House of Commons
Monday, October 22, 1917
Irish Universities Act, 1908
Copy presented of Accounts of Receipts and Expenditure of Universities and Colleges, Ireland, for the year ended 31st March, 1917, together with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 148.]
Greenwich Hospital and Travers' Foundation
Copy presented of Statement of the estimated Income and Expenditure of Greenwich Hospital and Travers' Foundation for the year 1917–18 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 149.]
Ministry of Food
Copy presented of the Sea Fishing (Scotland) Order, 1917, made by the Food Controller, under the Defence of the Realm Regulations [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Oral Answers to Questions
War
British Minister at Athens
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Sir Francis Elliot has ceased to be British Minister at Athens; if so, on what date he was withdrawn; and what reasons are given for his withdrawal?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, Sir F. Elliot left Athens on the 17th of June last. As regards, the last part of the question, Sir F. Elliot has during the past three years continuously occupied, to the complete satisfaction of His Majesty's Government, a post of the highest responsibility and of very great physical strain, and the departure of King Constantine and return of M. Venizelos to Athens afforded a suitable occasion for asking Sir F. Elliot to undertake important public work at home, but of a less arduous and exhausting nature.
Great Britain and Russia
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what progress has been made to comply with the request of the Russian Government that treaties and agreements made during the War should be reconsidered and if necessary revised; and whether it is intended at an early date to make public all war aims and undertakings which have not been publicly announced?
I have nothing to add to the reply returned to the hon. Member for the West Riding of Yorkshire on the 18th instant.
Is this matter engaging the immediate attention of the Government?
Oh, yes.
Can we expect an early reply to the question as to when and where the Conference will meet?
I do not suppose the matter will be very long delayed.
Pope's Peace Proposals
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether it is intended that the Allies will send a united reply to the Pope's peace proposals or whether the reply of the United States is to be taken as expressing the Allies' answer?
asked the Prime Minister whether the British Government intend to make any reply to the Pope's Note?
There seems to be no reason, at present, for adding anything to the acknowledgment which has been already sent by His Majesty's Government.
Then no reasoned reply will be given, and, if so, is not that a change of policy, in view of the statement that the Allies were considering a reply jointly?
Deportation (S. F. Paul)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware of the inquest held in London on 7th September on the body of S. F. Paul; whether he signed a deportation order or threatened with deportation Mr. Paul, who in his loyalty to England preferred suicide to deportation; whether any reparation has been made to Mrs. Paul for the treatment inflicted on her husband; and what persons or officials at the Home Office or Scotland Yard were responsible for the action resulting in Mr. Paul's death?
I am aware of the facts in this case. S. F. Paul, a German, was in the first instance granted an exemption from the general policy of repatriation, and was allowed to remain in this country with his German wife and son. Subsequently he forfeited, by his own conduct, all claim to be allowed to remain here, and accordingly his exemption was withdrawn, and he was told that he must leave the country. The utmost consideration was shown to him on account of the illness of his son, and he was allowed to delay his departure until the boy was well enough to travel. When Paul showed his intention to prolong the delay beyond this point, he was told that if he did not go he would be deported. He then poisoned himself, and attempted to poison his wife and son. The consideration shown in this case has been extended to the point of allowing the widow and boy to remain for the present in this country, where friends are prepared to look after them. I see no reason for any further action on my part.
Will the last part of the question be answered, who are the persons responsible for the action in this case?
I am responsible.
Munition
Home-Made Spirits
asked the Minister of Munitions if he can state the approximate quantity of home-made spirits used for munition purposes during the past year and the probable or estimated requirements for next year?
My right hon. Friend has been advised that it would not be in the public interest to give the information asked for.
Is it likely that the Ministry will require the 129,000,000 gallons of whisky which are now being held up in bond or anything like that quantity?
I think, in view of the answer I have given, I had better not attempt to give further particulars.
Food Supplies
Pork
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has particulars as to the increased cost of pork since 1914; and, if so, why the same is not given in the "Labour Gazette" in similar style to the Returns published dealing with beef, mutton, and bacon?
The Department which prepares the statistics of retail prices, having been transferred from the Board of Trade to the Ministry of Labour, I have been asked to reply to this question. The retail price of pork has approximately doubled during the War. The consumption of pork is largely seasonal, in character, and the item would, therefore, not be statistically good for the purposes of a monthly comparison of prices. Moreover, the quantity of pork consumed is small as compared with beef, mutton, and bacon, the prices of which are regarded as yielding a fair indication of the movement of meat prices in the aggregate.
May I point out that these prices affect the average price, and in order to show the lower price you omit that?
It is merely on account of its not being of statistical value that it is not included.
Tea
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the Government has been able to borrow any of the enemy steamers which were taken over by the Chinese Government when they entered into the War; and, if so, whether he can grant to British merchants who have tea on their hands in China, owing to the recent prohibition and lack of cargo space, permission to take advantage of the new cargo space which will be available to ship some of their tea home, in view of the scarcity and high price of the article at the present time?
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he can state the exact position regarding the negotiations for the import into this country of a certain amount of China tea; whether he is aware that British dealers in China have on their hands a large quantity of chests of tea which they bought in expectation of being allowed to ship to this country; and whether, in view of the shortage of tea, arrangements will be made for some of this tea to be shipped to this country in neutral vessels?
In view of the existing tonnage situation I am afraid that I cannot undertake at present to authorise the import of foreign tea. If the tonnage situation were materially relieved in the manner suggested in the question of the hon. Member for the Wirral Division of Cheshire, the question might be reconsidered. I understand that negotiations are at present proceeding in regard to the future employment for the use of the Allies of ex-enemy vessels interned in China, but that no decision has yet been reached.
As the Government have the first call on all ships, how is the difficulty of tonnage at all relieved by not allowing merchants to use what is left over by the Government?
The whole question of tonnage, in fact, is a very difficult one. It is impossible at present for the Government to admit any importation of foreign tea.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food (1) why the only tea on sale at the present time is priced at about 4s. a pound, seeing that there is an abundance of good tea in India at from 8d. to 1s. a pound; and will he say why these cheaper teas are not brought over by the Government and retailed at a moderate price instead of the dearer qualities of tea; (2) what steps are being taken to bring the supplies of tea which are available in India to this country?
Under a scheme of control approved by the Food Controller for the sale of all tea imported into the United Kingdom from July last 30 per cent. of the tea sold at every weekly auction must be sold by retail at 2s. 4d. a lb., 35 per cent. at 2s. 8d. to 3s. a lb., and 25 per cent. at 3s. to 3s. 4d. a lb. Owing to difficulties in providing tonnage, the imports have been less than the consumption, and the balance has been drawn from stocks accumulated before this control scheme came into force. The prices of such tea are now subject to a maximum of 4s. a lb. Arrangements are approaching completion under which all tea shipped from India and Ceylon for the United Kingdom will be bought in the country of origin by the Food Controller, and sold here at prices fixed by him. Arrangements have further been made in conjunction with the Ministry of Shipping for the future import of an adequate supply of tea for civilian consumption, but there will be an interval of stringency, and it is, therefore, essential that strict economy should be exercised in the use of tea.
Why was not a larger amount of cheaper and sound tea imported instead of the 30 per cent. only, which I think was mentioned, so that tea might be available for the public at something like 2s. or 2s. 6d. a lb.?
I cannot answer my hon. Friend's question, but I will bring it before the attention of the Food Control Department.
Hay
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture if he is aware that transport contractors in London are unable to obtain the necessary hay for the feeding of horses; and, seeing that certain firms have during the last week been compelled to feed entirely on oats and bran owing to the instructions recently issued to railway companies, which prevents the use of railway trucks for the cartage of hay, will he say what action he proposes to take?
If my hon. Friend will give me further particulars of the cases to which he refers, the Board will investigate them. Any instructions to railway companies controlling the use of railway trucks would be issued by the Railway Executive Committee, and I understand from inquiry of that body that no instruction of the nature referred to in the question has been issued.
Ham, Bacon, and Lard
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether he is aware of the present scarcity of hams, bacon, and lard, and of the fears of wholesale food distributors that serious consequences will arise if a certain proportion of these products is not released for consumption by the civil population?
The question of the equitable distribution of bacon and hams available for civilian consumption is engaging the earnest consideration of the Food Controller. Owing to a world shortage the amount available for civilian consumption must be smaller than in ordinary circumstances, but the Food Controller is confident that the civilian population will cheerfully make any sacrifice which may be necessary in order to provide an adequate ration of bacon for the Allied troops.
Millers' Offals
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether he is aware that the price of offals is now higher than the fixed price of wheat and that their value as feeding stuffs is lowered owing to the admixtures used; and if he will take steps to fix the price of offals with relation to the price of wheat so as to diminish the risk of the use by farmers of wheat for feeding stock?
The average price for offals at the mill door is slightly below the fixed price for home-grown wheat, but in order to provide against the contingency referred to by the hon. Member the Central Feeding Stuffs Advisory Committee is at present considering the advisability of fixing a maximum price for millers' offals.
Potatoes
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether he is aware that £20 a ton and more is now being asked for Scottish seed potatoes; and if he will take steps to control the price of seed potatoes?
The Food Controller proposes shortly to issue an Order regulating the price of potatoes sold for seed. At present no potatoes of ware size—i.e., over a 1⅝-inch riddle—can be sold for seed by the grower at a higher price than £6 10g. per ton.
Will the Food Controller take steps to see that the potatoes will be sold at a reasonable price?
I do not think that arises out of the question.
Will he in future refrain from saying what the Food Controller proposes to do, because it only causes gambling throughout the country?
This is not the hon. Member's Department. He is only answering on behalf of a colleague.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether he is aware of the delay in issuing permits for the sale of potatoes; whether this is accidental or intentional; and whether the large stocks of potatoes now being withheld from the market by the want of permits to sell will shortly be released?
I am not aware of any delay in the issuing of permits for the sale of potatoes of the varieties specified in Clause 10 of the Potatoes Order, and I may say that all applications which were received in the Ministry of Food up to and including last Friday have been dealt with. Some delay is unfortunately caused owing to the fact that applications have been addressed to the wrong quarter or insufficient particulars given. The object of Clause 10 of the Order is to get the poorer keeping varieties of potato into consumption before the better keeping varieties are allowed into the market. Licences are being granted freely where the Department is advised that they can be issued without defeating this object.
asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) whether he has seen the appeal of Sir Arthur Yapp to the public to make as much use of potatoes as possible; whether he is aware that the Food Controller has fixed a price for potatoes which puts them beyond the means of the poor in Dublin, many of whom cannot afford to have them more than twice or thrice a week; whether the Department of Agriculture in Ireland has received reports from various districts of Ireland to the effect that the potatoes are turning black and going bad; what is the latest information on this point; whether he is aware that the supply of potatoes in Ireland at present is in excess of the demand at present prices, and that the probable result will be that quantities of potatoes will go bad in the pits and valuable food will be wasted, whilst the poor are suffering from hunger; and what action the Department propose to take in the matter?
The Department of Agriculture have seen the appeal referred to The greater portion of the Irish potato crop has not yet been raised. The returns received indicate that where the potatoes have been raised the percentage of diseased tubers this season is comparatively small, and that only a small proportion of potatoes are going bad. So far as the Department can determine, there is no indication that potatoes are likely to go bad in the pits. The yield promises to be exceedingly good, and a much larger quantity will probably be available for sale than in previous years. The question of the price for potatoes is a matter for the Ministry of Food.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that one particular class of potatoes is going to the bad completely in the pits, and you have the position in Ireland that the people are not able to pay the price fixed by the Food Controller for the potatoes, and there is no market for them, with the result that there is a large waste of potatoes in Ireland, and people are recommended to use potatoes instead of bread and cannot buy them?
Is it an offence to sell potatoes at less than the price fixed by the Food Controller under the Defence of the Realm Act?
That is not a matter with which I have to deal in the Irish office, and I can assure the hon. Member that there are matters enough which are my proper business to keep me from trespassing on the provinces of other Ministers.
As the right hon. Gentleman is responsible for the Government of Ireland and naturally for the food of the people, will he make representations in the proper quarters that the Government should buy at their own fixed price the extra supply of potatoes in Ireland and have them when required?
That is a pretty large proposition. I do not think that I can discuss it by question and answer.
I only asked you to consider it.
Store Cattle (Irish)
asked whether any steps are being taken to limit the prices of Irish store cattle; and, if not, why this particular case of profiteering is not dealt with by his Department?
The possibility of fixing a maximum price for store cattle has been fully discussed by the Food Controller with representative deputations of agriculturists. Lord Rhondda is advised that it is not practicable to do this, having regard to the difficulty of grading. By fixing maximum prices for fat cattle and meat for fourteen months to come, he has given farmers and graziers the opportunity of regulating their purchase of store cattle with a view to the prices to be obtained later for the fattened beasts.
If the maximum price is charged for beef which is being fattened why on earth cannot it be charged earlier when it is lean beef?
The hon. Member is only answering for a colleague who is ill.
Bread
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food if since the establishment of the 9d. loaf the consumption of bread has increased or decreased; and, if so, by what percentage in Great Britain?
The figures relating to the retail consumption of bread and flour for the four weeks ending 13th October are not yet available. So soon as they are received I will inform the hon. Member what the percentage of increase or decrease actually is. I may point out that the consumpton of bread varies with the season of the year, and is also affected by the available supply and price of other foodstuffs.
Fruit (Imports)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Shipping Controller whether he is aware that fruit traders have been informed by transatlantic shipping companies that space is frequently available in their cargo boats sailing from Canada and the United States which they would, if allowed, willingly fill with apples; and whether permission will be given, in view of the prospective loss to greengrocers and privation to the public resulting from, the non-importation of this fruit?
I can assure the hon. Member that it is not the case that ships are permitted to cross the Atlantic otherwise than fully laden with essential supplies. If in some instances they have space unfilled it is because they are laden down to their marks with heavy cargo. The hon. Member will see, therefore, that apples could only be carried as the result of a deliberate decision to exclude other classes of cargo which are at present held to be more urgently required.
Corn
asked the Prime Minister whether, as the exportation of corn and forage to France is withdrawing necessary fodder for feeding animals needed for human food and for essential purposes of industry in this country, the War Cabinet will reduce the Cavalry establishments in France, a terrain where the aeroplane only is used for reconnaisance, and where Artillery and machine-gun fire renders the Cavalry arm of very doubtful utility?
I think that my right hon. Friend will agree that the composition of the armies in the field raises a great many difficult problems and cannot, therefore, usefully be discussed by way of question and answer. But I may add that the matter referred to in the question has received, and is receiving, consideration.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that every ounce of fodder is urgently required in this country?
I cannot add anything to the answer I have given.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that aeroplanes are taking the place of Cavalry?
That is an exceedingly difficult question, and one that should be discussed by my hon. Friend in Debate.
Irish Cattle Trade (Shipping Facilities)
asked the Chief Secretary to state what powers, if any, the director of cross-Channel transportation is endowed with, as thousands of live stock are held unshipped at the port of Dublin, although during the last week several ships are stated to have been lying idle at the wharves; has the director of cross-Channel transportation power to compel these ships to be used; and is he aware that many animals have died in the yards and that the loss of food value has run into many thousands of pounds?
Mr. Burgess, the director of transportation for cross-Channel traffic, acting in concert with the Controller of Shipping has adequate powers to deal with congestion arising on the sea routes between Ireland and Great Britain by securing the use of all available tonnage. Congestion recently occurred in the carriage of live stock from Dublin and steps were taken to deal with the matter which I hope have been effectual. I understand that vessels which were not being employed were requisitioned in order to minimise the inconveniences to which the hon. Member refers. It has been stated to me that several cattle died as a result of the delay, and that there was considerable loss by deterioration in the condition of cattle; but the delay was unavoidable and was dealt with as promptly and fully as possible by Mr. Burgess.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Waterford, Cork, and other ports in Ireland have the same complaint, and will he use his influence with the Admiralty to secure that no more ships will be taken, except those which are absolutely necessary, from the service of Irish ports?
As my hon. Friend is aware, this is a complex question. I may say with regard to the remedy which was applied in Dublin, if there is found to be readiness on the part of the owners who own shipping for public service, the remedy which was applied in the case of Dublin will be extended, as I understand it, in any other case.
Is it not the fact that the present position in Ireland is due to this that Irish shipping is requisitioned by the Shipping Controller without the knowledge of Mr. Burgess, the director of cross-Channel transportation, who has no say as to how much shipping is got in Ireland?
That is not quite correct. I think I know the facts with regard to this matter. Obviously, when the country is at war, operations which tend immediately to the necessities of the War must be the final decision in matters of this kind. In the particular instance to which the hon. Gentleman refers I know that there was notice of the intention to requisition certain vessels for service peremptorily if necessary. Although inconvenience was likely to be caused I do not see myself, assuming the peremptory necessity for the service, it was possible to refuse the service in question.
Can the right hon. Gentleman answer my question whether Mr. Burgess, who is supposed to control Irish shipping, has any say whatever in the amount of shipping that is requisitioned by the Shipping Controller in London?
I believe that at the present time Mr. Burgess is kept informed, but if he is not kept informed of those proposals I should represent strongly that it is most desirable both for Ireland and Great Britain that he should be kept informed, in order that the best arrangements all round may be made.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the same unfortunate result took place, not only in Dublin but also in Belfast last week, with the result that prices of beef were increased in the Liverpool market, thereby affecting consumers in this country?
I could not be expected to be aware of those matters.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that last month the Shipping Controller in London took away from one port in Ireland two cargo boats for carrying coal to the City of Dublin and without the knowledge of the Controller in Dublin?
I do not know about carrying coal; but I can conceive some carriage of coal which might be of the greatest consequence in the prosecution of the War.
My point is that it was done without any reference to the gentleman supposed to be Controller of Shipping. He has no control?
I think that is not a fact.
It is a fact!
Air Raids and Bombardment (Insurance)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he can state the amount of premiums received by the Government for insurance against damage to property by air raids and the amount against damage by bombardment from the sea?
I do not think it would be desirable in the public interest to publish the figures relating to any of the Government insurance schemes at present.
With an insurance scheme like this, should the figures be kept secret? Would it not reassure the people if they knew there was a big sum of £8,000,000 available for their losses?
It is not considered desirable in the public interest at present.
Consular Service (Reorganisation)
asked the Additional Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade and the Foreign Office, whether preparations are now being made for the reorganisation of the Consular Service after the end of the War; and when he will be able to announce the names of the members of the Advisory Committee of business men who are to assist the new Department with their advice?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, and it is hoped that it will not be necessary to wait until the end of the War to proceed with the work of reorganisation. As regards the second part, the question of the composition of the Advisory Committee to the new Department is under consideration, and an announcement will be made as soon as practicable.
Military Service
Conscientious Objectors
asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the general feeling of resentment at the attitude of the conscientious objectors at Dartmoor and at the treatment meted out to them, he will have these men put to work of national importance in France and dealt with in the same manner as conscientious objectors are being dealt with in America?
I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply given to a similar question asked by him on the 25th April last. The presence in France of men who refuse to do work in connection with the War would not commend itself to our Allies.
asked what arrangement is now in force for the payment of insurance contributions by conscientious objectors at Dartmoor; and what amount is levied from each man per week under this head?
I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the written reply given to the hon. Member for Devonport on the 27th June last.
asked the Undersecretary of State for War if fourteen New Zealand conscientious objectors were taken out of prison in New Zealand and forcibly put upon a transport and brought to England; whether they are deemed to be attached to the 28th New Zealand reinforcements; if they are now, or were recently, in irons in the guardroom at Sling Camp, Salisbury; under what military authority these men are now placed; what is proposed to be done with them; and if they will be treated similarly to conscientious objectors belonging to Great Britain?
I am inquiring about this matter from the New Zealand military authorities, and will inform my hon. Friend of the result.
Alien Immigrants
asked what number of people of foreign nationality were allowed to come into this country during the first eight months of this year; how many were Russians or Russian Jews; and what precautions are taken to prevent the immigration of undesirable aliens pretending to be Belgians or French?
Careful and detailed records are kept with regard to every alien entering the country, but I regret that it would not be possible to compile the figures which the hon. and gallant Member desires without an unjustifiable expenditure of time and labour
Under the restrictions which have been in force since the outbreak of war, an alien seeking admission to this country has to prove that he is coming here on urgent and necessary business, or for temporary purposes of legitimate trade, or other adequate reasons. He must, further, have a valid passport or other document satisfactorily establishing his nationality and identity, which is carefully examined both by a British Consul abroad and by the Aliens Officer on arrival in this country; and it is difficult, if not impossible, for an alien pretending to be other than he is to gain admission.
Internments (Advisory Committee)
asked whether the Advisory Committee on the internment of persons under the Defence of the Realm Act conducts its proceedings in public; if the accused persons are allowed legal representation; if legal representatives are allowed to be present during the whole hearing of the case before the Advisory Committee; whether the accused persons are permitted to be present during such hearing; whether the accused persons or their solicitors are permitted to see the evidence put before the Advisory Committee; whether, in the case of Mr. George Tchitcherine, whose case was recently considered by the Advisory Committee, his own evidence was taken down by a public official but the document was not shown to him for revision; whether, in the more recent case of Mr. Philip Laszlo, counsel was permitted to appear before the Advisory Committee; and, if so, why was this allowed in this case and similar concessions denied to other persons similarly accused?
The Advisory Committee settled its own procedure. I understand that the proceedings are strictly private, no person whatsoever, other than the members of the Committee and their officers, being present. As the evidence given is often of an extremely confidential character, applicants are not present when it is taken, and are not supplied with copies, but care is taken to put to them in examination all points requiring explanation from them. Every applicant is entitled to have legal advice, but it is not the practice of the Committee to hear either counsel or solicitor as an advocate, although they allow any legal adviser an opportunity of tendering himself as a witness if he so desires. Mr. Tchitcherine's evidence was not taken down by a public official, nor by anyone, but members of the Committee, following their usual practice, took notes of his evidence for their own information. Mr. Tchitcherine had the assistance of a solicitor, who was asked by the Committee whether he desired to give evidence before them. He said that he did not. In the same way counsel were not permitted to appear in Mr. Laszlo's case. Mr. Laszlo's solicitor was asked whether he desired to tender himself as a witness. He said that he did not.
Are persons charged before this Committee given an opportunity of knowing the case against them, so that they are able to look up any statements?
Yes; they have a written statement of the case against them.
Is not that statement in the most general terms, and is it not a fact that they have no particular instances of misconduct set forth in that statement?
It depends upon the case. Some statements contain full details of their conduct.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say now whether it is true that a member of the War Cabinet gave evidence in favour of Mr. Laszlo, and who it was?
I do not know. I never interfere with the proceedings of the Committee.
North Molton Timber Camp, (Men's Clothing)
asked the Home Secretary if he will take steps to see that the men employed at the timber camp, North Molton, North Devon, are provided with clothes for working purposes; and why the application for clothes by these men made through the agent has not been complied with?
I am informed by the Committee on Employment of Conscientious Objectors that there was some unavoidable delay in supplying the working clothes required for this camp, but all applications received by them from their agent have now been complied with.
Peace Propaganda (Whitehall)
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the fact that on Friday, 19th October, and on some previous days a procession of sandwich men and women was parading Whitehall and in part of the Palace Yard bearing inscriptions such as "War is murder" and "Our soldiers in the trenches are longing for peace," and other legends, calculated to bring discredit on our soldiers and the nation and to hamper the successul prosecution of the War; whether he has any information to show that the funds for such propaganda come from German sources or merely from pro-German sympathisers in this country; and whether he will consider the propriety of prosecuting the persons responsible for these proceedings?
My attention has been called to the matter. The Commissioner of Police reports that he has no information to show from what source the funds come. He has given instructions to the police not to allow a repetition of the exhibition.
Will not proceedings be taken against these people for their disgraceful exhibition?
I do not know whether it is worth while.
Army Cattle Supplies
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food if he will state the number of cattle taken for the Army in England and Wales, and Scotland and Ireland, respectively, during the month of September?
The numbers are 12,091 for England and Wales, 1,205 for Scotland, and 4,422 for Ireland.
Horse Export (Ireland)
asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) whether his attention has been called to the fact that the exportation of horses, save pit ponies, has been prohibited from Ireland for some months; whether he can state why such prohibition was passed as Irish horses have a clean bill of health and are required in Great Britain; and whether he will consider the advisability of allowing exportation as heretofore?
I think the hon. Member is under a misapprehension. The Horses (Prohibition of Exportation from Ireland) Order, 1917, made under the Defence of the Realm Regulations, has no relation to disease in animals, but, as I stated in reply to the hon. Member for South Down on 16th August, was issued with a view to maintaining a stock of horses in Ireland sufficient for the increased cultivation of the land and for general purposes. The statement that pit ponies are the only exception permitted is not accurate, as licences are freely granted for thoroughbred stock and for all classes of small horses not suitable for agricultural work. The Department of Agriculture are of opinion that, having regard to the extent of the anticipated need for horse labour in connection with the increased tillage scheme for 1918, it would be inadvisable at present to modify the Order.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that all over Ireland there is an enormous supply of horses, that there is a big demand for them here, that cereals are being practically wasted through being used by these horses, and that all the horse dealers in the country can tabulate the supplies of horses which are available?
If it is shown that the facts are anything like what the hon. Member has said, I will certainly direct the attention of the Minister in charge of the matter to them.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the supply which is almost worthless in Ireland would be very valuable in England?
I can only repeat what I have said to the hon. Member.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that horse dealers generally have made this complaint all over the country, notwithstanding the statement which he has made?
No, Sir.
Panel Doctors (Remuneration)
asked the Comptroller of the Household, as representing the National Health Insurance Commissioners, if he is aware that the panel doctors in many parts of the country, especially in rural districts, have only received from 25 to 50 per cent. of the sums due to them for their services for the year 1916; and if steps will be taken at once to pay up these outstanding arrears and thereby remove a sense of grievance under which these men are suffering?
In the great majority of cases the final payments to the doctors have been completed for the year 1916. In those areas where some balance of the year's remuneration, is outstanding the amount can only be small, as the sums which have been advanced monthly or quarterly during the year will have approximated closely to the total sums which will be found to be due on the final settlement. I think, therefore, the hon. Member must have been misinformed, but if he will furnish me with particulars of any cases which he has in mind, I will at once cause enquiries to be made.
Romanoff Family
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that an invitation to visit London has been given by certain high personages to the brother of the ex-Tsar of Russia; and whether he will give an assurance that no member of the Romanoff family will be allowed to visit British territory unless with the express approval of the Russian Government or under conditions of strict surveillance?
No, Sir; no such invitation has been given, so far as I know, by any person in this country. The second part of the question does not, therefore, arise.
Swedish Cipher Messages
asked the Prime Minister whether Swedish cipher messages are now permitted to pass over British-controlled cables?
The answer is in the negative.
E. D. Morel (Prosecution)
asked the Prime Minister whether he can give an opportunity for the discussion of the Resolution respecting the prosecution of Mr. E. D. Morel standing in the name of the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme? ["That, in the opinion of this House, the prosecution by the Government of Mr. E. D. Morel for attempting to get a book through to M. Romain Roland in Switzerland and the support of the prosecution by the opening of private letters in the post was undignified and opposed to British traditions."]
The answer is in the negative.
I beg to give notice that I shall raise this question on the Vote of Credit.
Promotion (Royal Navy)
asked the Prime Minister whether the War Cabinet will consider the limited application to the captain's list of the British Navy of a system of promotion by selection for merit to run side by side with the present seniority system; and whether this method has been applied with marked advantage in bringing the best officers to the command in the British and Allied Armies?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. The Admiralty are satisfied that their present powers enable them to utilise the services of senior officers of the Royal Navy to the best advantage.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say why a system of promotion which is applied to all other professions is bad for the British Navy?
Has not the present system given complete satisfaction for the last 200 years?
The effort is made to utilise the services of every officer to the best advantage.
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that Admiral Sims, of the United States, was promoted through two grades on taking command of the American flotilla in British waters; whether he is aware that Commodore Sir Reginald Tyrwhitt has for the period of the War commanded, with uniformly successful fighting, an even larger force; and whether it is proposed to delay the promotion of Sir Reginald Tyrwhitt until over fifty captains senior to him have been promoted to rear-admiral?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to answer this question. Admiral Sims' promotion to the rank of rear-admiral was not exceptional. He was promoted together with several other officers. He was, however, specially promoted to vice-admiral on taking command of the United States naval forces in British waters. The Admiralty are satisfied, as I have just stated, that their present powers enable them to utilise the services of senior officers of the Royal Navy to the best advantage. It must further be realised that the non-substantive rank of commodore, 1st class, as in the case of Sir Reginald Tyrwhitt, gives the officer holding it the relative status of rear-admiral, and the granting of this rank is freely made use of by the Admiralty to give a higher status to captains placed in command of light squadrons or on detached service, where this higher rank is desirable.
I will call attention to this matter on the Vote of Credit.
Shipping Losses
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that for many months dissatisfaction has been expressed as to the misleading character of the weekly return of shipping losses due to submarines and mines; and whether the Government is now in a position to issue an accurate Tonnage Return of the damage done to British, Allied, and neutral shipping through submarines, mines, and other causes?
I have been asked to answer this question. My right hon. Friend, the First Lord, will deal with this subject in the course of the statement which he hopes to make to the House in the near future.
When will the statement of naval policy be made? Will it be on the Vote of Credit or will there be a special day set apart from that Vote, in view of the large number of questions which will then have to be dealt with?
