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Commons Chamber

Volume 100: debated on Wednesday 12 December 1917

House of Commons

Wednesday, December 12, 1917

Reconstruction

Copy presented of the Final Report of the Forestry Sub-Committee of the Reconstruction Committee [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of Interim Report on Electric Power Supply in Great Britain of the Coal Conservation Sub-Committee of the Reconstruction Committee [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of the Report of the Committee appointed by the Minister of Reconstruction to advise him as to the procedure which should be adopted for dealing with the Chemical Trade [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Destructive Insects and Pests Acts

Copies presented of Orders, numbered D.I.P. 510, 512, and 513, declaring the respective areas described in the Schedules thereto to be infected with Wart Disease and infected areas for the purposes of the Wart Disease of Potatoes (Infected Areas) Order of 1914 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Births, Deaths, and Marriages

Copy presented of Seventy-ninth Annual Report of the Registrar-General of Births, Deaths, and Marriages in England and Wales, 1916 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Local Taxation (Scotland)

Copy presented of the Annual Local Taxation Returns (Scotland) for the year 1915–16 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 66.]

Naval and Military War Pensions, Etc. (Committees) Bill

Lords Amendments to be considered forthwith.—[ Sir Arthur Griffith-Boscawen .]

Considered accordingly, and agreed to.

Oral Answers to Questions

War

India

High Courts of Judicature

asked the Secretary of State for India whether the Government of India has any intention to recommend the issue of letters patent setting up High Courts of Judicature for the province of Burmah or the province of the Punjab?

As regards the Punjab the Secretary of State for India has announced that after the War, as soon as financial considerations permit, a High Court will be established for the Punjab. As regards Burma, he has received no recommendation from the Government of India on the subject.

University (Rangoon)

asked what are the causes of the delays of the Government of India in creating the university at Rangoon for the province of Burma, seeing that sanction was given a long time ago?

The establishment of a university at Rangoon has been agreed to in principle, but the Government of India have not yet been able to submit to the Secretary of State for his sanction a detailed scheme for constituting it, or for providing the funds necessary for its formation and maintenance. The matter is still under discussion between the Local Government and the Government of India. It is hoped that it may be possible to utilise the experience of the Commission which, under the presidency of Dr. Sadler, is now inquiring into the state of the Calcutta University.

Indian Soldiers (Dependants)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether pensions are only granted to the widows of Indian soldiers who have fallen in France or in other theatres of war and not to the children; whether, in the event of the death of the widow, the orphan children are left unprovided for; and, if so, whether orders will be issued for the continuance of the pension to the orphan children?

An Indian soldier may nominate his wife, or a child, or certain other near relatives, to receive whatever family pension may be admissible on his death. The pension under present Regulations ceases on the death of the nominated heir, but the Secretary of State in Council has under consideration proposals for continuing the pension to the children where they are unprovided for.

Questions

Beachley Dock (Housing Accommodation)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he can state to the House the result of his visit to Beachley, Gloucestershire, on the 8th instant; whether he is satisfied that the 106 former inhabitants of the village are now all suitably housed; and will he undertake that those who can now earn less wages or whose occupation as fishermen or otherwise have been destroyed will have compensation offered them, having regard to the impossibility of working people appearing before the Losses Committee?

I visited Beachley, accompanied by officers of the Admiralty and the Directorate of Lands, and I was advised that all the former inhabitants have either found alternative accommodation, or are still in their cottages. All the fishermen are at present watching on the upper reaches of the Wye, under the Fisheries Association, as is their usual custom during the close season, and proper housing accommodation will be ready for them by the time they return at the commencement of the coming season. I understand that all the tenants are being professionally advised as to their claims. No cases are known where less wages are being obtained by any of the tenants owing to the entry by the Department, but as no claims have as yet been received, it is impossible to speak definitely as to this.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider any application that may be made to the Board of Admiralty by the professional advisers of these men?

Subject to whatever limitations may be imposed upon our action, we should consider representations sympathetically.

Steamship "Thomas Holt" (Captain Gladney)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware of the treatment by the Admiralty of Captain Gladney, late master of the British steamer "Thomas Holt," requisitioned by the Admiralty and employed as a cargo transport; whether he is aware that Captain Gladney became objectionable to the principal naval transport officer at Southampton because of his criticism of the loading and handling of his ship and the use of the same; and that the principal naval transport officer at Southampton made charges against Captain Gladney of insurbordination, want of discipline amongst his crew, etc., because Captain Gladney had carried out the instructions of his owners in regard to ship's articles, and disciplined members of his crew for absence without leave, and reported such complaints to the Admiralty; whether any inquiry into these charges was ever made by competent authorities, with Captain Gladney present at the same; whether the Admiralty insisted upon the owners of the steamship "Thomas Holt" removing Captain Gladney from his command; whether he is aware that Captain Gladney has, in consequence, been out of employment for a prolonged period, incurring financial loss and loss of prestige; and that he, being desirous of serving his country, offered his services in other capacities to the Admiralty and was refused; whether he is aware that the Admiralty have recently informed the owners, in response to their repeated requests, that Captain Gladney may be reinstated in command provided the steamer does not go to Southampton, but that if the steamer proceeds to Southampton he must not be employed; whether he is aware that, as the owners have no control over the movements of this ship, she may at any time be ordered to Southampton; and whether this treatment of this British shipmaster, who for a prolonged period constantly risked his life crossing the Channel between British and French Channel ports, will be continued or whether he will give instructions to forthwith give orders for this proviso to be cancelled, so that Captain Gladney may once more take command of the steamship "Thomas Holt"?

I have now read the papers concerning this case. In certain important particulars the statements in the question are not correct. But I need not now go into those. We have decided that it is fully established that Captain Gladney's attitude towards the principal naval transport officer was undoubtedly at fault, and calculated to make his very onerous duties impossible. We are of opinion that Captain Gladney, further, put himself entirely in the wrong in refusing to give evidence at the Court of Inquiry. But in view of his owners' continued confidence in him, and of the fact that he has been unemployed now for six months, we shall raise no further objection to his command of the transport "Thomas Holt."

The right hon. Gentleman has mentioned the Court of Inquiry—will he see that in all cases involving in effect the loss of his command of his merchant ship there will be an inquiry into the circumstances before a decision is arrived at?

I cannot say offhand. In this case that course was taken because the circumstances were followed by a serious result, and any case of that character, of course, would be inquired into.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a very strong feeling amongst the officers of the mercantile marine at the overbearing treatment on the part of the transport officers, and will he endeavour to reduce that friction as far as possible in the interests of the nation?

May I ask whether the maintenance of discipline is just as important at sea as anywhere else?

I was not aware of the suggestion which my hon. Friend (Mr. Houston) has made, but I do know that in this particular case the transport officer is a very courteous gentleman.

Simply to remove misapprehension, may I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that the masters of merchant ships know more about the handling of those ships than those naval officers?

Shipping Losses

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether vessels torpedoed or mined, but which reach the shore and subsequently become total wrecks, are included in the official list of vessels sunk; and, if so, at what period are they so returned as sunk in the official list?

Yes, Sir; they appear in the list of the week in which they are reported as total losses, with a note intimating the week during which the casualty originally occurred.

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state categorically whether merchant steamers used as auxiliary cruisers or as patrol vessels, or vessels under demise to the Crown, or vessels carrying oil, coal, or other cargoes, owned by the Crown or a Government Department are included in the official Return of vessels sunk by torpedo or mine?

Merchant vessels used as auxiliary cruisers or as patrol vessels are not included in the official return of vessels sunk by torpedo or mine. As they are exclusively devoted to naval work they are properly shown as naval losses. The other vessels mentioned in the question are included.

Enemy Submarines Sunk

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that it has been officially stated that five enemy submarines were sunk on 17th November; and how many have been sunk since that date?

The answer to the first part of the question is Yes; and to the second part it is not proposed to give the information.

On what ground did he refuse to give this additional information, seeing that it was in the public interest, or in the political interest of the Government, to give an answer to the earlier part?

The Prime Minister received official information from the Admiralty on the morning of the 19th, and he made a statement in the course of the Debate on the 19th. It will be a matter for consideration whether it is expedient to make any further statement.

Are we only to expect any information relating to these matters only from the Prime Minister and not from the First Lord of the Admiralty?

Are we to take it that the Prime Minister is the only person able to give information to the enemy without any proceedings being taken against him?

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty the number and description of the Admiralty vessels which escorted the steamer "La Blanca" from Plymouth on her way to another Channel port at the time she was sunk?

It is not desirable to make public the arrangements adopted for the escort of merchant vessels.

My hon. Friend will see, on reflection, that there are very good reasons why the enemy should not know the sort of escort he may expect to meet.

If you had provided better escorts, the result might have been different—

Royal Navy

Home Stations (Christmas Holidays)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether any and, if so, what facilities will be allowed to Navy men at home stations in all parts of the country to avail themselves of the Christmas holidays; and if special railway fares will be allowed these men in order to allow them to visit their homes during these holidays?

My hon. Friend will of course realise that war conditions make what is known as "Christmas leave" out of the question. We shall do what we can, however, to meet the case of the boys' training establishments, and also to meet the permanent staff of other shore establishments.

As regards the latter part of the question, any officer or man who may secure leave at Christmas will be entitled to the issue of a free railway warrant to his home, provided he has not already exhausted his right to the same under the Regulations.

In any case where an officer or man is not thus entitled, he will be supplied, if he gets leave at all, with a reduced fare voucher enabling him to travel at one-third the fares at present chargeable to the public.

Yardcraft Ratings

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that in answer to the 1914 petition, presented by the yardcraft ratings, these men were given a rise of pay to be followed by a triennial rise; that the first triennial rise was due on 1st October, 1917, but has not yet been paid; will he explain why the undertaking entered into by the Admiralty has not been carried out, and if it is contended that the grant of 2d. a day on the 1st January, 1917, must be taken in lieu of the triennial rise; is he aware that the Admiralty letter 23,218 D 30,925,14 states that it has been approved to grant an increase of 2d. a day in the minimum rate of wages of all adult yard-craft ratings below the rate of mate and third engineer, i.e ., ordinary seamen, able seamen, stokers, leading stokers, and harbourmen, who are paid in accordance with the authorised Admiralty scales of yardcraft ratings and are borne on dockyard books; and how this Order can be held to replace the undertaking given in reply to the 1914 petition?

Since the introduction of the improved scales of pay on 1st October, 1914, the minimum rates of pay of the yardcraft ratings referred to in my hon. Friend's question have been raised by the amount of the triennial increment provided in the scales. Consequently, it becomes a question whether a further increment becomes due after three years from the introduction of the scale or after three years from the later advance. The War Office and the Treasury are both concerned in the matter; we have been in communication with those Departments and hope to give a decision at an early date.

I will do my best to get it, and will tell my hon. Friend when I do so.

Mercantile Marine Ratings

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty (1) whether he is aware of the numerous oases of distress that occur amongst the dependants of mercantile marine ratings serving in Royal Fleet Auxiliaries and similar ships; whether a considerable time frequently elapses between the discharge of such men through disablement attributable to their employment and the receipt of gratuity or pension, and between the date of joining and the first receipt of allotment; and whether these men can be dealt with like other naval ratings and thus come within the powers of war pensions committees; and (2) whether he is aware that mercantile marine ratings serving in Fleet Auxiliaries and similar ships are under naval discipline, and that when deprived of pay as part of a punishment their dependants lose their allotments and receive nothing; and whether steps can be taken to put these men on the same footing as naval ratings in this respect?

It has been brought to my notice that men of the mercantile marine serving in Fleet Auxiliaries when disabled, and also their dependants, when the men first join or are deprived of pay as part of a punishment, suffer hardships. The question of obviating, or, at any rate, largely minimising, them in future has been receiving the sympathetic consideration of the Admiralty, and I hope it will be possible at an early date to make an announcement as to the measures which have been decided.

Royal Naval Division (Promotion)

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty whether his attention has been called to the case of a Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve officer attached to the Royal Naval Division, who was promoted to commissioned rank for gallantry in the field and awarded the Distinguished Conduct Medal while serving in Gallipoli in 1915; whether he is aware that this officer acted for many months as acting lieutenant in command of a company both in Gallipoli and subsequently in France; and that, while acting as lieutenant in command of a company in France, was awarded the Military Cross in recognition of his gallantry at the taking of Beaumont Hamel in November, 1916; whether he is aware that, this officer was subsequently invalided home and, upon rejoining the Royal Naval Division depot at Blandford, was reverted to the rank of sub-lieutenant while other officers junior to himself and who had served under him in the field have received promotion; whether, in view of the Report of the Churchill Committee, he can state any reason why this officer, who received his commission and has been awarded two decorations for gallantry in the field, should not have been confirmed in the rank in which he acted for many months; and whether the question of giving this officer his promotion and dating the same back to November, 1916, will receive immediate consideration?

The question doubtless refers to a member of the Royal t Naval Volunteer Reserve, who was drafted for service as a petty officer with the Royal Naval Division to Gallipoli in May, 1915, and granted a commission as acting sub-lieutenant on the 14th June of that year. He was then posted to another battalion of the Royal Naval Division, having previously been awarded the Distinguished Service Medal. He was subsequently invalided and was later drafted to France, where he won the Military Cross, and on the 21st January last was wounded and invalided to England. Throughout his service there is no record of this officer ever having been granted any other rank higher than sub-lieutenant, though it is possible that he may have commanded a company temporarily for brief periods. There is, therefore, no question of his ever having been reverted to that rank. The last two parts of the question, therefore, do not arise.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say under what conditions reductions such as are referred to in the question are made in the Navy. Is it entirely in the hands of the senior officers to reduce junior officers?

There has been no reduction in this case. He was commissioned as acting sub-lieutenant. He might temporarily take charge of a company, but that is not substantive rank, and when he gives up that command he goes back to the substantive commission he holds.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us who is the authority for recommending promotion?

At this time, when the Royal Naval Division was under the command of the Admiralty, it was the Adjutant-General Royal Marines through the board, and later the War Office.

Questions

Netherlands (Food Supply)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware of the increasing food shortage in the Netherlands, especially in consequence of the withholding of leave to Dutch ships laden in New York to leave for Dutch ports; whether he has information of German offers, in certain events, to supply food to Holland; and whether every effort will be made by the Allies to prevent dependence of neutral Powers on enemy resources?

The PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY to the MINISTRY of BLOCKADE
(Commander Leverton Harris)

I have no official information with regard to the first two parts of the question. The Allies are constantly considering the matters dealt with in the last part.

Palestine

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in regard to the future disposition of Palestine, he has kept in mind the century-long interests of France in that region; and whether, in all the steps hitherto taken and in the promises made, such as that of the restoration of the Jews to Jerusalem, he is acting in complete accord with the representatives of the French Republic?

The hon. Gentleman need be under no apprehension that in our policy in Palestine we shall fail to show the fullest consideration for the opinions of our Allies.

While recognising that, has an accord been already established, so that the Allies are working together in this matter?

Russia

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1) whether Finland is now an independent Republican State; whether it is so recognised by the British Government; and, if not, what is the precise international status of Finland; (2) whether the Ukraine is now an independent Republican State as recognised by M. Terestschenko, the late Foreign Minister of Russia; whether it is so recognised by the British Government; and, if not, what is the present precise international status-of the Ukraine; (3) whether his attention has been called to the statement issued by the Russian Embassy stating that it did not recognise the present Maximalist régime in Russia; whether that statement was communicated to the Foreign Office before publication; whether it was issued on the advice or with the expressed approval of the Foreign Office; and whether the Foreign Office recognises that M. Nabbokoff is still entitled to represent the Russian Government in this country; and (4) whether he is aware that the amount invested by British private persons and companies in Russia is about £60,000,000; and what measures are being taken to preserve this property for further development and renewed commerce after the War?

With respect to these questions, I think it better in the public interest to give no reply.

Can not the right hon. Gentleman give some reasons? Is he in possession of no information, or is it that he fears that the information, if given, would weaken the Government in the eyes of the country? [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]

The reason is the reason I have indicated, that the question is put quite obviously, not for the purpose of obtaining information, but for the purpose of embarrassing the Administration of the country. I do not think that the public interest would be served by answering it.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his answer simply imputes motives, and that is a very unusual course?

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will lay upon the Table a complete collection of the secret documents published by the Lenin party in Petrograd, with Notes stating how far they are authentic and accurate?

The documents in question ought not to have been published, and I do not propose to republish them.

Has the attention of the right hon. Gentleman been directed to the fact that in one of the leading journals of this country there has appeared an alleged reproduction of these documents from the Petrograd Press, and does he think it right in the public interest to leave the public in a state of uncertainty as to whether those documents are accurate or not?

I am not responsible for what the journal in question has done, and I do not know which journal it was.

I do not think there is anything to be gained, nor do I think it would be an advisable proceeding by the Government, which does not approve of the publication of these secret documents, to make itself a party to their republication.

Did not the right hon. Gentleman last week inform me he was sure to receive all these documents published in Petrograd from Sir George Buchanan, and will he say whether he has received those documents or not?

May we take it that the policy of the Government is to keep secret from the public documents of which they have no knowledge, and of which they ought to have knowledge?

We have made public the information which we think in the public interest ought to be made public. Of course, a lot of the documents have nothing whatever to do with this country; they have got to do with the Governments of our Allies, and the notion that we should republish documents relating to our Allies is, I should have thought, too absurd to deserve attention.

May I ask whether, in the case of those documents which concern us alone, and the secret treaties which were made in our name, so that we may know whether they are true, the Government refuse to publish them?

asked whether the published statement by Sir George Buchanan was made on Instruction from the British Government or made on his own responsibility?

Sir G. Buchanan was fully justified in making the statement referred to in the question which was, in fact, largely based on a telegram of my own.

Was it entirely based on that telegram? Is Sir George Buchanan entitled or authorised to make speeches, on his own responsibility, addressed to the Russian people?

Sir George Buchanan's discretion is trusted, and ought to be trusted, to make what declarations he thinks fit in the public interest, knowing the general views of the policy of His Majesty's Government. If the hon. Gentleman wants to know which part of the interview of Sir George Buchanan was based on the telegram which I sent, and which was not directly based on it, I shall be happy to lay it on the Table.

