the principles set out in the Paris Conference, there can be no doubt that it is still the policy of the Government. I am glad to hear that the Government are going to set up a Committee to deal with this particular item. It does is necessary to give effect to the Resoappear to me, with all respect, that all that lution is for the Government to put their own heads together, and do what the late Government intended to do, and what I understand this Government intends to do, that is to themselves devise the machinery and not turn it over to a committee that may sit months and possibly years, and then not come to anything conclusive. We have now a decisive opinion. We have the opinion of the late Government, and apparently of this Government, that this is a thing which should be done, and if it should be done, it should be done now. "The time has arrived," say the Conference, "for action." The late Government was called "the too-late Govern- ment." Let the present Government beware that they do not inherit the title. They were called "the do-it-now Government." Let them do it now. After the general Clause, the preamble, the Conference affirmed the principle that "having slue regard to the interests of our Allies each part of the Empire shall give specially favourable treatment and facilities to the produce and manufactures of other parts of the Empire." What other interpretation can be put upon that than that there must be something in the nature of an Imperial preference. It is under this heading, "Imperial preference," in the Report. Then we have the word "facilities" in the Resolution. That must have some reference to the provision of ships and harbours which are referred to in the Dominions Commission Report. I suggest to the Government that, after the War, one of the greatest necessities of the Empire will be the provision of new shipping and the enlargement of the harbours. If I may refer for one moment to a statement made by the Commission, they say that the total cost of improving harbours and making them adequate for the purposes indicated in the Resolution which I have read, would not cost more than the making of 200 or 300 miles of railway. Now the Dominions of Canada and Australia resolve and pass a Bill for the making of 200 or 300 miles of railway without turning a hair, and this plan for the enlargement of the harbours is one contemplated as a concerted measure between the Mother Country and the Dominions.

I call attention to another Resolution passed by the Conference of equal importance and urgency. Under the heading, "Development and control of natural industries" they say: this subject? Where have we any evidence of the "concerted action" that the Imperial Conference say is necessary? Certainly, unless we include the Food Production Bill by us passed, and to which some people do not give full acceptance, we see very little evidence of any concerted action.

There are two or three other matters referred to in the Report of the Conference upon which I do not intend to enlarge. But one of these is with regard to the double payment of Income Taxes in the Dominions and in the Mother Country, and, if I may be permitted to say so, that is not a question which interests the Dominions alone. It affects more people in the United Kingdom than anywhere else. I call the attention of the right hon. Gentleman to this, that the Dominions, as well as the Mother Country, are heaping up enormous war debts. Those who live in the Dominions, as well as those in the Mother Country, are bearing their respective shares of the taxation imposed upon them. That is serious and heavy enough, but when it comes to the question of persons, in respect of the same income, paying a war tax twice, once in the Dominions and again in the United Kingdom, it is nothing more or les than legalised robbery.

That is not a matter which arises on the Colonial Vote. It arises on the Finance Bill, and would require legislation.

My argument was that it is referred to in the Report to which I have already referred, and I am only pointing out, that my line of argument is that the Government must not be too late, and I am only calling attention to the fact that this subject must be considered.

That is an objection on the Finance Bill, and not on the Vote of the Colonial Office.

Of course, Mr. Speaker, I accept your ruling, and I will take the liberty of referring to it on another occasion.

There is only one subject more I wish to refer to, and I will do so briefly. I know it is urged from time to time that we are preoccupied with the War, and so preoccupied that we cannot deal with other different and difficult subjects. At all events we may do this: We may get scientific men to study these subjects, and get the matter in train, so that we shall be ready, at the moment, to carry out these improvements and developments that are recommended to us by these Commissions. The other subject I wish to refer to is this: The right hon. Gentleman has referred, most properly, to the great services rendered in this War, not only by the Dominions, but by the Mother Country, and I entirely agree with the views expressed that full credit must be given to the Dominions for what they did. But the thing must not be overdone, and I am quite sure no one would be more displeased than the Dominion soldiers that they should be unduly praised. I accept also the view expressed that it would be no disadvantage, and only just, that there should be more recognition given to the services and heroism of the troops of the Mother Country.

But there is another subject in that connection which concerns the great Dominions: It is what is to happen at the end of the War, when peace comes. We have had the promise that they will participate in the settlement of terms, and I have no doubt that will be respected. I hear people laying down different conditions as to what should be done when peace arrives—that this should be done, and that should be done. It is premature to settle questions of that kind. We must await the result of the War. If we do not win the War the terms matter but very little for we know that humiliation and practical slavery will be our lot. If we do win the War, then one thing we may depend upon will be insisted upon by the great Dominions, and that is that the possessions of the German Empire that have been conquered shall not be conceded to Germany at the termination of a victorious war. In Canada we know well where the ships came from that threatened the Pacific coast, and might have blown up Victoria. Vancouver and Prince Rupert, if they had taken a direct line to the Canadian seaboard. We know that they came from the German harbour on the China coast, and had they not gone southward to the coast of Chili, no doubt they would have done much damage to Canada. They succeeded in destroying a British Fleet off the coast of Chili. Australians know very well the danger of German colonies in the Pacific Ocean; so do the New Zealanders, and the South Africans know thoroughly well the danger of German colonies side by side with them. Depend upon it the word of the great Dominions overseas will be firm and strong that, after winning the War, that these possessions shall not be retroceded to Germany.

I join with other speakers in the remarks they have made concerning the assistance which has been given us by the Empire in this great War. I think my right hon. Friend (Mr. Long) regretted the absence of Mr. Hughes, the Premier of Australia I think the Government might seriously consider the advisability of asking him to come over and have a personal conference with my right hon. Friend so that he may hear in person what transpired at the last Colonial Conference. I know from letters I have received from Australia that such a course would be greatly welcomed in many parts of the Commonwealth, and I attach a great deal of importance to it. He is the Leader of the greatest Labour Parliament in the Empire, and when he came here he spoke as a Labour leader, and I think Labour listened to him when at that moment it would not listen to anyone else. His logic was sound and his advice was good, and everyone realised that he had the whole interest of the British Empire at heart. I have heard it said that two members of the Cabinet are opposed to asking him over again—the Leader of the House and the Minister for Foreign Affairs. That is a rumour in which I have no belief.

I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that there is no foundation for that statement. There is no division of opinion as to the value of Mr. Hughes' services, or the excellence of his counsel.