That is not a matter for me, but the Leader of the House, who the other day, in answer to a question, indicated that probably the most convenient occasion would be the Vote of Credit.
If and when the First Lord deals with this, will he tell the House what is the accurate tonnage?
I cannot answer for that.
Royal Navy
Medal for Services in France
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the announcement that a medal will be given to the Army for services rendered in France in 1914, it is proposed to issue a similar decoration to the Navy for services rendered in the early part of the War; and, if so, will he state under what conditions the issue will be made?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question.
It is understood that this decoration is being issued with the object of commemorating the gallant part played by the original British Expeditionary Force in arresting the German advance at that most critical phase of the War. This must necessarily be regarded as the last of the glorious deeds in the annals of the old Army as it was then constituted and as we may never again know it.
The services of the Navy afloat during the same period, although of supreme value, can hardly, in the opinion of the Admiralty, be regarded as forming a similarly distinctive chapter in history.
There are certain naval and marine units which landed in France and Belgium, and the question of their inclusion is now being considered between the War Office and the Admiralty.
The services of all branches of the Navy, equally with those of the Army generally, will be duly recognised at a later date.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware, and do the Government recognise the fact, that there would have been no expeditionary force in France at all but for the Navy, and in view of that fact, does not the Government think that a distinction should be made between the two Services, and will they re-open the question and give it consideration?
I have stated, without any disparagement to the work performed by the Navy, the difference which seems to exist between these two particular cases.
Have the Government come to the conclusion to give no special recognition whatever in respect of the services rendered by the Navy in 1914?
It would be unfortunate that such a suggestion should get about, and the answer I have given states that the services of the Navy, equally with the Army, will be duly recognised later.
Will the men of the Royal Naval Air Service, who landed with the Expeditionary Force in France, receive the medal?
That is one of the questions which will receive recognition.
Sailors and Soldiers (Increase of Pay)
asked the Prime Minister whether the Government has reconsidered the question of the pay of the able seamen, stokers, privates of Marines, and privates in the Army; and, if so, whether he can announce the decisions arrived at?
asked the Prime Minister when he expects to be in a position to report the result of the reference back to the War Cabinet Sub-Committee of the request made by the Joint Committee of the House of Lords, the House of Commons, and the General Federation of Trade Unions, for increases in the pay of the sailor and the soldier, particularly in respect of the able seaman, the stoker in the Navy, the private in the Marines, and the private in the Army?
The Government hope to be able to announce a decision shortly.
Questions
Belgium and Alsace-Lorraine
asked the Prime Minister whether, for the convenience of the House and the country, he will consider the possibility of issuing, in the form of a White Paper, a document giving the exact words used by members of enemy Governments with reference to Belgium, Alsace-Lorraine, and other questions to which he has replied?
It would be difficult to make a satisfactory collection of the kind suggested, as only incomplete reports are available in many cases, but I will inquire into the matter.
President Lincoln (Statue at Westminster)
asked the Prime Minister whether it is customary for the First Commissioner of Works to grant a site for the erection of a statue in London in a public place without having obtained or having had any opportunity of obtaining any expert report on the artistic merit of the statue; and, if such practice is or has been in existence, whether he will take steps to bring it to an end at once, and to ensure that before a site is granted for the erection of any statue in London the question of the artistic merit of the statue shall be referred to some competent expert body?
It has not been the custom in the past for the First Commissioner to enter into formal consultation with any body of experts as to the artistic merits of any one statue to be erected on Crown property, nor do I know how any such body would be effective, considering the wide divergence of views in all matters of art.
In view of the fact that, the First Commissioner of Works has not consulted outside bodies, will he reconsider his decision?
I cannot accept that statement.
Is it not that intention to ship the statue from New York during the War, and could not the tonnage be better used?
I doubt whether tonnage will be available for this purpose during the War.
Is it not desirable that the First Commissioner of Works, who is not necessarily an expert in art, should consult some experts in art before pledging the Government to the erection of a hideous statue?
It is a difficult thing to generally distinguish anybody who would be regarded as an expert in art.
asked the Prime Minister whether, in the case of the proposed erection of a statue of President Lincoln in London, the late First Commissioner of Works granted or promised to grant a site for the erection of such statue without having obtained any expert report on the artistic or other merits of the statue; and whether His Majesty's Government are bound to give effect to a promise of this character if on proper consideration the erection of such a statue is considered undesirable?
My predecessor, Lord Beauchamp, offered a site in the Canning enclosure for a replica of the St. Gauden's statue to President Lincoln on a request from the hon. Member for Plymouth in this House on the 9th March, 1914. The statue by St. Gauden is well known and generally considered to be of high artistic merit. I now understand that the American Committee for the celebration of 100 years of peace are anxious to send a replica of the statue of President Lincoln recently erected at Cincinatti and executed by Mr. George Gray Barnard, a sculptor of the highest standing, which they consider to be a superior monument, and I do not consider that I should interfere with the selection made by the donors, who I understand comprise men of well-known artistic standing.
Had the hon. Gentleman not an opportunity of seeing either of these statues, or of getting any report upon their artistic or other merits?
I have seen reproductions of the statues, but I have not had an opportunity of seeing the statues themselves. I have had various accounts of their merits, and opinions differ, some preferring one and some the other, and I do not think it my business to give my judgment on an acute domestic question as to which statue best represents President Lincoln.
Education Bill
asked the Prime Minister when the Second Reading of the Education Bill will be taken?
I have nothing to add to what I told the hon. Member for North Somerset on the 19th October.
Is it definitely decided by the Cabinet that the Second Reading will not be taken this Session?
I understand so.
Dividends (Colonial Companies)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the divergence of practice amongst banks, mining companies, and trading concerns affected by Section 43 of the Finance Act, 1916; and whether he can now say what steps have been taken by the Inland Revenue authorities to eliminate the confusion arising there from?
I understand that my hon. Friend's question relates to the dividends of Colonial companies paid to residents in the United Kingdom. The original circular issued by the Commissioners of Inland Revenue dealing with this matter appears to have given rise to misapprehension in some few cases, and it has accordingly been revised so as to prevent the possibility of misconception in future.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the difficulty of interpreting the clauses in The Finance Act, 1916, which deal with double Income Tax within the Empire; whether the Board of Inland Revenue is to be a party to a test case in the High Court in order to secure a judicial interpretation of the same; and what course in the meantime claimants entitled to relief should follow?
My hon. Friend is doubtless referring to Section 43 of the Finance Act, 1916. This Section was intended to provide a temporary measure of relief in cases in which the same profits are subject both to United Kingdom Income Tax and to a Dominion Income Tax, without prejudice to any final settlement which may be eventually effected consistent with the equitable claims of the respective exchequers concerned. The intention and the effect of the Section are perfectly clear, namely, that every £1 of such profits shall be relieved from United Kingdom Income Tax to an extent not exceeding 1s. 6d. The Commissioners of Inland Revenue have of course given effect to the Section. Where the relief attaches to a company I understand that its distribution by the company amongst the various classes of shareholders who participate in the profits has, in some instances, given rise to a difference of opinion. This, however, is a matter for the parties interested; whether or no the issue is to be tested in the Courts, the Commissioners of Inland Revenue have no information.
Income Tax
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if, in connection with the Bill which the Government propose to bring in to consolidate the Income Tax law, it is proposed to incorporate in such new Bill the modifications of the existing law which have been created by Treasury Regulation or Minute?
The Bill is a consolidation Bill dealing with the existing Statute law. It does not, therefore, include Regulations which, by various Sections scattered through the old Acts, the Commissioners of Inland Revenue are empowered to make in pursuance of the subject-matter of those Sections, but, of course, such Regulations would continue to have effect in relation to the respective Clauses of the new Bill.
Will my hon. Friend consider whether it is possible to consolidate all those Regulations, which are scattered over a wide area, in the form more or less of one document?
I will bear the hon. Member's recommendation in mind.
Spirits in Bond
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he can state the reason why 129,000,000 gallons of proof home-made spirits are being held up by the Government in bond; and whether he has considered the effect of such holding up upon the prices at present being charged for whisky?
I have been asked to reply. The Intoxicating Liquor (Output and Delivery) Order, 1917, restricted the issue of wines and spirits from bond to 50 per cent. of the quantities so issued in 1916. The object of this restriction was to avoid favouring wines and spirits at the expense of beer, the output of which was restricted in order to secure the more economic use of grain. In view of the recommendations of the Commission of Inquiry into Industrial Unrest, the Government have provisionally sanctioned an increase in the output of beer. They are, therefore, prepared to consider the advisability of sanctioning a corresponding increase in the issue of wines and spirits from bond. The effect of restrictions of this nature necessarily tends to increased prices.
Are the Government going to regulate the price of spirits or to allow the present exorbitant prices to be continued?
Before the hon. Gentleman answers that question, can he say whether grain is still being used for the production of spirits?
I cannot answer either of the questions, but I will bring them to the notice of the Department.
Germany and Scandinavia (Sea Traffic)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the German Government has stopped traffic between Germany and Scandinavia by way of Sassnitz, Gjedser, and Vamdrup in order to support the German export lines by sea from Lubeck and Bremen in addition to the existing Hamburg line trading with Western Norway; and, if so, whether such trading is permitted by our Navy at the present time?
So far as is known, the traffic in the Baltic has not been restricted in order to support the trade to Western Norway. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
H.M.S. "Jupiter."
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty when the salvage money earned by the officers and men at the time serving on H.M.S. "Jupiter" for the salvaging of the Cunard liner ss. "Thracia" in the White Sea between February and April, 1915, is likely to be paid; and, if no salvage money is to be paid, will he give the reason for withholding the same?
No application for permission to claim for salvage has been received from His Majesty's ship "Jupiter." In fact, it would appear that the incident has never been reported to the Admiralty by the vessel in question.
Mine-Sweepers (Crews' Pay)
asked the Secretary to the Admiralty if he is aware of the discontent among the men serving on the mine-sweepers owing to the increased cost of living; and will he recommend an immediate increase in their victualling allowance, which is now only 1s. 5d. per day?
The matter is under consideration.
Ceylon Riots
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has considered the position of Singalese who are imprisoned as a result of the riots in May, 1915; how many are still in prison; how many are in prison as a result of courts-martial; how many are serving sentences of over three years; and whether he will announce a political amnesty?
I have received from the Governor detailed lists of the prisoners whose sentences he has, after examination, reduced or annulled; but I am not in a position to give the exact figures desired by the hon. Member. Sir John Anderson has already exercised clemency in a large number of cases; thus he released in June, 1916, on the occasion of His Majesty's birthday, 616 prisoners sentenced to terms of one year or less, and in January last thirty-three who at the time of conviction were under twenty years of age. He has also on special grounds released a number of other prisoners. I have full confidence that he will continue to exercise clemency in all proper cases, and I see no reason for suggesting that a general amnesty should be granted to prisoners who in his opinion were properly convicted of serious crimes of violence.
Native Races (Land Rights)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies (1) whether he is aware that by a Royal Proclamation dated?3th April, 1891, His Majesty's Government recognised the existence of the just rights of native chieftains and tribes there already in possession; whether this included native rights to land both in Mashonaland and Matabeleland; and whether it is held by the Law Officers of the Crown that by virtue of Orders in Council alone such just rights to property can in fact be alienated in the protectorates; and (2) whether a part of the native reserves, which it is proposed shall revert to the British South Africa Company, are situated in Mashonaland at a point beyond a sixty-mile radius from Buluwayo; and if he will state by virtue of what legal instrument, apart from Orders in Council, the natives of Mashonaland have either lost or alienated their personal or tribal rights to the lands they have occupied from time immemorial?
It will be seen on reference to the Blue Book just published that the different reserves affected by the Commission's Report lie scattered over Southern Rhodesia. With regard to the last part of this question and the right hon. Member's other question about native rights, I would remind him that the land question is now before the Privy Council, and pending a decision on the Reference I cannot undertake to discuss any of the legal questions involved.
Rhodesian Reserves
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Commission on the Rhodesian Reserves during its investigation worked upon the basis of a reliable survey; if so, when the survey of the reserves was made; and whether the cost of such survey was debited against the commercial or the administrative department of the British South Africa Company or against the Imperial Government?
No special survey was made for the purpose of the Commission. The Commissioners deal with the position as regards survey in paragraphs 39 and following of their Report, which has just been published as Command Paper 8,674, and to which I would refer the right hon. Gentleman.
Cape Town (Army Officers)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that a number of Departmental officers of the Royal Engineers, the Army Ordnance, and the Army Service Corps, have been serving at Cape Town ever since the outbreak of War; and whether he will consider the advisability of drafting some of these officers to units on one of the fronts and replacing them by officers who have already seen strenuous active service?
There are seven officers who have been employed in Cape Town since the beginning of the War. It is necessary to have experienced officers at Cape Town, and their work is heavy. The officers in question would probably go for the most part to posts on the lines of communication if they were transferred, and it is not thought that any advantage would be gained by substitution at the present time.
Royal Flying Corps (Pilots)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the Canadian Government contracts with pilots in the Royal Flying Corps for a definite period at the end of which they are given a first-class fare to Canada; whether it is open to them to enter into a fresh contract with the United States Government, which offers a very high rate of pay for fully qualified pilots; and whether he proposes to take any action in the matter in the interest of the British services?
I am informed that no contracts of the kind alluded to have been made by the Canadian Government with pilots in the Royal Flying Corps. The second part of the question does not, therefore, arise.
Soldiers' Furlough
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if arrangements will be made whereby soldiers on furlough from France could leave their rifles, helmets, and other heavy baggage at or near the port of departure, and thus greatly add to the comfort of the men when on holiday?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given on the 18th instant to the hon. Member for the St. Patrick's Division of Dublin.
Arising out of that reply, may I ask the hon. Gentleman to reconsider this matter? Perhaps——
The hon. Member can put his point in the form of a question.
Royal Army Medical Corps
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he is aware that subordinate officers in the Army are in many instances placing obstacles in the way of soldiers who have been transferred from the Royal Army Medical Corps to Infantry regiments, and who were members of the Home Hospital Reserve, from placing their applications to be retransferred to the Royal Army Medical Corps before the General Officer Commanding; and will he take steps at once to see that these men are given every facility for making the application?
I am not aware of obstacles having been put in the way of the retransfer to the Royal Army Medical Corps of former members of the Home Hospital Reserve. A certain number of cases have occurred in which applications from relatives have reached the War Office stating that Infantry soldiers did in fact originally join the Home Hospital Reserve and have not been retransferred. These cases are being investigated and dealt with.
Prees Heath and Oswestry Camps
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he is aware that complaints are made by the men at Frees Heath Camp and Oswestry Camp about the methods of the doctors and the minor officers, the men alleging that they are punished for booking sick, that the doctors refuse to examine them and order them back to duty, that rations are being cut down, and that the sanitary conditions; of the guard detention rooms are intolerable; and, with a view to remove the disaffection among the men in these camps, will he inquire into these allegations?
Inquiries have been made, and I will communicate with my hon. Friend as soon as I am in a position to do so.
2nd King Edward's Horse
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that, in the process of disbanding the 2nd King Edward's Horse, men who volunteered in answer to the country's first call for overseas men and came over in bodies from the Argentine and elsewhere, paying their own passages, under the promise or belief that they would be allowed to serve together, are now being split up and sent to different units; and whether, in view of the disappointment and feeling there is among these men, an effort will be made that those overseas men who joined the 2nd King Edward's Horse, particularly the Argentine group, shall be permitted to join a combatant regiment where they can remain together as far as the military exigencies of the case permit?
It was necessary to transfer a number of men from other arms to Infantry, and among those recently transferred were a certain number of men of the 2nd King Edward's Horse, a regiment which from the very commencement of the War has shown a fine spirit of loyalty and patriotism. Instructions were issued that any of these men of the King Edward's Horse who wish to serve together may be transferred to the Northumberland Fusiliers, and these instructions are being carried out.
Is it understood that this Corps is to be entirely abolished?
My right hon. Friend is aware that all these cases will subsequently be considered.
May I ask whether or not these men, if they so desire, can be transferred to a tank corps?
Naturally in all cases of this kind where a regiment has been effectively disbanded every consideration, in accordance with military exigencies, is given to the wishes of the men who are disbanded.
Is my hon. Friend not aware that many of these men who were transferred to tanks were afterwards transferred to Infantry regiments? Is he not aware that these men are essentially horsemen; that they came from all parts of the world to this country at their own expense, and naturally feel very strongly at being broken up and transferred; is my hon. Friend also aware that——
The hon. Gentleman is giving information, and is not asking a question.
Is the hon. Gentleman considering the advisability of a reserve regiment, so that these men can remain together?
Yes; I will certainly bring that point to the notice of the military authorities.
Naturalisation (Allied Subjects)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he is aware of the dissatisfaction that is prevailing that, whereas subjects of Allied countries who are now being enlisted can obtain naturalisation under conditions that have been provided for, those subjects of Allied countries who enlisted before the present provisions were; enacted cannot obtain naturalisation under these provisions; and whether he will take any action in the matter?
My hon. Friend has asked me to answer this question. I am not aware of and know no ground for any such dissatisfaction as is mentioned. It is open to any friendly alien, at whatever time he enlisted, to apply for naturalisation if he can fulfil the statutory conditions.
Is it not a fact that there is a three months' limit?
There is no limit at all.
Denmark (Imports)
( by Private Notice ) asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to a statement that in 1916 Denmark used for brewing 20,000 tons of barley malt, 20,000 tons of rice, and many thousand tons of sugar and glucose, and that these were imported largely from the British Empire, and further that most of the imports of feeding stuffs for cattle imported into Denmark came from the British Empire; whether he could say what where the quantities of barley malt, rice, sugar and feeding stuffs imported into Denmark from the British Empire and all other countries respectively?
I am obliged to my hon. and learned Friend for drawing my attention to this statement. The quantity of malt imported into Denmark in 916 from the British Empire was nil, but 65 tons of barley were imported from the British Empire, against about 24,000 tons imported into Denmark from other countries. Of the total imports of rice and sugar into Denmark in 1916, less than half the quantity of rice and only 1 ton of sugar came from the British Empire. Of the import of feeding stuffs into Denmark in 1916, 16,500 tons were from the British Empire, against 949,000 from other countries, or less than 2 per cent. It is, therefore, totally incorrect to say that the greater part of these imports were from the British Empire.
Is the Ministry of Blockade working closely in harmony and perfect agreement with the United States Government in this matter?
The hon. Member can give separate notice of that question.
Under-Age Soldier (Proficiency Pay)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he will inquire into the case of Private Salkeld, No. 240,255, C Company, 4th (Reserve) Black Watch, Ripon, who at the age of fifteen was sent out to France, where he served two years, but who, under the Regulations re under-age soldiers, was brought back to this country, and who has now been informed that the proficiency pay of 3d. a day which he had been receiving must be refunded to the amount of £7 15s. 6d.; and, as this deduction leaves the soldier with a sum of 1s. a week only, will he take steps to have these deductions stopped?
Inquiry is being made in this case, and I will inform my hon. Friend of the result.
North Sea Raid
Convoy of Ships
I beg to withdraw the question, of which I gave the Home Secretary private notice, with regard to assistance in the Baltic, and I beg to ask him whether he can make a statement with regard to the circumstances in which a large convoy of neutral ships from Norway was protected by an obviously inadequate force of two destroyers; and whether he will make the whole matter of the destruction of this convoy the subject of an inquiry independent of the Admiralty?
I have not had notice of a question in that form.
I had to vary the form because Mr. Speaker said it was not couched in the form of urgency. The original question, however, covers much the same ground, namely, as to whether an inquiry will be granted.
I think the answer I gave covers the question.
Might I read the question?
The Government are not prepared to institute an inquiry such as is suggested in the question, but it has been already arranged to hold a naval inquiry into all the circumstances.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a naval inquiry can take no cognisance whatever of representations made to the Admiralty protesting perhaps against the system of convoys as at present carried out, and the inadequacy of the present system of protection?
I must have notice of that.
Does the Home Secretary think it is not time his right hon. Friend went back to the North-Eastern Railway?
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether an inquiry such as is indicated in his answer will have power to inquire into the adequacy or inadequacy of the system of convoys?
When may we expect the presence here of the First Lord of the Admiralty?
The question was not put to the First Lord of the Admiralty.
May I put a further supplementary question? I desire to ask whether the inquiry into the circumstances of the destruction of the convoy at sea will be on oath, and not a mere Court of inquiry?
Perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will address that question to the Admiralty.
Zeppelin Raid
London Defences
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether he has any further statement to make regarding the apparent lack of defence against the Zeppelin raid on Friday night, and whether he is in a position to make a definite statement as to a counter-invasion of Germany by air?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. The raid on Friday night appears to have been carried out by ten or more Zeppelins. Of these, five only reached the neighbourhood of London, the remainder failing entirely to reach their objective, and leaving the country without causing material damage. Of the five Zeppelins which came near to London, four failed to penetrate the London defences, and did no damage. The remaining Zeppelin drifted over London with her engines shut off, and dropped three bombs at intervals, causing loss of life. A number of our aeroplanes went up, but, owing to the atmospheric conditions, which were most unfavourable both for attack and defence, they were unable to bring the raider to action. The House is aware that a number of the raiders drifted over France, and that four at least have been definitely accounted for by the French forces. Information as to the others is still awaited and will be published as soon as received. The greatest possible credit is due to the French airmen and the anti-aircraft Artillery for their splendid performance, but in justice to the British anti-aircraft forces, it should be remembered that the airships they brought down in France were flying by daylight, and at a much lower height than that which they kept whilst crossing this country. As to the second part of the question, I have only to say that the Government have already announced their intention to bomb German towns until an end is put to these cold-blooded attacks by Germany on the civil population of this country. Two such attacks have already been made, and the House may rest assured that the process will be continued until its purpose is attained.
In order to elucidate—which one cannot do by questions—points raised in that answer, I will ask, at the conclusion of questions, to move the Adjournment of the House.
In view of the fact that no anti-aircraft guns fired at all, what was it that drove the raiders off London?
I have not said the raiders were driven off London. I have said they failed to cross London.
Is it not a fact that the officer responsible for giving orders to fire was not at his post?
No, Sir. I do not believe that to be true. The hon. Member must give notice of the question.
The right hon. Gentleman said only one Zeppelin "penetrated the defences of London" Could he make us understand what that means?
I do not think I used that expression. What I said, or what I intended to convey, was that only one Zeppelin crossed over any part of London.
Are we to understand by the right hon. Gentleman's reply that, in the event of the Germans ceasing to raid this country, we intend to cease raiding Germany? Might I ask for an answer?
The hon. Member is putting an argumentative question. If he gives notice of it, he will get an answer in due course.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any information to the effect that immediately before bombs were dropped in a certain very important district, an order was given by the War Office to put the whole of the lights on; whether it is the case that the local police protested, and has he an explanation to offer?
I have not heard of that.
I will give the information.
Will the right hon. Gentleman institute immediately a proper system of night warnings, and is he aware that the present system of warnings is inadequate?
The hon. Member must give notice of that.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Home Secretary whether he is still satisfied that the present method of night warning concerning air raids is adequate to the public requirements having regard to the new tactics of enemy aircraft; whether it is a fact that while a warning was given no attack was made on London until some time later, and that meanwhile the public, misled by the absence of gunfire and of sound, were freely using the streets when the attack took place, and whether it is not now desirable to devise some means of repeating the warning at intervals until the "all clear" is sounded?
The circumstances of Friday's raid were exceptional. It is a fact that the first bombs were dropped nearly three hours after the "Take Cover" warning had been issued. The Commissioner of Police will be prepared under similar conditions to repeat the "Take Cover" warning; but it is reported to me that the streets were unusually deserted for the time of night when the bombs actually fell.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he has any information to give to the House concerning the airships which dropped bombs in London and various parts of England on Friday night; whether any of our aeroplanes were in the air over London after 10.30 p.m., and if it is the fact that our searchlights were unable to locate the raiders and so prevented a defence being made by our anti-aircraft guns, and whether any inquiry into the ascertained facts has been or will be held?
I think my hon. Friend will agree that the Home Secretary answered the first three parts of the question. With regard to the last part, I am informed that after every raid all the circumstances connected with it are most carefully investigated.
Are we to understand that there is to be a Court of inquiry into the utter lack of defence of London on Friday night, and who is responsible? Is the hon. Gentleman aware what the public think of the Government?
May I have an answer to the part of the question in which I asked whether there were any of our aeroplanes in the air over London after 10.30 p.m.?
A number of our aeroplanes were up over the London area after 10.30 p.m., and a large number were up throughout the whole raid.
( by Private Notice ) asked whether, in view of the probability of London being attacked by enemy aircraft at any hour of the day or night, the Government will cause special instructions to be given for the safe custody of ballot-boxes in the course of a Parliamentary election, and, in the event of such raid materially interfering with the polling facilities, whether a sufficient extension of time will be granted to enable every elector to record his vote?
I do not propose to issue any special instructions. The difficulties contemplated in the second part of the question can be considered when they arise.
4.0 P.M.
In view of the importance of this question and the fact that there were only two or three supplementary questions following the question put by the hon. Gentleman opposite, might I be allowed to put a further supplementary question in regard to the matter? I would like to ask whether the Government consider that British pilots are not inferior to French pilots, and, comparing the incidents of Friday night in England and in France, whether the whole incident does not show that there is some great radical vice in the organisation at the centre of this system, and whether now they will take adequate steps to form a great Air Ministry, which will once and for all deal with such questions?
I desire to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent importance, namely, "the repeated German air raids in this country, culminating in the Zeppelin raid on Friday last, and the neglect of the Government to appoint an Air Minister with powers to organise and direct counter-raids on Germany."
I would remind the hon. Member that the House has already refused permission to discuss this matter, when it was brought forward by the hon. Member for East Herts (Mr. Billing). If the House has once refused permission during a Session, it is against the rule for the same matter to be brought forward again.
May I put before you the fact that I have altered this Notice of Motion, in order to comply with the Standing Order, and I now propose to ask the leave of the House to move the Adjournment, in order to consider "the neglect of the Government to appoint an Air Minister with powers to organise and direct counter-raids on Germany"? I submit that the House has not been asked to discuss the non-appointment of an Air Minister.
That would equally be out of order, because it would involve legislation which, by the way, has already been promised.
If the hon. Member for Brentford desired to do so, would he not be perfectly in order in asking permission to discuss the raid on Friday last, and apparently, as far as the public know, the utter failure of the Government to provide any adequate defence?
That is not what was suggested by the hon. Member.
I have drafted an alternative Motion.
We cannot have the question raised twice in the same Session.
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, "the air raid on Friday night last, and the lack of defence against the same."
Motion for Adjournment
The pleasure of the House having been signified, the Motion stood over, under Standing Order No. 10, until a quarter past eight this evening.
Questions
Housing Schemes (Ireland)
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he can state, as requested by the Association of Municipal Authorities of Ireland, what financial aid for carrying out housing schemes for the working classes the Government intend to give to the municipal bodies in Ireland, in view of the proposed State aid to be granted to local bodies in England for similar purposes?
My right hon. Friend the President of the Local Government Board, when communicating with the local authorities in England as regards the financial assistance which may be given from public funds to those local authorities who are prepared to carry through without delay at the conclusion of the War a programme of housing for the working classes approved by the Local Government Board, said that it was not possible to indicate the form which the assistance would take, or the extent of it, but that it would be available only for a limited period. As I have already stated in reply to the hon. Member on 6th August, Ireland will, no doubt, participate in any measure for improving the housing conditions of the poor. I cannot at present supply any detailed particulars.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware of the special attention being given to the housing question in England by the Local Government Board, in order that plans may be ready to be put into operation at the close of the War, for the execution of which plans large Government Grants will be available; what steps of a similar character he is taking in Ireland, and whether he will secure for Irish housing schemes a proper proportion of such Government Grants?
The subject is one about which I have secured a great deal of information, to which I expect to be able to add by inquiries which I am making through the Local Government Board. The answer I have given to-day to the hon. Member for the St. Patrick's Division deals with the latter part of the question.
Is it a fact—I ask for the purpose of information—whether representatives of the Local Government Board are, in this matter, at present in consultation with the representatives of the Corporation of Dublin?
Yes, Sir; the inquiries which are being made are not limited.
Are those inquiries being made from other corporations throughout Ireland?
Yes, Sir; that is what I intended to convey. The interests of the other towns in Ireland will be borne in mind.
Prison Warders (Ireland)
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that on the 13th June last the Irish married prison warders not living in prison houses were officially notified that an increase, in their rent allowance had been granted; that on the 23rd August official forms relative thereto were sent to them by the Prisons Board to be filled; and that no further announcement on this matter has since been made to the warders concerned; and whether he can say at what date they may expect to be put in possession of the new increased allowance and from what date they may expect payment thereof?
A general announcement as to an increase in the rate of lodging allowance to prison officers was made by the General Prisons Board on 13th June. The details have proved to be very complicated, but it is hoped the matter will be settled in a short time.
National School Teacher, Ireland (Dismissal)
asked the Chief Secretary whether Mr. Thornton, national school teacher, has been reinstated to his position; if not, will he state whether the National Board or the Irish Executive refuse to reinstate him; and if he is aware that this man is prepared to stand a judicial trial?
Mr. Thornton has not been reinstated. The power to reinstate him rests with the National Board. The questions involved in his dismissal could not, so far as I know, be dealt with judicially.