Roumania

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of recent revelations of the treatment of Roumania by the Ministers of the late Tsar during last autumn, he will lay upon the Table all the correspondence which took place between the Russian and Roumanian Governments and the British Government during the three months previous to Roumania's declaration of War?

Republicanism

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can give the House any information as to the spread of the Republican movement in South Africa; whether it has been stimulated by his own efforts to introduce the principle of Imperialism with a view to imposing it subsequently upon the Dominions; and whether he will give the assurance that the Government has renounced all designs in that direction?

No, Sir; there is no foundation for the suggestions made by the hon. Member in the second and third parts of his question.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the Republican party in South Africa is becoming the dominant party; and if they should set up the Republican flag there will he take appropriate steps to secure that that event is marked by the necessary éclat?

Imperial Federation

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has recently consulted any representatives of Australia on the subject of Imperial federation; whether he is aware that the vast majority of the population in Australia are opposed to the Imperial principle; and whether the Government will avoid taking any steps, whether by legislation or otherwise, calculated to run counter to the desires of the Australian people?

The answer to the first and second parts of the question is in the negative, and to the third in the affirmative.

Does the right hon. Gentleman take any pains whatever to acquaint himself with the sentiments of the Colonies, or does he shut himself up to his own official futility?

Sir, the Dominions and the Commonwealth have their own Governments, who are quite capable of expressing their views, and to inform me, if they desire me to be informed, of any special circumstances.

State Governorship (Australia)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Colonial Office has recently had in contemplation the question of the abolition of State governorships in Australia; if not, whether it will now consider the matter; and whether, if it be ascertained that the sentiment of the Australian people is opposed to these governorships, he will proceed to put an end to the system without delay?

Again, has the right hon. Gentleman taken any pains to consult—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order!"]—to ascertain the views of the Australian Government on this subject?

If the hon. Member's question is important, he ought to put it down on the Paper; if unimportant it need not be asked.

But Mr. Speaker, when I put a question that is perfectly legitimate, though I bow to your ruling, I would suggest that there is a reciprocal obligation to protect me when I am in the right.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether it was after communication with him on the subject that Sir Arthur Stanley, the State Governor, delivered his speech to the Royal Agricultural Society of Victoria; if so, whether the views expressed in it were meant to be conveyed as coming from His Majesty's Government to the people of Australia; if not, whether Sir Arthur Stanley has communicated with him on the subject since the delivery of the speech; and whether it is his intention to ask Sir Arthur Stanley to return to England?

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been directed to a speech delivered by the Governor of Victoria, Sir Arthur Stanley, at the luncheon of the Royal Agricultural Society, on 26th September, in which he said that one of the things that should be abandoned is the criticism of Governments; whether he is aware of the strong resentment this speech has caused in Australia, not only on account of the matter of the speech but also on account of the breach of constitutional custom now established which prevents a Governor offering political advice; and whether he proposes to take any steps in this affair?

Sir A. Stanley has been the subject of attacks in certain newspapers which misreported a speech made by him. I see no grounds for taking any action in the matter.

May I ask he right hon. Gentleman by whom has he been informed that the Governor was misquoted, seeing that the principal paper of Australia quoted the speech textually, and on the basis of that printed a leading article expressing the resentment of the Australian people on the conduct of the Governor? I ask for an answer.

I have arrived at the information that I have given the hon. Member by a comparison of the reports. If the information to which the hon. Member refers exists, and there is a desire to carry it on to me, there are, as I have already told him, people who are qualified to represent Australia and to express their views. Any representation I receive I shall carefully listen to.

I would refer to the people of Australia to judge the Governor and himself.

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether any decision has been arrived at with regard to the grant of separation allowance in cases where a British soldier prisoner of war interned in a neutral country has married during such internment?

I regret that this question, which affects the Navy as well as the Army, and is not free from difficulty, has not yet been decided.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I have frequently raised questions of this kind with a view to securing separation allowances in these cases; if that is so in individual cases, why is it not made general?

asked whether any decision has yet been reached concerning the payment of pensions to the dependants of men shot for cowardice?

This matter has not yet been definitely decided. In the meantime, grants to the widows and children of men shot for military crimes will be made by the Special Grants Committee on a basis approximating to that of the pensions and allowances awarded to the wives and children of men killed in action.

What is the use of the Government generously withdrawing the letter in which they announce the shooting of these men and then paying a pension out of a special Department, which makes it perfectly obvious for what reason the pension is paid.

I have already pointed out that this is merely a temporary arrangement. The matter will be definitely settled as soon as possible.

Will the hon. and gallant Member see that in future no executions will be allowed to take place until the mental and medical history of the men concerned have been inquired into?

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the fact that in the new increases of pay only such allotments as carry allowances are taken over by the Government; that this penalises the young lads who joined up in the early days of the War, and their apprenticeship, and were therefore unable to establish pre-war dependence for their mothers; that they must, continue to make voluntary allotment from their pay; that their mothers get nothing unless they can establish poverty; that the Government have now promised for over a year to consider their case and provide allowances for their dependants similar to those paid to the dependants of lads who waited to be compelled to enlist and who, therefore, on account of the high wages obtaining, easily established prewar dependence; and whether the House can expect any decision in the immediate future?

Arrangements have been made enabling local committees to grant assistance in cases where it is shown that the son would have been in a position to contribute to the support of his parents, and where the general circumstances of the family are such that a contribution can be regarded as necessary for the due upkeep of the home. The assistance may be of such an amount as the local committee deem to be equivalent to the support which the sailor or soldier might reasonably be expected to give if he were in civil life, but not exceeding the equivalent of the allotment and State separation allowance applicable to the dependants of a private soldier.

May we take it that the award on the basis of hardship is now definitely scrapped?

Yes; that really is what the question amounts to. A condition of hardship was imposed before, and now it is a question of what the man might reasonably be expected to earn.

Directorate of Labour

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War on whose advice the directorate of labour and group headquarters of labour for labour units were established; and what is the annual cost of the same?

These organisations were established by the Army Council. The cost of the directorate and some seventy-five group headquarters is about £375,000 a year.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether there are separate directorates for roads, light railways, forestry, inland water transport, docks, and railways; whether labour units are not employed now under one or other of such directorates; and whether, in view of this, he can state the need or justification for the establishment of a separate labour directorate?

There are separate directorates in France for roads, light railways, inland water transport, docks and broad gauge railway services. Unskilled labour is handed over from time to time for employment under one or other of these directorates, but that does not affect the necessity for a separate directorate of labour.

Can my hon. Friend say why, in view of the fact that the directors of these Departments that he has men- tioned use this labour, there is any necessity for a further directorate to deal with labour—simply for labour?

My hon. Friend will realise that the Labour units must be under one director, because the Labour units supply men for the special directorates.

Then do I take it that the labour directorate is over all these other directorates and directs them?

Not necessarily; they co-operate with them; they are not necessarily over them.

asked the number of fresh appointments created since 1st November, 1916, owing to the establishment of the new directorate of labour and roads, and the annual cost of such?

I think my hon. Friend is under a misapprehension. There is no such directorate either in the War Office or in France.

Is my hon. Friend aware that he has just told me, in answer to Question 30, that there is such a directorate?

No; I have not. The hon. Member asked in his question, if there was a new directorate of labour and roads to be established—

No, no; nothing of the sort. Arising out of that answer, Mr. Speaker, may I point out that there is a mistake in the question on the Paper? I am not responsible for that. What I asked was, "If the hon. Gentleman can state the number of fresh appointments created since 1st November, 1916, owing to the establishment of the new directorate of labour and roads, and the annual cost of such?"

I have less responsibility than my hon. Friend for the mistake on the Paper. I have answered the question on the Paper. If he requires a further answer perhaps he will put it down.

Do I take it then that the War Office never make any intelligent inferences from questions put on the Paper?

32.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War why the labour directorate has been allowed to disregard the ordinary practice of the service by establishing a purely relative system of promotion; and whether he can give the number of unmarried fit men under thirty-five years of age employed on the staff with the length of their commissioned service?

Here again I am not responsible for the word "relative" in this question. The word that I wrote was "selective." I hope my right hon. Friend has inferred that.

Promotion in labour corps is by selection. With the exception of certain specially qualified men, commissions are not given to any candidates of military age fit for general service.

Can my hon. Friend say how many men are in these directorates who are under this age, and who are fit?

Will my hon. Friend place on the Table a list of the officers referred to in the question so that we can test the accuracy of his reply?

No, I cannot, and I refuse to ask any Department with which I have any connection to give themselves all this trouble when I have answered with accuracy the question put to me.

Arising out of that will my hon. Friend say on what principle the War Office gave these directorates power to make promotion under a selective system which does not obtain in any other Department of the Army?

I think it is highly desirable that this particular directorate should have power to give promotion—

Obviously if the directorate comes across a man in civil life who may possess all the necessary qualifications and who might not probably have had military experience, they should be able to appoint him, because he might be admirably fitted to control a large labour establishment.

Is my hon. Friend aware that these appointments have been given altogether apart from a man's civil experi- ence, and simply on account of his powers of obtaining a pull with the Selective Department?

No, and I strongly resent that suggestion, and I would like to remind the hon. Gentleman that he himself has applied to me, and has used his influence to make the selection of a candidate certain.

Reflections have been made upon me, and I wish to state—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order!"] I deny that 1 have asked the hon. Gentleman at any time—

Military Service

French Nationals

asked whether men of French nationality resident in Allied countries on 1st August, 1914, who arrived in England after the outbreak of war and enlisted in the British Army prior to the Anglo-French Convention of 4th October, 1917, will be permitted to continue to serve in the British Army; and whether the Government can give an assurance that any such persons as may be political refugees will not be dismissed from the British Army for the purpose of enabling deportation orders to be made against them?

No case of the nature referred to by my hon. and gallant Friend in his question has yet arisen, but in the event of any such cases arising in the future each case will be considered on its own merits and facts, due regard being had to the obligations which are due to the French Government under the Anglo-French Military Service Agreement, which was laid before Parliament thirty days, in accordance with the provisions of the Military Service (Conventions with Allied States) Act, 1917.

Conscientious Objectors

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War why Mr. H. B. Jones, a conscientious objector who was, five months ago, court-martialled and sentenced to two years' imprisonment, has been released from Walton Gaol and taken under escort to Prees Heath Camp, where he has again refused military orders and is about to be court-martialled; and why, in view of the recent declaration of the Secretary of State for War that sentences of imprisonment on conscientious objectors would not be commuted, this man has been released before the expiration of his sentence?

If my hon. Friend will furnish me with this man's regiment and number, I will have inquiry made at once.

Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that this man has a number and a regiment, and that the facts given in this question are quite sufficient to identify him, seeing that the date on which he was court-martialled is stated?

I think if the hon. Gentleman will look at that question he will realise that this man has been court-martialled, and if that is so he must be a private in His Majesty's Army, and, if a private, he must have a unit and number.

Exemption Claim (John Swift)

asked the Prime Minister if, in order to show how the military authorities respect the Clauses of exemption in the Military Service Act, he will issue instructions to the Censor to allow the particulars of the John Swift case to be sent to His Holiness the Pope and Archbishop Mannix and the advocates of conscription in Australia; if he is aware that on the 4th instant the hon. Member for Dublin (Harbour Division) asked the Under-Secretary of State for War with reference to the case of this man; and whether the hon. Member for Dublin (Harbour Division) will be allowed to interview this man in prison in order to obtain evidence that will secure his release?

If the hon. Member will submit his proposed statement it will be considered on its merits. I must refer him to my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary in regard to the last part of the question.

Soldiers' Leave

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he will see that all soldiers who have not received leave for two years will be allowed home for Christmas; and whether any arrangements are made to grant leave to soldiers sent from France to Egypt, Salonika, and Mesopotamia?

In regard to the first part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given on 22nd November to my right hon. Friend the Member for Woolwich; and in regard to the second part, to what I said in Debate on 31st October.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether any and, if so, what facilities will be allowed to soldiers in home camps or depots in all parts of the country to avail themselves of the Christmas holidays; and if special railway fares will be allowed these men in order to allow them to visit their homes during these holidays?

Instructions on the subject of Christmas leave are about to be issued. Facilities exist by which a soldier granted leave can purchase a third-class return ticket on payment of the single 1916 fare for the journey between his military station and his home. Free journeys for soldiers on leave are also granted in the case of men liable for service abroad once in six months, and of home service men once in nine months.

Will the hon. Gentleman see whether the soldiers who received leave last Christmas are not given priority over those men who did not receive leave last Christmas?

Food Supplies

Agricultural Land, Sussex

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he is yet in a position to state what steps the War Office are taking to see that the large area of agricultural land which has been taken over by them at Seaford, Sussex, and which is not required for military purposes, will be properly cultivated; and, if the War Office are not able to arrange for this, whether they will hand the land over to the East Sussex War Agricultural Committee to deal with?

The necessary report has not yet reached me; I regret therefore, that I am not yet in a position to answer my hon. Friend, but I will communicate with him as soon as possible.

Questions

Officers Unfit for General Service

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the number of officers unfit for general service at present in this country, many of whom are over military age, facilities may be given to such officers to be placed on the National Reserve, without pay, so that they can be employed in a civilian capacity on work of national importance, and commanding officers of Reserve units will be given instructions to call for and forward applications from such officers, with any comments they may have to make thereon?

Applications for release for work of national importance are always dealt with on their merits. Many such applications are received and are approved whenever the officer can be spared from military duty.

Salonika Expeditionary Force

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he can give the House any information as to the condition of our troops in Salonika?

I would call the attention of my hon. Friend to the detailed statistics issued on 9th August, 1917, to which I have nothing to add, beyond stating that the improvement in health in comparison with former years is maintained.

Having regard to the date to which the hon. Gentleman refers me, may I ask whether the Government can give me no further information about these troops whatsoever, or whether he has any intention of giving any information before the House rises?

I am perfectly willing to give any information available if the hon. Gentleman puts a question.

Court-Martial Sentences

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he will inquire into the case of Private No. 43665, West Yorkshire Regiment, who enlisted in October, 1914, went to the Dardanelles, was invalided home, wounded and frostbitten, went to France in February, 1916, and went through severe fighting until July, 1916, when he was admitted to the 6th Stationary Hospital, Havre, suffering from shell-shock, was shortly after transferred to a new regiment, and on 4th November was shot for desertion; and whether, in view of the man's record and the shattered state of his health at the time of the alleged desertion, the case will be reviewed for the purpose of considering whether a miscarriage of justice has taken place?

In view of the fact that all sentences of courts-martial are reviewed, in regard to the legality of the finding and sentence, by the Judge-Advocate-General in France, I am not prepared to consider the question of their being further reviewed.

Directors of Railways (Mesopotamia)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether assistant directors of railways and deputy directors of railways in Mesopotamia are given the same grading and rank as in France, Egypt, and Salonika?

The grading in Mesopotamia is not the same as in France and elsewhere. If it were the same, the Mesopotamian officers would lose by it, as they get higher pay by remaining on regimental rates, owing to the higher rate of pay of Royal Engineer officers on the Indian Establishment.

Army Officers (Widows' Pensions)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether, considering that captains of the Royal Engineers of fifteen years' service have only been given promotion to major with effect from 2nd November, 1916, whereas in other branches of the Service this promotion was given with effect from 1st September, 1915, payment will be sanctioned to widows of captains in the Royal Engineers of over fifteen years' service, who were killed or died on service between 1st September, 1915, and 2nd November, 1916, of the pension of the widow of a major instead of that of a captain so as to place such widows on the same footing as those of officers of fifteen years' service and over in other branches of the Army?

I am asked by my hon. Friend to reply to this question. I understand from his Department that the promotions dated the 1st September, 1915, related to Infantry officers only and to no other arms, that the decision as to promotion of captains of Royal Engineers was arrived at later, and that it was definitely decided by the Army Council that these promotions should not be antedated. A widow can only be granted a pension according to the rank, in fact, held by her husband at the time of his death, and it follows that the widows of the captains of Royal Engineers, to whom the question refers, cannot, in the circumstances, be granted pensions at the rates pertaining to majors' widows.

Is it not very unfair that a widow of an officer in the Royal Engineers should be given a smaller pension than the widow of an officer in the Infantry?

It is not for me to say whether it is unfair or not, but the point is that under the Warrant we can only give a pension appropriate to the rank of the officer at the time he was killed or died. The question of rank is decided by the War Office.

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman ask the War Office to give Royal Engineer officers honorary rank from 1st September, 1915?

I would suggest that the hon. and gallant Gentleman should make representations to the War Office.

Women's Army Auxiliary Corps (Penalties)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if his attention has been drawn to the case of Norah Halligan and Ethel Davies, two members of the Women's Army Auxiliary Corps, who overstayed their leave in London, and on their return were arrested, handed over to the police and kept two nights in the cells, and afterwards fined; whether such punishments were contemplated when this corps was formed; whether women members are made aware of these penalties; and whether he proposes taking any action?

I have called for a report on this matter, and will communicate with my hon. Friend as soon as I am in a position to do so.

Prisoners of War (Medical Officers)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War why French medical officers captured by the Germans are released within about a week, whilst British medical officers are kept as prisoners for months; and can he see his way to getting our medical officers released as quickly as those of the French?

If my hon. and gallant Friend will give me the information on which he suggests that French medical officers who become prisoners receive preferential treatment, I shall be obliged. As far as I am aware, there is no reason to believe that the French are better treated in this respect than the British.

I am sure my hon. and gallant Friend is mistaken if he thinks he might get into trouble.

Merchant Shipping

asked the Prime Minister whether all merchant vessels, steam and sail, belonging to our various Allies and ourselves have been pooled on the same terms and conditions; and whether all these Allied vessels are being used equally with our own for the prosecution of the War?

I have been asked to reply to this question. The answer to the first part is in the negative. Subject to proper provision for the co-ordination of policy and effort among the Allies, each Ally must remain primarily responsible for seeing that the tonnage under its own control is employed on work which is essential for the prosecution of the War.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Allies are receiving for the hire of their vessels practically from two to six times the hire obtained for British vessels, and, as British vessels are very largely used, is this fair to the finances of this country?