If the National Board decide to reinstate him, will the Irish Executive allow them to do so?
The Irish Executive have no control over the decisions of the National Board.
Personal Explanation
I wish to make a personal explanation. On Friday last I put a question to the Chief Secretary for Ireland, asking him if he was aware that a Dublin Castle official had grossly insulted the Lord Mayor of Dublin, and the right hon. Gentleman denied my statement. Is the Chief Secretary aware that since then the Lord Mayor of Dublin has made a public statement verifying my assertion, and will he state what steps he intends to take to deal with the Under-Secretary for Ireland, because my statement was absolutely correct?
The hon. Gentleman is trot entitled to take advantage of this opportunity in order to repeat a statement he has made. I thought he was rising to make a personal explanation.
It is a fact that my statement was true.
Orders of the Day
Representation of the People Bill
Considered in Committee.—[Progress, 19th October. ]
[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]
First Schedule
Appeals from Registration Officer.
21. A person desiring to appeal against the decision of a registration officer must give notice of appeal in the prescribed form to the registration officer and to the opposite party, if any, when the decision is given or within two days thereafter, specifying the point of law on which he wishes to appeal.
The registration officer shall forward any such notices to the County Court in manner directed by rules of Court together, in each case, with a statement of the material facts which, in his opinion, have been established in the case; and of his decision upon the whole case and on the point of law in respect of which notice of appeal is given.
22. Where it appears to the registration officer that any notices of appeal given to him relate to the same point of law, he shall inform the County Court of the fact for the purpose of enabling the County Court (if the Court thinks fit) to consolidate the appeals.
General.
23. Where the registration officer by these rules is required to publish any document, and no specific provision is made as to the mode of publication, he shall publish the document by making copies of the document available for in spection by the public in his office, and in the chief post office (if the Postmaster-General gives authority for the purpose), or some other convenient place in the area forming the registration unit with which the document is concerned and, if he thinks fit, in any other manner which is, in his opinion, desirable for the purpose of bringing the contents of the document to the notice of those interested.
Any failure to publish a document in accordance with these rules shall not invalidate the document, but his provision shall not relieve the registration officer from any penalty for such a failure.
If any person without lawful authority destroys, mutilates, defaces or removes any notice published by the registration officer in connection with his registration duties, or any copies of a document which have been made available for inspection in pursuance of this rule, he shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding five pounds.
24. The registration officer shall, with out fee, on the application of any parson, supply forms of claims and notices of objections.
25. The registration officer shall, on the application of any person, and on payment of the prescribed fee, supply to that person copies of any claim or notice of objection made under these rules.
26. Any claim or notice of objection which is under these rules to be sent to the registration officer may be sent to him by post addressed to him at his office.
Any notice which is required to be sent by the registration officer under these rules to any person shall be sufficiently sent if sent by post to the address of that person as given by him for the purpose, or as appearing on the register, or if there is no such address, to his last known place of abode.
27. The registration officer may require any householder or any person owning or occupying any land or premises within his area to give, in the prescribed form, any information he may require for the purpose of his duties as registration officer; and if any person fails to give the required information he shall be liable, on summary conviction, to a fine not exceeding twenty pounds.
28. The registration officer, before registering any woman as a Parliamentary elector, may require her to make a statutory declaration as to her age, but where a declaration is so required any fee payable in connection therewith shall be paid by the registration officer as part of his registration expenses.
29. On the consideration of any claim or objection or other matter by the registration officer, any person appearing to the registration officer to be interested may appear and be heard either in person or by any other person, other than counsel, on his behalf.
30. The registration officer may, if he thinks fit, on the consideration of any claim and objection or other matter require that the evidence tendered by any person should be given on oath and may administer an oath for the purpose.
31. No misnomer or inaccurate description of any person or place on any list or on the register shall prejudice the operation of this Act or these rules as respects that person or place: Provided that the person or place is so designated as to be commonly understood.
Application of Rules to Scotland and Ireland.
32. These rules shall apply to Scotland subject to the following modifications, namely:
The inspector of poor in each pariah shall on or before the fifteenth day of January and the fifteenth day of July in each year send to the registration officer for the county or burgh, as the case may be, a list in the prescribed form duly certified by him of all persons of twenty-one years of age or over resident in the parish or occupying lands or premises therein who have been in receipt of poor relief (other than medical relief, for thirty days or more in the aggregate during the six months preceding the said fifteenth day of January or of July, as the case may be.
The provision for the transmission of a copy of the register to the Local Government Board shall not apply.
33. These rules shall apply to Ireland subject to the following modifications, namely:
(1) References to the Local Government Board shall be construed as references to the Local Government Board for Ireland.
(2) The district electoral division as constituted under the Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898, shall be the registration unit; but—
(3) The expression "overseers" includes town clerks, secretaries of county councils, clerks of urban district councils, existing clerks of the union within the meaning of the Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898, and collectors of poor rate.
(4) The overseers shall be entitled to payment for services performed and expenses incurred by them in the execution of any duties under these rules. The payments shall be at such rates and shall be made at such times as may be fixed by order of the Local Government Board for Ireland under this Schedule, and any sum payable to an overseer under this provision shall be treated for the purposes of this Act as part of the expenses of the registration officer on whose requisition the services were performed or the expenses were incurred.
This provision shall apply to any superintendent registrar of births and deaths or clerk of the union who is not an existing clerk of the union, so far as respects lists or information supplied by him in connexion with deaths or persons in receipt of poor relief in like manner as it applies to overseers.
I beg to move, in paragraph 21, to leave out the words "point of law on which he wishes to," and to insert instead thereof the words "grounds of."
I am greatly disappointed that when the right hon. Gentleman drafted this Amendment he did not go a little further. In the course of the Debates the right hon. Gentleman very properly agreed that there should be an appeal from the registration office, not merely on a question of law, but as originally proposed also on the question of fact. In order to give effect to that promise, the right hon. Gentleman now moves to leave out these words and to insert "grounds of." I suggest that a simple notice of appeal ought to be quite sufficient. The case is heard by the tribunal and everybody knows what is in dispute, and what more is wanted than an ordinary notice of appeal without the necessity of encumbering it with a statement of the grounds.
I suppose it is intended to allow an appeal on points of fact as well as on points of law.
That has already been done in the Bill.
And these words carry out that intention.
Yes. I do not think it is unreasonable to state what are the grounds of the appeal, and the same procedure is followed in other cases.
If the presiding officer strikes a name off and the man appeals, what more can he do? He appeals because be has been struck off, and the objector appeals because the man has not been struck off.
It appears to me that the words of the Section admit of a much wider appeal than the hon, and learned Gentleman opposite (Mr. Healy) appears to think. I think the grounds of appeal should be as wide as possible.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in paragraph 21, to leave out the words "the point of law in respect of which notice of appeal is given," and to insert instead thereof "any special point which may be specified as a ground of appeal."
On the point of Order. I have an Amendment after the word "law" ["specifying the point of law"], to insert the words "or question of fact." Is that covered by the Amendment already passed?
That was covered by an Amendment which we made in the Bill itself. These Amendments to the Schedule carry out what we then did.
I do not quite understand why the word "special" is introduced. The decision should be given upon the grounds stated in the notice of appeal, and I suggest that the word "special" should be omitted.
I am not sure that there is not some weight in my hon. and learned Friend's suggestion. We decided that appeals on question of fact in actual cases should be allowed. If we put in the words "any special point," I am not at all sure that it might not be held to be some point of law and not the question whether the individual man ought to be on the register or not.
I do not much care about the word, and I am prepared to leave it out.
If the word "special" is left out, it will be somewhat contradictory. The best would be to leave out the words "any special point," and to substitute the words "the ground."
I would like to ask whether this Amendment at all carries out what I am sure is the intention of the right hon. Gentleman to make the right of appeal as wide as possible.
Some notices of appeal will be of such a character that they will only relate to one particular case, but there may be some point which will affect a hundred cases, and, instead of multiplying the procedure, you should have one appeal, one trial, and one decision. If there is not something of this kind in the Bill, the whole hundred persons will have to appeal and argue their case before the County Court judge. These words enable the clerk of the peace to say, "this is a point which affects a hundred cases; we will take one case and have it decided."
Question, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Schedule," put, and negatived.
Question proposed, "That the words, 'any special point which may be specified as a ground of appeal,' be there inserted."
I beg to move, as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment, to leave out the word "special."
Amendment agreed to.
Proposed words, as amended, there inserted.
Further Amendments made: At the end of paragraph 21, insert the words "and shall also furnish to the Court any further information which the Court may require and which he is able to furnish."
In paragraph 22, leave out the words "relate to the same point of law," and insert instead thereof the words, "are based on similar grounds."
At the end of the same paragraph, insert the words "or select a case as a test case."—[ Sir G. Cave. ]
I beg to move, in paragraph 23, to leave out the word "chief" ["chief post office"], and to insert instead thereof the word, "each."
I attach a certain amount of importance to this Amendment for practical reasons. In a division which is constituted a borough under this Bill, I do not think there is such a thing as a chief post office, though there are several branch offices. It has always been a grievance of the locality that they have not got anything in the nature of a chief post office. A new borough is going to be formed returning a member to this House, and according to this Rule the registrar has to make these various documents set out in Rule 5 available for inspection by the public at his office, and in the chief post office, if the Postmaster-General gives his authority for the purpose, or some other, convenient place in the area. There is no chief post office, and in a big area such as this it cannot be sufficient merely to publish these lists in one place even if you take one post office and make it the chief post office. You ought to publish them in each post office and in other public places. The rules of registration now in force give elaborate directions to the overseers as to how, where, when, and for how long they shall publish their lists. They have to publish them in every public place of worship, in the chief post office if the Postmaster-General gives his authority, and in the office of the overseers. I suggest that you ought to be no less careful under this Bill to give the public every facility to inspect these lists. After all, we are now for the first time throwing on each individual man and woman the duty of getting on the list and voting, Previously, it has been left to the agents of the various parties to see that each man entitled to vote has been put on the register. If a man did not find his name on the list he would write to his Member of Parliament, or to the candidate, and ask why he was not on. That gentleman would write to the agent and ask why on earth Mr. So-and-So was not on the list, because he was a good voter, and could be relied upon. Now things are different. We are asking the citizen man or woman to see that he or she gets on the list and to come up and vote as a national duty apart altogether from parties. It is necessary, therefore, to publish the lists as widely and extensively as possible, and it should be done not only in the chief post office, but in every post office.
There are so many things put up in the post office that I do not want to add anything unless there is good reason for it. That being so, the Bill proposes that the documents, including, of course, the very bulky register, shall be published at the chief post office of the parish. Most people wanting to see it would go to the trouble of going to the post office.
In this particular district there is no chief post office. That is the whole point.
If that is so, I think there will be no trouble in dealing with the case under the general words which follow, but if the hon. and gallant Gentleman will withdraw his Amendment I will put the point before the Post Office authorities and see whether I can take these words or submit other words.
We are not sure, under the terms of the Bill, that the documents will be displayed in the chief post office, because that is subject to the assent of the Postmaster-General. I submit, in view of what the Home Secretary has said, that he might consider the advisability of leaving out the words, "relating to the consent of the Postmaster-General."
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in paragraph 23, to leave out the words, "or some other convenient place," and to insert instead thereof the words, "such other convenient places."
I want to ask what exactly the words "some other convenient place" mean? Do they mean one other convenient place, or is the registration authority to publish these lists in several places? At present these lists are put up for inspection in every public place of worship. Is that going to be done under this Bill? If it is not, I submit that we ought not to tie ourselves down to directing the registration officer to publish only in one other convenient place.
The meaning of the Bill is that there shall be publication in one place in the unit or the parish, either at the post office or some other convenient place. The words which follow and which must not be lost sight of, are
"and, if he thinks fit, in any other manner which is, in his opinion, desirable."
In a small parish he will put it in one place, but in a big parish he will put it in other places.
Will he put it up in places of worship as at present? At the present moment the law is that he has to put it up in those places. Every man ought to be a Christian and go somewhere to church, therefore every man would have a reasonable chance of seeing the list. Under this provision, unless he goes to the post office or some other place he does not see it.
Amendment negatived.
Further Amendment made: In paragraph 23, leave out the words "with which the document is concerned," and insert instead thereof the words "to which the document elates."—[ Mr. King. ]
I beg to move, in paragraph 23, to leave out the words "if he thinks fit."
These words seem to be quite redundant, because only a little further on we get the phrase "in his opinion." I do not think you want both.
If we do not put these words in the registration officer would probably have to publish the document once more. It may be that he thinks one publication is enough. I think these words are necessary.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Further Amendments made: In paragraph 23, leave out the word "his" ["but his provision shall not relieve"], and insert instead thereof the word "this."— [ Sir G. Cave. ]
Leave out the words "this rule" ["for inspection in pursuance of this rule"] and insert instead thereof the words "these rules."—[ Mr. King. ]
I beg to move, in paragraph 25, to leave out the words "on the application of any person," and to insert instead thereof the words "allow any person to inspect and take extracts from any claim or notice of objection made under these rules."
Have we not dealt with this point?
I am not aware of it is not carried, the existing law. If this Amendment Bill will alter the With the Amendment the existing law of inspection will remain untouched. I do not know whether the Home Secretary will tell me whether that is so or not. As the rule stands it certainly alters the existing law.
I do not think it is a fact that this rule alters the existing law. Under the existing law the claims and notices of objections are published and any person on paying a fee may have copies supplied to him. This rule gives the same right. If the Amendment were carried inconvenience might be caused at the registration office by having persons there taking extracts which would take a considerable time. I think it better not to put in these words. I would point out that under the rule any person may obtain a copy on payment of a fee. Perhaps my hon. Friend will consider that.
I can support the hon Baronet (Sir G. Younger) in his contention that this Amendment merely continues the existing law. It takes in an enormous number of lodger claims. It is not sufficient merely to see the list. The person wants to know whether the claim itself is a bonâ fide document which has been signed by the lodger, and, accordingly, under the existing law it is expressly provided that any party interested can inspect the actual claim or objection. In any constituency where the seat is fought keenly it has always been done as a matter of course. I do not know whether Divisions will be fought with the same keenness, as objections will not be so popular as they were. It is one thing to get a copy of the list, and quite another thing to inspect the claim in order to be satisfied that it is a bonâ fide one. At present the lodger claim has to be signed by the claimant, and one of the purposes of inspection is to see that that is done. Now it will not be necessary for a claimant to sign his claim, but I can conceive it possible that on some claim there may be an allegation of fraud or that the document is not a genuine one, and the party questioning it may have a real interest in claiming to see the original document. The object of this Amendment is to give that right. I cannot see why the existing law should not continue.
I confess there is a good deal in what has been said by the hon. Member for Cork (Mr. M. Healy). I understand that the objection of the Home Secretary is that the Amendment may result in the registration office being filled up by people inspecting the forms and objections. That is a little overdrawn. It would not be a very large number of people who would do that. I understand the Amendment would relieve the registration officer of the obligation to send out these particular forms; therefore, so far as regards the work of the registration officer, one method is as good as the other. With regard to the Amendment, there is a good deal in the fact that the person actually sees the document in which the claim or objection is made. He may find out something by doing that which he would not see if only a form were issued saying that John Jones had made a claim and that somebody had objected to it. The Amendment would not involve very much trouble in the registration office, but it does affect the correctness of the register, which I am sure the Home Secretary desires. It would be better if he accepted the Amendment. He apparently expressed considerable doubt whether these people should be allowed to see these particular objections to claims. If it has always been done, I see no reason why it should not be done in future.
Surely the Home Secretary will not persist in his objection. The existing law provides for this, and no such nuisances have arisen as those which he apprehends. Under the existing law persons could crowd the office, but they have never done it. As a matter of fact, there will be no proof of the genuineness of a particular document unless this right is maintained. As this is the existing law, I ask why abolish it? I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give way.
I will meet the sense of the Committee, but it is not quite fair to the registrar to ask him to give extracts without a fee. If my hon. Friend (Sir G. Younger) will withdraw his Amendment at this point and move suitable words in the next line after the word "fee," that will have the effect he desires.
The Amendment does not provide for the registration officer making the extract, but it provides for the man making the inspection taking the extract.
There ought to be some small fee for inspection.
I hope the Home Secretary is not going to insist upon a fee for inspection. The registration officer not render any services. The person interested will go to the office and say that he wants to see the claim of So-and-so. It is handed over the counter, and it is absurd to ask him to pay a fee for that.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in paragraph 25, after the word "fee," to insert the words "allow that person to inspect and take extracts from or."
Is the registration officer to get a fee for doing this? If he is, it is a monstrous burden to impose upon the person concerned in the registration. It has never been done. Is he to get a fee for every name? Suppose I want to see 100 claims and he says the fee is 1s., am I to give him a £5 note? That is really absurd. We have this right under the existing law, why change it? Has anything of the kind been found necessary before? Never! Now that we are enlarging the franchise still further one would suppose that scrutiny would be more necessary than ever, but you block scrutiny by saying: "Put down a fiver and I will let you do it." It is imposing a burden in the shape of a tax which has never before been laid on anybody.
There is no fee charged at the present time, and there really is no service rendered in permitting an agent to attend at the registration office for this purpose.
Amendment agreed to.
Amendment made: In paragraph 25, after the word "of" ["copies of"], insert the words "the electors' list for any registration unit in his area, and."—[ Sir George Cave. ]
I beg to move, in paragraph 26, after the word "by" ["sent to him by"], to insert the word "registered."
I understand that at the present moment claims and objections are sent by registered post. I certainly do not think it desirable that these forms should be sent in the ordinary way, and I move this, therefore, in order that the practice hitherto observed may be adhered to.
The hon. Member has anticipated by a very short head an Amendment which I had put down. But I asked for the insertion of the words "registered or otherwise." Is it possible for us to come to terms so that the objects each of us is aiming at may be secured? What I want is some means whereby proof will be provided if the claim is sent either by registered post or personal delivery.
I agree with that.
I hope the Committee will not impose this burden of registration on the party concerned.
It is the law at the present time.
Yes; but it is a law which is strongly objected to and which ought to be got rid of. The individual voter does not himself draw up his claim or notice of objection and send it by registered post. The work is done for him by the party agent; all he does is to sign it, and he would not dream of sending it by registered post. It is the political agent who does all the work, and as long as claims for votes and objections thereto have to be sent in, so long will you have political agents to do the work. We are now largely reducing the expenses of revision, and I hope that ultimately we may reach a point when all this may become unnecessary. Why should those who interest themselves in these matters and desire to get a true and faithful list of voters be put to the expense of sending the notices by registered post? I have been getting letters for thirty years past, and I say that in my experience—in Ireland, at any rate, it is an exceedingly rare thing to use the registered post. If the letter is properly addressed it will reach its destination in the ordinary way, and, therefore, I do not see why anyone should be put to the cost of registering it. An unregistered letter can be sent for Id. Registration involves an extra expenditure of 2d., and why should that be incurred when it is almost certain that the letter will be delivered if posted in the ordinary way? The analogy of the existing practice is not to the point. We are going to get rid of many of the requirements with regard to proof of delivery, under the present registration laws. I know that the production in Court of the Post Office receipt is accepted as proof of service, but nothing of that kind will be necessary under the new law, and I say to impose this obligation will be putting an unnecessary expense upon political parties.
I beg to withdraw my Amendment in favour of that of the hon. Member for East Marylebone (Mr. Boyton).
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Further Amendment proposed:
In paragraph 26, after the word "by," insert the words "registered or otherwise."—[ Mr. Boyton. ]
I do not think these words would have any effect at all.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in paragraph 27, after the word "officer" ["the registration officer"], to insert the words "or anyone authorised by him in that behalf."
The object of this Amendment is to make it perfectly clear that the registration officer is not bound personally to give the information required, but that anyone authorised by him may do so.
It is already implied that the registration officer may do a thing by his agent, and therefore it is not necessary to put in these words.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in the same paragraph, after the word "area" ["within his area"] to insert the words "or the factors or agents of such person."
I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman thinks this alteration unnecessary, but I have been advised that it is desirable.
I think the word "factors" should follow "agent" instead of preceding it.
I am quite willing to alter my Amendment as suggested by the hon. and learned Gentleman.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment made: After the word "area" insert the words "or the agent or factors of such person."—[ Mr. Dickinson. ]
I beg to move, in the same paragraph, after the word "information" ["required information"], to insert the words "within his knowledge."
It does not seem to me to be quite right that if an owner of property or his agent or factor is called upon by the registration officer to give certain information he should be liable to a heavy fine on summary conviction for failing to give it, if the information is not naturally in his possession, or if it is not within his personal knowledge. The owner or his agent should only be made liable if the information asked for is within his personal knowledge, and he ought not to be called upon to go about ferreting out information for the registration officer and inquiring into what, after all, is other people's business.
This seems to me to be a very reasonable Amendment. I am not a lawyer, and do not pretend to approach these matters in a legal manner. But it does appear to me that the effect of this provision as it stands would be to enable the registration officer to go to a property owner or his agent and insist on being supplied with information which he ought to obtain elsewhere. Some words must be put in in order to show that the house owner or property owner can only be called upon for information within his personal knowledge.
He could not give information unless he had got it.
5.0 P.M.
The man may not have the information in his head, but he may have it in his desk, and I do not see why he should not lake the trouble to get it out for the information of the registration officer. I think, however, that some words are necessary.
Will the right hon. Gentleman accept the words "in his possession" instead of "within his knowledge"? A man either possesses the information or he does not.
Is it not the intention of the Clause that the householder or person owning or occupying the land should give information as regards the house or land he owns or occupies? It surely is not intended that he should be required to give information with regard to anybody else's house or land. If it were limited to requiring him to give information with regard to his house or land that would be perfectly satisfactory, but what I think we fear is that the unfortunate householder should be required to give information about all the houses in the street.
I think one of the points this is meant to cover is the question of succession. A man is entitled to be asked to state his claim under that qualification.
I should be against putting in words which would qualify this too much, because I can imagine a variety of information being required; with regard to when a particular man left; whether any lodgers live in the house; and I think it will be very largely used by electors or agents to find out who are the particular tenants. There is a large variety of information that may be required, and any words that would unduly qualify the effect would be a mistake.
I beg to ask leave to withdraw my Amendment, and to substitute for it the words "within his possession."
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in paragraph 27, after the word "information" ["required information"], to insert the words "in his possession."
I do not want to be hypercritical, but we are getting a number of "he's" and "his's." I would suggest that in paragraph 27 we should leave out the word "he" ["any information he may require"], in order to insert instead thereof the words "in his possession which the registration officer."
I ask leave to withdraw my Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment made: In paragraph 27 leave out the word "he" ["any information he may require"] and insert instead thereof the words, "in his possession which the registration officer."—[ Sir G. Cave. ]
I beg to move the Amendment standing in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for St. Augustines (Mr. R. McNeill): In paragraph 27, after the word "information" ["required information"], to insert the words "or wilfully gives false information." I think if a man is to be punished for failing to give information it is still more necessary to punish him if he wilfully gives false information.
I accept the Amendment. Amendment agreed to. Further Amendments made:
After paragraph 27 insert In the original paragraph 28 leave out the word "woman" ["registering any woman"], and insert instead thereof the word "person."
Leave out the words "a parliamentary," and insert the word "an."
Leave out the words "require her" ["may require her"], and insert "if he thinks it necessary require that person either to produce a certificate of birth or if that is not practicable or convenient." —[ Sir G. Cave. ]
I beg to move in paragraph 28 to leave out the words "as to her age" ["statutory declaration as to her age"], and to insert instead thereof the words "that such person has attained the required age." I think these words should come in to agree with those of the Home Secretary. The words "as to her age" will have no relevance at all. It seems to me that the words "that such person has attained the required age "might mean a man of twenty-one or a woman of thirty.
No doubt what the hon. Gentleman has explained may be right. As the Bill stands a lady might be asked to state what her age was, while he as a gallant man says she should only be asked if she has attained the required age.
Amendment agreed to.
On a point of Order. I want to add words that deal with the question of a person who is a British subject or a naturalised British subject. That has nothing to do with the question of age. I have had the point put to me that now that frequent changes are made from foreign to British names it is very necessary that persons, if so required, should make a declaration that they are British subjects or naturalised British subjects.
I do not quite know to what Amendment the hon. Gentleman refers.
Paragraph 28, instead of the words "as to her age"—words which we have already omitted, to insert the words "that such person has attained the required age and is a British subject or a naturalised British subject. I want to add the words "and is a British subject or a naturalised British subject" after the words we have just put in. I beg, therefore, to move, in paragraph 28, after the words last inserted to insert "and is a British subject or naturalised British subject."
I will consider this, but it is a new requirement altogether.
It has been on the Paper for three months.
Aliens are prohibited in any case.
I should like to hear the views of the Committee upon it.
If he or she is a British subject that is quite sufficient, seeing that there is a prohibition on aliens. There is no objection to it.
I would point out to the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. T. M. Healy) that this is a special provision with regard to declarations which may be required. It seems to me quite important to give the registration officer the power to require a declaration of nationality as well as of age. If the Home Secretary sees no objection to it at present I would ask him to accept the words, and if he finds any objection afterwards to delete them on the Report stage.
I would suggest the insertion of the words "and is a British subject."
I beg to ask leave to withdraw my Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment made: In paragraph 28, after the words last inserted, add the words "and is a British subject."—[ Sir G. Cave. ]
The next Amendment, in the names of six hon. Members—in paragraph 28, after "a" ["where a declaration"], to insert the words "certificate or"—is covered.
I think not; it is purely consequential on what the Home Secretary has done. We have suggested that either a certificate of birth or statutory declaration may be given. The Bill merely provides for "where a declaration is so required." It is proposed to insert the words "certificate or," which seems to follow what we have done. I beg to move, after the word "a" ["where a declaration"], to insert the words "certificate or."
If the officer is going to ask for a statutory declaration it is not unfair that the State should pay for it, but when he only asks for a certificate of birth, I do not think it unreasonable to ask that it should be at the person's expense.
Has the right hon. Gentleman considered in this connection the cheaper rates relating to old age pensions? I think there you get an especially cheap certificate for Is. when you require it for some statutory purchase of that kind, and I would ask the Home Secretary to consider, especially as these certificates may be required in considerable numbers, the desirability, not of abolishing the charge, but of reducing it.
I do not think that arises here.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, at the end of the original paragraph 28, to insert the words "and the declaration shall be exempt from Stamp Duty."
As the right hon. Gentleman is very properly exempting the declaration from Stamp Duty, what is the meaning of what is left of it at all? My own view is that the declaration will be exempt from Stamp Duty without any enactment, as under the Stamp Act any declaration required by law is exempt from Stamp Duties. I should suppose that a declaration for the purposes of this Act would be undoubtedly a declaration required by law, and consequently no formal exemption from Stamp Duty would be necessary. But as he is exempting it from Stamp Duty, will he tell us what are the other expenses which he says the registration officer may properly pay as part of his registration expenses? I presume the right hon. Gentleman does not mean that he may go over to a solicitor and have a declaration made before him at the cost of the State. If that is not so and if there is to be no Stamp Duty, what are the expenses to which the registration officer will be put?
I do not think there is any doubt about the Stamp Duty.
Assuming that the Stamp Duty is not to be paid, what are the expenses of the declaration which the Clause goes on to provide may be paid by the registration officer as registration, expenses?
The fee of the commissioner for oaths.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, at the end of the paragraph, to add the words, "The registration officer shall, during business hours, allow any person to inspect and take a copy of any such declaration."
I see no reason why the existing law should be changed.
I accept the Amendment. Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in paragraph 29, to leave out the words "appearing to the registration officer to be interested."
These are unnecessary words. The British are always priding themselves on their freedom. I am told this rule attempts to revive a modern Star Chamber. I have no doubt whatever that the point requires to be looked into.
The words are "interested person." That includes the claimant, the objector, and anyone interested in the matter. The Amendment would leave it open for anyone to be heard upon the claim.
Would it not do if you left in the word "interested"? Anyone interested may appear. I do not see why it should be left to the registration officer.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in paragraph 29, after the word "person" ["and be heard either in person"], to insert the words "being an elector or claiming to be an elector within the registration area, may appear."
This raises the point of the itinerant objector. The object of the Amendment is that no claim or objection should be made except by an elector or one who claims to be an elector—that is, one who is coming on the next register in that constituency. It is to avoid a single agent going round the whole county and making all the claims and objections.
I am as much in favour as anyone of abolishing a great deal of the existing formalities, but I really think it is unnecessary to say an agent is not to appear unless he has the authority and the right. Take the list of objections. There are, we will say, 2,000 or 3,000 objections served in a constituency. The election agent finds out that 1,000 of them are against his own friends. Is he not to see what objections are well founded unless he can get the authority and wish of the individual? You want in a revision Court someone who will take the other side and defend the voter when he is attacked. The notion that the voter himself will do so is the most idle moonshine. He will not do it at all. He will fling the objection into the waste-paper basket, and if there is not someone there in Court when the case is called on who can be heard on his behalf his name will be struck from the list. I cannot see what is to be gained by that kind of performance. In order to enable the registration officer to defend the voter, forsooth, he must go round and get signatures from everyone he wants to defend. Does the hon. Member mean that? Registration agents are full of information, and we cannot get on without these officials.
Which Amendment is the hon. and learned Gentleman talking on?
Preventing anyone who is not interested from appearing unless he gets consent in writing.
That is not the Amendment I moved. There is a misprint on the Order Paper. It ought to be online 41.
It does not read even then.
On the point of Order. We have passed the words "appearing to the registration officer to be interested," and we have got to line 42. But I think my hon. and gallant Friend (Colonel Sanders) might move his Amendment after the word "interested."
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, after the word "interested" ["appearing to the registration officer to be interested"], to insert the words "and being or claiming to be an elector within the registration area."
If this is accepted, does it mean that the registration agent, who is generally the person who appears on behalf of the parties, must himself be an elector? It sometimes happens that the registration officer is not an elector, and if this is accepted it appears to me it would have that effect.
I hope the Government will not accept this Amendment. I am afraid the only result of it will be to prevent any claims or any objections being made. It is quite certain that the average elector will not take the trouble to go either on his own behalf or on that of anyone else. I am not at all certain whether he will even take the trouble to sign the paper. I can see no reason why the registration agent should not be allowed to appear on behalf of the elector. You are not going to get rid of the registration agent. He is conversant with the whole thing and the electors are not. If the Amendment is carried, it would be necessary that the registration agent should become an elector. He might be a very good registration agent, but he might not be able to get qualified in time. Further, the Schedule says, "Any individual claim or objection has been made by the elector." Is that the same elector, or must it be a different elector? I hope my hon. and gallant Friend will withdraw the Amendment.
I would not advise the Committee to accept the Amendment. We have already confined it to a person who is interested. I think that is enough.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move to leave out the words "other than counsel."
I have no special interest in counsel, but I cannot see why you should send a solicitor to appear for him and not counsel. I do not see why there should be any exception at all.
I support the Amendment. I have no interest in counsel either, but I really do not see why one section of the Bar should not have the same privilege as the other. Of course, counsel very often are up in all these things. It is their duty to appear and address critics and people in authority, and I earnestly trust that the natural modesty of the Home Secretary will allow him to forget the position which he occupies and to accept the Amendment.
This is an attempt to stereotype the existing Statute which prevents counsel attending registration sessions. But immediately it was passed the Irish Members who were concerned ran a coach and four through it, because the late Mr. Philip Callan provided that where the counsel was himself the member for the constituency that disability should not apply. This is an attempt practically to do away with Mr. Callan's Act. On that ground alone I think the words are unfortunate.
I should like to accept the Amendment, but seventy-four years ago Parliament decided that counsel should not be heard in revision Courts. We are dealing now with something even less formal—with the hearing by registration officers. I could not hope to persuade the Committee to go back on the decision of seventy-four years ago and allow counsel to be heard. I rather think the decision to which the hon. and learned Gentleman referred would also apply to the Schedule as it stands. If a candidate for the division is a practicing barrister he would be held not to be appearing as counsel, but in his own capacity.
Why should it be left to the mercy of the revising barrister? Under the existing law a barrister has the right of appearing in his own constituency. This takes it from him, as I construe it. I do not suppose it is a matter of very great moment, but the whole position is changed from the time when the disability of counsel was inflicted. It was done on this ground. The folly of our ancestors, unfortunately desired to make everything perfectly plain and simple, and accordingly they provided that there were to be no legal arguments, and with that view they prevented counsel from appearing at these registration Courts. But it was immediately proved that solicitors were far worse than counsel as they took every sort of footling point, with the result that registration Courts became far more farcical from the legal point of view than if counsel had been admitted to them. I really think you are introducing a fresh disability on counsel and inflicting it upon the one who is most concerned in his own constituency. That is the vice of this proposal. I suggest that the Home Secretary should agree to omit these words now, reserving to himself the right of reintroducing them on the Report stage, subject to the provisions of Callan's Act, to which I have already referred.
If the Home Secretary, wishes a word on the other side, perhaps I may be allowed to say that I have no objection to counsel on general grounds, but I think that these inquiries ought to be as informal and inexpensive as possible. My experience leads me to believe that the admission of counsel will make the inquiry much more formal, and it will be very much more difficult for the simple elector to have his case elucidated. Moreover, it will make the proceedings more expensive. Anything that tends to make these inquiries more formal and expensive ought to be avoided.
I am not quite certain that the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Gulland) is right. If a solicitor appears he may not charge quite as much as a barrister, but I am not quite sure that he does not come very near to that. Perhaps it would be better if people paid a little more and got a barrister, instead of taking the solicitor out of his proper place and putting him in the revision Court. There is no obligation to employ counsel. It is left to a person to employ counsel if he so wishes. I was not very much impressed with the argument of the Home Secretary. Perhaps the Home Secretary was going back to a few years ago when he held Tory principles. He began talking about the Committee not being able to accept this Amendment because it was contrary to something which was passed seventy-four years ago. That is an excellent doctrine from my point of view and also from the point of view of the Home Secretary three or four years ago, but it is not a good point of view from the Home Secretary's standpoint at the present moment. The whole Bill is contrary, not merely to what was passed seventy-four years ago, but to what was passed thirty years ago, or less. Therefore, I hope that my right hon. Friend will either withdraw his argument or accept the Amendment.
I hope the Government will not accept this Amendment. There appears to be no real case made out for departing from the existing practice in the registration Courts. In addition to what was said by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Gulland) about formality and expense, one vital consideration is expedition, and I cannot see how we are going to have that if there are to be stiff contests in the registration Courts, the parties briefing a leader and a junior. Once you let in counsel there is no limit to the number who may be briefed, and they may be instructed to argue every point. The result will be that the production of the lists cannot be dealt with in anything like time. Such a provision would tend to the advantage of those who are in a position to spend a great deal of money. I do not see any members of the Labour party present at the moment, but in all probability if this Amendment was accepted we should find a very strong attempt made on the Report stage to cut it out. There appears to be no case made out for departing from the existing system, which on the whole works quite well.
So far as I am concerned I have discharged my duty to my hon. and learned Friend (Mr. Rawlinson), in whose name this Amendment stands. My own experience is that I would very much sooner have a solicitor than a barrister, and I certainly do not intend so long as I stand for a Parliamentary constituency to employ counsel. Under the circumstances I beg leave to withdraw the Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
The following Amendment stood on the Paper in the name of Mr. GILBERT:
In paragraph 29, at the end, insert the words "and on the hearing of an appeal in the County Court any person appearing to the judge or the assistant judge, as the case may be, to be interested may appear and be heard either in person or by any other person in his behalf, always provided that no Court hearing or other fees be payable in respect to such appeal."
We are dealing here with registration officers, and I suggest that the procedure of the County Court cannot be brought in here. It can properly be dealt with by rules under Clause 12.
The object of this Amendment—and perhaps the Home Secretary will meet on that point—is to prevent fees being charged by the County Court in respect of appeals. It is desirable that on registration appeals there should be no fees charged. There is no fee before the present revising barrister. The rules that may be made may prescribe that certain fees must be paid in the County Court before the case is heard. We want a safeguard against that.
The last thing that enters my mind is the possibility of fees being charged. I think the hon. Member is wrong in thinking that anything of the kind is possible.
The point of Order, as I understand it, is that this. Amendment is in the wrong place, even if it is necessary at all, arid that it ought to be dealt with under a Clause which we have already passed, which provides for rules being made. I think it is in the wrong place, and what point there is in the Amendment should be raised on Report when we come to the Clause which deals with the question of rules.
When we come to. Clause 12, which deals with that matter, will it be in order on Report to move that a rule be inserted providing that no fees, be charged for hearing?
That is a matter which Mr. Speaker will deal with when it comes before him. No doubt the hon. Member will raise that point.
I beg to move the-Amendment which stands in the name of my hon. Friend (Mr. R. McNeill): At the end of paragraph 29, insert the words," and any person so appearing to be heard, who wilfully makes any false statement for the purpose of supporting any such claim or objection shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding: £20."
This Amendment raises a substantial point. It is provided in the rules dealing with this point that an ordinary inquiry, unless otherwise directed, shall not be an inquiry on oath. That might leave it open for witnesses to make false statements with impunity. This Amendment seeks to put a penalty on the giving of false evidence in the Court even where the evidence is not taken on oath. I think it is a necessary provision.
Under this Amendment an advocate, who is not to be counsel, may be fined £20 for making a false statement. I am glad that counsel will be exempt from this terrible penalty.
This is rather a strong proposition. If the officer has any doubts about a statement made, he may call upon someone to verify the statement, and if the statement is made on oath there is a penalty imposed by law. If every false statement made in a speech is going to be made the subject of a penalty it would mean having a shorthand note taken of every speech made before the registration officer.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move the Amendment standing in the name of my hon. Friend (Mr. Bird)—at the end of paragraph 29 to insert the words "a registration officer may require any person to give evidence or produce documents and any person who fails to answer any question by the registration officer or to produce any document required shall be liable to a penalty not exceeding five pounds, which penalty shall be recoverable."
It is intended by this Amendment to give the registration officer the same power that the revising barrister has now. I do not see any particular reason why he should not have that power. I do not know whether it is an omission. Under the Act of 1878 the revising barrister has this power, and I think we should give it to the registration officer.
Under paragraph 27 it is provided that ["the registration officer may require any householder, or any person owning or occupying any land or premises within his area to give any information in the prescribed form he may require."
This Amendment would enable him to call upon any person whatsoever, whether he knows anything about the matter or not, to make a statement before him, subject to penalty. This is rather a new power to give to the Court, and I do not think the Court ought to have that power.
I think the proper place to consider this question would be on the new Clause which the Government propose to bring up dealing with the procedure before the registration officer. There is some point in this Amendment. Up to the present time the registration Court has had the same power as any other Court of issuing a subpœna, I think that is the point to which this Amendment is directed. As the rules stand, apparently it is not contemplated that the registration officer should have the power to issue a subpœna. You can very well understand that certain cases may arise in which important witnesses would not give evidence except on subpœna, and other witnesses would not give evidence except on subpœna. There is an absence of any provision of that kind in the existing rules. We must remember that the registration officer is now substituted for the revision Court. In the procedure of the revision Court nothing is commoner than the issue of a subpœna. I remember reading five years ago of a great contest in the Glasgow Revision Court. It appeared that 5,000 lodger claims had been served, and most of them were alleged to be bogus, and by issuing a subpœna to each individual to come and give evidence in his own case. The newspapers described the issuing of these subpœnas and the attendance of the people at the Courts. The adjoining thoroughfares for a considerable distance were blocked up with the lodgers in posse who had been subpœnaed to give evidence in their own case. That is an illustration of the kind of case which may arise before the new revision Courts. It may very well be that there is a perfectly valid objection to a particular case, and that the objector cannot prove it without calling certain people as witnesses, and the only way he can do that is by subpœna. If there is no power of subpœna in the new Court the Court will lack facilities for investigating questions. I think this is where the Schedule is rather lacking as regards the procedure and the powers of the new revision Court. I understand the Home Secretary has promised that he will bring up a Clause dealing with the matter, and perhaps he will consider the points I am now making as to whether there should be a power of subpœna in the new Court exactly as it existed in the old Courts.
I think something of this sort is necessary. The Home Secretary made reference to paragraph 27, but that only provides that the registration officer may require any householder or any person owning or occupying any land or premises within his area to give information. The person required may not be a householder and he may not own or occupy any land. I think there ought to be some sort of provision as that brought forward in the Amendment. There may be all sorts of people concerned in a declaration or statement, or some document produced before the Court, which it may be necessary to have corroborated, and unless there is some such form as this I think that it will be almost impossible to ensure attendance. Even in ordinary Courts where people are interested many people will not appear as witnesses unless compelled to. Therefore, even if these words are not the correct words, it is absolutely necessary that some words should be inserted. I would also like to know, in regard to my point as to a householder, whether that includes a person qualified to be an elector because he is a resident?
This is one of the matters to be considered in connection with the new provisions.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, in paragraph 30, after the word "fit," to insert the words "and shall at the request of any person interested."
I consider this necessary because the registration officer may not, perhaps, know as much as the person interested, and may not consider it necessary to hear the evidence on oath. There can be no objection to the evidence being given on oath, if a person interested should require it, and it would be a safeguard.
On this occasion I regret having to agree with the right hon. Baronet. I think this is a most necessary and proper Amendment. It should not be left entirely to the discretion of the registration officer where some person interested considers the evidence should be given on oath.
In spite of the unusual concurrence of opinion, I hold a different view. The registration officer should be left some discretion as to the amount of evidence he will take and what evidence he requires to be verified by oath. Of course, any persons interested may, if they like, call the attention of the presiding officer to some doubt which they have and which they would like to be verified on oath, and, unless there is some good reason to the contrary, the registration officer would probably agree. But if it were left in the power of anybody to require the whole proceedings to be on oath, it would enable any cantankerous person to create great difficulty, to waste a good deal of time, and to cause considerable expense. The presiding officer must be left a discretion.
There is something in what the Home Secretary says, but I am sure that the registration officer would not refer to the speech of the Home Secretary, and the statement that the request of persons interested should have attention. I should like to alter my Amendment so as to leave out "shall" and insert "may," so that the words would be "may if he thinks fit, and at the request of any person interested." That does not compel the registration officer to accede to the request, but it does draw attention to the fact that the person interested has some claim to make a request.
These words would prevent the officer from requiring evidence to be given on oath unless somebody asked him to do so.
The Amendment should be to leave out the "and" and put in "or." That would meet the objection.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
I beg to move, after the word "fit," to insert the words "or at the request of any person interested."
I really think that something like this is necessary. The right hon. Gentleman may be perfectly correct in speaking for England and perhaps for Scotland, but I have in mind cases of possible partisanship. The right hon. Gentleman never could be a partisan, and could hardly conceive the idea of anybody being a partisan. But we have got them, and they may exist on both sides. The officers may be Nationalist partisans or Conservative partisans, and they may brush aside an objection and say, "I am satisfied." But the objector may have in mind facts which possibly the other side would not dare to swear to, and this is a provision which would deal with that. Take the case of a Tory registration officer in Ireland. He says to his own side, "I am perfectly satisfied that what that man says is correct. He need not be sworn." Take the case where he is a Nationalist. The Conservative comes up. He thinks that the registration officer is a partisan, and that certain persons should be sworn, but they are not. I do not know what the right hon. Gentleman has in mind with regard to England, but certainly, having regard to the circumstances in Ireland, an Amendment of this kind is absolutely necessary.
I do not see any objection to the sense of the Amendment, but I think that it should read "may at the request of any person interested, or if he thinks fit without such request." If the right hon. Gentleman withdraws his Amendment, I will move Amendments to that effect.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments made: After the word "may" insert the words "at the request of any person interested."
After the word "fit" insert the words "without such request."—[ Sir G. Cave. ]
I beg to more, in paragraph 30, to leave, out the word "and" ["claim and objection"], and to insert instead thereof the word "or." The word "or" is obviously the right word there.
Amendment agreed to.
Amendment made: In paragraph 31, after the word "register," insert the words "or in any notice."—[ Sir G. Cave. ]
I beg to move, in paragraph 33 (3), to leave out the word "existing."
I quite recognise that the clerks of unions appointed since the Act of 1898 have not got as strong a case for consideration as those who were previously appointed. At the same time, if a man is generally competent to perform the work, I do not see why he should be excluded entirely from being permitted to do so merely because his appointment dates from a period later than the passing of the Local Government Act of 1898.
I desire to support this Amendment. This Act places largely increased burdens on officials, and I think clerks of unions, whether appointed before or after the passing of the Local Government Act of 1898, will be a most useful factor in the preparation of the lists. These officials are intimately acquainted with the names of the people and the localities, and are very well fitted for all duties of this kind. Under this new Act, which takes cognisance of residence as well as occupation, the burden placed on the officials will require that they should have all the reinforcement which can be got from any officials. This Amendment will apply only in the case of some dozens of unions scattered all over Ireland. I think it a hardship on the new clerks to exclude them from the work which is created by the Bill. No class of officials is more competent to discharge this new work than the clerks of unions. All classes of Irishmen are agreed on this, and I hope that the right hon. Gentleman may see his way to agree to the Amendment.
We had a discussion last week as to the best method of preserving the interests of those persons who are concerned. I understood that it was agreed that existing interests should be safeguarded, and for this purpose I have an Amendment drafted. Now this is a proposal to take away from one of those classes, whose interests were pressed upon me so strongly last week so that they might be permitted to continue to discharge the work which they new perform, and to transfer that work and its emoluments to another class of people. I do not see that that is what was contemplated last week. It comes as a great surprise to those who know the arrangement which was arrived at across the floor of the House. I have no parti pris one way or the other, but I feel bound to stand by the arrangement which was arrived at last week, and which is embodied in my Amendment.
I must say that I think there is very great force in the argument of the Chief Secretary.
Amendment negatived.
6.0 P.M.
I beg to move, in paragraph 33 (3), after the word "rate" ["collectors of poor rate"], to add the words, "The power of the registration officer to require the overseers to perform duties in connection with registration under this Act shall be construed as an obligation upon him to require each person holding the office of overseer to perform duties analogous to the duties which, but for the passing of this Act, would have been performed by that person by virtue of his office under the enactments relative to registration in force at the commencement of this Act."
This Amendment carries out a promise made by the right hon. Gentleman, and from the consideration he has given it I think it does fulfil that promise. But there are one or two points which I wish to bring before him in connection with the Amendment, which must be read in conjunction with Rule 6, in which occur the words in regard to the registration officer, "where he does not himself perform the duties of overseers." There was some agreement, I think, that the meaning attached to that expression by the right hon. Gentleman and other Members was that where the registration officer is already performing the registration duties—
I have seen two verbal Amendments which the hon. and learned Member desires to make in the Amendment which I have proposed, and they seem to make sure that in all cases where the duties are at present being performed it should be obligatory on the registration officer to continue. The qualifying words suggested by the hon. Gentleman would make general the obligatory character of my Amendment.
I beg to move, as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment, after the word "officer" ["the power of the registration officer"], to insert the words "in certain cases."
The right hon. Gentleman accepts my Amendments, and I need not explain their object further.
Amendment to the proposed Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment, after the word "construed" ["shall be construed as an obligation"], to insert the words "in all cases."
Amendment to the proposed Amendment agreed to.
Words, as amended, there inserted.
I beg to move, at the end of paragraph 33 (4), to insert the words,
"(5) The register of voters in all cases shall, where streets exist, be prepared in street order, and in other places shall be prepared alphabetically in townlands."
I am taking up this Amendment which stood in the name of the hon. Member for South Tyrone, who unfortunately is not able to be here. I think the right hon. Gentleman may take it that there is absolutely no difference of opinion amongst Irish Members in regard to this Amendment, and all are agreed that rules should be prepared in the manner indicated in this proposal. There are some Irish towns which are under the Town Improvements Act, but 3iot a single county council has put it in force, and my Amendment as regards towns would do for Ireland what is at present compulsory in other districts. It is to make compulsory what is at present optional. I do not know that anybody is in favour of the present system, and the whole object of my Amendment is for the convenience of the voter and those interested in voters. At present everybody is inconvenienced, first and foremost the official, when making out his list. Everybody knows that if there is an election in a county the first thing to do is to cut up the list and divide it into town lands, and there is not the smallest reason why that should not be done in the first place. This is a matter on which, there is absolutely no division of opinion in Ireland, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will see his way to permit the insertion of the change proposed by this Amendment.
The Amendment which I have on the Paper has for its object the securing of greater facility in dealing with the lists in Ireland, and I should not stand for one moment in the way of any suggestion which better ensures the effect. If you introduce a qualification, in point of fact, as to the areas and the order in which the names shall be registered, you introduce the most contentious question that I have ever known in local matters; and I do not myself wish that the electors in Ireland or the registration officers should have such questions to deal with. The existing local area is perfectly well known in reference to the Poor Law electoral division. I would venture to suggest that if you are going to make any change you should define the case in which you have classification by street by some electoral division which is familiar. I will read some words which might deal with the question, which I do not think is yet ripe for settlement. I may be allowed, however, to offer what I will read as a contribution to the discussion. These are the words: "As respects any registration unit in which the names on the register are to be arranged in alphabetical order, the names may be arranged alphabetically in town land order if the authority (specifying the suitable authority, county council or borough council) considers that, having regard to the general character of the area forming the registration unit, such arrangement is possible and convenient."
That is the existing law.
There would be no difficulty, so far as the Government are concerned, in adopting a system of register which appears to be valuable and useful and to the best advantage in the opinion of hon. Members. I suggest that between now and Report they should discuss the matter either with me or those who advise me and we will try to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion.
I would call the attention of the right hon. Gentleman to the fact that already under the Local Government Act of 1898 in my own city of Limerick the register is made up in street order, carrying out the intention of the proposal. When that is being done successfully in one place I do not see why it could not be done successfully all round.
I am thankful to the right hon. Gentleman for the spirit in which he has met my Amendment, but I must press him to go somewhat further. What the right hon. Gentleman has suggested is simply the law as it stands. The difficulty as regards the definition of a street is a mere question of administration and does not involve a question of taxation or matters of that kind. At present we have in nearly all urban areas all that the Amendment asks for, and what I seek to do by the Amendment is to make that system universal. When you are dealing with rural areas the law is not compulsory, and experience has shown that as long as the matter is left optional this reform will not be put into effect. The question of Parliamentary franchise does not interest the local bodies. Most of the members are no doubt keen politicans, but it is entirely out of their line to have anything to do with Parliamentary registration. Accordingly if you raise the question of Parliamentary registration in one of our Irish local bodies, there is an immediate suspicion that it is done with a sinister object and you cannot get the local body to consider it except from the more or less party point of view. The result is that reformers are discouraged and nothing is done. I thought that the existing optional law had not been put in force, but the right hon. Gentleman says it has in one place, but where that is I do not know. Everybody is agreed that the law on this subject ought to be reversed. What I ask is that within the electoral division you shall have the names of the persons living in each town land set forth alphabetically in a separate portion of the register. That is a matter of the most obvious convenience for canvassing and also when the lists are being made out. The only objection I have to the words of the right hon. Gentleman is that they still make the local authority the judge. I say they ought not to be the judge, they have no interest in it. Parliament itself should decide bow the lists should be prepared for Parliamentary purposes. That is the only criticism. I have to offer, and I would ask him to consider between now and Report the words he has mentioned with the view to doing the matter not optionally, but compulsorily, and if he agrees to that we will not quarrel as to the form of words.
I will consider it between now and Report and try to have it done on the town land basis.
I desire to support this Amendment. Undoubtedly it would be a great convenience to have the registration in this form. The change could only occur once and it will be a very simple process to have it done regularly. It is surprising that it has not been done before this.
The hon. Member wants to know why it was not done before. I may tell him that many years ago a Conservative Member sitting above the Gangway, in reply to a suggestion of the kind said, "We are not going to give you canvassing books at the public expense."
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Schedule, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Second Schedule
PART I.—Modifications of the Ballot Act, 1872 (First Schedule).
The following provisions shall be inserted in the First Schedule to the Ballot Act, 1872, after Rules 2, 14, and 61 respectively, that is to say:
"2A. In an election of Members to serve in a new Parliament of the United Kingdom the day fixed by the returning officer for the election shall in all cases be the tenth day after the date of His Majesty's gracious Proclamation declaring the calling of the Parliament."
"14A. In an election of Members to serve in a new Parliament of the United Kingdom, the day appointed by the returning officer for the poll shall in all cases be the ninth day after the day fixed for the election."
"61A. The foregoing provisions, other than those relating to the keeping open of the polls for two consecutive days, shall not apply in an election of Members to serve in a new Parliament of the United Kingdom."
PART II.—Questions
1. In the case of a man voting in respect of a residence qualification—
Have you already voted at this general Election in respect of a residence qualification?
2. In the case of a man voting in respect of a qualification other than a residence qualification—
Have you already voted at this General Election in respect of a qualification other than a residence qualification?
3. In the case of a woman—
Have you already voted more than once at this General Election?
Declarations at University Election.
( In the case of a man )—"I have not voted at this General Election in respect of any qualification other than a residence qualification."
( In the case of a woman )—"I have not voted more than once at this General Election."
I beg to move in Part I. to leave out the word "tenth" ["be the tenth day"], and to insert instead thereof the word "eighth"
The object of my Amendment is one which I imagine will be generally acceptable to hon. Members, and that is to reduce the length of elections so far as is practicable. In making the proposal I am regarding it purely from the standpoint of a permanent measure, and not in the slightest degree as affecting any temporary arrangement which may have to be made in an election, if one should unfortunately take place while the War is proceeding, so as to enable our soldiers and sailors, who are absent, to have proper facilities for voting. I assume that special arrangements will be made on their behalf and the present proposal has no relation whatever to that, but deals with part of the permanent proposals in the Bill. As a permanent proposal I think those who take part in contests, in their own interests and those of the community, will regard this great extension very seriously indeed. I may perhaps show what it means by referring to what our present arrangements are. In a borough the earliest possible date of poll is the fourth and the last possible date the eighth day after the receipt of the writ. In a county the first possible day is the seventh and the last possible day the sixteenth after the receipt of the writ. The expression used in the Schedule is "from the Proclamation," therefore, to make that tally I have to add what I suppose is the proper limit of three days between the Proclamation and the issue of the writs. If they be added to the sixteen days I have mentioned, it means now that the longest election of all the counties is nineteen, days. That is the exact figure provided by adding together the two figures of ten and nine.
Consequently, all elections, borough and county, will take the same length of time as the longest county election now takes, and that does not seem to me vitally necessary, though whatever is necessary clearly has got to be done. I am submitting it is not necessary, and I hope the Government will be able to see their way to do as I suggest, and reduce the total length from nineteen days to fifteen days. As things stand at present, the returning officers arrange for the ballot-boxes and clerks to be distributed at varying elections, and the same men and same boxes are used possibly day after day, and that necessarily lengthens the time. Under the new arrangement, by which all the elections take place on the same day, that must be obviated, and there will be more ballot-boxes and more clerks and sufficient for the elections so taking place. With that difficulty removed I earnestly submit it is possible to reduce the nineteen days in the way I have suggested to fourteen, and, if it be possible, I am sure it will be the desire of the whole House. No one who has engaged in elections desires to make them any longer than can possibly be helped. Not only in the interests of the candidates concerned, but still more in the interests of the community at large, it is very desirable to reduce the period. Consequently I very respectfully submit this Amendment. I am sorry the Home Secretary was not in his place just at the moment, but I think the right hon. and learned Gentleman will quite understand the point of view I have just expressed. My object is, by the two-Amendments standing in my name, to-reduce the total length of the election from nineteen days to fifteen days. I respectfully submit that that is long enough to have an election going on, and I hope the Home Secretary may see his way to accept the Amendment. It is one not only in the interests of the candidate, but in the interests of the public at large.
My hon. Friend has called the attention of the Committee to a point which, I think, he rightly described as one of very considerable importance. He made it clear that his proposal to shorten the period of the polling at a General Election is not intended to apply to any election held during the War. There is already a provision in the Bill which enables special dates to be fixed and special arrangements to be made for that purpose. Therefore, this proposal does not in the least touch any question of the votes of our soldiers and sailors serving in the War. Many of us for a long time have been anxious that the polls at a General Election should all take place on one day, but we never contemplated that that day should be what is now the very last day for the latest county election, with the exception of the Orkneys and the Shetlands. As my hon. Friend has pointed out, the effect of the Bill, if it passes the House in its present form, will be that the county elections will, many of them, be extended for as much as nine days beyond what they are now. An election in the county may now take place at the first possible moment that is possible for a county; it will in future take place nine days later in relation to the date of the proclamation issued—that on the basis of the very generous allowance my hon. Friend has made of three days between the period of the proclamation and the receipt of the writ. Of course, if two days or one day were allowed instead of three, then the extension of the period above what is the rule would accordingly be greater. The effect if the Bill as it now stands would then be in regard to the counties that some would extend the period up to anything from no days to nine days beyond the present period. In regard to the boroughs the effect will be that they will be extended in every case at least eight days.
Does not a longer period than that given in the Bill exist now?
The figure in the Bill allows nineteen days from the issue of the proclamation up to the time that the poll in to be taken for all constituencies. The time now for the counties is from the receipt of the writ—which is not the same thing as the issue of the proclamation—at least seven and it may be sixteen days— anything from seven. But, then, if you assume, as my hon. Friend assumed when he allowed three days from the time the proclamation is issued for the writ to be issued, and you take the present period, under the existing law, from the time of the issue of the proclamation, it would be at least ten and at most nineteen. The Bill would make it nineteen in all cases. In regard to the boroughs, at present you may take it from the time the proclamation is issued to be at least seven and at most eleven days. The Bill would make it nineteen in all cases—that is to say, no less than twelve days longer from the first borough elections now and no less than eight days longer than the last borough elections are. That is a most formidable extension of the period of polling, and I can see no reason for it. I do not see why the period should not be—it must be longer than the existing shortest period of the boroughs, because you are going to assimilate the boroughs and the counties, and the counties must have longer than the counties have hitherto had—but I do not see why the period should not more approximate to that allowed to the first of the counties. My hon. Friend proposes only to drop four days from what I can only regard as the very excessive period provided in the Bill.