Military Situation (Statement)

asked the Prime Minister whether, on the Vote of Credit, he will give a general survey of the War situation by sea and land instead of making it the occasion merely for a financial statement?

asked the Prime Minister whether he will, during the Debate on the Vote of Credit, make a full statement of the military situation on all the fronts and on the intenion of the Allies as to a fresh definition of war aims?

I have discussed this with the Prime Minister. As he intends to make a statement on the Adjournment of the House before Christmas, we do not think there is any advantage in adopting the course suggested.

Is it not more consistent with, at all events, ancient or pre-war constitutional custom that a statement should be made before we are asked to vote £550,000,000, rather than that it should be put off to the Adjournment of the House, when hardly any Members of the House will be present to hear it?

The hon. Member is mistaken as to the practice. I have looked back, and I have found that in the case of previous Governments, as in the case of this Government—at any rate, in the majority of cases, or, at all events, about the majority—no reference was made to the military situation. It seems to me that the House should have a review of the military situation just before we adjourn for the holidays.

Has the right hon. Gentleman's attention been called to the fact that the settled practice of the House, for the first year of the War—at all events, for the first Government that carried on the War—was to make a complete survey of the military situation on all fronts before a Vote of Credit was asked for? That has only been departed from since the Coalition.

I do not know as to the statement about the first Government, but I have looked up the facts since.

Since both Coalitions. It is a question really for the convenience of the House, and I do not see any advantage in the Government initiating a discussion at the present time.

Would it not be more for the convenience of the House if the Prime Minister made a statement in this House rather than at Gray's Inn on Friday night, where his statement cannot be discussed?

The Prime Minister intends to make a statement in this House before the Adjournment next week.

I hope before the Adjournment he will make a statement with regard to that. I do not understand the point of the question of the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pringle). What are the facts that we do not know? The facts We know are: the War is going on; the Government and the country intend it shall go on; and money is necessary to make it go on.

I beg to give notice that I shall propose an Amendment on the Second Reading of the Appropriation Bill.

Public Assistance (Co-Ordination)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to a resolution of the Association of Poor Law Unions in England and Wales, representing by direct election 556 unions and a population of over 34,000,000, strongly protesting against the action of the Government in constituting a Subcommittee of the Reconstruction Committee to consider and report upon the steps to be taken to ensure the better coordination of public assistance in England and Wales, and upon such other matters affecting the system of local government as may from time to time be referred to it, without appointing representatives of the association on such Sub-committee, and calling upon the Government to remedy, without delay, this defect in the constitution of the Sub-committee; and whether he can say that the Government will take steps to secure the appointment to the Sub-committee of representatives of the Association of Poor Law Unions?

asked whether a Sub-committee of the Reconstruction Committee has been set up to consider and report upon the steps to be taken to ensure better co-ordination of public assistance in England and Wales and upon such other matters affecting the system of local government as may from time to time be referred to it, without appointing representatives on the Subcommittee of the Association of Poor Law Unions in England and Wales, representing by direct election 556 unions and a population of over 34,000,000; and, if so, if he will remedy without delay this defect in the constitution of the Sub-committee?

asked whether, in view of the fact that the Association of Poor Law Unions in England and Wales represent 556 unions and a population of over 34,000,000, he can say why no representatives of this association were put on the Sub-committee of the Reconstruction Committee lately constituted for the purpose of considering and reporting upon the steps to be taken to ensure the better co-ordination of public assistance in England and Wales and upon other matters affecting the system of local government; and whether he can now see his way to appointing representatives of this association on this Sub-committee?

My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to these questions. As I have previously explained in reply to similar questions, the members of the Committee referred to were chosen several months ago for their personal qualifications rather than in a representative capacity. The Committee has made much progress with its work, and, after consultation with my right hon. Friend the chairman of the Committee, it is evident that no useful purpose would be secured by adding to the Committee at this time. I am, however, asking my right hon. Friend to afford an opportunity to the Association of Poor Law Unions for placing their views before him. The Committee is examining the whole subject with great care, and I can assure my hon. Friends that the considerations they have in mind are not being lost sight of.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think it is reasonable that the remodelling of our local government system should be dealt with by a Committee which has no representative upon it of the Association of Poor Law Unions which represents 556 boards of guardians or a population of 32,000,000 out of 34,000,000, and is it fair that they should not have an opportunity of putting their views before that Committee?

I have told my hon. Friend before that the Committee was appointed not on the basis of representation but on the broad merits of the members appointed to the Committee. Of course, the Association to which the hon. Member refers represents Poor Law Guardians and not necessarily 34,000,000 people.

How many members of the Committee have a practical knowledge of the administration of the Poor Law?

Will the Committee receive a deputation from this Association to hear their views?

I will ask my right hon. Friend the Chairman of the Committee if he will give the Association an opportunity of expressing their views before the Committee.

In case it turns out that the work of the Poor Law Guardians is considered to be a very important element in reconstruction, will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of having someone to represent them placed on the Committee?

I would rather hear first what the Chairman of the Committee advises on this point.

Army Officers (Pay and Allowances)

asked the Prime Minister whether he can make any statement regarding the payment of separation allowances to officers before he introduces the Vote of Credit?

The answer is in the negative. I expect, however, that it will be possible to make a statement on the subject of junior officers pay before the end of the Session.

Does my right hon. Friend not realise the difficulty of dealing with the Vote of Credit out of which this money will come if we are not told what arrangements will be made; and is he aware that he has had this under consideration now for nearly five or six months?

I realise quite as strongly as the hon. Member the importance and the necessity for action being taken in this matter, but it is not simple. I hope we shall have a decision almost immediately.

Air Force (Landing Grounds)

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the War Office are taking over land for landing grounds for aeroplanes which is already sown with wheat; and if, in view of the shortage of cereals, he will take steps to see that this waste is discontinued?

The necessity of avoiding taking lands under crop for military purposes is fully appreciated, but sometimes it is impossible to avoid it. I am not aware of what locality my hon. Friend has in mind, and if he will give me particulars I will have inquiry made.

Will the hon. Gentleman see that land sown with wheat is not taken until the local agricultural committee has been consulted?

Yes. I believe that under the new arrangement the agricultural committee is consulted. I know that this particular question was the subject of discussion by the War Office authorities.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that vast tracts of land have been taken over and then discarded, and will he see that this does not occur again?

Assurance Companies (Lapsed Policies)

asked the Prime Minister whether he can state the amount of profits that have accrued to assurance companies on account of life policies which have lapsed through the operations of the Military Service Act; and, if such information is not at present available, whether he will introduce legislation whereby that information can be procured and laid upon the Table of the House?

The Prime Minister has asked me to answer this question. The information for which the hon. Member asks is not available, and as at present advised I do not think it would be practicable to obtain it.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these insurance companies are making vast fortunes out of the Military Service Acts and other such Acts through men being called up, and consequently being unable to keep up the payment of their premiums, and will the Government see that these private companies are not allowed to exploit the people who are dying for their country?

I am not aware of any such thing. If the hon. Member has any proof I wish he would submit it, because we can get no proof.

Is the hon. Member aware that the profits of one of these companies were over 53 per cent. for the last ten years, and does he think that that is a reasonable profit to get out of these people?

Has the hon. Gentleman power to inspect the books of these companies, and, if not, will he take steps to get such power?

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the customary time for life assurance policies to mature is between the ages of forty and fifty years; and whether, under these circumstances, the Government will give an undertaking that in the event of the age for military service under the Military Service Act being raised arrangements will be made adequately to protect policyholders from thus losing the benefit of their premiums?

The Prime Minister has asked me to answer this question. I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given to the hon. and gallant Member for the Ludlow Division on the 6th December.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the majority of the men who will be affected are paying big premiums and that if their income is reduced to 1s. per day they will be unable to pay these premiums, with the result that they will lose all the benefits of their policies in the last two or three years before they mature? Will he give an undertaking, if that should occur, that the Government will at once take action?

If the hon. Member refers to the answer, he will find that provision is practically made already.

Is the hon. Member aware that I do not carry volumes of the OFFICIAL REPORT in my pocket?

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the insurance companies have, in fact, made special arrangements to meet the difficulties mentioned in the question?

I believe that special arrangements have Been made in regard to the larger premiums, and the answer to the question gives the arrangements with regard to the smaller premiums.

Commissions and Committees

asked the Prime Minister if he has received a Report as to the progress and recommendations, if any, of the Industrial Unrest Committee; how many sittings this Committee has held within the last six months; whether any changes have been made in its personnel during this period; what is the annual cost to the State of this Committee, including salaries, rent, rates, taxes, printing, posting, and stationery; and whether this Committee is to be continued for the successful prosecution of the War?

The Commission of Inquiry into Industrial Unrest was appointed on the 12th June, and presented their Report on the 17th July last. The number of sittings held in the eight divisions into which the Commission was divided varied from ten to thirty in each case. The only change in the personnel of the Commission consisted of the appointment of a Special Commissioner for the Sheffield district. The total cost of the Commission, so far as it can be allocated, was £1,976 9s. 8½d. The Commission ceased operations on the 17th July, when their Reports were presented to the Prime Minister.

asked the Prime Minister if he has received a Report as to the progress and recommendations, if any, of the Committee on Wheat Supplies; how many sittings this Committee has held within the last six months; whether any changes have been made in the personnel of this Committee during this period; what is the annual cost to the State of this Committee, including salaries, rent, rates, taxes, printing, posting, and stationery; and whether this Committee is to be continued for the successful prosecution of the War?

I presume that the hon. Member's question refers to the Royal Commission on Wheat Supplies. The Wheat Commission now consists of twenty members, nine of whom were added recently. During the six months ended 30th November, the Commission has met twenty times, and at the present time nineteen or twenty meetings of Committees and Sub-committees are held weekly. It is not possible at present to furnish full details as to the cost of the Commission's establishment, as such matters as the rent, etc., payable for their offices are not yet settled. Moreover, a part of the staff is housed in the central offices of the Ministry of Food. The salaries of the Wheat Commission's staff, in number about 400, amount approximately to £54,000 per annum. The work of the Wheat Commission includes the purchase and shipment on behalf of the Wheat Executive of all cereals and cereal products imported by the United Kingdom and European Allies, whether for civil or military requirements; the sale and distribution of these commodities in the United Kingdom, as well as the regulation of home-grown cereal supplies, the control of flour mills, and the administration of the Bread Orders. The Commission have submitted numerous reports and recommendations to the Food Controller from time to time. Their most valuable services will certainly be continued.

Would it not be more fair to the Wheat Commission to say that this work goes on continuously irrespective of the number of formal meetings held?

asked the Prime Minister if he has received a Report as to the progress and recommendations, if any, of the Fresh Water Fish Supplies Committee; how many sittings this Committee has held within the last six months; whether any changes have been made in the personnel of this Committee during this period; what is the annual cost to the State of this Committee, including salaries, rent, rates, taxes, printing, posting, and stationery; and whether this Committee is to be continued for the successful prosecution of the War?

An Interim Report was presented by the Committee in August last. A further Report is expected shortly. There have been eleven meetings of the full Committee, and thirty-one meetings of Sub-Committees, within the last six months. Sub-Committees have also visited certain localities for purposes of investigation and experiment. One expert member has been added to the Committee since its formation. I cannot state precisely what have been the expenses of the Committee in respect of printing and stationery, and office accommodation. The former is borne on the Vote of the Stationery Office and cannot be considerable. The latter is represented by the occasional use of one room in the Board's offices. Other expenses of the Committee—mainly for travelling—are, up to date, £94. The secretarial work of the Committee is done by a temporary officer of the Department in conjunction with his other duties. I hope the Committee will continue to sit at any rate until its present inquiries are concluded.

asked the Prime Minister if he has received a Report as to the progress and recommendations, if any, of the Departmental Trade Committees for non-ferrous metal trades, iron and steel trades, coal trades, electrical trades, and engineering trades; how many sittings these Committees have held within the last six months; whether any changes have been made in the personnel of these Committees during this period; will he give the annual cost to the State of these Committees, including salaries, rent, rates, taxes, printing, posting, and stationery; and whether these Committees are to be continued for the successful prosecution of the War?

The Prime Minister asked me to answer this question. The Committees mentioned are among a number of Committees appointed to consider questions relating to trade matters and the probable position of certain important industries at the close of the War. The Committees on the Coal, Iron and Steel, Electrical and Engineering Trades all presented their Reports before the end of June last, and the only Committee which have held meetings since that date are the Committee on the Non-Ferrous Metal Trades, whose Report is nearly completed, and the Committee on the Electrical Trades which has been considering certain special matters. I do not think any very useful purpose would be served by setting out the changes in personnel of the Committees or the number of sittings each has held, but I may say that the inquiries have been carried out with all possible expedition. In order to promote economy a small section of the Board of Trade was constituted to co-ordinate the work of the Committees and to provide a general clerical and copying staff. The secretariat of the Committees was formed by officers of the Department, who carried out the work in addition to their ordinary duties and without special remuneration, and in one case the services of the Secretary were voluntary. During the financial year the total expenditure on account of this section, which was not confined to the work of the Committees, was about £5,800, exclusive of services in respect of office accommodation, stationery and printing and postal facilities, which are supplied by the Office of Works, the Stationery Office and the Post Office respectively, and it is anticipated that it will be less than that amount during the current financial year. The question of the advisability of keeping some of these Committees in existence as standing Advisory Committees to the Board of Trade is under consideration.

Defence of the Realm Regulations

Prohibited Meeting, Hanley

(by Private Notice) asked the Home Secretary whether he can now answer the question put to him on Monday, namely, whether his attention has been called to the action of the chief constable for Stoke-on-Trent in commanding the municipal authorities on Thursday afternoon last to cancel the letting of the Victoria Hall, Hanley, for a public meeting called for the next night to hear an address by the hon. Member for the division on the subject of Lord Lansdowne's manifesto; and whether this action was taken under his instructions?

I understand that the municipal authorities came to the conclusion that if the hall, which is their property, were used for the purpose of the meeting in question, there would be risk of serious damage being done to it, and on that ground refused to let it. They acted within their rights, and I have no authority to overrule their decision, even if I desired to do so.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the chief constable in the first instance, late on Thursday afternoon, called upon the mayor to cancel the letting of the hall, and that subsequently a statement was issued from the deputy-mayor that the mayor, the town clerk, and the chief constable prohibited the meeting being held altogether? Therefore, as the act was that of the chief constable, will the right hon. Gentleman make further inquiries?

I have not heard of the notice to which the hon. Gentleman refers, but I do not think that the mayor would take orders from the chief constable.

South Wales Allegations

(by Private Notice) asked the Home Secretary, in view of the answer returned by the Attorney-General to the question of the hon. Member for Attercliffe yesterday, whether any formal information as to the alleged illegalities connected with propagation of syndicalist and pacifist doctrines in South Wales has been laid before the competent military authorities, and whether these statements are being investigated?

I understand that information of the character described has been laid by my hon. and learned Friend before the proper military authority, and is being investigated.

Palestine Operations

Entry into Jerusalem

May I ask the Prime Minister whether he has any further news from Palestine?

The following telegram has been received to-day from General Sir H. Allenby: The following proclamation was read in my presence to the population in Arabic, Hebrew, English, French, Italian, Greek, and Russian from the steps of the citadel, and has been posted on the walls:

The hereditary custodians of the Wakf at the gates of the Holy Sepulchre have been requested to take up their accustomed duties in remembrance of the magnanimous act of the Caliph Omar, who protected that church."

Questions

Welfare of Blind (Committee's Recommendations)

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government proposes to give effect to the recommendations of the Departmental Committee of the Welfare of the Blind published in August last?

My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member for East Leeds on the 5th December.

Personal Explanation

I desire to make a personal statement with regard to an imputation made upon me by the Under-Secretary of State for War. During questions to-day I suggested that there had been some favouritism in the appointments in connection with a Labour Directorate. He then thought it right to state that I had asked favours of the War Office, either in respect of this Directorate or generally. I wish to state that as far as I may have made applications to the War Office I have only, when asked, recommended men personally known to me, and of whose character and ability I could speak. That was not asking a favour. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] They were personally known to me. I wish to say that throughout the course of the War I have asked no favour and made no application to the War Office or any other Department, either on behalf of myself or of any relative, and I think, in these circumstances, the hon. Gentleman was unjustified in making that imputation.

Questions to Ministers

On a point of Order. There are to-day twenty-seven questions down to the Prime Minister. Most of them ought to have been addressed to other Ministers, and other Ministers, in fact, answered them. I want to ask you, Sir, whether hon. Members ought not to put their questions directly to the Minister in charge of the Department concerned, and not obtain precedence for their questions by putting them down to the Prime Minister?

The answer is that it is not always very easy for the clerks at the Table to know which Department is responsible. If an hon. Member hands in a question addressed to the Prime Minister, it is rather difficult for the clerks at the Table to say that it shall not be asked of the Prime Minister, but must be addressed to a particular Department.

If you gave it as your opinion that these questions ought to be put to Ministers directly, probably hon. Members would respect your opinion.

On the other hand, is it not the fact, if one does put questions down to the Prime Minister, that the Prime Minister is never here to answer them?

There is a responsible Leader of the House, who is always in his place at Question Time, and always ready to answer questions.

Orders of the Day

Business of the House

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether we are to sit on Friday, and, if so, what the business is to be?

Yes; it is proposed to sit on Friday, when we propose to take the National Health Insurance Bill, Report stage, and the National Insurance (Unemployment) Bill, Committee stage.

What business is it proposed to take under the Motion suspending the Eleven o'Clock Rule?

That Motion is only put down with the object of securing the necessary Votes, in order that we may-have the Appropriation Bill.

Am I to understand that it is proposed to take the Report of the Supplementary Vote for the War Aims Committee to-night?

Is it also intended to take the Committee stage of the Vote for the extra salary for the War Cabinet?

Yes, it is, I believe, necessary to take that before the Appropriation Bill.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say why, since that Vote was put down on the 27th July, the House has not had an opportunity of discussing it until now?

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that there is a very widespread desire to discuss in the House on the Report stage the War Aims Committee, and that it will probably mean a very prolonged sitting to-night if the Vote is taken after eleven o'clock? Could he not give us Friday for it?