The matter becomes even of greater importance when it is remembered that the expenses of elections are very drastically cut down by this Bill. Quite properly in the main, though we have a proposal to suggest in one particular matter which will come on later. But I think the Committee is agreed that election expenses should be cut down. If you double the number of electors, if you cut down election expenses, and if, at the same time, you extend the period of every election by nineteen days, which is now the longer period known in the most belated county election, you will place both candidates and electors in a position of very great difficulty. I submit to the Committee that we ought to make an endeavour to reduce the period. It is true that the Speaker's Conference recommended that there should be an interval of eight days between the nominations and the poll, but they said nothing as to the period between the issue of the writ or proclamation and the nominations. That is the point we are discussing at this moment. In regard to the later point, the period between the nominations and the poll, which will be raised by my hon. Friend on a subsequent Amendment, that, of course, is not a controversial point. Even if we were to depart from some small particular recommendation of the Conference, I do not think there is likely to be any objection under this head. I would conclude by saying that hon. Members, from their own experience, will know how exceedingly inconvenient, how unnecessary, it is for any legitimate electioneering purposes that the county election should be spread out over this great period of nearly three weeks. Anyone who has had the experience, as I have had, and that many of us have had, of a contested election of that character know how laborious it is, how expensive, how unnecessary, how tedious it is both for the candidate and for the electorate. It extends also the disturbance to the trade of the country and national affairs at large, and I suggest in all the circumstances the Committee will be well advised to urge upon the Government, and the Government will be well advised to accept, the very moderate proposals of my hon. Friend to shorten this very lengthy period by a period of four days.
I beg to support the Amendment, and I trust the Government will give way in favour of a change in relation to what is a matter of experience to every one of us. I think the method proposed is an extremely clumsy one. I refer to the matter of making this arrangement by means of an Amendment of the Ballot Act. It is wholly wrong. What ought to be done is this: You ought to provide in the Royal Proclamation for fixing a day for the nomination and for the polling. Let it be done, not by the sheriff; take it out of his hands, and let it be fixed by the Royal Proclamation. Let there be one day for the nomination and another day for the polling. The reason why this particular form was adopted was to get rid of the Jewish question—that is to say, whether Saturday or a day of that sort should be eliminated. You cannot, however, close your eyes to what exists now. Therefore, I would respectfully suggest that some such provision should be made as exists in America. I think in America the day for the election of President is the first Tuesday after the first Monday in November. Everybody knows what, in accordance with the American Constitution, the day will be, and that day is accordingly fixed. I would suggest something to this effect: That the Royal Proclamation shall be issued on a given day of the week. Upon the day of the week named the nomination or election should take place, and upon a subsequent day, the Monday, Tuesday or Wednesday, the polling, if any, should take place. Everything should be done within the limits of the Royal Proclamation. If this be done, every one will read the Royal Proclamation. It will be a notable fact, and will strike everybody, and get rid of the existence of the sheriffs sticking up papers here and there. Everybody will know, and it will relieve the public of expense. In any event, even if the present form of the Ballot Act is upheld, it is most desirable to cut down the period. People should remember that when this Ballot Act was being passed in 1872 every line of it was fought. The Liberal party of that day had to be most careful in every step they took. We are as far away from the period of the Ballot Act as from the days of the Dodo. Now that there is general agreement between the parties for holding the General Election on one day, I think that day and the day of the nominations should be fixed by Royal Proclamation, and that this House should decide what the period embodied in the Royal Proclamation should be.
I hope my right hon. and learned Friend will give very favourable consideration to the proposal made by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhamption. I confess I am one of those who think it is too late in the day to say it effectively, perhaps—if it ever could have been said effectively—that we are making a mistake in fixing the county and borough elections on the same day. I think it would have been much better to have had two days, but only two days—one for the boroughs and one for the counties. Although the time is necessary for a county election, there is no borough which cannot be satisfactorily fought in a short time. That is certain. We are fixing a single day for both boroughs and counties. It will really be an intolerable hardship upon the borough Members and candidates, and upon constituencies, that borough elections should be prolonged for so long a time, I think the right hon. Gentleman opposite said, as the longest county election has been under our old system. I have sat for a great number of years as a county Member. I know in the county of Worcester—and I suspect it was the case elsewhere—that when election time came round there was a competition among the candidates each to get his own division fixed on the earliest day. The whole desire of members and candidates was not to take advantage of the latest day which Parliament allowed them, but to get their trouble over and their fate settled on the earliest day that the law allowed. If that be true of the counties, it is, as I have said, evidently less necessary that you should have so long a time as is now provided in the bill for the boroughs. Let the Committee bear in mind that when there is a General Election the real notice of the elector and the candidate does not in one case out of thirty, or a hundred, date from the proclamation. The General Election which really takes the country by surprise is very rare. You generally see it coming. People are already getting to work, and you have some additional time, therefore, besides that actually accorded to you by law. My only doubt of the Amendment of the hon. Gentleman opposite is to whether this Amendment and the other combined go far enough. I am sure that they allow more time than would be needed for the boroughs. If we must have the boroughs and the counties on one day it may be inevitable, but at any rate do let us fix the earliest possible day on which candidates in county divisions can make their views known to the constituents whom they are wooing. Do not let us keep open an election, with all its disturbance, with all its turmoil, and the growing feeling of bitterness which a General Election is apt to bestir, longer than is necessary in order that it may be fought intelligently.
I heartily approve of the Amendment. In the case of a borough election it is very unfortunate to prolong it, but I do not think it possible in some of our large constituencies to reduce the time limit. Now that we are going to have enlarged constituencies, and the areas will be enormous—Caithness, for example—it will be perfectly impossible for the candidate in the time given to get round a constituency.
I think it is important that we should not mix up the period that we are now discussing with the period between nomination and poll. We are now simply discussing the time to be allowed between the proclamation and the date of nominaion. The principle of it, as the Bill goes, is, I think, quite fair. The Speaker's Conference recommended that all the nominations should be on one day, and therefore the framers of the Bill have quite naturally taken the day fixed for the county, which is the ninth day after the receipt of the writ or the tenth day after the proclamation. I have listened with very great interest to what has been said. My right hon. Friend the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. Chamberlain) voiced a doubt, which I think very many of us feel, as to whether it was wise to fix all the polls on one day. That is a matter to which we shall come on the next Amendment. But I do not think the same difficulty arises with respect to the nomination. The only point is, should it be the tenth day or the eighth day? Personally, I must say I feel this Amendment to be very desirable. The appeal comes from every quarter of the House. It will in certain counties shorten the period by two days. We must, of course, strike the best average we can, and I think, upon the whole, after the opinion expressed in all quarters of the Committee, and there being no recommendation from the Speaker's Conference, we shall be justified in inviting the Committee to accept this Amendment, bearing in mind that it will not affect the next Amendment at all, and bearing in mind also the question of voting by soldiers and sailors.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move to leave out the words "in all cases be the ninth day" ["for the poll shall in all cases be the ninth day"] and to insert instead thereof the words "in the case of borough constituencies be the ninth day after and in the case of county constituencies be the eleventh day."
This Amendment, of course, deals with quite a different point—the question of time between the election day and the polling day. The suggestion is that in the case of the borough constituencies it shall be the ninth day after and in the case of county constituencies the eleventh day.
I hope the Government will give very serious consideration to the Amendment. I think it is absolutely necessary that there should be longer time given for the county elections than for the boroughs, though I am not sure whether these are the right days. My own experience is that, under the present system, the borough elections have generally been much too long. The borough members are always anxious that their particular election should take place sooner than any other.
I wish to raise a point of Order of Order Clause 16, Sub-section (1), as passed in Committee, provides that at a General Election all polls shall be held on one day. It was understood that that matter might be further considered by the House on Report, and I submit that we cannot now consider it on the Schedule or we Shall be reporting to the House a Bill, the schedule of which will be inconsistent with the Clauses in the Bill if this Amendment is accepted.
It seems to me that that is perfectly correct, and that the matter will have to be left over to the Report.
Clause 16 said that, "At a General Election all polls shall be held on one day," and this Amendment proposes to alter it I am afraid this is the wrong place, and the matter should again be raised on Report.
Yes; I will raise it on Report.
I beg to move to leave out the word "ninth," and to insert instead thereof the word "seventh."
I should like to thank the Home Secretary for the very courteous and gracious way in which he received my first Amendment, and the Committee for passing it. I quite realise with the right hon. Gentleman that there are different points of view with regard to this Amendment than with regard to the previous one, I should like to emphasise what he himself said, that I am not suggesting for a moment any proposal which may endanger the votes of absent soldiers and sailors. Supposing an election should take place during the War, special provisions could be made on their behalf. I was very glad indeed to hear my right hon. Friend the Member for West Birmingham say that he thought my proposal was very moderate, and I trust he may find it possible to support me in the second Amendment. I suggest that what I am proposing now is very moderate. It would reduce the total number of days for an election to fifteen which is surely sufficient for the purpose. I know the difficulties of counties, but I am sure, as my hon. Friend opposite agrees, we should, as far as practicable, try to approach this from the practical standpoint. Of course, if it is not possible we cannot do it, but if possible it would be the general desire of the Committee that it should be done.
7.0 P.M.
Of course this is a different matter. What is proposed by this Amendment is to set aside the recommendation of the Speaker's Conference to which the Bill gives exact effect. I should not feel justified in departing from that unless it was in accordance with the general sense of the House. We had a discussion on the Bill as to whether you could not allow two polls, one for boroughs and the other for counties. Of course I could not, and did not, agree, but I remember suggesting that before we came to the Report stage of that Clause Members who held that view should come prepared to persuade the House, and if the House should agree to it we might be prepared to depart from the recommendation. You would then have the borough elections two days sooner. According to representations which I have received from Scotland, on no account are we to shorten the pediod between the nomination and the poll, and unless I hear a very much wider expression of opinion in favour of the Amendment I should not feel justified in accepting it.
I think any departure from the recommendations of the Speaker's Conference should only be made with the consent of the House.
Except as regards Ireland.
I should have thought that this proposal would have commended itself to a great number of hon. Members in all quarters of the House. At the present time the interval between the nomination and the poll in the case of counties is at least three days, and at most seven days. Now it is proposed to make it the ninth day, which is longer than in any county in Scotland or elsewhere. In the boroughs it is at least one day and at most four. You now propose to make it twice as long as the longest period now allowed. I think this is an excessive extension of time. If Scotland is able even at the places where the polling is the longest extended to accomplish her electioneering in a shorter period than this, I do not see why this change should be made. As a rule, a candidate does not come to a constituency for the first time after the proclamation or the writ has been issued, for he has usually been making himself known in the constituency beforehand.
With respect to the hon. Member's suggestion that we should decide on Report to have two separate days for boroughs and counties, that is the matter I would rather not express any view upon at the present moment. My own feeling is somewhat averse to it, and I am disposed to favour all elections on one day, but we must deal with that when we come to it. In any case, you have two days. It seems to me the present period is too long, both for counties and boroughs, for the reasons I gave in my previous remarks on this Schedule, which I do not wish to repeat now. The really important thing from the point of view of electioneering is not to have too long a total period between the beginning of the General Election and the poll. How that period is to be divided between the pre-nomination period and the post-nomination period is a comparatively minor matter. If the right hon. Gentleman is convinced that he must have so long a period as is now in the Bill from the time between the nomination and the poll I suggest that on Report we should consider whether we could not shorten the period before the nomination. We have cut it down from ten days to eight, intending to see the later period cut down from nine days to seven.
I do not care what the earlier date is. What does matter is that the time between the issue of the proclamation and the poll must have some regard to the capacity of the candidate. I do not know anything about the constituency of the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Herbert Samuel), but I dare say it is thickly populated and does not cover a very great area. In ordinary towns in Scotland, under the existing system, with smaller areas frequently you have to speak at six or seven different places in a day. I see the hon. Member for Sutherland (Mr. Morton) present, and I should like to ask him how he intends to get over his constituency in the period fixed. Even in small constituencies, under the old system, you have four or five or even six different places to visit in a day. I can assure the right hon. Gentleman opposite that if a consensus of opinion is required to induce the Home Secretary to accept this Amendment, so far as Scotland is concerned, he cannot have it.
I think my right hon. Friend has made a very fair statement to the House. Although, as the hon. Member who moved this Amendment knows, I sympathise with his object, nevertheless I hope he will not press this Amendment now. The first question we have to decide finally and definitely is whether you will hold your borough and county elections on the same day. If you decide to do that it gives you a fixed limit. If you agree to have two days, one for the boroughs and another for the counties, it will give you a latitude of action in regard to boroughs which you cannot pretend to have as long as you are discussing two classes of elections to be held on the same day. I think my hon. Friend would rather prejudice his case, which is my case, by pressing matters at this stage, and he might very well accept the very friendly statement made by the Home Secretary and wait to discuss this matter again on Report.
I should like to say a word against the suggestion of departing from holding the elections on one day, and I will give a practical reason. These are Amendments of Part I. of the Ballot Act of 1872, Section 13. In the decision given under this Act in the county of Clare it was held that a sheriff who disobeyed the law as to the period to be allowed between the nomination and polling did not make a fatal error for the purpose of the election, and that will not prevail while the sixteenth Section stands, because it is on the principle that all the pollings shall be held on one day. The moment you abolish that principle every sheriff, if he makes a mistake which does affect the result, and there will be errors and mistakes, then no candidate will feel safe. The moment you depart from the principle of holding the polls on one day from that moment you allow the sheriff to relax the law. If you like to have a different day for boroughs and counties you must repeal that provision of the Ballot Act, and when you do that you enforce a strictness upon the candidate and the sheriff which is more than human nature is capable of.
I trust that as this matter was considered carefully by the Conference, although as regards Ireland its decisions have been treated with absolute contempt by the Government, yet as this is an English question the Speaker's Conference decision is one which this House should be almost compelled to support. It was a Conference consisting of experts, and the moment you depart from their decision you will be at sea on the other great questions. Therefore I hope the Government will not yield upon this Amendment. I am with the hon. Member who moved this Amendment in thinking that the period is too long. I suppose I have fought as many contested elections as any man in this House. There was only one of those elections which came upon us by surprise, and it was the election of 1874. We all know when an election is coming, because candidates are subject to legitimate pressure in every direction, and I would suggest that the shorter the period the better.
I support very strongly the Amendment of my hon. Friend. We have to consider very much the question of the length of the election. I have fought elections in counties and in boroughs for a good many years, and I do press very strongly upon the Committee the desirability of not making the time longer than what is proposed by this Amendment. I fought for some time a city which was always given one of the shortest periods. Sometimes I was at the top and sometimes I was at the bottom, but the decision was always a very good one, and I do not think it would have made the slightest difference if the time had been lengthened in any way whatever. I think all borough Members know that there is no great advantage in adding to the length of an election, and I would put before the Committee the very grave inconvenience to which the country would be subjected if in future you had the elections taking something like three weeks for the whole of the country.
Of course, nominally elections have gone on for three weeks during past years, because they have not finished until the end of the last county elections, but really the upset to business has ended largely in each constituency after that constituency had voted, and as soon as the result of the election has become clear. Therefore, in almost every case the really serious interference with business has ended at the end of a week, or at most eight or nine days. You are now going to lengthen it very seriously. I do press upon the Home Secretary and the Committee the desirability of shortening the term which has now been proposed. A fortnight would be quite long enough. The Committee would be a little misled if they paid too much attention to the grievances of a certain number of the larger Scottish counties. I should like to know from the hon. Baronet who presses their case so strongly whether, as a matter of fact, in his own experience there has ever been in any large Scottish county any great pressure brought to bear by the candidates to have the division put at the bottom of the list and not at the top? If he can give me a case where the candidates in a constituency have gone to the sheriff and begged very hard to be put at the bottom of the list, then his objection to the proposal will have some weight and we will go into it, but I think he will have great difficulty in finding any such case. With great deference to the Speaker's Conference, which we all so much appreciate and reverence, I do not think they realised what they were doing when they fixed this long period, and if we reduce the time to a fortnight we shall then be giving too long for the boroughs and quite long enough for the counties from the point of view of the general interests of the county.
I would point out that the question of the absent voters seems to have been left out of account in the whole of this Debate. The period of eight days was fixed so as to give a reasonable number of absent voters an opportunity of personally voting by post, which most hon. Members will agree is a superior vote to the proxy vote, which it is now proposed to give to those who cannot possibly exercise the personal vote. If the period is to be cut down to seven days or shorter, there must be under the Home Secretary's proposal a still larger number of absent voters who will have to vote by proxy. It should, therefore, be remembered that the Speaker's Conference had in mind not only the voters who are present and can vote at the polling booth, but also those who are absent and who must vote by post. I hope that the balance which was struck will not be disturbed. It might even be found difficult to get the voting papers out to our soldiers in France and back again within eight days. It has been said that it would take six days to make sure of all the papers reaching the soldiers in France and getting them back again. We ought, therefore, to bear in mind the absent voters before deciding upon any curtailment.
My recollection is that either in the Bill or in some Amendment of the right hon. Gentleman there is provision for giving extra time for votes to come from absent voters, so that really the point which the hon. Member raises is not pertinent to the present discussion. I should not like it to be thought that the right hon. Gentleman and the hon. Baronet (Sir G. Younger) speak the whole mind of Scotland on this subject. I have had representations quite the other way, expressing the strong desire that the abnormal period allowed for an election should be curtailed. It is quite true that a number of very large constituencies in Scotland could not be adequately covered and that the candidates could not see every elector if the period were made six months, but the hon. Baronet forgets that the motor car is now in use. Every elector can get a newspaper and read the candidates' addresses and speeches, and the extra long time is not now required. I should not like it to be thought that the House was unanimous in departing from the recommendation of the Speaker's Conference to hold all the elections on one day. I think the majority of my friends are in favour of it. In Scotland, under the new redistribution, by far the larger number of the boroughs have been thrown into county constituencies, so that really the distinction between boroughs and counties is entirely a false distinction.
It appears to me that the concluding sentence of the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Gulland) was the strongest possible confirmation and support of the view of my hon. Friend the Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir G. Younger). The right hon. Gentleman pointed out, quite truly, that a large number of boroughs now become merged in county constituencies. The effect of that is that less time can be given by candidates to outlying parts of the constituency. It will be necessary for a candidate to concentrate his time and attention upon the centres of population in his constituency, and it will leave him less time, though it will be no less necessary than before, to go into the outlying parts. My right hon. Friend referred to the experience of my hon. Friend, and said that the motor car had now come into existence. It has been my fortune to fight two county elections in Scotland since the motor car has come into operation, and my experience is that even with the motor car the time at the disposal of a candidate is none too great. I think anybody who has to fight one of the larger constituencies which will now come into being will find it impossible in Scotland if the time is curtailed. The right hon. Gentleman must also bear in mind that expense is a very considerable factor, and it is going to be an increasing factor in fighting an election. He lays great stress upon the ease with which people will be able to get about their constituencies, but I think the great probability is that a great many candidates will have to go back to the gig, and, if that should be so, so far from less time being required, considerably more time will be needed. I certainly shall not join in giving that general consent which my right hon. Friend wants, and I hope that he will decline to depart from the provisions of the Bill
I was going to say almost the very same thing. If a borough is merged in a county you will require greater time to go round that borough and county. I hope the Committee will not forget that they have already reduced the period from nineteen to seventeen days, and though all my sympathies are with the short period—having always been a borough member, I have always desired the period to be as short as possible—one does not always think of one's self and now that all the elections are to be on one day one must remember the county constituencies which require a longer period than the borough constituencies. You can get round a borough in a very short time, and you can make your seven or eight speeches. If the election continues any longer, you simply go on addressing the same people over and over again, and it is difficult for a beginner or one who does not happen to have the gift of eloquence to make a different speech on every occasion. That difficulty does not arise in a county constituency, because a candidate there makes exactly the same speech over and over again to different people, and nobody knows that it is the same speech. It is necessary in a county that you should go and see the various villages.
All this difficulty comes from endeavouring to reconcile two different sets of opinion and two different sets of people. The borough members rightly say that there is no use whatever in extending the election and that they can do all that is necessary in five or six days. The statement of my hon. Friend that all the interest in an election ceases within a week, because the borough elections are over is not quite correct. It takes a longer time than that even at present. I believe the borough elections are not finished now for ten days, and I do not think we can return to our ordinary occupations and forget about the elections until some of the counties have given their opinion and it is fairly evident in what way the election is going to turn. I would suggest, until we really know whether we are going to have one or two days, one for the county constituencies and one for the boroughs, that it would be better to postpone this particular question. I hope on the Report stage we shall decide to have two days. I really do not see how we can avoid having them. My right hon. Friend (Mr. H. Samuel) has always held the view that one day is the proper thing, but on this occasion I think his zeal has a little outrun his discretion. I therefore hope that the suggestion thrown out by the Home Secretary that we should postpone this matter until we get to the Report stage, will be accepted. I do not think we can adequately discuss it until we know whether we are going to have one or two days.
I happen to have contested one of the largest county constituencies in England at two General Elections, and on both occasions we were the last constituency to poll. I can testify to the fact that the maximum time allowed is far too long. Whether you have one or two days for polling, you certainly can cut down the maximum time for polling in the counties, I say that without any prejudice whatever to the question whether you shall have one day or two days for the polling. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman, when we come to the Report stage, will consider seriously whether it is not, in the interest of everybody, desirable to cut down this time, even if we have separate and alternative days for polling in the boroughs and counties.
My hon. Friend (Mr Peto) was not present when I moved the Amendment. I can assure him that nothing was further from my intention than to jeopardise the votes of soldiers or sailors. I said that anything I suggested was subject to anything that was required to give them full facilities. Personally I much appreciate not only the courtesy of the right hon. Gentleman in accepting my previous Amendment, but the sympathetic way in which he has approached the subject. I quite appreciate his position. I understand that he does not bar the door absolutely to further consideration of the whole subject. In these circumstances and in the hope that between now and Report we may be able to arrive at a conclusion satisfactory to ourselves and the country, I beg leave to withdraw the Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Further Amendments made: In Part I., leave out the word "foregoing" ["61A. The foregoing provisions"].
After the word "provisions," insert the words "of Rule sixty-one."— [ Sir G. Cave. ]
I beg to move, in Part II., to leave out the words,
These questions are necessary owing to Clause 7, which we have already passed. You must find out whether a man, if he is voting as a resident, has already voted in respect of a residential qualification, or, if he is voting in respect of another qualification, whether he has voted already in respect of a qualification other than a residence qualification. You must prevent a man voting twice in respect of the same qualification.
Would not one form of question be sufficient?
We often have great crowds at the end of a poll. These questions will have to be put seriatim, and will delay finishing the poll. An unscrupulous returning officer might even waste time. However, I do not suppose it is possible to have a simpler form of questions and so avoid the delay.
How can you avoid it if you have all these restrictions? You cannot avoid asking a person if he has complied with them. I agree that it does not show a very high opinion of the elector if one thinks he is unable to answer a very simple question. I believe he will not be able to answer it, but I do not see how you can avoid it unless you alter the Bill.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in Part II., paragraph 3, to leave out the words "a woman," and to insert instead thereof the words "any person voting."
This is more or less consequential on the last Amendment. The same member may deal with both of these.
This Amendment is purely consequential on the one with which we have just dealt. We have already prescribed the questions which a man has to answer. Now we have to deal with those a woman has to answer. We put to a man different questions altogether, and we must now deal with the woman.
May I, on this point, raise the question of the position of the woman in voting? I understand that by the form of the Bill she votes if her husband has a local government qualification. Then she has another vote if she has, in another constituency, land or a residence of her own. If that is the case I consider that a woman is placed in a more favourable position than a man.
That really does not arise here. It is a question which should be brought up on the Clause. This is merely the machinery for carrying out what the Committee decided on the Clause. We cannot go back on the merits.
Can I raise it on the Amendment in the name of the Home Secretary at the bottom of the page?
That does raise another point, but that again is only definition. In the case of each Schedule we must not depart from what we have decided on the Clause in the Bill.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in Part II., paragraph 3, to leave out the words "have you already voted more than once at this general election?" and to insert instead thereof the words "voting in respect of her own or her husband's local government qualification. Have you already voted at this general election in respect of your own or your husband's local government qualification? (4) In the case of a woman voting in respect of a qualification other than her own or her husband's local government qualification: Have you already voted at this general election in respect of a qualification other than your own or your husband's local government qualification?"
This Amendment is consequent upon the changes we have made in Clause 7. In that Clause we have provided that a woman shall not vote at a general election for more than one constituency by virtue of her own or her husbands local government qualification. Unless you put the question in this way you do not cover exactly the same ground as is covered by the provisions of the Clause.
It is quite right that some question of this sort should be put. It is rather a complicated question to put to every woman when she comes up to vote. After all, her name is on the register, and I suppose that not one in fifty of the voters will know what this question means. She is on the register, she thinks she is entitled to vote. I am afraid that the effect on a woman, who will be quite sufficiently agitated when she comes to vote, will be enough to frighten her away altogether. I suggest that some simpler form of question should be put to her, requiring some simpler form of answer.
May I put this to the Home Secretary? I understand he now proposes that the question should be asked of the woman: "Have you voted in respect of any qualification other than your own or your husband's local government qualification?" If she says she has voted, what is her position?
She cannot vote again.
Then it comes to this, that with the exception of the university vote you can only have one vote.
It really means that if she has a vote and has exercised it, she must not exercise it again. She will be asked by the clerk, "Have you voted in respect of your husband's local government qualification?" She will at once suppose that the clerk is asking her if she is voting for her husband, if he is not there, and she may be deprived of the vote she ought to have. That will be the ordinary meaning she will place on the question. She will not understand all the intricacies of voting, and that she votes because her husband has a local government qualification. If it is put to her: "Have you voted already in respect of your husband's qualification?" she will think she is being asked: "Have you voted for your husband?" What she will say I do not know, but she will be extremely confused. As my hon. Friend opposite (Sir G. Younger) said, towards the close of an election very often a large number of people are at the poll, and if the registration clerk has to explain to every woman the precise meaning of the question it will take ten minutes or a quarter of an hour. In the meantime there will be a big crowd following her. Those behind will cry "forward!" and those in front will cry "back!" I hope that between now and Report the Government will consider whether they cannot devise some clearer and simpler question to put to a woman.
I want to get the point perfectly clear. If a woman votes for a residential qualification, what is to be the question asked of her?
Why not put to her the simple question, whether or not she has voted before?
Is it desired to prevent a university voter exercising that vote in addition to her local government vote? If you ask the lady if she has voted on a university qualification she will be able to give you a plain answer.
Will a woman who has already voted on her residential qualification be asked a question about that?
If a woman goes to exercise her local government qualification vote she will be asked if she has already exercised her local government franchise. That question must be put to her. If she says "Yes," she will be told "You cannot vote now." But if she replies in the nega- tive then she will be able to vote. She will be asked if she has already exercised her university vote. If she says "no," she will be allowed to vote. If she says "yes," she will not. The question must be put to her.
I want to get the point clear. Take the case of my wife. She has a house; she votes for that house; then she comes to London and as a municipal voter she can vote there. What will the presiding officer ask her?
If he suspects the lady— which is very unlikely—he will ask her if she has already voted at this General Election in respect of her husband's qualification, and I take it in that case she will have to say "yes." I quite recognise that these are complicated questions, but clearly some questions will have to be put. I should like to see them simplified if possible. If my Amendment is accepted we can afterwards see what can be done in that direction.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendments made: At the end of paragraph 3 insert the words, "Applicable at a General Election."—:[ Sir G. Cave. ]
At end of Part II., insert the words "-in respect of any qualification other than my own or my husband's local government qualification."
Schedule, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Third Schedule
Provisions to be Substituted for Part IV. of the First Schedule to 46 and 47 Viet, c. 51, and for Paragraph (3) of Part V. of the same Schedule.
Maximum Scale.
The expenses mentioned above in Parts I., II., and III. of this Schedule, other than personal expenses shall not exceed an amount equal—
in the case of a county election, to sevenpence for each elector on the register;
in the case of an election for a borough returning three or more members, to fivepence for each elector on the register;
in the case of an election for any other borough, to fourpence for each elector on the register.
Where there are two or more joint candidates at an election, the maximum amount of expenses mentioned in Parts III. and IV. of this Schedule shall, for each of the joint candidates, be the amount produced by multiplying a single candidates' maximum by one-and-a-half and dividing the result by the number of joint candidates.
I beg to move, after the word "than" ["other than personal expenses"], to insert the words "the fee of the election agent as hereinafter provided and." Perhaps I may be permitted, in order to explain the object of my Amendment, to read another proposal which I have further down on the Paper as follows:
"Provided that there may be paid to the election agent a fee of £150 in a county election, or of £100 in a borough election, and the provisions of Section 31 of the Corrupt and Legal Practices Act, 1883, shall apply as if the election agent's fee were personal expenses and the limit of £100 in that Section shall be increased to £250 in the case of a candidate in a county election and £200 in the case of a candidate in a borough election."
Just as I am in favour of reducing the length of an election to the lowest possible limit, so also I am entirely in favour of limiting the expenses of an election to the lowest possible figure. In moving this I do not want in the slightest degree to increase the burden under the Bill, and I am perfectly willing, as far as I am concerned, if my proposal is adopted, that the aggregate per capita shall be reduced as well. My object is perfectly clear and simple. It is to make absolutely sure that the man on whom the fate of the election mainly depends shall be properly remunerated for the services he renders. We are all bound to appoint an election agent. For that post we must have a man of capacity, and one whom we can trust, and such a man must be paid properly. In view of the largely increased electorate which this Bill creates we shall want such men more in the future than we have done in the past. I suppose those who know anything about elections can readily recognise there is a great risk that the election agent is going to be placed in a position of very serious difficulty by the reduced limits of expenditure. I want to reduce that risk. I want to make sure that what- ever happens the election agent shall be paid fairly. There is a danger of his being, sacrificed. I have heard recently of instances in which arrangements have already been entered into whereby the election agent's salary is to be increased in order that he may go without any fee at all as election agent. But it is very important that the election agent should be paid directly and above board. It is all very well for us to consider the figures here in the quiet of House of Commons debate, but we must remember that when an election is proceeding it is quite possible enthusiastic supporters of a candidate may go to the election agent and tell him to do this or that. His answer will be that he would like to do it but cannot because he must keep within certain limits of expenditure, and he may then be told, "Yes, you want to protect yourself and your own fee, and you are looking after yourself rather than after the candidate." That is a very unfortunate position in which to place him and I think it should be avoided. It is very necessary his fee should be made secure. He should, so to speak, be placed in an entrenched position which will relieve him of any personal difficulty or anxiety. Therefore I make this practical proposal that the candidate shall be allowed to add a figure of £150 in a county or £100 in a borough to his personal expenses to enable this to be done. I do not want to increase the cost of elections and I am perfectly willing that the amount added in this way shall be reduced from the aggregate per capita allowance, but I want to make it absolutely sure that a worthy class of men like the election agents who do this very responsible work at comparatively small fees shall be properly safeguarded.
This is a very serious-proposal. The Speaker's Conference recommended a reduction in the scale of expenses. The Amendment proposes to add to the amount fixed in the case of boroughs £100 and in the case of counties £150; and I am told by those who have worked this point out that it means something like 25 per cent. addition to the maximum expenses allowed in the Bill.
My proposal was not to make that addition; I suggested an arrangement to secure the agent's fee and to place him in an entrenched position by reducing the per capita . allowance. That does not represent any alteration in the proposals of the Speaker's Conference.
And if that is done, what is to prevent the candidate saying, "I am permitted to add £100 to my personal expenses, but in order to win the election I shall devote £50 of the amount to the election and only pay you £50." There is nothing, so far as I can see, to prevent such a course being adopted. I do not like £100 being added to personal expenses. I think the payment of the election agent should be included in the ordinary expenses. This is, I admit, a very difficult question and I hardly know what to suggest, especially as the Committee, which is now considering it, is very small indeed. It certainly requires a great deal of consideration.
8.0 P.M.
I think this Amendment really does need some consideration. Everybody wishes to cheapen the expenses of an election. The whole subject is different because it is not eas at present to ascertain exactly how much money will be available for use in an election. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman will agree with the figures that I quote, but if you take, for instance, an average existing constituency of 11,000 electors the expenses allowed to a candidate in a county would be £1,250 and in a borough £650. Under this Bill the same constituency will have probably about 24,000 electors, which will mean that a candidate can spend £700 for a county constituency and £500 for a borough constituency. That is to say, that with more than twice the number of electors the maximum expenses in a county are cut down from £1,250 to £700, and in a borough from £650 to £500, because in both of these cases no mention is made of the returning officer's charge. At present they are paid by the candidate, but in future they will be paid out of State funds.
Why does the right hon. Gentleman double the electorate?
Because of the Bill.
The Bill does not double the electorate.
That is one of the difficulties. I do not know on what figures the right hon. Gentleman bases his calculations. I am saying that that is, roughly, the calculation I make, and that that is what an average constituency that at present has 11,000 electors will have.
Nineteen thousand.
If the hon. Baronet says that is so I will take his word for it, but I should like to hear authoritatively what the Home Secretary thinks in the matter, because we have no knowledge at present. I should judge that in a constituency with a population of 70,000 you would have about 24,000 electors, but I should be very glad to hear what the right hon. Gentleman says in regard to it.
Has the right hon. Gentleman, in his calculations, counted free postage?
I was going to say that I am merely giving now—
This is really anticipating Amendments which come a little lower down. Had not we better dispose of this question, which relates solely to the election agent's fees, and then deal with other Amendments on the Paper relating to a total maximum?
The point I was coming to was that if you allow in a county £700 as the maximum allowance for fighting a constituency of 24,000, anybody who has been in the habit of fighting constituencies in a lengthened election, which is suggested, will agree with me when I maintain that it is very difficult to see where an agent is going to get his fee from the £700 or £500, as the case may be. I do not think there is much chance of his getting it. At the same time you are increasing your agent's work; you are giving him extraordinary and difficult work to do with all the new voters—all the women voters. I suppose in some sort of way he will have to superintend all the arrangements for the absent voters and the proxy voters, and, therefore, he cannot be an unskilled, ignorant man. You must have the very best man you can find to fulfil the duties of the agent, and if you do not do that the candidates and Members of Parliament are the people who will get into trouble. At the first election, at any rate, if you work out a complicated Bill like this with a great deal of new machinery, it is obvious that you must have very highly trained men. Of course in some cases, it is true, the agent is a man who is working all the year round at political work in a con- stituency, but the law takes no notice whatever of his work in that capacity. The law only recognises him as an election agent, and, I think, in all the circumstances it is quite right that the election agent should have a sum earmarked for himself. The hon. Member says £100, but I should rather say not exceeding £100 in boroughs and £150 in counties. For the kind of man we want in these new constituencies I do not think those are excessive sums. As I have said before, I am all for cutting down election expenses to the minimum, but I do not think you are going to have elections satisfactorily done from any point of view if you prevent your agent from getting a satisfactory salary. The question is a very difficult one, and I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to give it his detailed attention, because it really is a detailed matter, and one which is quite in the void, as we really do not know the exact figures upon which the calculations have been made.
I entirely agree with my right hon. Friend opposite in the line he has taken on this matter. This is a sum to be paid in addition to and not out of the proceeds of £500 or £700, whatever the figure may be. Otherwise it is no use at all. I have some experience of electioneering, and I do not see how it is possible to meet all the expenses and at the same time give the agent a proper benefit. Consider the situation in which we are placed now by the enormous increase in the cost of paper and of every mortal thing—an increase which will continue and be higher for a very long time to come! That has all to be taken into consideration, and what is of all things most important is to protect the candidate against the difficulties in which he would otherwise certainly be embroiled. To do that you must have a high-class man as agent who understands the work, and you cannot get that sort of man without payment. What will happen if something of this kind is not permitted? The moment the candidate becomes a Member of Parliament he will put his agent on an annual salary and give him £20 or £30 a year, calculated on the average time between the elections, and he will take care to pay him that amount. You will introduce what none of us wants to introduce. We want to keep the expenses of the election entirely confined within the period of the election. We do not want payments of that kind. Some people are able to make them, others are not, and it is a most objectionable thing to have anything of that nature. Election expenses ought to be in a watertight compartment by themselves, and to be sufficient for providing a suitable and capable man. Some of the Amendments which have been put down to increase the figure in the Schedule were with the intention of getting something out of the expenses of the election, because you cannot get it in any other way. We do not want the expenses in creased beyond what is really necessary. I do not suppose the Home Secretary could accept the Amendment now, but certainly if he does accept it I think the Amendment on the Paper ought to be modified.
I should like to join in the expression of the hope that the Home Secretary will give this very important question consideration, and that he will not decide it now. It does seem to me desirable that as soon as this Bill comes into operation we should get proper agents. I do not like this being added to the candidate's personal expenses. It ought to be plainly stated in the Bill as art addition to the maximum amount the candidate is able to spend. I am not quite sure I agree with the hon. Member who moved this Amendment that the figure ought to be as high as he puts it, but there is a tendency of which we all know at election time, and which will become stronger, for a candidate at the last moment of the election, when his supporters come to him and say that he must incur such-and-such an expense, to say that there is only one source from which it can be paid and that is by reducing the amount to be paid to the election agent. The agents know that perfectly well, and it is probably a danger which will be present to their minds. I think it is desirable that the technical pioneers of the election should know that their remuneration is beyond question.
I hope that if this Amendment is accepted by the Home Secretary he will not allow it to increase the total of election expenses. I think we should all agree that the election agent must be paid, and that it is much better that he should be paid a definite fee on the election rather than by a salary spread over a number of years, and thereby paid with money which should be returned as part of the election expenses but is not really so returned. I think, however, it would be a very great evil if this Amendment for giving a definite fee to the election agent were to be made the ground for increasing the amount in the present Schedules as the permitted election expenses. It is surely an immense evil that elections should be made almost a monopoly of either rich men or of those who have some organisation behind them which will find the money, and it ought to be the desire of all of us to reduce the election expenses to the lowest possible figure. I think the total figure fixed by the Speaker's Conference was ample. In other countries they restrict election expenses very much more drastically than we do here, and it is found quite possible to bring the views of the candidates to the attention of all the intelligent voters. I believe it could be done very thoroughly on the figures allowed in the Bill at present, or even less, and if part of the money so allowed is to be earmarked for the election agent, I very earnestly hope it will not be made an excuse for increasing the total amount of money that is to be paid by the candidate.
I hope the Home Secretary will not see his way to accept the Amendment. I do not altogether like the words that follow, but it seems to me a good way of providing for the election agent's fee. I hope the allowance that is laid down in the Bill per capita for the other election expenses will not be reduced. There are some Amendments down, the intention of which is to increase that amount per capita, but I very much prefer the way proposed in the Amendment of the hon. Member for Wolverhampton of dealing with the question. It is of importance that when everyone is trying to cut down expenses, and when the margin is a very narrow one—
It being a quarter past Eight of the clock, and leave having been given to move the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 10, further Proceeding was postponed without Question put.
Zeppelin Raid
London Defences
I beg to move, "That this House do now adjourn."
I do not wish in any way to magnify the importance of this air raid. On the con- trary, I consider that the damage done and the full effects produced by it were infinitesimal when compared with the expenditure of money and the loss of life which it must have occasioned to the enemy. They certainly failed most abjectly and utterly in the purpose with which that raid was undertaken, namely, to scare, frighten and intimidate the civil population of London. If I am correctly informed, there was not a single man, woman or child who so much as turned a hair or was frightened in the very least. The casualties, although most regrettable, were comparatively slight and few, and the raid was certainly unproductive of any military advantage whatsoever to the enemy. I do not wish to allege that the precautions taken by the Government and by those whom they have entrusted with the defence of London against attacks of this kind were necessarily inadequate, incomplete or unsatisfactory, but the House and the country are entitled to know what precautions were actually taken and to have an assurance from the Government that everything which it was possible to do to meet and overcome attacks of this kind was done. We are entitled to have a further assurance that the utmost vigilance, care, skill and preparedness will be exercised on all future occasions of this kind. Ordinary individuals like myself, who are not in the confidence of the Government, were naturally rather surprised that bombs had been dropped in the centre of London, and that, as far as we could ascertain, there was no fire from anti-aircraft guns nor were any effective measures taken to drive off our assailants or to disturb them in the carrying out of their diabolical proceedings. We were all the more surprised, because on the occasion of recent raids we had every reason to be pleased and satisfied with the vigorous barrage fire which was incessantly kept up against the raiders until they had finally disappeared, and we were much relieved by the assurances which we received that our air defences had been rendered better and more perfect than they had ever been before. It may be that the defences which were then alluded to were those which had been specially designed and prepared to meet attacks by the Gotha type of aeroplanes, that the attack by Zeppelins was a surprise attempt, that it was not anticipated, and that the defences which had been prepared to meet Gotha attacks were not suitable or efficacious to combat this form of attack.
It may be that owing to the fact that the Zeppelins were flying so much higher than the Gothas were accustomed to fly they could not be reached by the same kind of guns. But however this may be we are entitled to know, and it would be a source of satisfaction for us, as well as the people outside, to be told what are the real facts of the case, whether any of our anti-aircraft guns were brought into action on this occasion, and if not, why it was that they were not made use of. We should also be told whether our searchlights were fully and effectively made use of in locating the Zeppelins and whether any considerable number of our aeroplanes were sent up to attack the invaders, and if they were sent up whether consistently in the public interests any reason can be given why they were not more successful in warding off the attack or in bringing down any of the Zeppelins. I am sure we all appreciate very much what has been done by our French Allies in this respect. We have every reason to be most grateful to the gallant French airmen for the skill and courage which they displayed and for the very effective manner in which they disposed of so many of these Zeppelins on their return journey. Of course it may be that owing to the light being better and the flight of the Zeppelins being lower when they got over France the French airmen had an easier task than that which was imposed on our own airmen, but nevertheless one cannot help wishing that these Zeppelins had been brought down in England rather than in France. One cannot help hoping that the next time they have the temerity to invade these shores they will not be allowed to get off scot free but that we, being forewarned, shall also be forearmed, and that we shall ourselves be able to take toll of them and to destroy as many of these hideous monsters of the air as the French did on Saturday last. There is also the question of warning. It is a fact that on Friday night so long a time had elapsed between the warning and the dropping of bombs that people began to think it was all over and to leave their shelters. I want to ask for an assurance that in the case of prolonged raids, such as this one, repeated warnings may be given so as to ensure that everyone will remain under cover until the danger is completely over. I do not consider that I need offer any apology for raising this question by an Adjournment Motion as it is a question in which the whole of London and the country naturally take the deepest interest, and it is quite clear that so important, delicate and complicated a subject cannot be properly or adequately dealt with by question and answer in the ordinary way.
I beg to second the Motion.
I rise in no captious spirit, but rather with a view of eliciting information. I am not sure it was not the Prime Minister who assured us that the Zeppelin menace had been scotched. At all events, it was the general opinion, fostered by those in high authority, that we had nothing much more to fear from Zeppelins. Then we find that on Friday last no fewer than eleven seem to have invaded our country. It is not merely the defence of London with which one is concerned, but of the central portions of the country, as we know, without mentioning details as to places that bombs were dropped on important centres other than in London. It must be quite obvious that it is not desirable to give the Germans more information as to where they were on that expedition than possible. Further, no doubt we were saved by the weather. Possibly the weather made it difficult for our men to attack the Zeppelins, but it was certainly the fact that the Zeppelins lost their way in the fog, which saved us from what might have been a very serious disaster to the capital of the Empire. I want to-night to ask the Government to tell us the full truth, or so much of the truth as they possibly can, in regard to the air defences of this country. If it be that the only defence is an attack on Germany it is better that we should know that fact fully. I am inclined to think that is the real defence to these air raids, but it is better that we should know it fully rather than that we should be given soothing syrup from time to time, as we have been, by Members of the Government in the hope that people will not worry themselves further in regard to these air raids, and that the House should be told exactly what the position is from the point of view of the Prime Minister himself. The House will remember that more than three months ago we had a Secret Session dealing with this matter, and the Prime Minister then made a statement. I am not going to quote from what he exactly said, but from the OFFICIAL REPORT which was published afterwards. The Prime Minister in that speech of 9th July said that if the people were told that it was necessary to run some risks for a short time for the sake of the gallant fellows in France they would do so cheerfully. I entirely agree so far with the Prime Minister. He went on: remembers how the raiders came night after night, and what were the casualties. I know that compared with casualties at the front the casualties here are very slight, but that is not actually the point. This is the capital of the Empire, and if it is possible to avoid casualties it is the duty of the Government to do all they can to keep His Majesty's civilian subjects free from casualties. I do not think it is right for anyone to minimise these German invasions, because that is what they are, merely because the casualties are slight. It is by the providence of God that the bombs were dropped where there have not been many people congregated together, but it might easily have been with the numbers of bombs dropped in the last full-moon period that the casualties might have been very much heavier than those which took place. During that period the Government put up the Minister of Reconstruction to ease the minds of the people of this country and of this capital. This is what the right hon. Gentleman said on the 2nd of October:
I am afraid that this is a speech which would not pass the Speaker.
Not quite.
It is a general review, and it is certainly not pertinent to the limited terms on which the Motion for leave was granted.
I will not quote anything further if you think it undesirable, but I thought that a speech delivered on the 2nd of October was germane to the air defences on Friday night. If you rule it is undesirable I will not pursue it, but I submit that a statement made by a responsible member of the Government on the 2nd of October, only a fortnight ago, as to the plans that were being prepared and the defence that was being prepared against these raids, is certainly germane to the attack which came within a fortnight after that statement. I will only make the following further quotation from that speech: The military authorities have not up to the present, so far as we know, worked out a scheme for stopping these raids, and I am asking to-night that the Government should inform us what has been done in accordance with the speeches of the Prime Minister in July and in accordance with the speech of the Minister of Reconstruction this month. What has been done in the way of working out a scheme for stopping these raids? I want the House to realise that in face of these speeches a Zeppelin raid took place on Friday night, and the bald, simple fact is that the Zeppelins came over here and dropped bombs and went away, and it was owing to the gallantry and the good fortune, if you like, of our Allies in France—to whom this House and the whole country is immensely indebted for what they did on Saturday—that the German Zeppelins were brought down. What sticks in the minds of the people is that when the aeroplane raiders came over earlier in the month only one or two were brought down, and when the Zeppelins came over on Friday night none was brought down. I am not going to blame in the slightest degree our gallant men of the Air Services. In my presence I have never allowed anyone to blame those gallant men. Anyone who knows those two services, know that for pure, sustained courage there is nothing to equal those men in the whole world, either in France or elsewhere in the areas of the War or in this country. The work they do is of the most transcendent courage of which human mind and human frame are capable. I do not think it is the airmen whom we should discuss to-night. It is the policy of the Government. We want to find out from the Government whether they are satisfied that there is a possible defence against raiders such as these on Friday night coming over 20,000 feet high. There is, of course, a possible defence. I submit that the real and best defence for Friday night is to carry the war into the enemy's camp. That is the best defence against raids such as that which took place on Friday night and the raids which may take place in the future. The Home Secretary, who answered on behalf of the Government at Question time to-day, made the curious statement that four Zeppelins failed to penetrate the London defences and did no damage and that one of them drifted over London. One of my hon. Friends opposite asks what the right hon. Gentleman meant by the words "failed to penetrate the London defences," and the Home Secretary said he thought he did not use those exact words. Since then I have had the official reply handed to me, and I find these words in it. What does the Government mean by four Zeppelins failing to penetrate the London defences?
We understand that there was no defence in the way of guns put up against these Zeppelins, and I would like to know whether they made any definite attempt to get through the London defences. The Home Secretary, after paying a very well-deserved tribute to the French airmen, told us that these cold-blooded raids were being met by attacks on the civil population of Germany. Two such attacks have been made already, and more would be made. But if we are to have any defence against these raids here by means of attacks in Germany there is no use in attacking blast furnaces ten miles beyond Saarbruck. They must be definite attacks. Only by definite attacks on German towns can we hope to have a defence against such raids as that which took place on Friday night. Who was responsible for the defence of London on Friday night? It is distinctly germane to this Motion to find out who is responsible for our air defences, who is to blame if things go wrong and who is to applaud if they turn out successfully. Was it Lord French, Lord Cowdray, General Henderson, or the gentleman who, the Chancellor of the Exchequer told us two days ago, would continue on behalf of the Cabinet to supervise our air services—General Smuts? Has another official been brought in, in the shape of General Smuts, to protect London? Has another eminent general and eminent statesman been brought in by the Government to supersede Lord Cowdray, Lord French, or General Henderson, or whoever may be the actual person responsible for the defences of London? If so, the sooner that eminent general and statesman is provided with a seat in this House, in order that he may meet representatives of the people in free and open discussion, the better it will be for the air defences of this country.
The Government have no right to shelter themselves behind a popular name like that of General Smuts in regard to the defence of our country against air craft. What does it mean to say that he has been asked by the Cabinet to super- vise our air services? Has he any power to say to the air services that this or that shall be done, or any power to supersede any particular general or admiral, or to make an alteration in the personnel or to direct the gunnery or any power at all, or is he merely a member of the Cabinet, shall I say as liaison officer, between whoever is responsible—the name I want to get at—and the Cabinet itself? General Smuts, we know, is responsible for policy, which I must not refer to here to-night, but we should welcome, and I am quite sure the country would welcome, the appointment of General Smuts with full control over air services as Air Minister, and with full power over the defence of this country. If the Government would make an announcement to that effect I am quite sure that would go a long way—
The hon. Member is really endeavouring all the time to get round the Speaker's ruling at the end of questions to-day, and I cannot allow a Motion which has been ruled out of order to be brought on in this manner.
I was endeavouring to keep as closely as possible to the question raised by my hon. Friend, which was the air defences on Friday night. I submit that the air defences on Friday night include the personality of the man who was responsible.
The hon. Gentleman is referring to the creation of an Air Ministry which, as has been pointed out, is a matter of legislation. These Motions for the Adjournment are based on some allegation of omission or commission on the part of the Executive, with regard to the particular event to which they refer.
I am sure that you will agree with me that I am the last person who would seek to dispute the ruling of the Chair, and I accept your ruling absolutely. Therefore, I merely ask the Government—and this is the main purport of my speech—for information as to what the defences were on Friday night, and whether they are satisfied that everything that could be done was done in order to protect London and this country against the German invasion, so that the people of the country may rest satisfied that every possible effort is being made to keep London immune from air raids, such as those that took place in the capital of the country on Friday night?
In my opinion the chief ground of complaint against the Government or whoever is responsible—because one of the troubles is that we cannot find out who is responsible—for the air defences of this capital is the mystery, the unnecessary mystery, in which the Government allows these air raids to be shrouded. That condition of things was brought to an intolerable degree on Friday night. Therefore, I think that the hon. Member who raised this Adjournment Motion has done the right thing, and a thing for which the people of the City of London will be grateful, in inaugurating this discussion. I do not for a moment pretend that I am in a position to criticise in any useful way the air defences of London on Friday night. In the first place, I am not an expert on the matter. In the second place, no human being in London is in a position to criticise it, because nobody knows anything. We are kept in an absolute fog of ignorance. I can only tell the House what is known to most Members of the House—the opinion of the man in the street. We have been fed in this House for two years by promises from that Bench that the air defences of London would be brought to such a state of perfection that the City would be safe, and, after listening to these promises, given in successive Debates, I believe that the general impression of the people of the City of London on Friday night was that on no previous occasion was the defence of the City against air raids so helpless. The Government may have some answer, but I am speaking now of the general impression of citizens who are in the same position as myself. A warning was given which thousands of people in the City never heard—I myself being amongst the number. I was not aware, until a bomb fell, so far as any Government warning went, that an air raid was in progress, and my position was that of tens of thousands of people in this City.
One or two Zeppelins sailed over this City; no guns were fired, and, so far as the citizens know, no attempt was made to bring them down. No attack was made on any of these Zeppelins. They left this country in absolute immunity from attack. In all the previous attacks made on the City of London there was some report published of injury done to some of the attacking machines, if not, in most cases, of at least one Zeppelin being brought down. The Government have pursued a most extraordinary course in connection with the whole of this question, and I think they have missed, far too much, the importance of these attacks. "The general course of the Government on the whole of this question has been this, that the people of London should remember the sufferings of those in the trenches, and not make too much row about the casualties and injuries suffered in London. I take a different view of the matter, and I think that every successful air raid on London inflicts a grievous injury on the prestige of this country. I wish to repeat to-night questions that have frequently been put to the Government during the last two years, and that have never been answered satisfactorily. Why is it that for two long years the German aeroplanes or seaplanes have never reached Paris?
The hon. Member is quite mistaken. They have.
Where are the accounts of the raids?
I happen to know people who lived in Paris at the time of the raids.
Can the Noble Lord state how many casualties were there during the last two years, as compared with those which have occurred in London? When I was in Paris last year, or about a year and a half ago, we were all warned of the approach of aeroplanes, but they never reached Paris, and two or three were brought down on the road. I understood that in every single instance, within the last two years, these attacks on Paris have been successfully repelled.
I merely repeat what people told me who lived in Paris.
Has it been the custom of the French Government to suppress altogether the reports of air raids in Paris, and, if they do suppress them, is it not a remarkable thing that we never have an air raid on London but we have over the wireless, from the German Government, a report of their successes; yet I have not seen any claim on the part of the German Government of successful raids on Paris. I shall be very curious to hear from the Noble Lord presently some explanation of this, with the details, but my impression is that which I have already stated. What the people of London really want to know is what was done on Friday to meet this attack, and what is the plan of the Government with regard to protecting us from these air raids? It is all very well to say that they cannot go into particulars for fear of giving information to the enemy. I was in Ireland—a very happy place, where no aeroplanes ever come, and I wish I was there now—and I read with the greatest possible interest the descriptions of the recent air raids. We were told in the columns of the newspapers the details of the defences of London against attacks by the aeroplanes some time ago. We were told that this new system of barrage was going to be so effective that, practically speaking, a plan had at length been discovered by which aeroplane attacks would be put an end to; and there appeared to be no delicacy in giving the public a full account of the methods that were to be adopted against the aeroplane attacks. Indeed, the columns of the newspapers were full of details. One of the things that has created the state of feeling which has led up to the Motion for the Adjournment to-night is that in the present instance an extraordinary mystery surrounds this attack. No information of any sort or kind has been given. All that we know is that the bombs fell, and that twenty-seven people were killed, and so many people injured, and that there was not very serious damage.
It is not because of the extent, grievous and lamentable as that is, of the destruction of life, and the killing of women and children, but it is because, as I say, of the moral effect upon the whole world of the fact that we are unable to protect ourselves from the attacks of the German aeroplanes. I know nothing about aeroplanes, of course—I am not an expert in this matter—but I do say that I am absolutely sceptical as to the impossibility of putting a stop to these raids. I express no opinion as to the question of retaliation or attacks on German towns. No one can wonder that there should be a growing and almost overwhelming demand for retaliation among the people of this country. All I can say is that I think it is a lamentable thing that the people of this country, who have shown their great patience under frightful provocation, should have been allowed to drift into that state of mind in which it has become an accepted principle that there is no means of protecting London from aeroplanes except by attacks on German towns. I do not believe that. I listened very attentively to the Debate on this subject, I have read all I could on the matter, and the impression I have formed is that London can be protected and safeguarded from these attacks without any reprisals on German cities at all. I abstain altogether from giving any expression of opinion on the much-debated question as to the propriety of attacking German cities by way of reprisals. I read a letter the other day attacking the bishops of England in regard to this matter, and reminding them that they were guided by the New Testament and not by the Old Testament which said, "An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth." I express no opinion on that, but I say that in my opinion it is the duty of the Government, apart altogether from the question of air raids on German cities and retaliation, to protect the capital of this Empire against these air raids. I believe it can be done. You, Sir, have ruled that it is out of order to debate on this Motion the machinery by which the Government have undertaken to control and man the important branches of the services of the country, but I am speaking the opinion of the overwhelming majority of citizens of this country when I say that I cannot get out of my mind the idea that the real cause of the success of these German air raids lies in the gross mismanagement and overlapping of the various machinery controlling the Air Service of this country.
I regret I did not hear the speech of my hon. Friend who moved this Motion, but having listened to the speech of the hon. Gentleman who seconded it, I find myself so widely divided in opinion from him that I beg leave to say a few words. I have been unable to discover what exactly is the object with which this Motion has been moved. I would not for one moment question the motive which actuated my hon. Friend or the hon. Member who has spoken since. But I am most profoundly convinced that a discussion of this kind, following upon the events of Friday, is not conducive to the public interests, to the dignity of the House of Commons, or to the successful conduct of the War.
I gather that the hon. Gentleman who seconded the Motion desired to treat it as a vehicle for discussing the organisation of our air defences in general. The hon. Member who has just spoken by his concluding remarks appeared to show that that was also his desire. But that is a sub- ject you, Sir, ruled could not be raised on a Motion of this kind. For my part I have no claim of any kind whatever to speak as an expert on these matters or to offer any opinion save such as an ordinary Member of this House may offer on a matter of public interest. For myself I have no objection to reprisals or to air raids undertaken into Germany as a measure of punishment and retaliation or as a measure of prevention. But whether we are to undertake those raids or not is a part of the air strategy, or should be, of this War, and it should not be governed by our feelings at a particular moment because there has been a particular raid where a couple of bombs were dropped in London and some shop windows broken, and, unfortunately, a certain number of lives lost. That is a large question of air strategy to be decided by those who have the technical knowledge which enables them to say—and which the great bulk of us and I doubt whether any of us have—whether such operations are desirable or not. They can judge of the advisability of them in the light of facts which are necessarily hidden from all of us here as from the public outside. Air strategy itself is a part of the whole strategy of the War. We do not think it necessary to move the Adjournment of the House every time there has been some movement on the front in France to inquire who was responsible and whether a raid into our trenches could or could not have been prevented. We do not ask which Minister we are to hang because the Germans penetrated our defences at a particular moment. No, Sir, we do no such thing; we leave those matters to those who are fighting our battles in France.
9.0 P.M.
I confess what moved me to rise at present is a sense of what we owe to the dignity of the House of Commons and respect for ourselves and for our country. The hon. Member for East Mayo would at any time dissent from my stating that I spoke for the great mass of opinion in Ireland, and yet with the utmost confidence he undertakes to explain what are the opinions of the great mass of the people in England and in London in particular. I am a resident in London. I had the pleasure of being in it during all the recent raids, except one. I was here on Friday last. If by birth I am a Birmingham man and if I am a Birmingham Member, by residence I am a Londoner and I do not find that the opinion in London is that which he described. I think the attitude of the people of London, rich or poor, under the trials which they have suffered has been admirable. I do not think they want the course of the War deviated one hair's breadth from what our military advisers think right, because the Germans do or do not come to London or any other towns which they mentioned in their wireless communique to-day. No, Sir, the Londoner, as do the people of the country at large, want this War pursued to the only conclusion which can be satisfactory. They want the Government of the day to bend their whole energies to that. They do not want the House of Commons to interfere by Motions of this kind with the discretion of those who are bearing this great responsibility and bearing it with knowledge which we have not got. I venture to hope that the Government will not be as expansive as they have been invited to be by those who have just spoken. The hon. Member for East Mayo asked what are our defences, what are our plans. Imagine asking questions of that kind at a public sitting of the House of Commons. He wants this information because, he says, of the moral effect which the attacks upon London have. It is not the attacks upon London which will have moral effect, it is the way the people of London, and, above all, the way in which this House bear themselves under such attacks. No Government can guarantee that any form of defence by sea, by land, or in the air shall never be broken through by the attacks of our enemies. You have got to look not at a particular instance but at the progress of the struggle as a whole, and I implore the House, if for no other reason than consideration for its own dignity, to make short work of a Motion of this kind.