I really wish to do in these matters what the House desires. If we cannot get the Vote in time to take the Appropriation Bill on Monday, it would mean a delay in the Adjournment of the House. I will consider whether we can take it on Friday.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman—I put this question a few days ago—whether his attention has since been directed to the pledge of the Government to introduce a Supplementary Estimate for Irish Intermediate Education this Session, and what has become of it?

I have made inquiries, and my information is that a pledge was not given.

Indeed, it was! I will prove it to the right hon. Gentleman.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Proceedings on Government Business be not interrupted this day under the Standing Order (Sittings of the House), and may be entered upon at any hour, although opposed."—[ Mr. Bonar Law .]

May I interrupt the hon. Member? I said I would consider taking the particular Vote on Friday. I do not think it is worth while taking up time for the discussion of this Motion, but I hope the House will allow it to be passed—[HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]—leaving us to deal with the matter when eleven o'clock comes. I think hon. Members may rely upon it that we do not wish to press the matter unnecessarily. If the House is going to debate it, I am so anxious to meet what I believe is the general wish of the House, that I would rather not move it.

On a point of Order. If this Motion is moved—[HON. MEMBERS: "It is going to be withdrawn!"] In the event of the Motion being withdrawn, will there be a Motion for the Adjournment on which Members will be able to speak?

I hope it is not accepted as being decided that the Motion will not be given by the House. Surely we can deal with it when we come to eleven o'clock.

I understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that he was so anxious to meet the views of a section of the House that he would not move the Motion?

I only said that, rather than have a discussion which would take up time unnecessarily now, I would not move it. But I would appeal to the House that there is really nothing to be gained by refusing to let us have the Motion. What I wish to avoid is delay in the Adjournment of the House. Between now and eleven o'clock, I will consider whether it is possible to deal with this matter at any other time.

4.0 P.M.

That is not fair. I have very long experience of the House in matters of this kind, and I really do not think the right hon. Gentleman, who is always most considerate and courteous, is giving fair consideration to the request made. From information which has come to me, the Motion must be debated at some length, Because there are several important questions which have to be raised. I myself have a particular Irish question to raise upon it, but apart from that, there are two or three very important questions, which necessarily will lead to debate. Perhaps I had better say what I have to say now, unless he withdraws the Motion.

I have already said, and I am not going back on it, that if there is to be a discussion on the Motion I will not move it, but I wish the House to realise what it means. My whole object is to avoid, if I can, delay in the Adjournment before Christmas. I doubt whether it can be done if the hon. Member persists in taking this course.

I regret to say I must persist. I am not alone in this matter. There are several other Members who wish to discuss it, and there is no real reason for delaying the Christmas Adjournment, because the business for Friday is not urgent and important, and we can have Friday to discuss this question if necessary.

There is really no use in going on. If the hon. Member persists I will not move.

Supply

Considered in Committee.

[Sir DONALD MACLEAN, Deputy-Chairman, in the Chair.]

Supplementary Vote of Credit

I beg to move, "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £550,000,000, be granted to His Majesty, beyond the ordinary Grants of Parliament, towards defraying the Expenses which may be incurred during the year ending the 31st day of March, 1918, for General Navy and Army Services in so far as specific provision is not made therefor by Parliament; for the conduct of Naval and Military Operations; for all measures which may be taken for the Security of the Country; for assisting the Food Supply, and promoting the Continuance of Trade, Industry, Business and Communications, whether by means of insurance or indemnity against risk, the financing of the purchase and resale of foodstuffs and materials, or otherwise; for Relief of Distress; and generally for all expenses, beyond those provided for in the Ordinary Grants of Parliament, arising out of the existence of a state of war."

Owing to the Christmas Recess, it is necessary to take this Vote only six weeks after the last Vote of Credit was moved by myself. In these circumstances I am afraid it is impossible for me to do more than practically repeat the statement which I made then with the necessary alterations in the figures. The last Vote was moved on 30th October. It was for the sum of £400,000,000, and it was supposed that that amount would meet our expenditure out of the Vote of Credit till the first week in January. That anticipation will be realised. The Estimate now is that this Vote will last till about 9th January. The amount of the Vote which I now ask the House to grant is £550,000,000, which it is estimated will carry the expenditure approximately up to the end of March. It may be that some small additional Vote will be required, but, if so, it will be very small, and, of course, it will be moved in the same way as before, concurrently with the first Vote for the next financial year. All these Votes of Credit so far this year bring the total amount voted to £2,450,000,000. In the last Vote of Credit I dealt with the figures for the whole of the first half of the financial year up to 29th September. These figures showed that our average daily expenditure was £6,648,000—an excess over the Budget Estimate of £1,237,000. The time covered by the figures which I am now going to put before the House is a period of sixty-three days up to 1st December, and the average daily expenditure during that period was £6,794,000, or an excess over the Budget of £1,383,000 per day. But I think it is better to look at the figures for the whole period from the beginning of the financial year up to 1st December—that is, a period of thirty-five weeks—and looking at these figures I find that the average daily expenditure was £6,686,000, or an excess over the Budget Estimate of £1,275,000. Of course, these figures represent expenditure pure and simple, but on the last Vote of Credit I pointed out, and I think the House agreed with me, that in the new conditions, when the Government is really carrying on as the sole trader in respect of a large amount of the trade of the country, it is not only wrong but it is really absurd to treat expenditure which represents stock-in-trade, which will afterwards be resold, as if it were on the same level as expenditure which has gone in shot and powder, and which can never be recovered. I am sure that is obvious to everyone. I have noticed in quite a number of cases extracts from organs of the Press which give the impression that in making this differentiation it is only window-dressing, and that the whole thing ought to be looked at from the point of view of expenditure. I think that is entirely wrong. To make these representations is not only wrong, but is very unfair to the financial credit of this country. It ought to be no one's object to have the position put either better or worse than it actually is, and in every case I can assure the Committee that is the object which I have in view-in making these statements.

If we analyse the expenditure from that point of view, this is the result: The total excess over the Budget Estimates is £309,000,000. From that I shall deduct expenditure which I regard as recoverable. First of all, I shall take the excess in the advances to the Allies over the Budget Estimate. It is in this case entirely for the Allies, as the Estimates for the Dominions have not been exceeded. That amounts to £79,000,000. The next items to which I shall direct attention axe these: First of all, there is an amount of £27,000,000, which represents payments to the Dominions. This has nothing whatever to do with loans for the Dominions. It represents sums which are, in the first instance, paid by us here to meet the expenses of the Dominion Forces. These amounts are all regularly recoverable, so that they can in no sense be regarded as more than bookkeeping entries so far as this country is concerned.

Absolutely nothing to do with the £79,000,000. The system which has been in force since the War-began has been that in the first instance certain expenses of these Dominion troops in the field are largely paid by the Government, but later on they pay the money back to us, and it is simply a question of the time when the payments are to be made. The next item is an increase of balances in the hands of our agents—£29,250,000. I am dealing now with the same items with which I dealt in the case of the last Vote of Credit. The amounts only are different. This excess means the amount over and above the sum in the hands of the agents at the time the Budget statement was made. As far as this money is concerned, it is no more spent than anything else. All that it means is that it has passed out of the control of the Treasury for the time being, and is in the hands of other agents, who are dealing with the disposal of it. But the largest item represents commodities which have been bought by the State, and which have to be resold. These consist of such things as hides, timber, ships to a certain extent, and, largest of all, food, and they amount to £89,750,000. The total of these figures is £225,000,000. If you take from that the £309,000,000, it gives a gross excess over the Budget Estimate, in round figures, of £350,000 per day, instead of £1,275,000.

I will now deal with the dead-weight charges, which amount to the sum of £84,000,000. That is made up entirely of three items. There has been no excess in the Estimate of the Ministry of Munitions. Practically, the amount expended is exactly the sum estimated. The excess has been made up of about £3,500,000 in the case of the Navy, and something like £10,000,000 in the case of miscellaneous services, of which the largest item is expenditure in connection with shipping, which will not be recoverable. But the balance, and, of course, the larger amount, is due to expenditure on the Army. I explained, in connection with the last Vote, the reasons for this increased expenditure of the Army, and they have not in any way altered. It is due in part to the increase in our aviation programme, over and above what was estimated in the Budget, and, of course, that increase does not include anything for machines. That comes under the Munitions Vote. It includes personnel and causes of that kind. Another cause is the larger number of Indian troops especially, who are employed mainly in Mesopotamia. The largest amount is due to a cause which I have explained, and which hon. Members will understand. The advance of our Army, both in France and in Palestine, of which we had an example of the result in the message which has just been read by the Prime Minister, has entailed a very large increase, and I am glad to think that the result will induce the taxpayers to face with equanimity increased expenditure of that kind.

I, of course, recognise that what has happened in Russia, on the face of it, at least, puts the advances to the Allies in a different position from that in which they stood when the Budget was prepared, but I do not think the Committee ought to exaggerate the meaning of what has happened there. I do not know whether hon. Members have taken the trouble to find out the cases in which there has been repudiation of debt. I have had prepared for me a return of such cases spreading over a very long time, one might say almost from the time when national debts began, and it is not too much to say that no great State has ever entirely repudiated its debt and scarcely any great State has ever in any way modified it. In the case of a country even like Turkey though there have been modifications which meant certain losses to the bond holders, there has never been complete repudiation. This is a matter in which every Member of the House is as competent to judge as I am, but looking at the actual facts of the situation, realising that Russia is a country of perhaps greater natural resources than any other country, recognising also that it is almost certain that sooner or later there will be a stable Government in that country, so far as I am concerned, I cannot believe that the effort which the people of Russia have made to establish a system of free government will end in the long run in anything other than a recognised and responsible Government in that country. But there is something more. If there is ever a stable Government Russia, more perhaps than most countries, knows that the development of its resources and its prosperity will be impossible without financial assistance from other countries. They know also that financial assistance will be impossible—and when people talk of the idea that the National Debt of this country will ever be repudiated, they should remember that—unless as a first provision previous debts are accepted by that Government. If we take all that into account—and every Member of the House is as well able to judge as I am—I for one do not believe that that money will not be recovered sooner or later by this country.

It was pointed out on the last occasion with regard to these advances to Allies that though we may get them repaid ultimately, it is quite possible that immediately on the conclusion of the War it would not be within their power to pay the interest. That is a possibility, but it is a possibility which need not trouble us in the least—for this reason, that whenever the War ends there will be assets which will not be coming in permanently, but which will be available to meet emergencies of that kind. I for one do not regard these debts—and I wish the Committee to remember that the great bulk of the money is lent to Russia, France, and Italy—as anything at all in the light of money spent which will not be recovered. Let me look for a moment at the method I have adopted of separating trade expenditure, as I believe I can rightly call it, from expenditure which will not be recovered. I wish the Committee to understand that these figures are not prepared by me with the object of presenting a favourable position to the House of Commons. They have been prepared by the officials of the Department in precisely the same way as other figures, and looking at them as calmly as I can I see no reason whatever to believe that the amount which I have put down here will not be recovered. I will show the Committee how carefully that has been done. Among the items the largest is for wheat, and in the figure which I have given we do not take wheat at cost price. We deduct from its value the expenditure, and it will be a large sum, which will be required in order to enable us to supply the loaf at 9d. In other words, an effort has really been made to present this balance sheet as it is, and I would point out to the Committee that if there is any mistake it is in underestimating and not overestimating the favourableness of the position. In order to enable the Committee to clearly understand that—and it has a very direct bearing upon the question whether or not we should have had a supplementary Budget in consequence of the changes that have taken place—I would remind them that all these items of expenditure out of Vote of Credit on material which will ultimately be sold and for which the value will be recovered did not take place this year. It is only this year that I have brought them prominently to the notice of the House. That is inevitable. So long as the amounts were comparatively small there would have been no object in doing so, but when the business of the country increased, as it has done this year, it was not only necessary, but I think it would have been folly to do otherwise than bring them definitely before the notice of the House and the country. The same kind of expenditure has been going on in a smaller degree throughout the whole War. I have had prepared for me an estimate, which must be a rough estimate, of what the total stocks irrespective of this excess are likely to be at the end of the present financial year. This estimate represents the value of unsold stocks of commodities, together with the value of ships and the amount of the balances all over the world which are not spent as at the end of this financial year; these will represent assets of at least £250,000,000. That is really only an estimate. The figure given to me is larger, but I have reduced it considerably. In addition to that the Committee will remember that when the War ends, whether it ends now or at the close of this financial year, or whenever it ends, there will be very large arrears of excess profits. The figure given to me of this amount is something like £200,000,000. That means that this large sum, which does not appear in any of our figures, is really available as assets. It gives us a margin in dealing with these figures. So I am convinced that it would have been in the highest degree unwise to bring in a Supplementary Budget when the changes were not sufficient to make it necessary to do so.

When the Budget Estimate was introduced the margin, on the basis which I adopted from my predecessor, and which I think is a right one, was such that when the War ends and certain taxes will come to a close there will be enough revenue to meet the current expenses of the country. On that basis the margin which I gave in connection with the Budget was only one or two millions, but I would point out, as my right hon. Friend pointed out, that that was really an underestimate. It made no allowance for any increase of taxation of any kind. I did that deliberately. I wanted the House and the country to know that on the basis we had set up we were coming within it and no more. In addition to all I have said, I would point out that already in the thirty-five weeks which have gone, we know—at least my advisers so inform me—that the excess of revenue over the Estimate will far more than cover the interest and Sinking Fund on the dead-weight increase of expenditure during the Budget. I do not think it is wise, especially on the question of credit, however anxious one is not to overstate the case, to state it as too black either. In addition to the large sums I have mentioned of £450,000,900 of assets, there is a very large sum represented by the national possessions in munitions factories, and things of that kind. I have not got any estimate of them. I hope to have one before the next Budget, but whether it would be wise to give it to the House I do not know. However, everyone knows that that must be a very large amount.

While all this is true, if the War is going on when the next financial year begins, I am convinced that it will be the duty of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to put on additional taxation which will make it certain that when the War ends there will be no possibility of our having to put on new taxation to meet the peace needs. My hope will be that the amount received when that time comes will enable us, on the contrary, to take off some taxes. I know that there are many people who think that we ought to have got far more of the expenses of the War out of taxation and far less from borrowing. I have not taken that view. I really am convinced that a great majority of Members of this House, and a great majority of the people who have given any thought to this matter at all, will realise that if you are to raise the immense sums which are required for this War, and if as part of the method by which you raise them a system of loans has got to go on, there must be some limit to the amount of taxation which you attempt to raise. I do not profess to say—it would be very rash to make such an assumption—that I hitherto hit the exact means. But I am convinced that any attempt to pay the whole of it out of taxation or capital levy, or anything else, would break down our financial system, and we should not be able to get the money which is necessary to carry on the War.

There is only one other question on which I would like to say a word—and I am very glad that the Prime Minister has gone—and it is as to whether or not we should not invariably, in bringing in e Vote of Credit, try to cover the military situation. I cannot think that the House as a whole would regard that as a rule which must be obeyed. Votes of Credit have to be moved so frequently that the mere fact that the Vote of Credit was being moved would not be in itself a sufficient reason for this House discussing the whole military situation. I quite admit that in moving these Votes of Credit I have rarely, if at all, attempted to cover that ground, and I do not think I was wrong in that. I know that the House of Commons has, if I may say so, accepted the new arrangement regarding the leadership of the House apart from the Prime Minister much better than I expected when the change was made. But I quite realise that if there is anything new to be said, about the War situation the right man to say it is the Prime Minister, and though the Prime Minister has not been very often present in the House of Commons that is part of the arrangement, and I think a good one. But he has come down over and over again when there was any special statement in regard to the War position to be made. Of course, the fact that the Government do not think it wise to initiate a discussion does not interfere with the freedom of the House of Commons. They can, if they choose, raise the subject, and, if they do, the Government will deal with it in the best way they can. This is the reason why I am glad that the Prime Minister has gone. I think that on the whole the time when we are adjourning for the Recess is, as a rule, the best time for giving a review of the military situation. But as regards the present I should like to say this. I am not saying it in the least by way of praise of my right hon. Friend, for he is only doing his duty, but in addition to his other work seven hours were spent by him yesterday on one Committee and the same thing will be going on all this week, and unless there is a real necessity for making some statement of the kind, this would be a very inconvenient time to make it.

There is only one other subject on which I think it right to say a word before. I sit down. The House, I am sure, has read with the deepest sympathy the account of the terrible disaster at Halifax, Nova Scotia. It is a disaster which in peace time would have filled all our minds, and even now, when other things in the devastation of the War occupy us so much, there is ground for special sympathy with the people of that city. As it happens it is a city with which I have myself very intimate relations. My mother was born there. But it is also one of the best-known cities in the Dominion of Canada. The harbour in which the disaster took place is one of the best, and one of the most beautiful in the world. The disaster is really an appalling disaster. I know that from the city of Halifax, from the beginning of the War, men came most readily and most enthusiastically to play their part in the War, and I know also that very many have fallen. In these circumstances the Colonial Secretary, on behalf of the Government, has already sent a message of sympathy, but to-day it is our intention that the Prime Minister should send, in the name of the Cabinet as a whole, a message of sympathy coupled with a donation, which will be paid for, I presume, out of this Vote of Credit, of a million sterling. Let me say also I am sure that the House has read with the utmost pleasure that a similar gift has been given by the Government of the United States. I have mentioned this with this object in view, that when we send our message it will go to the people of Halifax and to the people of the Dominion with the certain knowledge that the sympathy expressed is not that of the Government alone, but that it is shared, and shared in equal strength, by the Members of the British House of Commons.

I wish on behalf of those on this side of the House to associate them completely with what has fallen from my right hon. Friend in reference to the disaster which has happened in Halifax. That disaster is one of the worst of its kind in the history of the world. It is indeed a welcome statement to us that the Government, without waiting for a Vote from the House, have accorded not only an expression of sympathy, but have expressed their desire to help in a substantial way.

In introducing this Vote my right hon. Friend pointed out the necessity that we should treat the figures of public expenditure as being neither better nor worse than they are. It is certainly not my desire to treat them except as we find them. It would indeed be idle for anyone to attempt to draw either optimistic or pessimistic inferences from the figures. The enemy can examine the figures as well as we can. He can draw his own inferences. Anything we can say must stand or fall upon the merits and upon the judgment which we ourselves are capable of forming upon the figures as they stand. We have now a further Vote of Credit of £550,000,000. This figure will bring the total Votes of Credit during the current financial year up to £2,450,000,000, or an amount of £475,000,000 in excess of the Budget Estimate. It will bring the total expenditure from all sources and under all accounts up to £2,765,000,000. My right hon. Friend pointed out, and it was not only proper but necessary that he should do so, that the whole of this expenditure must not be regarded as irrecoverable. That is true, but I do not think that, from the point of view of irrecoverability, he ought to put into the same class advances to Allies and Dominions and goods which we have bought and which would be sold. In the case of advances to Allies, we do not expect to recover the capital, at any rate for a long period, and we are perfectly aware that, in certain cases, not only shall we not recover the capital for a long period, but the interest is bound to De suspended. On the other hand, with regard to the expenditure of money for goods which we hold and which we shall resell, we shall recover the money in due course. My right hon. Friend is therefore, in the case of payments of that kind, fully entitled to deduct them from the total of the expenditure. Allowing for all deductions of that kind from the figures which he has given, it seems to me that the excess of expenditure over the amount estimated in the Budget will be about £300,000,000.

The actual excess will be £470,000,000, and the true excess will be about £300,000,000.

Taking the same proportion over the whole year, it will come to an excess of about £300,000,000. I want to look at the question, not merely as one affecting our present expenditure, but also in relation to the indebtedness of one nation at the close of the financial year. At the end of September my right hon. Friend told us that our total financial indebtedness was then £5,000,000,000. Our expenditure since then, already incurred, and our certain future expenditure until the end of the financial year, will leave us with a National Debt at the end of 31st March next of not less than £6,000,000,000. Whatever we anticipate may happen in the War now, we cannot expect that the National Debt will be less than that amount on the 31st of March next. As against this debt we shall have a set-off in respect of our advances to Allies and Dominions and the balance of the Indian contribution towards the cost of the War. In September last the total of this set-off was £1,326,000,000. I am quoting the figures given by my right hon. Friend. By the end of the financial year—I am not in a position to make an exact estimate, but from the figures, so far as I can judge them—this set-off will probably amount to about £1,550,000,000. Interest on this sum will be due to us. But in existing circumstances we are bound to recognise the fact that for some time, at any rate, payment of part of this interest will be suspended. We shall have to charge our own revenue with the whole of the interest on the debt of £6,000,000,000. That will be the first charge upon our revenue, and I am going to suggest to the Committee that it would be a reasonable calculation to reckon that we might take any interest we receive in respect of our advances to Allies and Dominions as a sinking fund for the repayment of the whole of the debt. That is to say, that we shall charge ourselves only at the present time with interest on the £6,000,000,000 of debt, which we are bound to pay, and that any income which we receive from the debt due to us we shall use for the purpose of a sinking fund. The Committee know that we are already liable under the terms of the existing loan to find a sinking fund, and it would be useful if we can meet that liability out of the contributions which we receive in respect of interest for our advances.

I have not recently had the advantage of seeing official figures, but I estimate that the average rate of interest which we now pay upon our total indebtedness Is about 4¾ per cent. If that estimate be correct, our charge for interest on the debt, of £6,000,000,000 at the close of this financial year will be £285,000,000. When we consider these figures, we are forced to the conclusion, however unpalatable it may be, that our revenue on the existing basis of taxation is not sufficient to meet the ordinary charge of Government on a peace basis, together with the charge for pensions and interest on the debt. In other words, the continuance of our present rate of expenditure has driven us into the position of having to borrow to meet interest on loans authorised by Votes of Credit granted in the course of the present year. We have abandoned the sound principle that we should authorise no expenditure until we had made provision by taxation for the interest of all the money we had to borrow. My right hon. Friend says we have done it. I think in the face of the admitted charge at the close of this financial year of £285,000,000 for interest alone, and the admitted additional charge which we shall have for pensions and the cost of ordinary peace government, it cannot be said that on our existing basis of permanent taxation we should be able to make both ends meet.

My right hon. Friend said he thought it was undesirable while we are having to borrow so much that we should impose too heavy taxation. But he agrees with me, he has laid it down himself, in the soundness of the principle that we should not authorise expenditure without pro- viding first for the interest on the money borrowed. It is only a question of time. He says that when the next Budget comes he will certainly make provision for any deficit that may exist on the past as well as for the future. We are agreed in principle it is only a question of time—the time when it ought to be done. I think that for two reasons it is a very grave mistake for us to conclude the financial year with a deficit, and by deficit I mean without having provided by taxation for the payment of interest—interest and nothing more—on the amount of money we have borrowed. The first of the objections I have is this: we bear already a very heavy load of taxation; the burden will have to be increased, but it ought not to be too greatly increased at any one time. I venture to submit this to the Committee as a principle of taxation without any fear of contradiction. The taxpayer has to adjust himself to the new condition of his diminished income. He will have incurred liabilities in the expectation that he will be able to meet them, and has little or no margin from which to meet this taxation. It is a special hardship on the taxpayer if he has to submit to a double increase of taxation at any given moment, partly to cover an existing deficiency and partly to provide for the additional debt of the ensuing financial year. I cannot help thinking that the taxpayer—

I must point out to the right hon. Gentleman that this is not the time at which a question of taxation can be discussed. I am quite aware that the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House did allude to it, and it would therefore be in order to make a passing reference to it, but I do not think it would be in order to initiate a debate on taxation.

Neither do I, nor, for the moment, do I wish to do, but I submit it is very relevant to the question when you are borrowing money whether you have at the same time made provision for paying the interest on the debt. It was relevant, I submit, to point out that that had not been done. However, let me pass from that and come to my second reason why I think that it is a mistake not to make provision for your total expenditure entirely at the time at which we incur that expenditure. The great increase of expenditure over the estimate, the inadequate provision for revenue to meet the charge for interest, do indicate that we have not taken any clear view as to what are our financial resources or what is the strain which may be put upon them by the War. I know the difficulties, we all know the difficulties in the way of my right hon. Friend. The ultimate strain upon our resources must depend on the length of the War, and he cannot tell, any more than anyone else can tell, with any certainty how long the War is going to last. But though this is true, I think the Government ought to be in a position to reckon the probable period within which the War will not be finshed. Here, again, there can be no certainty, but prudent men act upon reasonable probabilities, and the Government, who have considered their war aims, ought to be in a position to say that with such war aims this War cannot be expected to last for less than such and such a definite period. What we seem to need in the region of finance is that both our rate of expenditure and the provision made for meeting that expenditure should be based upon some definite idea as to the minimum length of the War. Our financial plans, like our military plans, must be directly related to our war aims, and if those war aims entail a war of at least a certain duration our financial plans, both for expenditure And for revenue, should be made in advance on that basis. Properly managed, with a tight control over expenditure and a fearless appeal to our people to submit to the taxation which the necessity of the War requires, our resources would, I have always believed, suffice to see us through the War to the conclusion of the peace the nation desires. But it is a condition of that conclusion that we should be neither extravagant in expenditure nor timid in taxation. Resolute war aims are only consistent with a resolute adoption of the necessary means.

I think it is a pity that the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer did not give the House some reason for the, to business men, somewhat revolutionary proposal which he has made that we should depend for the future Sinking Fund upon an uncertain amount of interest we might receive in respect of the loans to our Allies. In any business balance sheet you have to contrast the money you owe with the money that is owing to you; and when you consider your indebtedness, capital, and profit and loss, it is obviously only on the net amount which remains that you get at your indebtedness. Now the whole basis of the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer's financial exposition appears to me to dismiss the whole of the interest on from over £1,000,000,000 advances, and to say that that will form a convenient source from which we can derive our Sinking Fund. With due submission, I cannot imagine a method which would be more undesirable or which would be less likely to secure payment of the greatest amount of interest due to this country. We should, in effect, be saying, as the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer has said, we must charge ourselves—we must raise the revenue ourselves for the whole of our indebtedness. We should, in effect, be saying, if we get anything in the way of interest upon our loans, it will be so much to the good, and we will put it to the Sinking Fund. I hope we shall not deal with the matter like that. The ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer put this forward in order to draw a more gloomy picture on which to found his arguments for a change in the rate of taxation now after practically thirty-five weeks of the financial year have passed, and he could not possibly have made that suggestion unless he had dealt with the large figures in that manner.

The ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer's other criticism was that it was desirable, at the time he made financial provision by a Vote of Credit, then and there to raise the taxation to such a point that you were perfectly certain that not for a single week of the financial year would your accounts not balance. I beg to submit that the average taxpayer would much rather feel quite sure, in view of what the Chancellor of the Exchequer has told him, that when the next Finance Bill is introduced he will have to bear, and will have to make provision for bearing, a larger deduction from his income in the way of taxation than in the current financial year, he would much prefer that to having the rate of Income Tax, as it was in some of the earlier years of the War, altered comparatively frequently during the currency of the financial year. There is nothing more inconvenient than in one taxation period to find deductions made at unnecessarily varying rates of Income Tax. I think, for instance, if we have to anticipate an increase in the Income Tax of, say, 2s. in the £ when the Chancellor of the Exchequer presents his next Finance Bill, it will be very much better to look forward to that, and to provide for it, than to have it changed at the present time from 5s. to 5s. 9d., and, on the next occasion, when a Vote of Credit is asked for, to have it put up another Is. 3d., or some other odd figure. Of course, the Income Tax must be the main source from which this additional revenue will come, and I think the less frequent the changes are the better.

5.0 P.M.

I want to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer one question with regard to the figures he gave us. In the deduction which he made from what I may term the gross expenditure he mentioned particularly one large amount, namely, the payments we make on behalf of the Dominions for the temporary payment of their troops in this country. He told us that this was always going on. I would like to be quite sure that the figure he gave to the Committee was the net increase, and that it allowed for the repayments which must be made during the period we are dealing with. Of course, an end would naturally come to these increasing figures at some period of the War, and in all probability there will be a period when more money will be coming in than is going out, and then, of course, the calculation will be exactly the opposite. But I want to be sure as to the figures. Other hon. Members, I find, are not quite clear on the point, whether they are for food or payment for Dominion troops, or other things of that sort. I want to be sure whether it was only the net increase with which the right hon. Gentleman was dealing. If so, it is quite clear that no financial statement could possibly convey any correct meaning to the Committee or the country, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not very properly taken credit, as it were, for these payments, which are purely of a temporary nature and are increases over the previous period. I think that the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer in adjuring the Chancellor of the Exchequer to look forward to a minimum period during which the War would be likely to last must have for the moment forgotten his own tenure of office, for I remember very well a deputation going to see him very early in 1915 when we were asking for some information as to the method of financing the War, and at any rate at that time the period that he thought was the outside period that it was necessary for him to consider was the single financial year ended in March, 1916.

I am sorry that the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer does not remember that, but it is quite in accord, and I think he will see there is no difference between us in regard to what he said. A considerable period must always be looked forward to, but in making criticisms of the financial arrangements of the present time I do think the Committee must remember that however difficult the task of the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer may have been the burden that rests upon the present Chancellor of the Exchequer now after three and a half years of war bears a very different proportion, and that with regard to the very liberal and easy-going proposals such as that made by the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, namely, put to the Sinking Fund the whole of the money we may recover as interest on advances to the Allies and Dominions—if it were impossible to do such a thing in the earlier years of the War it may now be quite impossible as a financial proposal and not for that reason helpful at the present time.

I am prepared to associate that section of the House with which I am connected in the kindly expressions of sympathy which have fallen from the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer in regard to the disaster which has befallen the people of Halifax. I am certain that the message which has been conveyed to our Canadian kinsfolk will be very much appreciated by them in their terrible sufferings. The Chancellor of the Exchequer introduced his Vote of Credit with a short but very interesting speech. I am sure there is not one of us who feels more keenly than he does the colossal nature of the burden which these repeated applications for Votes of Credit impose upon the people of this country. The frequency with which calls are made and the enormous debt which is piling up furnish a subject for the serious and careful consideration not only of the Chancellor of the Exchequer but of every Member of this House, and if anybody can suggest a way whereby our financial responsibility can be either partly or completely met I think it is his duty to do so. I know that we are prone to put off the evil day, the day of reckoning, to some other and more convenient season, but I think the time has come when everyone of us should realise the enormous character of the burden which the people of this country have to pay. It will have to be faced some day. I am strongly of the opinion that we would be wise at least to try and partly meet that responsibility now.

In the course of his speech the Chancellor of the Exchequer referred to matters which I desire briefly to discuss, and I know that in discussing them I may be on the verge of being called to order. But I have no intention of dealing with them in detail. I only desire to deal with them in a broad and general way. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that some people think he should raise a greater proportion of our expenditure by taxation. I am one of those who believe that we should raise a greater proportion of our expenditure by taxation. The colossal debt which is mounting up represents, as the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer has told us, an increase to our annual charges of something in the region of £285,000,000. Does anyone imagine that the people of this country are going to acquiesce calmly in the continual payment of an annual charge for interest on borrowed capital to this extent? I do not believe they will. There is at the present moment a very strong agitation for what is called the conscription of wealth, and this agitation is growing. Only the other week we had a very interesting discussion in this House regarding the responsibility of the citizen to the State, and a portion of the citizens of this country were deprived of their right to vote because they had refused to stand up to their personal responsibility as citizens.

I am not sure that I quite follow the remarks of the hon. Gentleman. If he is urging the conscription of wealth as a means of finding money, I must point out that we are not now discussing means of finding the money, but merely the spending of money.

I was only pointing out that there was growing up in this country a very strong agitation for the conscription of wealth.

That is what I thought. That would be in order on the Budget or in Committee of Ways and Means, but it is not in order in Committee of Supply.

I have already informed you, Sir, that I have no intention of dealing with this matter in detail. I was only pointing out, as I have already stated, that there was a strong agitation in favour of it, and I was going on to say that, in view of what took place during the Debate to which I have already referred as to the responsibility of the citizen to the State, I do not think that the idea of conscripting at least a portion of the wealth—

I must point out to the hon. Member that I have already given my decision, and he cannot get round it by mentioning the matter again in a somewhat different form.

Well, I will not pursue that phase of the subject at any greater length. I had practically got my point made so far as the question of the conscription of wealth is concerned. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the course of his remarks, said that some people thought that a greater proportion of our expenditure should be met by taxation. I am one of those who believe that that course should be followed, and I think that he would be well advised to give this his serious consideration in the very near future. Wealth has its responsibilities, and it ought to stand up to those responsibilities. It is having protection—it is having the protection of the State—and it ought to bear its share of the responsibility. Whether we are prepared to face these issues or not, the people of this country—and that is the point I wanted to make—are discussing the question of the basis of taxation, and the necessity for an increase of taxation, and for at least a share of the capital of this country being taken by the State.

Order, order! I dealt very gently with the hon. Gentleman, but I really must ask him to conform to my ruling.

Well, I have finished. I have said the people of this country will be well advised to give these questions very serious consideration in the future. On the occasion that we discussed the last Vote of Credit several Members, including myself, drew the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to the necessity for an observant eye being kept on our expenditure. As a matter of fact, I think that he stated in the House that he had been given a copy of the draft Report of the Committee on National Expenditure, and during his speech then he said that he would go into this Report with a view of finding whether it was not possible to give effect to some of the recommendations of the Committee. I should like to ask the Chancellor, having regard to what he said in the course of his remarks to-day, if this has been done, and if effect has been given to any of the recommendations of the Committee on National Expenditure?

Perhaps it would be more convenient if I say at once that, in answer to a question put to me by my right hon. Friend the Member for the Cleveland Division, a written question, I stated some of the steps which have already been taken. I do not suggest that that is all that will be done. These steps are only a beginning.

I am pleased to hear that statement from the Chancellor of the Exchequer intimating that a beginning has been made, but the question of wisely spending our money, in view of our large indebtedness, is a very important matter. I think we cannot devote too much attention to the question of expenditure. When I say that we cannot devote too much attention to the subject, I do not mean that we should in any way reduce our effectiveness in prosecuting the War. Still, I think that every effort should be made to curtail expenditure as far as we possibly can do so. I noticed the other day—and this is what led me more than anything else to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he had given any effect to the recommendations of the Committee on Expenditure—that this question was being discussed in the newspapers regarding one of the Departments—namely, the Petroleum Supply and Research Department of the Ministry of Munitions. Can the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer tell us what practical results have been secured to the country from the expenditure incurred by that Department? So far as I have personally been able to ascertain, there has been very little practical result from the money that has been spent in that way. The need for petroleum is very great. It is to be assumed that submarine activity, and the needs of our Fleet, have rendered the supply of this oil from home sources more desirable than ever. It is to be obtained, and I should like to know why steps are not being taken to tap the sources of our home supply. I believe that a considerable amount of money has been spent by this Department lately, but very little result appears on the surface. Possibly the Chancellor of the Exchequer will be able to give us some information as to what has been done, and whether we are likely to have, through the medium of this Department, some practical results from the money that has been spent. I hope that in future there will be far greater, co-ordination between Department and Department. There is need for a reduction of our expenditure to the lowest possible limit, and, even if that be done, it will only help in a little way the meeting our indebtedness, and only touch the fringe of our expenditure and of our financial responsibility. We shah have also to deal with the income side of the subject, and I have already observed—I cannot go beyond making a general allusion—that this can be done, by the increase of taxation, by conscripting at least a part of the wealth of the country, and by the whole of the excess, profits that are made being taken by the Government. I do not think that at a time like this, when the people of this, country are face to face with such a difficult position, that it should be possible for any portion of the community to make a single penny out of the War.

The ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. McKenna), in the course of his speech, referred to the increase of expenditure during the year. If I followed him aright, he estimated that the increase of expenditure during the year, excluding goods bought by the Government for sale to the public, amounted to about £300,000,000.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the figures he gave, put them on a different basis. The ex-Chancellor impressed upon the Government in his closing sentences that the War finance should coincide with their war aims, and I think that statement is one which the Government should follow in their practice from day to day. Since the last Vote of Credit was taken the Government have announced an increase of pay to soldiers and sailors amounting to £65,000,000 a year. When these payments are made to these men they will be made from borrowed money. The Government have not taken steps this year to ask the taxpayer for any further revenue to meet the needs of the State. Speaking earlier in the afternoon, an hon. Member took exception to taxation being raised at too quick intervals during the earlier periods of the War. But the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, in 1915, passed over his Budget without asking for any further taxation on the part of the taxpayer, and it is eighteen months since the Chancellor of the Exchequer has asked for increased taxation. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer in May, 1918, lays his financial proposals before the House he wall not only have to consider the finances during the coming year, but, in addition, he will have to introduce some very drastic proposals because the Government this year have not asked to place any further taxation on the shoulders of this country. I am sure that should be very gratifying to many hon. Members who, in season and out of season, when this subject was not thoroughly realised, pressed the proposal upon the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that further taxation should be paid by the country, and that this large burden of debt should not be placed upon the shoulders of our soldiers and sailors upon their return.

The question ought to be asked, Where are we to find the necessary money to meet this overwhelming debt? There are two points I should like to bring to the attention of the Government. We have been recently discussing war aims, or, rather, they have been discussed in letters which have appeared in the public Press. The issues of the War to-day are not so clear as they were in 1914. Three years ago the danger to the fundamental principles of liberty and justice were apparent. During the last three years many questions have arisen which cloud the minds of the public and tend to divert their attention from the successful prosecution of the War. One thing in particular, I think, has caused great dissatisfaction in the minds of the public, and that is the continual bargaining that is going on between the State and the workmen as to their rate of wages. To-day the solution and adjustment of the wages problem has developed a very different spirit in the country. The continual bargaining between the State, on the one hand, and the wage-earning class on the other, is fraught with danger to the State.

To readjust wages in a spirit of mutual antagonism is not conducive to the strength and solidarity of the nation. Today we have the machinery of co-partnership. We have the State, on the one hand, controlling most of the manufactures and employing the larger number of people in this country in their service; but the spirit and principle of co-partnership between the individual and the State does not exist. It is because of this that I am anxious to place before the Chancellor of the Exchequer a constructive suggestion, if I may so describe it, to meet the feeling among the wage-earning classes which is constantly arising. The House will remember that in 1915 the Munitions of War Act was passed. That Act restricted the profits of certain firms to a certain percentage above their pre-war rates. It also, at the same time, set up the system of leaving certificates. The provisions of the Munitions of War Act dealing with workmen were repealed, and the Finance Act, 1917, repealed the Munitions Levy. Therefore, the steps which were taken in 1915 to-deal, on the one hand, with the rate of profit, and, on the other hand, with the rate of wages, were repealed in 1917. In view of that fact, and in view of the causes which I believe have created discontent in this country, is not the time now opportune for the Government to attempt to deal with this subject?

My proposal to the Chancellor of the Exchequer is this: In view of what has happened during the last two years, and in view of the attempts made by the Legislature to deal with these questions, has not the time arrived when the Government should endeavour, by consent—the consent of the employers, on the one hand, to a reasonable rate of profit, based on the prewar rates of profit, and, on the other hand, the consent of the great trade unions to readjust wages, without any attempt to cut down the present rate of wages in any shape or form—to readjust wages in the future, based on the pre-war rate, with a certain percentage of increase to meet the increased cost of living? The Government should endeavour to obtain by consent what they have failed to gain by legislation, in order to avoid in future the kind of feeling which is existing to-day In a readjustment, and in fixing the rate of profit, regard should be paid to the increased output of manufacture and the certainty of their markets, and, on the other hand, to the longer hours of work and the security of employment. This wage question is causing extreme discontent in this country, and I appeal to the Government to consider this proposal with a view to seeing whether they cannot endeavour to obtain the concurrence, of the great trade unions in an attempt to obtain consent to the proposal that when it is sought in future to raise prices wages will be readjusted proportionately. There is one other point I wish to put before the House. We heard at Question Time how our troops had been successful in taking Jerusalem. I would ask the Government what bearing has our expeditionary policy on the war aims of the Allies and on the economic position at home? During the last few weeks we have read of these secret treaties which were entered into in 1915. Whether those treaties are correct or not as published I do not know, but have not circumstances changed since 1915 which would permit the Government to modify their policy on this point? Our two expeditions in the East have met with very great success, but has that success contributed to the final success of our Allies in proportion to the effort expended? Our effort in the East has entailed and will entail in the future a great drain on our man-power, our ships and our armaments, and in addition has diverted labour in Egypt and in India from the soil and turned those men into consumers. Should this policy be continued and developed in the coming year? We have achieved success in the East while the economic resources at home have been dwindling. Is not the growing scarcity of food here influenced to some extent by the drain on our shipping through these expeditions?

The attempt to strike hard in the East is very characteristic of this nation, but while we witness success in Egypt we also witness the failure of the Allied cause in Italy, and the question I would put to the Government is, Are the Government convinced that our efforts in distant parts can be diverted from our Western Front without affecting the issue in that quarter? Can the world be mobilised for war and in addition be engaged in distant parts? Can you do these things and at the same time raise sufficient food at home? The margin of reserve is steadily decreasing. Russia has found it impossible from her food shortage to continue, so far as we can judge to-day. In certain quarters of Austria they may be congratulating themselves on their military success in Italy, but that can be no consolation, temporary or permanent, to the millions of people there if they are suffering from hunger. To enable the country to judge the question I asked the Government on several occasions if they would state the cost of these various expeditions, but in each case I have been refused. Would not the scarcity at home be mitigated to some extent if the Government would review and modify their policy abroad? Is it wise to dissipate our resources while there is shortage at home? The fate of the world depends upon success in the West. Should our enemies be diverted to the East? Statesmanship, as Burke said, consists in foreseeing as well as doing. Why do I press this point? It is because I am anxious to conserve the economic resources of our Allies. High wages in 1918 will not sustain our home population. No brilliant success in the acquisition of territory in distant spheres is sufficient to compensate for the internal drain at the heart. This War is not a war to obtain possession of distant parts. It was to obtain security and tranquillity in this country. It is because I believe that these expeditions are diverting our resources, and that they are not commensurate with the gains of this country, that I ask the Government to review this question, and at the same time I ask if they can endeavour to obtain my first point, so as to maintain in the future in this country that solidarity and that unity which is so essential to success.

Ministry of Munitions (Priority Permits)

I will, with the permission of the House, refer back to my remarks on the Adjournment of the House last night, but only so far as they refer to the spending of public money. Last night I pointed out to the House that a grave public scandal had arisen, and that certain Departments were, in my opinion, endeavouring to hush this matter up, not so much, as had been suggested in the question, by the Director of Public Prosecutions, and that the officer whose presence in this country is absolutely essential to justice being done in this matter, was going to be removed to France before his evidence was properly taken. I am happy to say that the War Office in this matter have given every possible assistance, and that there is no foundation for any inference that the Government or Members of the House may have drawn from my statement that this assistance was not forthcoming from the War Office. Therefore, there is every hope that this case will quite shortly come up for trial. What I want to point out to the Ministry of Munitions is that the issue is quite clear. I will read, with the permission of the Committee, a sworn statement which has been made by the officer in question before a Commissioner of Oaths, and also a statement which has been made by another man who was present, substantiating both in substance and in spirit the statements contained in that declaration. Therefore the Ministry of Munitions is faced with this position, that either the firm of Mr. Killen have made statements about the Ministry of Munitions, which, if not true, to say the least of it even in times of peace would be most reprehensible, and in times of war, when without confidence in the Government there can be no possible hope for the success of our cause, are criminal and demand the immediate attention of the Department concerned. On the other hand, if these statements are true, then surely there is no reason for delay, or no excuse for delay, on behalf of the Ministry of Munitions to call on this firm to produce the document which he states has been signed and to divulge the name of the individual, the member of the Ministry of Munitions, who was a party to an arrangements and contract which included both graft and blackmail, because, as I will point out to the Committee, this question started by being purely a question of graft and then it turned into one of blackmail. On 16th November the officer in question, whose military and personal history will bear the closest investigation, went to the office of Mr. Killen in Queen Victoria Street with the object of discussing with him the advisability of handing over to the War Office a patent of his own. There was no idea of him handing it over for any profit, so that we can dismiss any commercial side. Mr. Killen pointed out that the apparent ease with which this officer thought these things were carried out was quite without foundation, and that a very great deal of preliminary work had to be done before any Government Department could be persuaded to take up any matter of this sort, and that unless a man was prepared to pave the way by bribes the opportunity of having his invention or his business favourably considered was very small. The officer in question expressed his disbelief in this statement, and in support of this Mr. Killen made certain suggestions which are repeated in the sworn declaration which I have here. I will only read that part of it which actually refers to Mr. Killen's statement. This officer swears that, after a preliminary conversation,

That, then, so far as this deposition is concerned. Beyond that, I may say that the officer in question saw a Mr. Pritchard, who had introduced him to Mir. Killen. Immediately after leaving, the officer turned round to Mr. Pritchard and said: "This sort of thing is going to lose us the War. I am not going to let it stop at this. I am immediately going to a firm of solicitors to make a deposition. I am going to swear to everything I have heard while it is fresh in my mind." He said, "Pritchard, will you support me in this?" Pritchard, like the public-spirited man that he is, said, "I will." How many men in this country would have said "I will"? I have heard so much about men who are willing to die for their country, but there are very few who are willing to live for it. How many persons will sacrifice for it? How many times have I had this sort of thing brought to me—not once, but a hundred times—and when I have asked the person giving the information, "Will you stand by this?" the reply has been, "Oh, no; for God's sake do not bring my name into it!" Here this officer fortunately struck a man. He was a white man, who had moral courage, which is an infinitely more valuable asset in the present national trial than is personal courage. He said, "I will stand by you." In accordance with his undertaking he too made a declaration which I have here. I do not propose to delay the Committee in reading it. It simply says this: step? The next step was to take it up before some responsible authority. The officer was naturally in favour of going to the War Office with it; that was his sort of paternal roof to which he took all his grievances. Pritchard said, "No; we will take it to a member of the Cabinet immediately." So they took it to Lord Milner. I think it was Major Thornton, Lord Milner's private secretary, to whom they first went. He received them, I believe, most politely. Mr. Pritchard put the whole of the case before him and said, "Here is a case of graft and blackmail, dealing not with war profits, but absolutely gambling with the people's food." The day is coming, as some are beginning to believe, when we shall have to face the people of this country on the question of how they are to be fed. Here was a case of gambling with the people's food. Surely a member of the Cabinet would jump at the opportunity of so faithfully serving his country as to expose this corruption? They left the papers with Lord Milner's private secretary. The next day Mr. Pritchard returned to know what action had been taken. He saw again Lord Milner's private secretary, who said, "I have been through the whole case." Whether he referred to the fact that he had been through it with Lord Milner or not I do not know. That is all I have got to know. The answer was, "We have been through it; we do not see what this Mr. Killen has to grumble about because he never paid the £2,000." That is how the opinion of the Cabinet is expressed through one of their underlings. "What have you got to grumble at; he has not paid the £2,000." I am not bothering, and I am sure the majority of hon. Members here are not bothering, about Killen and as to whether he was or was not grumbling about the matter. It is national honour which is at stake. So the matter was left at that.

6.0 P.M.

It was subsequently taken to the Ministry of Munitions. The solicitor in question, Mr. Roberts, whose honourable career as a solicitor, I believe, was closely bound up with that of our present Prime Minister, took the deposition and sent it by hand to the Ministry of Munitions. I do not want to trouble the House with the correspondence which took place between the Ministry of Munitions, but this officer then proceeded to the Ministry and asked what they were doing? I may here point out that Mr. Roberts explained to the Ministry of Munitions that this officer had got to return to France on the 24th. On the evening of the 23rd, as nobody up to then had heard anything about the matter, this officer went to the Ministry of Munitions to find out what they were doing. He told them that he had to go back to France at seven o'clock on the morrow morning, and inquired, "What are you doing, because it is inadvisable for me to return to France until this matter is settled?" What happened? At four o'clock the next morning he was turned out of bed and told that he could extend his leave for a day or two while matters were being inquired into. There was a week's delay. Nothing happened in this matter of great national importance. Then Mr. Graham Reid referred the matter to the Public Prosecutor But the Public Prosecutor did not seem to bother himself very much about the matter. In due course the officer's leave was about up, so again he went to the Public Prosecutor and inquired, "What about this graft case? Are you not going to do anything?" The reply was, "We are giving the matter our consideration, and we shall report to the Minister of Munitions." What was the next step? What do Members think? The Director of Public Prosecutions turned to the officer and said, "I think you had better go now for Mr. Killen is expected." Mr. Killen, if you please! A man who either ought to be in the witness-box or in the dock. He was closeted with the Director of Public Prosecutions, seeing how they could hush this matter up. What is the next move? The officer went back to the Director of Public Prosecutions, and said to him, "This matter must be cleared up." The reply to that was, "That is all right; you can go back to France to-morrow; you will not be wanted any more." I say this to hon. Members of this House, that that officer adopted every constitutional method possible of bringing his grievance out. He did not come running straight to a Member of this House and ask him to expose this matter on the Floor of this House. He took the constitutional method of going first to a member of the Cabinet. I have no criticism now on that particular member of the Cabinet. [An HON. MEMBER: "The War Cabinet!"] It was Lord Milner. Then the officer, after seeing Lord Milner, went to the Ministry of Munitions. He found them not very interested. I do not know whether this did or did not surprise the Ministry. I hope for the sake of the national finances it did surprise them. Then he went to the Director of Public Prosecutions. It does not even appear to have interested them at that office, beyond the fact that they told him that they were awaiting instructions from the Ministry of Munitions. Then he came to me. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Yes, Mr. Chairman, it is not new to me to know that I have faults. But if I have any faults, one that I shall not be guilty of is of not telling the House of Commons exactly what I think about any man. I put a Private Notice question to the Speaker to get this officer sent back to this country. I was told it was not a matter of great public urgency. I suggested, and do suggest, that it was, and is, a matter of the greatest public urgency that a case like this should be fully and finally cleared up. This is not the only case of graft that has happened in the last three years of the War. It is the first case that I have found where definite documentary evidence could be produced, and where a man, or one or two men stand convicted on the evidence at one's disposal. We are constantly hearing of cases of this kind. I do every day. I heard from a personal friend of mine of another method employed by these men. A certain officer who has a small sporting car, and who works at the Hotel Cecil for the Air Board, left the car outside. A certain munition proprietor, or profiteer, or whatever you call them, came in to see him to arrange a very big contract, and the first thing he said was, "I see a little sporting car outside. I wish I could find the man it belongs to. I would give a £1,000 for it. My wife has taken a fancy to it; she cannot get away from it, and is standing looking at it now." The officer replied, "It is funny you like it, because that car belongs to me." The other then said, "I am as good as my word. I said I would give £1,000 for it, and I will." The officer said, "I don't think you will. It would be very difficult for me to retain my balance of judgment in favour of your goods if such a sale took place." I say that officer ought to have rung the telephone and sent for the police, or some competent military authority—that is what I should have done—to take this traitor away, and deal with him as that type of man ought to be dealt with. Another in- stance happened within the last six weeks. An officer, an inspector of aeroplanes, drove down to inspect some machines—

I do not see how the hon. Gentleman can bring this under the Vote of Credit. I did not call him to order on the main part of his speech, but now he is mentioning unknown officers.

I was only giving an illustration of bribery and corruption, of the way this money is jeopardised when we have voted it. I put it, with all respect, that I am in order in giving at least one or two illustrations of cases of graft coming to my knowledge which have not been proceeded with.

I do not think it would be in order. These cases arc merely cases of officers in no way connected with the Munitions Department. It is almost impossible for the Department to answer charges in which names are not given.

I accept your ruling, and I will address myself purely and simply to the case which I am putting to the Ministry of Munitions. In passing, I would say I was anxious if I could to give this House and the Ministry some illustration of the exceedingly ingenious way in which some of these men get to work, so that these officers might be advised to be more careful in future, because in this case, as in several other cases, you find a young officer, or a comparatively low-salaried official, who has the power of life and death over these firms. The withdrawing of a permit to import agricultural machinery might mean the absolute ruin of a firm, but if they have a pistol over their head—" £5 a tractor or we will shut your firm up"—it may not be excusable, but certainly that is an explanation of why this work is done. I do not wish to detain the Committee one moment longer than is necessary, but I do ask the representative of the Ministry of Munitions who replies to this to tell me when they first heard of this matter why they did not immediately get to work, without consulting and parleying with the principals involved; why within twenty-four hours they did not call on Mr. Killen and say, "If you cannot give us the name of the official about whom you have made these criminal charges, you will be arrested," which, I think, would have been perfectly in order, because it is a shocking thing that charges of this sort should be made unless they have foundation in fact. They would have immediately got the name of the official in question, and the proceeding then is quite simple. But no; they must waste time, they must postpone and procrastinate, and allow the scandal, if possible, to die out. Let it die out! Let the officer go back to France, Uriah Hittites!

I tell the Ministry of Munitions quite plainly that day and night I will give them no peace until I know this case is proceeded with. It must be proceeded with. It must be held up as a glorious example of what the British Government stand for. Here is an opportunity of their proving once and for all that purity in public life is not only a phrase but is a policy of the Government. It is a wonderful opportunity of setting an example to all profiteers—and their name is legion— who are exploiting the poor to-day. Far be it from me to endeavour to stir up class hatred, but there will be class hatred once the poor people of this country lose what little remaining faith their credulity may still cause them to have in the purity of the administration of our public affairs. I say, take this as an example; treat this man as he ought to be treated; give him twenty years. [An HON. MEMBER: "Try him first!"] Yes, try him first; but if once that man comes into the dock, it will be because this document has been produced. We do not want legal quibbles about it. If he is guilty, he is guilty. There are no extenuations and no arguments that can be put by any counsel, however cunning, which can keep that man from the hands of justice. Punish him suitably. Do not treat him like you have treated other cases you have tried during this War, which I could mention—gradually carried them on, dragged them out day after day, week after week, until public interest evaporates, until the newspapers have finished with the stunt, and then, in two lines somewhere, you read in the "Times" that the man got two months' hard labour, or that the man returned the money—compounding a felony, which the Government have been already doing in this War. What would you say of a private firm which took the money back, and let the man off, which they have already done in this War?