I entirely concur with what the right hon. Gentleman has just said. It seems to me we have got to look at this matter from the point of view of common-sense. The perimeter of London and its suburbs is, I suppose, about a hundred miles, and how anybody can suppose that it would be possible by any system of defence to make certain of preventing either aeroplanes or Zeppelins ever coming passes my imagination. Every day and every night aeroplanes pass over our lines in France, our men and officers are bombarded day and night, and I am glad to say we give more of that to the Germans. They do not complain out there, as they know it cannot be stopped, and it cannot be stopped here. There has been a good deal of panic in London, and though it is a dangerous thing to say, it is entirely owing to the Press and two or three members of this House. The Press find that panic pays, and if it did not we should not have any of it. Take some of the other towns. Think of Bucharest, where they had no anti-aircraft guns and where the Zeppelins came down low and dropped hundreds of tons of bombs, and yet they did not squeal. Then we had it in Venice, the Queen of the Adriatic.
There is only one thing I should like to ask of the War Office, and one matter about which I am seriously perturbed as to these night attacks. The great blessing of the attack on Friday night was that there was no gun barrage. Members of my family went to the theatre and came through. Piccadilly Circus about ten minutes before, in some part of London, a bomb was dropped. Fortunately for the City, we could not see these Zepps. They were probably 18,000 feet high, at which no gun could hit them. If we had known, the whole of the guns around London would have begun firing. I do not know how many they have, but I was told on very reliable authority that 20,000 high explosive shells were fired on the occasion of one of the last raids. Each shell has probably twenty or thirty pieces, so that you had over a million pieces of iron over the town. An explosive shell went through the roof of the house next door to me, and the whistling of them all round the house was an intolerable nuisance. It was not the fragments that fell, but it was the infernal noise of the guns. I trust the House will bear with me for a few minutes while I narrate an experience. Some years ago I was up the River Yang-tse-Kiang. There was an eclipse coming on. We saw something rather amusing. Well, in that large Chinese town the eclipse came on. The moon was gradually becoming obscured. There was a tremendous performance all round. Tom-toms were beaten and crackers were let off. As the eclipse came to its finish and the moon cleared there was general rejoicing, because the people thought that by their crackers and by their tom-toms they had driven away the devil from the moon. Our barrage is just about as much use, and the sooner we leave it off the better. I do not know any military man who really believes in it.
I am very much surprised to hear the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham. I assure the House that if he had been a London Member, and represented some working-class districts which had been demolished, and had been served in that abominable way I saw on Saturday last, he would not have made quite the same speech as he has made here to-night. The whole of the people of London do not live in the West End, and all the bombs were not dropped in the West End of London. If Members of this House had seen the places where some of the bombs dropped on Friday night they would have sympathy with this Motion, and would agree that those of us who represent London constituencies—may I say that the thing did not happen in my Constituency—have the right to ask from the Government some statement of what the Government are doing in order that the London workman's home and property should be better protected than they were on Friday night last. What happened on that night? We are told in the newspapers that the warning was given when the aircraft had crossed the coast about 8.30 p.m. I believe you will find in London that the take-cover warning and the warning for the tramcars and public places was given somewhere about 9 o'clock. From that time onwards public vehicles ran in darkness, and in the main streets and main thoroughfares the police went round and told the people to take cover. Good as the police are, good as the warnings are that have been given, it is only an infinitesimal number of the main streets of London which get that kind of warning from the police. I have over and over again raised by queries this question of warning to the people of London. It will be within the recollection of the House that until we had the daylight raids in June and July we got no concession from the Government as to any kind of warning to the people of London. Many of us who have been in those raids have seen the result, first of the unofficial warnings which were given on the Saturday morning daylight raid, and know full well that a great number of people's lives were saved and injuries averted because the people got warning and were able to take cover.
Following those daylight raids the Government and the Home Secretary gave us notice that we were in future to have a daylight raid system of warning to be given, I believe, by two successive rockets a short time before the raiders reached London. Some of us have been very keen that there should also be some kind of warning given in the night raids. Up till now, however, the Government have not given us any advance on the position they took up, which was that it was not advisable to give warnings, after dark of air-raids either by airships or aeroplanes on London. That, I think, is a mistake. I believe that if on Friday night you had had some kind of warning that the people could have heard, and given about 9 o'clock, that it probably would have got a good many people out of the streets. The system of going around main streets by policemen on bicycles or in motor cars is very good so far as the main streets are concerned, but there are thousands, nay, tens of thousands, of streets in London which got no inkling of any warning of the air-raid on Friday night last. May I say here that last Thursday the Home Secretary, in answering some questions, stated that they had decided to give the all-clear signals by bugles in the future. I think I can say here what has been expressed outside, that all who heard the bugles sounding about ten minutes to two on Saturday morning considered it the most popular sound they had heard for a long time. Nothing pleased the people better than that form of bugling, and quite a large number of people heard it, because it was given in all the main thoroughfares and at the ends of the main streets. The people were then able to go to bed and rest content.
In view of that, I say we do want some better form of warning for night-raids than that we had on Friday night last. In view of all that took place, I do hope the Government will reconsider this matter, and at once, and decide that some form of warning shall be given when night-raids are going to take place on London. There is very, very grave dissatisfaction in this matter, and a great deal of wonderment as to what happened on Friday night. I think a great deal of it was caused, as the hon. Member for Mayo has said, from the lack of information which should have been supplied by the Government. If the Government had issued a proper précis in the official information on Saturday, I believe that a good deal of the dissatisfaction which has been expressed outside would have been got rid of; but we got no information at all. May I just remind the House that the Prime Minister, in speaking during the War, has over and over again said that the only thing we have to do is to trust the people. Tell them, he said, all that is going on, and the people will be with the Government. That is, I believe, the case with the people of London, and with the people in the working-class districts of London, though in some of these raids the latter have suffered very severely. Working-class people have lost their children and their homes. Bear in mind that working class homes of two rooms have been shattered by the bombs—that these homes are everything to the people who have lost them, and it is the cause of a very bitter feeling that that kind of thing has happened as on Friday night, and we get no information or explanation from the Government; that people are allowed to think whatever they like.
There is one other thing I should specially like, if I may, to ask the Government to give us some information upon. These recent raids have caused any amount of damage and destruction to working-men's dwellings. I want to ask if the Government can tell the House to-night, and tell London, what methods they have of relief? This is a most important matter. We shall probably have these raids again. I think the Government ought to set up at once some form of department, or some set of officials, which could in cases like that of Friday last distribute immediate relief, both in money and kind, to the people whose property has been destroyed. These people have no money to meet emergencies of this nature. It is most unfair, as this is the result of an act of war, that it should be left to voluntary societies and local organisations to find money and relief, as they were doing on Friday and Saturday last. I hope the Government will take this into serious consideration, and, if we have any more of these raids, that something will be done for the immediate relief, first by way of providing accommodation for the people turned out of their homes, and then a money grant in order that they may re-establish their homes. I hope I have said nothing which is alarming or calculated to give information to the enemy. But I feel very strongly what I have said, as the result of what I have seen of various raids. I appeal to the Government to take London into its confidence and tell us what they are going to do. I am quite certain if they would give us a better form of call than we have at present it would be a very great relief to a large number of Londoners.
I have rarely indeed listened to a Debate in this House with less pleasure than or indeed with such pain as I have felt to-night. The pain which I have experienced would have been very much greater if I had believed for a moment that the spirit which led to the moving of the Adjournment on this occasion and to the speeches to which we have just listened in any way represented the real feeling of the House of Commons. I intend, so far as I remember them, to deal with some of the main criticisms which have been directed against us before touching upon what I look upon as the main issue. My hon. Friend who has just sat down said the Prime Minister had repeated more than once that in this War it was our duty to trust the people, to let them know what was happening, and if that were done we could then rely upon their support. That is true, but I do not think the Prime Minister or any sane man has said that it is our duty to tell our enemies what we are going to do, and to trust our enemies. The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken I am sure meant to give no information to the enemy. He did not, but he made a statement which, if it were accepted by the enemy, would lead them to believe that the effect of these raids was out of all proportion to anything that has actually occurred. He spoke of working-class quarters in London being demolished. It may be true that dwellings in working-class quarters have been destroyed, but what is that in comparison with the general statement that large areas in London have actually been thrown down by these bombs? Then another hon. Member subjected us to very severe criticism. Let me do him the justice to admit he began by saying he knew nothing about the subject; it was quite evident as his speech proceeded that his claim to know nothing was completely justified. But let me give an illustration of what the hon. Gentleman said. He remarked, "I never could understand why Paris has not been attacked by Zeppelins." He stated that it had not been attacked for three years. But the fact is that it has been attacked on many occasions, and last year, when I was myself in Paris on a mission, on the night I left there was a Zeppelin raid over the city. He said he could not understand why it was not attacked. I would not have believed there was a single man in this House who did not know that Zeppelins could not go from Germany to Paris and back in the dark but must be exposed At one time to daylight, and that that makes all the difficulty for them. The hon. Member also said—and I am sorry to say my hon. Friend who seconded the Motion, and who ought to have known better, agreed—that he was convinced we could entirely prevent these raids.
I beg the right hon. Gentleman's pardon. I said nothing of the kind.
I speak from memory, but the hon. Member said that the Prime Minister had led us to believe that these raids would be made impossible. That is to say, he suggests the Prime Minister was foolish enough to say something which in fact he never said. I venture to assert that the Prime Minister never made any such statement. How could anyone make such a statement? It is common knowledge with all of us that these bombing raids are going on continuously behind our lines, and that we are making them behind the German lines and, as far as our Service is concerned, night and day, in every kind of weather, we are going behind the German lines, and bombing them. Only last month—and I mentioned these figures in a speech which I made this afternoon—we dropped behind the German lines in France no fewer than 8,000 bombs. How in the world, by any system, can you prevent these raids taking place? All you can possibly do is to make them as dangerous as you can to the enemy, and that I venture to say we have done and are doing. Then the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) asked "Why all this mystery?" He complained that he did not know who was in charge of the defences of London. If he does not know it is because he has neither listened nor read. There is no mystery about the matter. It has been said over and over again in this House that the Field-Marshal Commanding the Home Service is responsible for the defence of London.
Does the Field-Marshal sit in the room at the time the raid is taking place? Who represents him then?
I do not see the point of that interruption. We all know the hon. Member thinks he is the only person who can defend London, and he is in fact the only man in England who does think so. In reference to Friday's raid, it is asked why the Zeppelins were not attacked in any shape or form?
I said, in reference to the raid of last Friday, that a degree of mystery existed which had not obtained in any previous raid, and so far as the public knew the Zeppelins were not attacked.
I understood the hon. Member to say that the Zeppelins came and went without being attacked.
So far as the public here knew.
I have no intention of giving the House any information at all as to the extent to which they were attacked, but I will say this—and it is common knowledge—our aeroplanes were in the air during the time the Zeppelins were here. I venture to say that nothing, to my mind, would sound worse to the men who, as everyone with the smallest knowledge of the Air Service knows, are running unusual risks in flying by night, than a statement that they were doing nothing to defend London. But let me go a little further. My hon. Friend who seconded this Motion said that the Prime Minister had promised long ago that we would do what was possible to bring the air defences of London up to a state of efficiency as high as was possible, and he said: "Tell us what you have done." Does the hon. Member forget that we are at war? Does he forget that everything we tell him we tell our enemies, and does he not know that as a guide in all future attacks on London, or any other part of the country, the one thing they would like to know is the particular method of defence which we have made against their attacks, and yet he asks such a question! I will give the House an impression of what that means. The hon. Gentleman used an argument which I am not sure was quite relevant, but he was allowed to use it, and perhaps I may be permitted to refer to it. He said the real defence is by air raids on German towns.
Hear, hear!
I do not know I differ from the hon. Member.
Then why do you not do it?
But the policy and intention of Germany in that respect was stated more than once in the most clear and unambiguous way. I have had, since we came back, a number of questions put to me about it, and in answering those questions I tried my best to refer to the answers we had given, for once you have stated the air policy I do not think it is improved by stating it every day or twice a day. I was most anxious to avoid two things, namely, boasting about what we were going to do, and not to give the enemy any information as to what our intentions were. As the House knows, two raids have already taken place over a German town, with a population of 100,000, and apparently my hon. Friend thinks that because there are blast furnaces there which can be damaged—and they are vital, remember, to the conduct of the War—that therefore the raid is not so useful as if there were no blast furnaces. What happened in consequence of the pressure of one or two Members of this House and the pressure of the newspapers to find out exactly what was going to be done? It is a fact that the Germans who knew from the only quarter they could know where these raids would take place, sent down a fighting squadron to be ready for our men, and they were ready.
Let us come to the special subject of this Motion, the Zeppelin raid of Friday. If the Germans ever smiled at our method of conducting war, they will certainly have a very happy time when, in connection with a Zeppelin raid which was by far the greatest defeat that Germany has ever suffered, they find that the British House of Commons think it necessary to stop its business, and adjourn in order to discuss this matter. We were told that there were no aeroplanes up. What happened? Eleven Zeppelins came over to attack London, and only one of them succeeded in passing across London. It was, as the House knows, a misty night, and my hon. Friend says it was a misty night that saved London from devastation. How does he know? I will tell him what is the opinion of our Air Service. They think it was a misty night that saved the Zeppelin. Then it is said that no guns were firing. I wish people would use a little more common-sense even about war. Are you going to fire guns because you are told that a Zeppelin has crossed the coast. Is that what they want? As I have said, only one Zeppelin succeeded in crossing over London, and owing to the mist she could not be seen, and she crossed with her engines off, drifting so that it was impossible to hear her. How, then, are you going to fire a gun? Another complaint has been made that the searchlights were not working. The men responsible for our Air Services are not fools. They found that the searchlights would not penetrate beyond the mist, and could not reach the Zeppelins at the height at which they were flying. What my hon. Friend wants us to do is that we should put on all the searchlights, to let the commander of the Zeppelin know exactly where London is, so that he can drop bombs over it. The main gravamen of the offence is that these Zeppelins came to England and got away, and not one of them was brought down. But, fortunately, they were brought down in France, and you say, "What splendid fellows the French airmen are, and what miserable incompetents the English airmen are!"
The right hon. Gentleman is making a perfectly unfair statement, because I did not say that. I distinctly praised the work of our airmen, and I said I had not one word to say against the Naval Air Service or the Royal Flying Corps.
My hon. Friend need not excite himself. He said, "Look at the proof of the magnificent Air Service in France and the incompetent direction of the Air Service in England." Just let the House remember the same weather conditions which made it impossible for us to see or to attack the Zeppelin was the real cause why they were lost in France. They lost their way and when drifting over France our French Allies brought them down. I should be the last to deny to the French Air Service the same competency which I claim for our own. They did splendid service in bringing them down, and we are all agreed. In England the Zeppelins were here not only at night, but on a misty night when it was almost impossible to see them. They went across the Channel, but it was daylight when they were attacked by the French airmen. I thought my hon. Friend would have known this elementary fact, that once a Zeppelin had gone to a great height of 17,000, 18,000 or 19,000 feet, she can only descend by letting out gas. She cannot reach that height again, and the longer her journey, the lower down she must come, so that when these ships were in France it was in daylight, and they were flying of necessity at a lower altitude they were in this country.
Again, I use a little common-sense. We have proved that when we can see them our pilots can bring down a Zeppelin. Does anyone suggest that we are not as competent now as we were then? I do not think anyone can make that statement, and perhaps it is worth while to mention a fact known to me. These Zeppelins travelled for many hours over France during the darkness. One of them stood over the lines for a long time in the dark, and no notice was taken of it; and it was only when daylight came that they were attacked and brought down.
I say that if the kind of spirit which was represented in the speeches to which we have listened to-night, and the fact that a limited number of Members were ready to have this discussion at all were to represent the real spirit of the House of Commons, then I would utterly despair of ever coming victoriously out of this War. I quoted once before in this House words describing the views of the German generals as to the position in this War. They come to us from a source on which we can rely, and they express what is so obviously the psychological position that they impress us. The Germans know now that they are beaten if the Allies hold together. These German generals say, "Ah, but war is a question of nerve. We know that our nerve will stand the strain. We do not think that of the Allies will." I say that if the kind of speeches to which we have listened to-night represented the nerve either of the Government or of the people of England, the German generals would be right.
If I may presume to say so, this Debate has rather got off the track. It is the duty of this House to discuss not so much what we did last Friday night as what we are going to do in the future. The Leader of the House suggests that the people of this country are quite prepared to go on indefinitely living in a condition of darkness and composure while the Government vacillate and hesitate and cannot make up their minds what they are going to do. It took us nearly two years to convince the Government that it was necessary to compensate the victims of air raids. Grudgingly they have at last decided to do it. It took us nearly two years to force the Government to warn the people of this city or of England of air raids, and now they are endeavouring to do it in a most inefficient manner. I wonder whether the Government have ever tried putting their ear to the ground? It is all very well for them to go to political meetings packed by tickets issued to their own supporters, but when it comes to addressing the people of this country on the question of an air offensive over Germany I do not think that they will leave the Leader of the House or any of his friends long in doubt. I have endeavoured to convince this House that if this War is going to be won at all it is going to be won in the air. If we refuse to employ the aeroplane as a punitive weapon against the Germans, I cannot see this War ending for years. Yet we have Members of the Government standing up at that box and trying to ride off on the abuse of private members, and using the raids of the enemy not in illustration of our own lack of nerve but rather as a demonstration of what we are capable of inflicting upon the enemy. The Prime Minister since he has had the reins of office has told us repeatedly that all is well with the Air Service. General Smuts, speaking at a public meeting on behalf of the War Cabinet, stated that he had received private information, and the people of this country could be satisfied that all was well with the Air Service. I do not think that this country thinks so, or that anybody outside the higher command, who, like the Government refuse to face facts, thinks so either. I am sorry that this matter has been raised on the Motion for the Adjournment. It is too serious to be raised on the Motion for the Adjournment. Far from it being so trivial that it will discredit the English Parliament to Adjourn for its Debate, I wish we had foregone this Adjournment Motion and had pressed on the Government the necessity of giving a whole day to the discussion of the creation of an Air Ministry. It is no use blinking the fact. Owing to the Government's policy this country is full of spies. It is due to the Government's vacillation in the internment of Germans and in other ways.
That has no relation to the subject which we are now discussing. We are now discussing last Friday's raid.
It has been suggested that by saying where this same bomb fell we are giving information to the enemy. I would suggest that this information was in their hands before it came to this House. I would appeal to the Government to immediately formulate a policy for the invasion of Germany.
That also is irrelevant to the topic which we are now discussing, which is the raid of last Friday and the means for resisting it.
It has been put forward that the only means of defence is the offensive, and, if I were consulted as to the best way of stopping a recurrence of last Friday's raid, I would say it was by immediately carrying the war into the enemy's country. The barrage which is being put up by our guns in this country to defend London will be looked back upon as one of the humours of this War. Defence against aeroplane attacks by night is practically impossible. Defence against Zeppelin attacks by night is problematical. I would appeal to the Government not to be constantly on the defensive. They have been on the defensive not only against the enemy, but against public opinion since the outbreak of war. When public opinion gets a little too strong they concede something, but not enough. The result is that they never have a definite policy. They have no definite policy for the defence of this country to-day. There is the Admiralty still mixed up and the War Office still mixed up. Who is actually the man responsible for the defence of this country at the present time; who takes over the defence of this country when the warning of a raid is given? You do not tell me that General French sits up twenty-four hours for an air raid and is always there on tap to say that such and such a squadron shall go there and such and such a squadron somewhere else, that these guns shall some in action and that these searchlights shall be used. The whole thing is a chaotic muddle, and it has been so from the beginning. There were searchlights over London on Friday night. I myself was not 400 yards away from the spot when that same bomb fell, and there was a searchlight. Nobody knew what anybody was doing. This Debate is not a disgrace to the country, but the defence of London is. The defence of London is a disgrace to the Government, and possibly I may say this in conclusion: I think the only thing which will teach the Government what is the feeling of the people in this matter is to take Parliamentary seats away from them—touch them on the raw. That is the only thing that will make them defend this country. That is the only thing they will understand. The people of this country will not stand it very much longer. They are not going to live in Tubes while Ministers loll on benches. They are not going to be content with muddled warnings by policemen riding about the main streets with plasters on their chests "All Clear" or "Take Shelter." The people of this country do not expect to take shelter; they prefer the Government to take action.
I wish to ask leave to withdraw this Motion, and if I may say, in doing so—
The hon. Gentleman is not entitled to make a second speech.
Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
Representation of the People Bill
Again considered in Committee.
Postponed proceeding resumed on Amendment to Third Schedule.
I beg to move. "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."
Question put, and agreed to.
Committee report Progress; to sit again upon Wednesday.
Petroleum (Production) [Payments and Expenses]
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]
Motion made, and Question proposed [18th October], "That it is expedient to authorise the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, into the Petroleum Royalties Fund constituted under any Act of the present Session to make provision with respect to the searching and boring for and getting of Petroleum in the United Kingdom, of a sum equal to ninepence for every ton of Petroleum gotten on behalf of His Majesty, and of any other expenses chargeable under such Act."
With regard to the Amendments on the Paper, one is beyond the scope of the Resolution by proposing a liability on the State, which can only be done by a Minister of the Crown.
I would suggest that, though that may be perhaps the case in the second Amendment, it is not the case with the first. I handed in an Amendment, and I would ask your ruling as to whether this would extend the financial powers that would be given by the Bill. It is really an alternative scheme, and I submit, with great deference, that it is really an admirable scheme and would not lay such a burden on the taxpayer as the other one would.
The hon. Gentleman says it is an alternative scheme. That can only be introduced by a Minister of the Crown.
I would venture to point out on that point that it would be impossible to have a change in the Bill along the lines of the second part of the Resolution unless there were a Financial Resolution justifying that, and therefore this is the only stage at which my hon. Friend can move it. I would therefore ask your ruling, if this is out of order in the Financial Resolution, how it could be brought in in the Bill, seeing that as it has a financial character it would need a Financial Resolution to support it?
An extension of the liabilities of the State cannot be proposed in a Money Resolution unless by a Minister of the Crown. That is my difficulty.
If my hon. Friend raises the point by moving to leave out the word "other" from the words "of a sum equal to ninepence for every ton of petroleum gotten on behalf of His Majesty and of any other expenses, etc., that might perhaps raise the point.
Before that is answered, might I suggest that this could be put in order by leaving out the words from the second Amendment I propose "such expenses to include compensation," and so on?
Will the right hon. Gentleman just make clear what the exact proposal is, then?
The Amendment, as it would stand with the alteration I suggest, would make the Resolution run as follows:
"That it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys to be provided by Parliament of expenses incurred by or on behalf of His Majesty under any Act of the present Session to make provision with respect to the searching and boring for and getting of petroleum in the United Kingdom, and for purposes connected therewith."
That Amendment merely recounts the title of the Bill, and authorises the payment of moneys to be provided by Parliament for all expenses incurred thereby.
I think that would limit the Resolution as it is proposed by the Minister.
That would be my intention. Under those circumstances I beg to move to leave out the words "into the Petroleum Royalties Fund constituted," and to insert instead thereof the words "of expenses incurred by or on behalf of His Majesty."
I only desire to raise the one specific point as to whether any royalties at all should be paid under the Petroleum (Production) Bill. Other matters, I submit, would be more conveniently raised on the Committee stage, but if the House decided that royalties were not to be paid the alteration in the Clauses of the Bill would be so considerable that it is really better to have a decision on that point before we reach the Committee stage. In advocating this Amendment I do not want to raise any general problems on royalties or suggest that they may not be justified in certain circumstances. Still less do I wish to argue any general principles of property. I confine myself severely to the one question whether, in this particular Bill, the system of royalties is really applicable. I want to examine it on its merits rather than from any standpoint of severe orthodox economics. What is the proposal contained in the Bill? When the State proceeds to bore for or get petroleum, any person interested may go to the Board of Trade and ask the Board to delimit an area within which royalties are to be paid. The Board of Trade has, out of the resources of its imagination or its very superior knowledge, to say, "Your petroleum field runs under ground so far and no further." Having decided that, it sorts out a royalty of ninepence, which is payable on every ton of petroleum obtained, among the various landowners within that area. It is exceedingly difficult to argue the practical effects of this measure on this Bill because the whole subject is almost entirely speculative. No one can tell what will be the result of this venture and, of course, the Minister in charge is wholly unable, by the necessity of the case, to give us any estimates of production or profits or anything else. I want to assume for the purposes of the argument that this royalty is a considerable sum, that it is worth having and that it may involve a considerable payment on the part of the taxpayer. If it does not, if in fact the royalty were a negligible sum and distributed over so large a number of persons as to give none of them any amount of money worth having, it had much better be dropped altogether. I assume that it does really represent something considerable. I want to assume, as an hypothesis, that the royalty involves an appreciable taxation of my Constituents and an appreciable payment to the landowners in the petroleum area. If that be assumed, you are at once confronted by two difficulties. The first is the difficulty of the boundaries.
That is clearly not relevant. It is an argument on the Bill. The hon. Member can rightly move to strike the whole of that provision out of the Bill. All that the Resolution provides is, if the Committee chooses in the Bill to leave the proposal with regard to royalties in, that then the money is to be dealt with in a certain manner. That is the only point now.
Is it in order for the hon. Member to deal with the rights of property on a financial Resolution?
It is not a question of Order; it is not relevant. It is a question of the form. This is merely a Resolution empowering the Committee to consider the Bill as it at present stands. The hon. Member's arguments will be very relevant to a proposal to strike out that part of the Bill.
Yes; but I understand that what we are now doing is to authorise the Committee to raise money or to encourage the prosecution of a Bill which shall cause taxation, the result of which will be that royalties will be paid. It seems to me that if one is not allowed to object to royalties the Financial Resolution does not afford one much freedom of action, because there is no use in objecting to a system of raising royalties if one is not allowed to object that this money is to be spent.
10.0 P.M.
I am not in the least objecting to the hon. Member's point, but only the occasion of it. It seems to me to be a very good point when dealing with the Bill in Committee. I have now had an opportunity of turning up the authority upon which this Committee was set up, and I find it says:
"Committee to consider of authorising the payment out of moneys to be provided by Parliament into the Petroleum Royalties Fund constituted under any Act of the present Session to make provision with respect, to the searching and boring for and getting of petroleum in the United Kingdom, of a sum, etc."
That is the authority of the Committee It appears to me that the hon. Member's two Amendments put together would have a widening effect and not a narrowing one.
Is the hon. Member not in order in objecting to the royalty and suggesting an alternative method of compensating a landowner for any damage that may have been done?
Not until he is a Minister. It means a liability on the State.
Is he not in order in opposing the Money Resolution?
Oh, certainly! He may oppose the Resolution on the ground that he objects to the whole thing.
On a point of Order. The Government bring in a Bill which proposes to pay out of Parliamentary funds— that is the form of it—certain sums as royalties to certain persons. They bring in a Money Resolution to a Bill to enable them to do that, and also to pay other expenses under that Bill for the working of petroleum. Is not my hon. Friend in order in saying let them pay the expenses of working the petroleum, but we do not authorise the House to proceed to pass any Act which would pay royalties out of Parliamentary funds to landowners?
That is just the point. This Resolution does not authorise any payments. It is, as a matter of fact, the Bill which authorises that.
I submit that the Bill can only do that should this Resolution be passed. The point of the Resolution is to enable payment to be made out of moneys to be provided by Parliament into a Royalties Fund which is to go to the landowners. I understand that in the Amendment as now proposed by my hon. Friend (Mr. Denman) that that is a proposition he does not desire to authorise. I submit that the Amendment he is now proposing is in order, and that if it is not in order I would suggest an alternative Amendment which I think would be in order. I would ask on the point of Order exactly what the Amendment we are now discussing is? I understand it is the omission of the words "into the Petroleam Royalties Fund constituted."
Yes; along with the consequential Amendment to leave out the words with regard to compensation. So I understand it.