This is a case which I am sure the public will look upon with considerable interest. It is a case of a Government official ex- ploiting the poor of this country by refusing them bread unless he gets his bribe. That is the issue. How are you going to deal with that man? Are you going to send him to the House of Lords—he is already a knight—or are you going to send him to the dock? I ask the hon. Gentleman on the Front Bench (Sir Worthington Evans) to tell us that he will do everything in his power not to cover this matter up, but to expose it as an example to other men who are bleeding their country, while better men than they are bleeding for their country—a distinction with a very considerable difference—and to deal with this man as if you were men of blood and iron. Let us have a little bit of spunk in the way that the Government administer justice to these political criminals, for they are political criminals. How they get their jobs in these Ministries is a matter for considerable criticism; how you silence your critics from these benches by appointing a Committee to inquire into the thing they are criticising, and then when once the Committee is appointed there is another good critic gone. I appeal to hon. Members in this House not to turn down these cases when they are brought before them. Do, for God's sake, let the people of this country feel that they are not coming to Members of this House in vain. Let them feel that if they have got a straight case and a strong case, they will not only have the assistance of this House for exposing this corruption, for endeavouring to purify our political system, but that, after that work is done, those Members will stand' by those men honourably, to see that they are not penalised because they have the moral courage to put their country before their personal preferment.

I think it would be for the convenience of the Committee if I replied at once to the hon. Member. I am glad to think that the hon. Member has withdrawn the first complaint that he made last night, that this officer, who was considered so necessary a witness, has been spirited away.

I did not say this officer. I said the reason I raised it at Question Time was that this officer was being spirited away, but that the War Office had now fallen in, and was rendering every assistance.

I understand the hon. Gentleman, I think, quite rightly. Last night he complained that this officer was being spirited away in an attempt to hush up a case which was inconvenient either to the War Office or to the Ministry of Munitions.

I must take exception to that. I had the officer's leave in my pocket, and the Under-Secretary and myself discussed the matter fully. I said I took exception at Question Time in not being allowed to get the question settled then.

I am aware of what the hon. Gentleman said, and I think I have made a fair deduction from what he said. The facts are these: The evidence of this officer had been taken at the Ministry of Munitions, and, far from his having been sent back or spirited away, his leave had already been extended to fourteen days, and had expired, or was about to expire, either yesterday or to-day, and for the moment there was no further evidence that could be given by this officer, and it was not necessary actually to retain him in this country. But, so that there should be no mistake about it at all, the War Office has extended his leave for another seven days, in case by any chance he can add anything to the evidence in the case. The hon. Member has referred to some very serious and very grave charges that have been made in a document from which he read, and I do not wish for the moment to say anything which will give the impression that I think that those charges are any less grave than he himself thinks they are. They are charges which, if true, do deserve the most signal punishment, and I am sure if they are true they will receive the most signal punishment. But the hon. Member has built up a case entirely on ex parte statements. He talks about documentary evidence, but if the Committee follow the document that he read, that document referred only to the statements of a third party. The hon. Member said there was a written agreement. I do not know whether the hon. Member has seen the written agreement.

No; I told him that there are two men who have sworn that one man made the statement that this contract existed.

I asked him if he had seen the written agreement. That statement is an ex parte statement of a person who has not seen the written agreement, but only sworn that someone else has spoken about a written agreement. I ask whether the drastic and immediate action the hon. Gentleman asks should be taken could possibly be taken by any Department who wanted to see that justice was done, that a real criminal, if there be one, should be punished, but that an honest man is not put upon his trial without any evidence at all. I cannot tell the Committee in detail the steps that are being taken. The hon. Member knows that these papers have been before the Public Prosecutor. The hon. Member comes down to this House and builds up a charge mentioning names, when he knows the case is sub judice and before the Public Prosecutor, and he tells the House that he is doing that in the interests of justice. All I can say is that if any Government Department conducted its business in that way I am sure the hon. Member himself would be the first to point the finger of scorn at a vindictive Department who persecuted some man without obtaining evidence or making any inquiry. I would be the first to bring any such case as that which has been mentioned by the hon. Member to trial in the speediest possible way, when I am convinced by a proper inquiry that there is a primâ facie case to bring before the Courts.

Would the hon. and gallant Gentleman state when this case was put before him, and why a month's delay has taken place without an inquiry? It was placed before his Department on the 16th of November.

I am sure we are pleased to hear the tone in which the hon. and gallant Gentleman has dealt with this subject. There is a good deal of dissatisfaction—I am not referring to this case specially—at the way in which business men are introduced to Government offices and at the same time retain their interests in the firms to which they formerly belonged. That, really I may tell Ministers present, is a very grave matter, and it ought to be looked into at once, and in the case of any man who has got an interest in a firm and is in a Government Department a rule should be laid down that no Government Department should have anything to do with that firm as regards business. With reference to the case which has been raised it seems to be a matter of time. I gather that this ' matter has been before the authorities for a considerable time, and that it has been before the Public Prosecutor for over a week. Am I to understand that the Public Prosecutor cannot make up his mind as to whether there is a primâ facie case in a week?

I do not think it is as long as three weeks, possibly it may be a fortnight, but further evidence is being obtained, and that is the reason for the delay.

I understand the hon. and gallant Gentleman to say that the matter is now being fully investigated. Without passing any opinion on this case, I agree that none of us ought to deal with its merits now, because we have only got a statement on one side. I am quite sure that I shall not appeal in vain to the hon. and gallant Gentleman when I say that I hope that he will avail himself of the first opportunity to place before the House every possible information after an inquiry has been made into this matter, and after the Ministry of Munitions has made an impartial inquiry. If there be no case, let him explain the matter fully to the House, and if there be a case the action should be proceeded with without favour or partiality.

Leaflets (Censorship)

I wish to call the attention of the Committee to the recent policy which has been followed by the Government in. connection with the issuing of Regulations under the Defence of the Realm Act, and in particular I wish to deal with Regulation 27C and the Amendment to that Regulation, which the Home Secretary announced to the House a few days ago. Regulation 27C, the Committee will remember, laid down that in future no pamphlet or leaflet dealing with the War, or with proposals for peace, was to be issued until it had received the approval of the Press Bureau. Two days ago, in response to a good deal of pressure from the Government, inside and outside this House, the Home Secretary announced that the Regulation was to be amended, and that in future these pamphlets and leaflets, before they can be printed or published or distributed must be lodged for three days with the Press Bureau, but that they need not receive its approval. That is the position now.

The point I wish to bring to the attention of the Committee is that the policy which the Government has been following during the last two months shows clearly that there is now another system by which the Government can retain all the powers to which objection was taken in Regulation 27C. The objection to Regulation 27C was that the Government, under that Regulation, could suppress pamphlets and leaflets which were criticising its policy without ever bringing them before a Court of law; and it was felt—at any rate, by a fair proportion of the Members of the House—that no Government ought to have the power to suppress criticism of itself simply on its own arbitrary authority without having to obtain first of all a proper judicial condemnation of the writings to which it objected. That was the position. I only have one point to bring before the House, and it is that the Government retains still that power in spite of this Amendment, and that power is being exercised now, and will continue to be exercised after the Amendment is passed.

What is the situation now? Under 27C as amended these pamphlets and leaflets must be lodged at the Press Bureau three days before they are printed, published, or distributed, and then by another Regulation, on which the Government is now habitually acting—Regulation 51— the Government through a competent naval or military authority, or through any policeman, can descend upon the premises of those who wish to issue a leaflet, they can seize all the copies of that leaflet or pamphlet, and if it has not been fully printed they can seize the press without submitting the case to any Court of law at all. They can do, and they are doing, that simply on their own arbitrary decision, and they can confiscate or destroy all those pamphlets or leaflets without having obtained a judicial decision upon them. May I read to the House the chief passages of Regulation 51, which has become such a danger to the freedom of the subject? I hope the Home Secretary will notice that— was a question put by the hon. Member for York (Mr. Rowntree) on 15th November as to whether the Government were taking any steps against pacifist propaganda, and this was the right hon. Gentleman's answer:

The hon. Member said "Hundreds and thousands of cases."

Perhaps I did say "cases," but the actual words are not important. I am trying to prove that the Government have this power and are using it. I need not finish the quotation, because the right hon. Gentleman himself, admits that they are using this power. I know that it has only been done in the case of views which are held by a minority in the country, but it seems to me, however small the minority may be, that to exercise powers like these is sheer tyranny. The Government, in spite of the Amendment of Regulation 27C, are able to exercise all the powers which they possessed before that Amendment was proposed. The right hon. Gentleman, in answer to some questions which have been put in this House, has said that the power of seizure is necessary. He has pointed, out that it would be intolerable if seditious and illegal leaflets and pamphlets were distributed broadcast without the Government having the power to stop the issue of them. I am not disputing that. I should not complain of the power of seizure if it stood alone, but I do say, if the property has been seized and it is found to be perfectly legal and the seizure is not followed by a prosecution, then it ought to be returned to those to whom it belongs. Some of my hon. Friends have said to me that Regulation 51 has been in existence for eighteen months, and they ask why it is being suddenly brought up now. Until lately that Regulation was only intermittently and occasionally used. It is only within the last few weeks that the Government have begun systematically to make use of the powers which they possess under it Under the right hon. Gentleman's pre- decessor in office this power of destruction was only used after prosecution, and after these leaflets and pamphlets had been condemned in a Court of law. The right hon. Gentleman, however, is using the power of destruction as a substitute for condemnation in a Court of law. He is using it to suppress leaflets which he does not dare to bring into a Court of law at all.

The Home Secretary, in answer to certain questions, has given his reply to our complaint. It is that there is no grievance at all, because these cases in the last resort will be decided in a Court of law. He continually says that we have our remedy if we choose to follow it. He means that the owner of a pamphlet or leaflet which is seized in this way may, if he wishes, prosecute the Government, or the competent naval or military authority, or the Home Secretary, or somebody responsible. I do not know for what you would prosecute them, whether for larceny, trespass, or anything else, but I do know that this remedy is practically of no value at all. I do know that nobody can prosecute the Government unless he has £300, £400, or £500 behind him-[An HON. MEMBER: "More than that!"]—or £1,000 behind him. It appears to me that for the right hon. Gentleman to say that we have no grievance because the owner of a pamphlet which is thus destroyed has the chance of spending £500 or £1,000 in trying to get it back is to use an argument which is absolutely false. Even if you had the money and were willing to spend it, Regulation 51 has been so drafted that although you may prosecute the Government, however good your case may be, it is practically impossible for you to obtain a conviction. What does the Regulation say? "The competent military or naval authority or any policeman may seize any of these pamphlets or leaflets or anything which he has reason to suspect is intended to be used for some purpose contrary to the Regulation." The pamphlet which the Home Secretary destroyed might be absolutely legal and might not contain a seditious line, but you could not obtain a conviction against him for it. You would have to prove that the police constable or the competent military or naval authority had not reason to suspect that they were intended to be used for some purpose against the Regulation. I cannot see how under any conditions you would ever be able to prove that before a Court of law.

The position of those who are interested in some of these pamphlets is very clear. So far as freedom of expression of opinion is concerned, the position now is really much worse than it was before Regulation 27C was amended. Regulation 27C, as it was originally announced two or three weeks ago, was plain and straightforward. You submitted the leaflet to the Press Bureau, and they stopped it going out. It was a Regulation which enabled everybody to understand what was being done, and because of that the Government had to use it with caution and with moderation. This new complicated system, referring from one Regulation to another, with its absolutely illusory power of prosecuting the Government or the competent military or naval authority, confuses the whole subject. It leaves the Government with powers just as effective and just as wide as before Regulation 27C was amended, and it prevents the public from ever really comprehending what, those powers are. However small the number of those in this House represented by the views expressed in these pamphlets may be, I do hope this is a question on which one can appeal to the Committee to support one in what, after all, is not a very extravagant claim. There is nothing unreasonable in what we ask. I myself do not say that you should never seize a leaflet or destroy it. All I say is, that if that is done it should be done by due and proper process of law, and should not be the mere arbitrary decision of some unknown official employed by the Government. I, therefore, wish to make this suggestion to the Home Secretary: Let him retain the power of seizure under his Regulation, so as to prevent these leaflets being distributed if they are illegal, but let him introduce an Amendment so that, if after they have been seized it is found that there is nothing illegal in them and the seizure is not followed by a prosecution, the Government should not have the power either of confiscating or destroying them, but that they should within a reasonable time—say, seven days—return them to those to whom they belong.

The censorship of printed matter is by no means a new method of procedure in this country, and it might be well if those very well-informed Ministers at present on the Front Bench were to learn a few lessons from history about it. Before I proceed to remind them—I will not say instruct them—of certain historical events; I should like to make this clear: I have not the slightest sympathy with anything that is written, published, said, or done which can in any way lessen the national resolve to see this War carried to a successful conclusion. I am a whole-hearted supporter of anything that is done to lead us to the victory which I am sure is coming. Indeed, I rejoiced very much when the right hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Walthamstow (Sir J. Simon) went to the front, because I understood that he went out to conduct the prosecution of the War. Looking back at history with regard to the censorship, it makes me ask, "Who are the Censors to-day?" The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down (Mr. Lees-Smith) said that the policeman could not only decide whether a thing was treasonable or seditious, but if he thought it might be treasonable or seditious he might destroy it. My hon. Friend here (Mr. Pringle) says that it has been done. I am told that some of the gentlemen who decide these fine points in literature are retired military gentlemen, and that they are noted chiefly for courage. Courage is an admirable quality in certain circumstances, even on the battlefield. The French used to say of the great Duke of Wellington that he talked French with courage. That was an admirable courage, but it did not improve the quality of his French. These men may attack these leaflets with heroism, but are they not competent judges of what is treasonable and what is not?

Let me quote one famous instance from history. When Milton wrote "Paradise Lost", we were blessed with a Censor in those days. He was the Archbishop of Canterbury. You could not expect the most reverend Primate to read an epic in blank verse in twelve books, written by a Puritan. So, of course, he handed over this difficult task to his deputy, who was the Reverend Thomas Tomkins, a rector in the City. We have this spectacle of the Reverend Thomas Tomkins sitting in judgment as to whether it should appear or not. Before he got 500 lines deep into the book, he came across a passage that puzzled him. It is a very celebrated passage about the fallen archangel, surrounded by Tomkins was startled by this. He saw sedition and treason in it. He did not know what Milton was driving at. That is very often the trouble with censors. If one were to ask the Censor the old question

I must say one thing in regard to the Censor and the attacks made on him in the Press. I do not see much force in that protest, particularly that made by editors when they are censored. As a matter of fact, editors are the most brutal of censors. If you send in an article to an editor, and it does not coincide with his particular views—I do not care which side he is on—you do not get it in the paper. Editors know all about censors. However, we can leave them, because editors are absolutely under the thumb of the proprietors. They are very often illiterate men, so they must not be held to be absolutely responsible. What I would suggest to the Home Secretary is that if this censorship is necessary—I dare say some of it is, and I want anything treasonable to be stopped at once—he should see that the people who exercise this power are really competent for the particular purpose. I am sure every man or the Government Bench is much better informed in everything than I am, but I should be sorry to submit my poor writings even to so intelligent a man as the Home Secretary. He would not look at things from the same point of view as myself. I would ask the Government, if it has to exercise this power in the interests of the country, to see that it is exercised by people with duly equipped minds.

After the very amusing and characteristic speech to which we have just listened, I must apologise to the Committee for bringing it back to a more prosaic and serious mind in regard to this matter. My hon. Friend the Member for Northampton (Mr. Lees Smith) has done a public service in at last raising this question on the Floor of the House. The Regulation which is the parent of all these other Regulations—that is, Regulation 51—was passed many months ago, so that it is, in a sense, an old grievance. But we have travelled gradually from one false position to another during the last two years, and at last the protest must be made. Undoubtedly the origin of the evil was in passing the Defence of the Realm Act, 1914, in the form in which it was passed. There was a protest made in another place, but there was no protest here. If I remember rightly, there was hardly any discussion. We did not then attack any Government or any set of persons or officials, because the origin of the evil arose at a time when a Liberal Government was in power, and, unfortunately, we were all at that moment so much under the fear and apprehension of this devastating War, which had only been in existence three or four months, that we wanted to give absolute power, so far as We could, to the Government of the day to enable them to administer the affairs of this country in the best possible way for the prosecution of the War. There is not a single hon. Member who believes that it is possible in time of war to allow the individual to enjoy as much personal liberty as he would in time of peace. That is, of course, impossible. But there is a great deal of difference between the curtailment of individual liberty and its destruction. My protest against this series of Regulations arises from the fact that, in my humble judgment, they go much too far and, indeed, go further than the power which has been exercised by any Government of this country in a time of war. Look at the position in regard to these Regulations! You do not legislate now; you simply pass a Defence of the Realm Act giving the Government of the day power from time to time to make Regulations by Order in Council. An Order in Council sounds something very magnificent. It sounds as if the Privy Council sat in solemn conclave and legislated by an Order with as much care as the House of Commons does. I am not, and never have been, in the secrets of any Government office, but I very much question if these Orders are drafted in that way, and if they are considered as carefully as that. I have heard rumours to the contrary from men who have been instrumental in drafting some of these Orders.