I understand that the Chair accepts the Amendment, objecting to the argument on the ground that it is going beyond the purview of the Financial Resolution. I am afraid, in those circumstances, it will be necessary, on the Committee stage, to enlarge upon the arguments which I hoped we might dispose of this evening. But as I am so limited, of course I obey the Chair, and I will deal merely with the financial side. The question of the distribution of the royalty and of the problems that that question produces is also not now, I understand, capable of discussion. I am sorry about that, because I think the practical difficulty of distributing the royalty are the real objections. That, however, I set aside for the moment, and I suppose a similar objection I should raise, which is to me is very important—namely, that as the result of these payments of royalty and the settlement of an area by the Board of Trade there must inevitably be speculation in land—would also be out of order now, and must be left to a separate occasion. I only mention these because they seem to me the serious points. Let me just ask the Minister in charge whether landowners are asking to have this royalty paid to them? We all know that directly the Government begins to bore, provided there is reasonable compensation for disturbance on the particular land on which the boring takes place, all the land in the neighbourhood, if it is agricultural, will immediately increase in value. There will be buildings put up, there will be an access of population, a fresh market for agricultural produce, and really any landlord who heard that the Board of Trade was coming round and going to bore would receive them with open arms and fatted calves. I happen to own a few acres in a district which I noticed in the "Times" is expected to yield petroleum. I cordially invite the right hon. Gentleman to come and bore because I know the land in that district will immediately increase in value. I do not say that I should be entitled to any of the benefits of that rise in price in the neighbourhood, but a rise would certainly take place, and I should benefit. It seems to me that that is quite adequate compensation to all landowners, and that my Constituents should have to pay the royalty in perpetuity so long as the petroleum field lasts, because the State has successfully bored for and got petroleum, is asking something that is unreasonable and that the landlords themselves have not asked for. We are told that in the matter of petroleum there is no precedent upon which we can go, and that is true. There is no reason why we should adopt a precedent of royalties any more than that we should not. The field is new; we can start afresh, and set up in this particular Bill such scheme as may seem to us good. The only precedent I should like to bring forward is the precedent of saltpetre. We know that in the case of gold and silver they belong to the Crown, and that the Crown has no right to enter on any land and bore for gold and silver. The case of saltpetre is different, and the Crown has a right to go on any man's property, paying no royalty, and take out and make what use of the saltpetre it chooses. That precedent—
Really the hon. Member is quite misconceiving the present occasion. This Resolution does not decide in any way whether we should pay a royalty or not. All it says is that if the Committee and the House on the Bill decides in that way the money raised shall be dealt with in a certain way and paid into a certain fund.
This Resolution proposed by the Government is one which authorises the Committee to pass a Bill which will cause taxation on my Constituents for the purpose of paying royalties. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] If this Resolution is passed and the Bill is passed authorising royalties, then in any future Budget money will have to be provided to pay the royalties provided for by this Bill.
You do not want the Bill to pass.
I want the Bill but not the royalties to pass. The moment to raise the question of paying royalties, or raising taxation in order that royalties may be paid, is surely on the main Resolution.
No; I think the hon. Member has not yet seen what the position. These Resolutions are not legislative in any way whatsoever. In fact, as I read this Resolution, the only need for it is a question of method of account-keeping in case the Committee and the House on the Bill come to a decision. That is the point.
May I read the Resolution as it is proposed—
"That it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys to be provided by Parliament into the Petroleum Royalties Fund constituted under any Act of the present Session to make provision with respect to the searching and boring for and getting of Petroleum in the United Kingdom of a sum equal to ninepence—"
and so on. My Amendment directly contradicts that, and declares that it is expedient to provide money for other purposes in the Bill but not for that purpose. I do not want to enter into any argument, but I must have made myself very obscure if I have not at least given a primâ facie case for my Amendment.
If the hon. Gentleman has the Bill with him he will see, if he looks at it, that in the second Clause there are certain words in italics. Those indicate the words in the Bill which require before they can be considered in Committee the authority of a Resolution of the House, and therefore the effect of this Money Resolution is the covering of those words there italicised. When we come to the Committee on the Bill the hon. Member can move to take out all those words, and then his speech will be quite relevant to the matter.
Then the effect of your ruling is that these Money Resolutions are of no importance whatever and it is not at all worth while the House considering them. That, I think, is a proposition which has a very great deal of reason to support it. But assuming that a Money Resolution is of some value and that the House has some reason for spending time upon it, what is the purpose of this discussion unless it is to give an opportunity to the House so to alter the Money Resolution as, as a consequence, to cause an alteration in the Bill? If the Money Resolution must be such as the Bill is to be, why discuss the Money Resolution at all, because in these circumstances you must never alter it.
The right hon. Gentleman has put his finger exactly on the spot. I had already accepted the Amendment, but the hon. Member was entering into a Debate dealing with the question of merits whether there should be royalties or not. I was pointing out that the occasion for that is on the Bill itself and not on the Money Resolution.
I think I can make a few concluding remarks which will be in order. The facts of the petroleum position are really against the expedient authorised by this Resolution. That the payment of money be provided by Parliament in the manner proposed by this Resolution is not in the best interests of the Bill itself. After all, what are these people doing in return for the 9d. per ton they get? I agree that they have a theoretical right to that which is below the soil on which they live, with the exceptions I have already mentioned of gold and silver and saltpetre. But here is a case in which there is at present no existing monetary value whatever in the right to bore for and to get petroleum. The value is created solely by the successful act of the Government in boring and discovering the oil, and nothing whatever is contributed by those who will ultimately receive the royalty in return for what they get. We all remember the indignation that many upright people felt when one portion of the community was to receive 9d. in return for the 4d. they paid. In the Resolution it is a literal and simple fact that we are authorising the payment of 9d. for nothing. That is not a proposition which in behalf of my Constituents I feel able to accept, and I hope the Government will not endeavour to press it on the Committee to-night.
As I understand it, this Money Resolution is brought forward in order that two proposals may be brought forward in the Bill, the proposal in italics in Clause 2 as to the Petroleum Royalties Fund and the proposal, also in italics, in Clause 9 with reference to paying out of moneys provided by Parliament the expenses of the Board of Trade in the general operations under this Act. I understand those are the two financial propositions of the Bill which it is proposed to cover by this Financial Resolution. The proposal of my hon. Friend, as I take it, is that he is quite willing that the proposal in Clause 9, as to the general expenditure of searching and boring for petroleum and various other incidental things, should be authorised, but he is not prepared to authorise the payment into the Petroleum Royalties Fund, and that is my position with reference to this Financial Resolution. The broad proposition is that petroleum is not now gotten in this country at all, and that whether it can be payably got remains to be seen. It is problematical. We have been told that it is of great importance that this petroleum should at least be searched for and used if possible, and with that I entirely agree, and my Friends and I would entirely agree to authorise any proposed expenditure in searching and boring and matters of that kind. In fact, there is no question that we would go a step further and say that if there were any damage done to the surface, or if there were any subsidence resulting from the boring, or if there were any direct damage of any other kind we should be willing to authorise that that should be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament. But what we are not prepared to authorise is that public money should be paid by way of royalties to the owners of land who did not put the petroleum there, who are doing nothing to get it out, who are not bearing any part of the expense. So far as the United Kingdom is concerned this is practically a new product, and our case is stronger for this reason that it is impossible to say from under what land the petroleum does in fact come: if it comes at all. You cannot delimit it. That difficulty is itself recognised in the Bill and in order to get over that difficulty and to give this additional endowment to landowners who are doing nothing to get the petroleum a new system has been brought in, and they have the Board of Trade declaring a district a petroliferous district, and the royalty is to be divided among the landowners of the district. Nothing of that sort has ever been proposed in any Parliament in this country before, and here in the midst of a great war, when we want every national asset, and we want the petroleum, what do we find? The Government ought to have brought in a Bill to enable the Crown to get the petroleum. The Government ought to have declared that the petroleum under the soil is the property of the Crown. If you accept that principle there is no need to pay any royalties. Why should any royalties be paid? Why should the unfortunate taxpayer be burdened with these royalties? It may be that the profits may be very small. It may be that after an enormous amount of expense you may not get sufficient petroleum to pay the cost of boring, yet the royalty will be payable in respect of the petroleum. I should not be in order in going into the Bill, but there is a special provision that the cost of searching and boring for the petroleum is not to be a charge on this royalties fund. In fact, the royalties fund is to be arranged on this basis that the land-owner is in the happy position of being able to say: "Heads I win, tails you lose. In any case I benefit. If you find petroleum, at whatever cost you find it, I stand to gain." We cannot really authorise expenditure of that kind out of public money. Other advantages accrue to the landowner under this Bill. In the first place the fundamental object of this petroleum royalties fund is to pay over royalties to landowners. If that object be dropped the petroleum royalties fund goes, and therefore I submit that I am in order in showing why we should not pay these royalties at all, and why we should not have public money put into this petroleum royalties fund. There is no declaration in the Bill that the petroleum is vested in the Crown, and so far as the Bill is concerned there is no power given to the Crown to enter upon land and obtain petrol. I know it was explained when the point was raised that during the War action could be taken under the various Acts for the Defence of the Realm.
Do you deny it?
No, I do not deny it. My point is that the Defence of the Realm Acts have a limited scope of operation, and that therefore there ought to have been in this Bill, as a protection for the public, some right given to the Crown to enter land. We maintain that it is not right that land-owners outside the Defence of the Realm Acts should be able to hold up land. The Minister in charge of the Bill the other day said there were two other ways, apart from the Defence of the Realm Acts, namely, a private Bill, or a Provisional Order Bill.
Not a Provisional Order Bill, but a Provisional Order.
Made under what Act?
This again is travelling over the whole Bill. It is either a Second Reading point, or a Committee point, but it is not on the Money Resolution.
The point I was trying to make was that the land-owners gain, in the first place, by the fact that the Crown is not given adequate powers of entry under the Bill; and, in the second place, by the fact that if petroleum is found anywhere, then the value of that land and the surrounding land is at once raised, and the landowner, without even getting anything from the taxpayer, will stand to gain by the expenditure of public money on making the bores and doing the other work. That seems to me to be a very strong additional reason against what appears to be the fundamentally wrong principle of paying royalties at the expense of the public to these land-owners at all. It is because I object to those royalties being paid that I support my hon. Friend in his proposal to narrow the resolution so as to exclude from its scope the words in italics in Clause 2, and to limit the effect of the financial resolution to the general expenses covered by the words in italics in Clause 9.
Without entering upon the matters which have been debated, which I am quite sure we shall have full opportunity of discussing in Committee, I may say that the whole of this question is intermingled, and the various points which arise as to royalties all run into one another. On this purely financial resolution I propose to confine myself merely to this point, that the payment of royalties is not regarded by the Government as a payment out of public money for the very simple reason that under the present law as it stands to-day the right to get petroleum does not vest in the Crown but in the landowner.
Well, take it from him.
The arguments which my hon. Friend has used are very strong good arguments, but they apply against the payment of all royalties.
No.
The hon. Gentleman may not have intended to use them in that sense, but they do apply. The argument that the landowner has done nothing whatever to create the value of petroleum applies equally to coal.
If coal could now be dug for the first time it would apply to it in the same way as to petroleum.
But by our existing law the right is vested in the landowner whether it has been worked before or not. I am not here to argue whether that law is right or wrong. I do not think that that is a question which arises.
Is your proposition that the owner of a given piece of land is entitled to get the petroleum on that piece of land, is entitled to bore this piece of land and possibly to get the petroleum from under the land of other landowners?
His right is to bore down and get all the petroleum that comes up through the hole which he makes. That is his right. His neighbour can do the same. It is because petroleum is different from other things and that a landowner can draw out not only from his own land but from under his neighbour's that competitive boring takes place. It is difficult to avoid the great waste which follows expensive boring. We have brought in a Bill both to benefit the State and industry, and the landowner as well. The reason why royalties are put in as part of the Bill is very simple. Under the present law, if any undertakers, or a great oil combine or syndicate, had information that there was oil in a certain area in any part of the United Kingdom they would have to come to terms with the landowners, and not with the State, before they could get the oil. Under the present law the right of exacting royalties rests with the landowner and not with the State. That, rightly or wrongly, is the position of the landowner. In this legislation, necessitated for reasons arising out of the War, we do not want to interfere with the status quo in matters of that kind, nor to go any further than we can avoid. We simply want to leave that question of royalties entirely unaffected, and to create no precedent either to give any advantage to the landowner, or to put the landowner or the State to any disadvantage owing to the fact of this Bill. Under the existing law the owner would get the royalty, and whether it was an owner, the State, or a private syndicate who sought to bore and get oil, it would be wrong to introduce a Bill now to deprive the owner of the land of the right he possesses under the existing law. If, when we come to the Bill, it can be shown that the owner would not have a right to any royalty, then that would be a very strong case for not having a royalty. I do not think that can be so. Matters have gone so far, I believe, that one lease has actually been entered into, though it is mot known whether or not petroleum will be obtained.
Was that after the Bill was brought in?
No; long before this Bill. The lease is in existence, and there have been negotiations under which the landowners would have a right to royalties. That is the reason why royalties are not going to be, as my hon. Friend suggested, a burden or public tax upon their constituents. That cannot be the case, and so far from the taxpayer's going to pay royalties, he is going to get something. If my hon. Friend looks at the Bill he will see that under their licence the Board of Trade impose conditions that will be of a financial character. Supposing petroleum is 3s. or 4s., the difference between that sum and 9d. goes to the State.
Who has to pay the cost of getting it?
Any undertaker or private company, at any rate, would have to do that, and would have to pay the expenses of boring as well.
In that case the words will not be wanted to which I object—"authorise payments out of money provided by Parliament."
The money will be paid. My hon. Friend would not consider himself seriously robbed if someone gave him 2s. 6d. and he had to pay 1s. out of it. The State gets the value of the petroleum, out of which it has to pay only 9d. to the owner. So far from being 9d. for nothing it is 9d. for £2.
The right hon. Gentleman suggests that the State will not have to pay unless it makes something out of the transaction. That is not the proposal either of the Resolution or of the Bill. The proposal is that for every ton of petroleum gotten by the State the royalty should be paid. The petroleum may be worth considerably more than the royalty, but the cost of getting it may be worth more than the petroleum, and that would come out of the pockets of the taxpayers.
Would not the licensee pay that?
Unless the State were the licensee and took the risk.
I am speaking of where the State itself does it as provided by Subsection (2) ( a ), which makes the royalty payable in respect of petroleum gotten on behalf of His Majesty.
If the result of the operations was the spending of many hundreds of pounds with only a very small tonnage, the royalty to be paid would be very small and would not make much difference. The undertaker takes the risk and makes the payment. Under the present law I do not think any undertaker would be likely to get the right to bore for petroleum without paying some royalty of some kind. When we come to the Bill it is perfectly open to us to consider whether 9d. is a proper figure. All I am concerned about under this Resolution and all that is in order is whether, under the present law it is reasonable to propose that some royalty should be paid to the owner for minerals which are gotten under his land. We propose, in Committee, to introduce a small Amendment to the effect that only petroleum will be paid for which is gotten and can be used. For instance, it happens sometimes in petroleum fields that you have a rush of petroleum, or what is known as a gusher, where a certain amount of the oil is lost. We should not have to pay for the quantity which would be wasted and only have to pay for what was actually available for use. I do not wish to debate this aspect of the matter, as it can be more properly done in Committee. I understood you, Sir, to rule that we are entitled to discuss whether any royalty shall be paid or not. Under the present law royalty would have to be paid, and therefore it would be a breach of the understanding that we should do nothing in legislation to prejudice the status quo unless it were necessary for the purpose of carrying on the War. As a royalty would be paid under the existing law we think it right to introduce a royalty now. If Parliament thinks no royalty should be paid it can review the matter after the War.
Vested interests will have been created by then.
Perhaps, on the other hand, it may be the other way about, and my hon. Friend may find that vested interests are less strong after the War than before.
You are creating a new interest.
We are not creating a new interest. If it were shown we were creating a new interest, we would have no right to introduce any such proposal. We are not creating any new interest.
There is one political consequence that the Committee would desire to have quite clear to its mind, because there seems to be some division of opinion with regard to it. My hon. Friends have pointed out the contingency that this 9d. per ton might come out of State funds. No, says the right hon. Gentleman, if we get petroleum it will be worth £2 per ton, and we shall make 3s. or 4s. per ton profit on it, and the 9d. will come out of that. Is it not the case that if a number of experimental borings are made which are unsuccessful—for everyone knows that the getting of oil is a most speculative business—that a very large sum of State money may be sunk. Ultimately some oil-producing region may be found, and a considerable quantity of oil obtained, but the State on the whole in relation to this speculation may be heavily out of pocket, and we may have to vote from the Exchequer a large sum of money; yet, nevertheless, we shall also have to vote from the Exchequer 9d. per ton to the owner of the land in which this petroleum has been found owing to previous loss on the undertaking. That is so! This is not merely a technicality, said the right hon. Gentleman, but a point of real substance. This 9d. per ton to the owner may come, not in fact out of the petroleum revenue, but out of the Income Tax or whatever other source of the revenue it may be. The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head. I think it is very important before we get into Committee that we should know whether that is right or wrong?
Of course, in respect to a particular area, if you get petroleum in sufficient quantity, you will pay a royalty on it. If you bore in another area and get no petroleum there, of course you take the risk. The owners of that can get nothing in the way of royalties. You cannot charge your loss on an unsuccessful boring in one district upon the owners of the mineral rights in another district in which it does exist, any more than in coal. You may spend money in boring for coal in one county I find none, while in another county you do find it. In both counties you will have made agreements with the owners of the royalties. You do not say to the second there you have found coal that he is not entitled to a royalty because of the unsuccess on the other soil.
That is not quite the point. We should look at this matter as a whole. The owner of the land where the oil happens to be is remunerated at the expanse of the State, and gets a purely gratuitous bonus or gift out of an undertaking which is, in the main, a loss.
It is a very small one.
Nevertheless, your petroleum speculation would leave you out of pocket. The point is really one of very great importance indeed. It raises the question, What is the policy of the State towards the natural resources of the country? The State in the past has adopted different courses. In regard to gold and silver, it has decided that these minerals, although under the surface of the land of private owners, are to be regarded as treasure of the Crown. No matter who may own the surface, the Crown owns all the gold and silver under it. If it is got it belongs to the Crown With regard to saltpetre, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carlisle tells us—I take it from him, for I do not know it myself, that the same rule is adopted, obviously because it was regarded, in earlier times as a mineral of immense value for the purpose of munitions of war. In Germany the State owns to a very large extent the coal mines of the country, and gets a princely revenue from those mines. Here we have not asserted any State right over coal; I would that we had. If only before the coal seams of this land had been developed we had had a Parliament with sufficient foresight and with sufficient public spirit to declare that whatever coal was got was to be regarded not as the property of the owner of the surface but as the property of the nation as a whole what a magnificent revenue we should be deriving from that source.
We are told that now, owing to the enormously heavy charges that will rest on the nation after this War it is necessary we should look for new sources of revenue. There is a school which advocates we should take all the natural resources of our Dependencies. But here under our own soil, within these islands, it may be we have a vast source of natural wealth hitherto untapped. It is true, as the right hon. Gentleman says that under the present law if it were tapped and anything were done the property would pass to the owner of the surface. That undoubtedly is so. But it has not been tapped. There is a potential right of property, but not of actual right. If ever, this is the moment when they should say, "We will not make the mistake in regard to petroleum which our ancestors made with regard to coal. We will take the wiser course which was taken with respect to gold and silver and saltpetre." No harm would be done to anyone. No wealth will be taken away from any person which now he enjoys, and if any damage is done to any person's property we will pay for the damage. We will pay for the use of the land with no niggardly or ungenerous hand, but we do assert that this property should pass to the Crown as representatives of the people. Ostensibly this Bill is to declare a State right, but in reality it establishes private rights under the cover of war conditions. This royalty which it is proposed to pay is not a substitute for payment for any damage done to the land or its amenities. You not only have to pay the landlord for any damage done to the land and for access to it or for loss of its amenities, but after that you have to pay him 9d. per ton for oil obtained by the enterprise of the licensees and not by the enterprise or by the money of the owner of the soil. This royalty is to be unlimited in amount. Ninepence per ton is what the right hon. Gentleman states it will be, but if, as he hopes and as we hope, very rich oil wells are discovered the fortunate owner of the surface may be receiving a vast revenue in respect of the oil obtained, and possibly tens of thousands of pounds may be given to some fortunate individual who would not have known he was the possessor of the oil unless the State had found it for him, and who would never have got a gallon of oil out of the land unless the State had bored for it. Yet this Parliament, under these conditions, is asked to consent to this great revenue going not to the relief of the enormous burdens of the people, but to swell the private property of the owner of the surface!
I think this Bill is a useful Bill. I think it is right it should be passed, but the House ought properly to cast a very critical eye on its financial provisions as well as on the provisions of the Bill dealing with the right of access to the land to obtain oil before it is finally passed into law.
The right hon. Gentleman says this Bill will allow things to stand exactly as they are, but this Bill is a breach of all precedents, for it asserts the right of the Crown, and the Crown, only, to do this, either directly or by licensee. Surely that is a breach of the existing rights of the landowner.
It is necessary to do it in war-time.
But are you not creating a new condition of things? Here you have petroleum which has never been won, dug for and sought for by the present owner. The State proceeds to bore and recover it, and the proposal is after the State has discovered the source, and what may be great wealth for the nation which the owner did not know of, the nation shall hand over for every ton recovered 9d. to the owner, whose only contribution is that he has owned the soil without making any use of it in this direction which is essential to the welfare of the State now. There is no petroleum recovered there, and you are going to create a new interest of which by the Amendment of this Resolution we might prevent the creation. At such a time as this, for the purpose of preventing the nation from enjoying a revenue which it might enjoy from one of these natural resources to hand it over to the private owner of the service of the soil would be unpatriotic and against the public interest, and it is a thing which I hope the House will not do.
I must pay that I think the Under-Secretary made a very bad case for this Bill when he complained that it did not alter the existing state of affairs. The fact is that this Bill makes it possible for the first time to get petroleum under the land of England. Hitherto, without this Bill, no landlord, unless holding an enormous extent of territory, can get petroleum as a paying proportion for the simple reason that he would be taking it from the grounds of other men who would have a claim. No licensee who pumped from that man's land would be free from claims of the surrounding landlords. It is the passage of this Bill that makes it practical to get petroleum in this country, and that is why the Government have introduced a Bill. They want petroleum, and they must get it. They pool all the interests and group an entire area, and say, "We will pay Royalties to all the owners within that area." A very similar case cropped up in connection with the coal mines in North and South Staffordshire. The difficulty was that the mines got flooded, and any owner of a mine who put in expensive pumping plant was pumping not only his own mine but also those round about him. Consequently, it did not pay any individual to pump his mine clear and work the coal. The South Staffordshire mine owners got a Bill, whereby they all contributed pro rata to the pumping plant, so that all the area might be pumped simultaneously, and they all got an equal benefit. By the passage of that Bill they were able to work the South Staffordshire coal-fields. In exactly the same way, by the passage of this Bill the people who think that they are owners of petroleum will be able to work their petroleum deposits. It is the passage of this Bill that makes the working of petroleum possible. Therefore, the right hon. Gentleman, instead of making no change, is making a vital change. He is for the first time by this Bill giving a value to petroleum-bearing lands in this country, and we are perfectly right to demand, when for the first time a vested interest in this country is being created, that it should not be accompanied by a charge upon the taxpayers of the country for the payment of royalties to the owners of the petroleum. We are not robbing the landlord of anything that is his at the present time; we are merely saying that by the passage of this Bill he shall not make a profit which he has not been able to make up to now. The right hon. Gentleman pointed out that we have no right to interfere one jot or tittle with the rights of the landlords of this country. Why, in this War we have interfered with the people's rights all over the country.
I never said so.
You said that there was an understanding that we should not interfere with vested interests.
I said nothing of the kind. I said that except so far as it was necessary for the War—and every kind of interest is constantly being and must be interfered with—the existing condition of things would not be altered.
The existing condition of things will not be altered if we pass this Bill without a royalty. The right hon. Gentleman himself in his Bill is interfering with the landlords' rights by saying that they shall get 9d. There may be rich lands which will bear a royalty of 2s. and other poor lands which will only bear a royalty of 3d. It is only a question of degree with the right hon. Gentleman. The landlords have no right to tax the people of this country because they happen to own a mineral deposit which has become urgently required by the whole of the world. We, therefore, think that the Government should be the last people now, in the middle of an expensive war, to inflict upon the whole of our successors a burden they will be very ill able to bear. I trust we shall deal faithfully with this Bill later on, but now I think we might have a Division.
I would not like a Division to be taken on this Resolution without saying a word or two. So far as the Labour party are concerned, they have at congress after congress and at the Labour party conferences, ever since the Labour party was established, passed resolutions condemning the payment of royalties for coal or anything else. Therefore, I hope the Government will consider the advisability of withdrawing this Money Resolution.
It being Eleven of the clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House.
Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Loss of H.M.S. "Hampshire."
Whereupon Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER, pursuant to the Order of the House of the 12th February, proposed the Question, "That this House do now adjourn."
The circumstances in which Lord Kitchener was taken away from us some sixteen months ago have always appealed to me as a matter of very great public importance. I felt it my duty to do everything in my power to try to get to the bottom of what to me and to a large number of people appeared to be a mystery. It may be remembered that it is little more than a year ago since I spoke in this House on this subject. At that time I felt it was my duty not to pursue the matter further, for fear that I might unwittingly say or do something which might at that time be of advantage to the enemy. But after a period of sixteen months I felt that I was quite safe and fully entitled to put a question to the Government and to ask the Government to publish the Official Report of the inquiry into the loss of the "Hampshire." The Government has thought fit to refuse to publish the Report, and for my part I very much regret their decision, because I feel that their action in this matter is very much misplaced. After this lapse of time it is very difficult for me to believe that any public disadvantage could be served, even in the existing circumstances of the War, if the Government did publish this Report. Holding, as I have done, and as I have explained to this House in the past, the belief that there are many other circumstances in connection with this tragic event which I feel the public has a right to know, it is only natural, perhaps, that I, at any rate, feel a little suspicious of the purpose whch the Government desires to serve by re- fusing to give the public any further information. I feel not only in. connection with this matter but in others—one was mentioned in the House this afternoon at Question Time, in connection with the event in the North Sea—that the Government does make a mistake in maintaining so much secrecy about matters of very great public importance, I quite allow, with regard to the recent event in the North Sea, that there may be very important naval considerations which, justify the Government in refusing to-day to give information.
But even in connection with the loss of the "Hampshire" there has been a recent event, to which I am going to make no allusion to-night, where I can conceive the Government having no interest whatever to serve other than the public interest and I do not understand why they should, as I am informed, give instructions through the Press Censor that no reference was to be made to this. I feel that the Government is not doing right in maintaining such a general principle of secrecy in one thing after another week by week and month by month. This very fact—many people regard it as a fact—creates suspicion in the mind of the public. The very brief cryptic information that the Government has given with regard to the loss of the "Hampshire" creates a misgiving, and there is a great deal of indignation felt by the public generally at the scant importance that appears to have been attached by the Government to the disappearance of a very great Englishman who was very widely beloved by the people. I would submit that if, for example, the present Prime Minister or his predecessor had happened to have been in the position in which Lord Kitchener was and had disappeared in a similar manner, I cannot believe that there is a Member of this House who would not burn with indignation until the Government had given to this House and to the country all the available facts regarding the accident. And so I cannot help feeling that it is a poor tribute that we in this House have paid to one of our greatest and most valued public servants.
Last Thursday I gave notice that I should raise this matter on the Adjournment to-night, but without the official Report of the inquiry into the loss of the vessel I find that it is really impossible for me either to check or to put a proper value upon such information or facts as I possess, or imagine I possess I have, therefore, weighed very carefully since last Thursday my position, and there are three considerations that force me very reluctantly indeed to the conclusion that, under the circumstances of the moment, I shall best serve the public interest in the crisis through which we are passing if I defer the matter until our country gets into smoother water. The three considerations are briefly these—first, that the Government, rightly or wrongly, has determined that it will not publish the official Report; secondly, that I have, somewhat to my own surprise, failed to secure support and assistance from any other Member of this House in pursuing this matter; and, last, I have, as I am sure every Member of this House would desire, to bear in mind the fact that if I do pursue it, it can only be done by the expenditure of a very great deal of official time and attention, especially, I may add, on the part of the officials of the Admiralty, and we all know that in every Government Department, and especially at the Admiralty, there is only too much work which we want from every public servant, in order to extricate the country from its present danger. For these reasons I have come to the conclusion that I cannot properly, and in the general interest of the country, pursue this matter any further, and therefore I am going to leave it by expressing my strongest possible protest at the decision to which His Majesty's Government has come. In conclusion, I want to say that I do appreciate very much indeed the courtesy and consideration which the Par- liamentary Secretary to the Admiralty has shown to me, possibly in the somewhat trying experience I have given him in this matter, and the trouble to which I have put him and his officials.
I appreciate my hon. Friend's kind references to myself. I do not need to follow him in some of his general reflections, but in regard to the matter of which he gave notice last Thursday, that he would raise it on the Adjournment to-night, I can, of course, take no exception whatever to the course which he has now adopted. We cannot undertake to lay Reports of Courts of Inquiry. It never has been done. It has always been held that these proceedings must be regarded as confidential. Of course, there are very good reasons why that must be so. I would only remind him that in the course of the many answers I gave to him and other hon. Friends last June and July, I stated that the loss of the "Hampshire" was fully investigated by a Court of Inquiry held by order of the Commander-in-Chief immediately the survivors could be got together. That Court of Inquiry found that the vessel struck a mine, and the considered judgment of the Commander-in-Chief, after reviewing the evidence taken, endorsed that view. I would only add that I associate myself entirely with what the hon. Gentleman said as to the national loss we suffered on that occasion.
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned at Twelve minutes after Eleven o'clock.