That is not all. These Regulations are given the force of law. They are drafted by certain people, and we do not know whether those people are competent to draft them. They are passed hurriedly by the Cabinet, which is engaged in very much more important matters, without due inquiry, without discussion and without debates such as we have here. Individual liberty is therefore bereft of the safeguards which you have in public discussion in Parliament. These Orders in Council are made behind closed doors, without any of the public being present, and it may be without adequate discussion or even adequate justification for any such Regulation. That is a position which has never been occupied before by any Government in the whole history of this Kingdom. There is another great difference in the present position. If you take the days of the Napoleonic Wars, if a man published what was thought by the Government of the day to be a seditious pamphlet or leaflet, he was prosecuted, but he was prosecuted before a jury. Erskine made his great reputation by defending men like Home, Tooke, and others, who were charged before a jury with having published seditious writings, and when Erskine attained the summit of his fame, he took as his motto, "Trial by Jury," because he had won the greatest fame that ever befell any lawyer in this country by defending before juries men who were charged with sedition. That safeguard has gone. A man is no longer tried by his peers. Even under the most favourable conditions, hardly ever a jury is asked to judge between a man charged with an offence by the Crown. I know there are one or two small exceptions. What happens now is that either a man is not tried at all, or he is tried before a bench of magistrates. I cannot conceive the Home Secretary or any Government being afraid to place these pamphlets before any bench of magistrates that I know in this country. At all events, they are not prejudiced in favour of any pacifist agitation or anything of that sort. To put it quite plainly, what may happen is this: A policeman may at any moment, under Regulation 51, enter into a printing house and seize anything that is on the premises, not merely the type, leaflets, pamphlets, literature or whatever it may be, but anything that is there, as long as he has a reason to believe that it is intended to be used to the prejudice to the safety of the Realm. Is it conceivable that if this House had been asked to accept such a Regulation in the form of the Bill they would have passed it? Yet that is the position in which we find ourselves. A fortnight or three weeks ago certain premises were raided in London and certain so-called seditious leaflets or pamphlets were seized. One was Mill's essay, "On Liberty,"—

And the other was Mr. H. G. Well's "A Reasonable Man's Peace." They have never been returned or, at any rate, they were not returned quite recently. They also seized money that was on the premises. I suppose the policeman thought that that would be used for a seditious purpose. He gave a receipt for the money.

My hon. and learned Friend is not quite correct in his statement. As regards the money, I gave the answer yesterday that there was no one to whom it could be returned, but it has now been returned. As to Mill's "On Liberty," that was not seized on the ground that it was objectionable, but because it was among other matter.

7.0 P.M.

The facts were given to me ex parte , and I have had no chance of testing them. I was informed that the facts I have stated were correct. The money was seized. Why seize money? According to the Regulations he not only had the right to seize it, but to destroy it or otherwise dispose of it. I hope I am not disposed to be unreasonable in these matters. I know my right hon. Friend, who was brought up in the traditions of the law, feels quite as strongly as I do on these matters of the liberty of the subject and freedom of expression. I submit with all the earnestness at my command that the powers given to my right hon. Friend under Regulation 51 are unnecessary, and that he can do with much less power than is given him, and can do all that he requires, and all that I am sure he wants, with a great modification of those powers. Regulation 51A seems to be drafted in a proper way. It provides for a reference to a magistrate. It provides that a magistrate's warrant shall be given on information before a policeman is allowed to enter, and after the policeman has entered and seized the documents that he shall go back to the-magistrate, who is to decide whether the writings are seditious or not, and if he decides that they are, they can be destroyed or otherwise disposed of. If, on the other hand, the magistrate finds that the pamphlets are not seditious, they must be restored to the owner within three days. Surely that gives my right hon. Friend all the powers that he requires.

I should like to know what is the history of these two Regulations. It is a very mysterious business altogether. 51A is the first of the series. It was made eighteen or nineteen months ago, and it seems to me that it was found by the Government of the day that 51 went much further than even they required, and 51A was drafted with a view to substituting it for 51. At all events, 51A is some months later in date to 51. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider whether he cannot do all that he wants under 51 A, and do away with 51 altogether. If the new Regulation 27C stood without 51 I am not sure that the protest would have been as unanimous on these benches, and generally throughout the country, as it has been. But the combination of the two, 51 and 27C, aggravates the arbitrary power with which the Government is invested, because no one knows what to expect when the Government has those two powers. I confine myself to the question of the liberty of expression of opinion unless it is found to be seditious or illegal or against the public safety by a competent judicial authority. Why invest the police or the competent military authority with powers which, hitherto in all our long history have been invested in the judiciary in some form or another? Our Courts of law are the great glory of this country, and it is this, function of the Courts of law which has made the Englishman boast with truth and pride that England was the freest country in the world. The arbitrariness of the Executive has always been curbed by the Courts of law if it has gone too far, and that was the result of the great fight that was fought out in this country when the great revolution, as we all thought, put a stop for ever to the arbitrary rule of the Executive of the day. I would appeal to the right hon. Gentleman if he cannot decide finally to-night to consider whether it is not possible for him to accept something in the nature of Regulation 51A as investing him with sufficient powers to do what every right-minded man wants him to do—to put down sedition. No one wishes to say a word in favour of seditious leaflets. All that we want is that before anything is branded as seditious writing it shall be so found by a competent judicial authority.

I am not sorry to have an opportunity of saying a few words as to the methods which have been adopted in dealing with pamphlets. I want to tell the Committee, to begin with, what it is I mean by a "pacifist," and in describing him as I have found him in his work I hope it will be understood that I do not include for a moment those who, like my hon. and learned Friend (Mr. L. Williams) and the great majority in this House, thoroughly appreciate the position in which we are and are anxious to do their utmost to help in winning the War. The pacifist, as I find him, is a man who not only wants peace—and we all want peace—but a man who wants peace at the price of surrender. [HON. MEMBERS: "Give the name of one!"] I am speaking of the men whose leaflets I have been dealing with for months past.

A man who, in order to get peace—for I credit him with that motive—is willing to do his best to hamper the raising of our Army, to persuade our young men not to serve, to interfere with the manufacture of munitions required by our Army, and, indeed, who is willing, for I am certain of it in many cases, in order to get peace for this country and other countries, to bring us to the pass where Russia is to-day. For that purpose these men are willing to use all means. I need not speak at any length, for they have not been mentioned in the Debate, of the whole network of associations of different kinds, fellowships, societies, and so on, which have grown up in this country for the purpose of pushing this kind of propaganda. Time after time we find the same men, the same leaders, coming up again and again in one association and another, in one fellowship and another, and it is obvious that there is a determined effort in this country to push propaganda for the kind of peace which I have described.

I want only to deal to-day with the question of the literature to which all the speeches we have heard were addressed. The kind of leaflet which we have been anxious to deal with—and I have many specimens in my office—is perfectly reckless in language. They exaggerate the number of casualties, they multiply the dead and the wounded by tens, by hundreds, and sometimes even by thousands. They put in every case the German view of the origin of the War, and the position of things to-day. The fault is always ours, never that of our enemies, or sometimes by a concession it is half ours and half that of our enemies. The air raids and murders of the inoffensive civil population are justified in these leaflets on the ground of our blockade—a well-known war measure—and always with constant iteration the German view of the War is put forward in these leaflets. The moral is always the same: "Do not join in the fight. Do not give your life for the country. Keep out of it if you can." These leaflets are spread all over our towns and in many of our country places. They are distributed by hand—gratuitously, of course, at meetings and in the streets. They are pushed under people's doors at night. Some of them are given to young fellows seventeen or eighteen years of age, giving a false statement of our position, and sometimes telling them how to act in order to become conscientious objectors to military service. They are intended to manufacture conscientious objectors and prevent these young fellows from serving their country. They are forced upon soldiers who are home on leave with the hope, I suppose, that they will take them back with them to the front. They are sent to relatives of soldiers who have been wounded or killed—as cruel a thing, I think, as could possibly be done. This kind of propaganda is carried on without cessation and without scruple. Let me read a letter which a soldier sent home to his father and the father has sent to me. This young officer says—it was written at the end of November last—

This is important, because if this kind of thing is going out we ought to get it clearly. Has the right hon. Gentleman ever seen a leaflet on the lines suggested in the letter?

I will do so, not with pleasure, but I will produce them readily. That is the kind of thing which is being distributed right through the country. Who pays for this work? I do not know. I say frankly that I cannot say who pays for it. The cost must be very great. If we are to apply the old Latin maxim, "Cui bono?"—to whose advantage is it? we know which is the country which benefits by this kind of propaganda. But I do not attach to these societies, or to their members, any intention to betray this country. I do not say that for a moment. Still less do I say they are paid by German gold. But they are doing German work. Many of the members I believe to be well-meaning peace cranks. Some of them are revolutionaries, who take this method, I suppose, of attaining their end. Some may have other motives. I do not desire to go into motives now. I can see the results, and the results are very serious indeed, and any Government which allowed this kind of thing to go on in war time would undertake a very serious responsibility. I would ask the Committee and my hon. and learned Friend whether we are to do nothing when we see this kind of thing going on. I value as much as anybody in this House our old freedom of speech, and I should be most reluctant to inter- fere, without necessity, with that free expression of our feelings and views which we have all enjoyed during the whole of our lives. But there is such a thing as freedom, and there is such a thing as licence, and in war time, as my hon. and learned Friend very reasonably said, we cannot expect to retain all the liberties which we were accustomed to in peace time, and which we shall soon have back when peace comes. If not, I do not know my countrymen.

In war time we must submit to some kind of sacrifice and some kind of inconvenience. I am the last to wish to interfere with freedom of expression, but I am quite willing myself to submit to some kind of restraint upon what one says or does if it is thought necessary by those who have the conduct of affairs for the purpose of winning the War. That being so, I think we were entitled, and, indeed, we were bound, to take some steps to meet the very serious attempts which have been made to hamper the conduct of this War by the Government of this country. I do not know of any single case where any such step has been taken for the purpose of stopping attacks upon the Government. They have only been taken for the purpose of preventing people from deliberately interfering with the conduct of the War by this country. We have taken steps, as the hon. and learned Gentleman says, we have taken serious steps, in two ways. First of all, we have carried on the raids to which reference has been made. We have searched several places recently because we have been anxious to get at the principal associations which were responsible for the issue of these leaflets. I have been anxious not to make attacks upon the small men who distribute the leaflets. I did not think these were the right people to attack, and it is not within my recollection that any such prosecution has taken place. I know of one case recently which I am at this very moment considering. My policy has been not to go for the distributors, but to go for the publishers. For that reason we have raided the offices of these associations, some of them having considerable funds, and others being offshoots or dependants of the larger associations. We have done that for the purpose not only of seizing stocks of leaflets and pamphlets to which objection might properly be taken, but for the purpose of ascertaining the sources from which their funds come and the way in which their funds are expended. I say frankly to the Committee that, so far as the reports I have hitherto obtained go, I cannot find evidence of direct German influence. I say that quite frankly. I do not say that I expected to find it, because that is not the kind of thing you put in your account books. At any rate, it is only fair to say that I did not find in the books any evidence on which I could charge any of these associations with being corrupted by German money. I find in many cases that the funds are supplied by the kind of peace cranks to whom I have referred, and some by very wealthy people who I am certain do not know or understand the purpose to which their contributions are put. I cannot make any further statement now as to the result of these raids because books and documents that have been found are under consideration. I think the raids that have been carried out have been of value to the Government as showing the sources from which the funds come, and showing which are the associations really responsible for the greater part of this propaganda.

We also caused to be made Regulation 27 C, which made provision, first, for a statement in the case of every leaflet dealing with the War of the names of the author and printer, with their addresses. No objection has been taken to that. I think it is desirable that those who take upon themselves to write about the War, and to circulate their views about the War, should at least give their names.

I should be very glad to listen to suggestions with a view to extending the Regulation, but I am not dealing with that now. The second part of this Regulation was that it required all leaflets to be submitted to and passed by the Press Bureau. Objection was taken from very responsible quarters to the provision that the leaflets should be passed by the Press Bureau. Objection was taken by parties in the House which, as we all know, are as anxious as any of us to win this War, and to do everything that is necessary in order to win the War. I appreciate the objection which every man feels to having his work and the legality of his action submitted to the judgment of some official at the Press Bureau. I do not agree with it—I should not mind that process in the least, myself in war-time—but I can understand it and I appreciate it. It was, I think the Committee will agree, very important that we should carry with us those who in this House and elsewhere have the same aims as ourselves in connection with the War, and for that purpose I think His Majesty's Government were right to re-consider that part of the Regulation and to omit the provision requiring leaflets to be passed by the Press Bureau, only requiring that they shall be submitted to the Press Bureau in order that we may know what is going on and who is responsible for the circulation. I am interested to gather from the speeches which have been made that no one in this House has quarrelled with the Regulation 27 C as it now stands. [An HON. MEMBER: "I do."] At any rate up to the present I have heard no objection to the modified Regulation 27 C.

The attack to-night has been upon Regulation 51, which has been in force for eighteen months or so, and which has been in use during that time. Let me deal with that Regulation. It has been suggested to the Committee that all the powers conferred by Regulation 51, so far as inspection, seizure, and destruction go, may be exercised by any policeman. That is not so. All that he can do is to inspect and seize. As a matter of fact, no policemen have exercised that power under Regulation 51. It has always been the policy of the Home Office that the police should not use Regulation 51. Even if a policeman were authorised to inspect and seize, he is not authorised to destroy. The full power of which the hon. Gentleman complained is given to the competent military authority, and not to the police. I was very much interested in the speech of the hon. Member for Stockport (Mr. Hughes), which enlivened this Debate, and especially to what he said about the Rev. Thomas Tompkins. Let me tell the Committee that the powers which are conferred by Regulation 51 on the competent military authority are not exercised by the military officers who are in charge in the different districts of the country. They are never exercised except by the specific instructions of the officer in chief command at the War Office of the Department dealing with these matters, who is an officer of great experience, great judgment, and responsibility. He is a very distinguished officer, who exercises very great care in these matters. It is he who on every occasion investigates the particular matter of the leaflet in question, and gives directions for these searches to be made and for further action to be taken. More than that, even he never exercises the power of destruction of which complaint has been made, except after reference to the Secretary of State for the Home Department. The Committee will see from the statement which I have made that these powers, which, I agree, are remarkable but are justified, because we are in war time, are not exercised without due control and due care. The hon. Gentleman who opened the Debate asked that in every case we should prosecute before we destroyed.

I asked the right ion. Gentleman in those cases where he desired not to prosecute, and where, therefore, presumably he concluded that the leaflet or pamphlet was a legal one, he should not destroy, but should return it to the owner.

That is putting in another way that which I have just said, that we were asked not to destroy unless we prosecuted. I do not think that we ought to take that course. There is a lot of literature, small stuff, produced very often by small people like the Dutchman whom we raided the other day and who has been deported, who are not worth prosecuting. We may get some thousands or some tens of thousands of leaflets obviously seditious. Are we to wait until we have gone through the whole process of prosecution of some small printer who is responsible for it? Very often a prosecution has the effect of advertising the publication in question, and then of advertising the man responsible for it, who is very glad of advertisement for certain other purposes. I think there are many cases in which seizure is a better weapon for this purpose than prosecution from the point of view of public interest. I do not think it desirable in all these cases to force us to prosecute. I think that the power of seizure is very often more effective than the power of prosecution. Admittedly we cannot wait. It would be the height of folly, as has been done in past times, to prosecute first and seize afterwards, because while you are conducting the prosecution the whole mischief is done and your seizure is of no use. In a recent paper there was an account given of action which has been taken by the United States. Power has been given to the Postmaster-General to deal with newspapers and other matter. The publication of news calculated to urge the people to violate the law is considered an offence, and the Postmaster-General says,

The hon. and learned Gentleman opposite referred to the distinction between 51 and 51 A. I confess that I do not think that 51A is quite satisfactory for a reason which he will appreciate. You cannot use the Regulation without first going to a magistrate and getting an order. That very often neutralises the whole thing. Whether it is possible to adopt the suggestion, and say that we will not destroy without further consideration is a matter which is worth thinking over, and I will think it over and see whether anything can be done in that direction without hampering the powers which the Government must have for carrying on the War. Subject to that observation, I must say that having now had experience for a good many months of the evil which we have had to meet and of the powers necessary in order to deal with it, I do think that the powers given by the Regulation are not greater than ought to be given to the Government in a war such as this. We have, I agree, extremely strong powers. I have often said so in this House and elsewhere, but those powers are, I believe, necessary in order to enable us to assist in carrying on the War. The Government are using these powers for war purposes, and war purposes only. If there are cases of their being used for any other purpose, I hope sincerely that we shall be told of it in this House. Unless we are told that that is the case we intend to go on using the powers with which we are entrusted for the benefit of the country, and I hope and believe that the House will support us in our action.

The right hon. Gentleman has said that he will consider the question of not utilising the powers of destroying. So far as the owners are concerned, to confiscate those leaflets is the same thing as destroying them, and I should be glad if he will at the same time tell the House that he will consider refraining from utilising the powers of confiscation as well as the powers of destruction.

I do not think that there is any question of confiscation apart from destruction. It is our custom not to sanction destruction except in cases where the matter is carefully considered before we give the sanction.

I much regret that, having been in the service of the House elsewhere, I was unable to hear the early part of the Debate, but I gather from the. Home Secretary the course which it has taken. The subject which is now under discussion is one of the most important and, at the same time, one of the most difficult with which an Administration can deal in time of war. It is the question of powers to be exercised in time of war in regulating the expression of public opinion and the dissemination of information. There are certain principles on which there is universal agreement. No one will deny that the State has the right to prevent the circulation of military or naval information which is of value to the enemy. No one will deny that the State has the right of punishing incitements to breaches of the law, as we know is done in the United States. Most of the instances given by the right hon. Gentleman are instances of that character. Leaflets, for instance, which urge resistance to compulsory military service are clearly an incitement to a breach of the law, and it is quite legitimate to prosecute and suppress leaflets or pamphlets which discourage recruiting, which imperil our relations with our Allies, or cause disaffection. All these are already illegal in the eyes of the law. Therefore, few can hold the opinion that it is improper on the part of the Government to attack them and suppress them. The difficulty arises where these questions of breach of the law slip into questions of policy. Are we entitled to say that those who in time of war oppose the national policy ought to be prevented from disseminating their views? There is, of course, a natural instinct on the part of some of us who favour, as we have favoured from the beginning, the policy adopted by this country in reference to the War, to say that those who are against it are pro tanto injuring this country, that they are dividing opinion at home, that they are comforting our enemies in time of war, that they ought to keep silence, and that if they do not voluntarily keep silence the firm hand of the State ought to be applied to compel them to do so. I do not say that that is the policy that has been adopted by the Government, but it is a policy which has very many advocates in the Press and some advocates in this House, and I am not quite clear from the Home Secretary's speech whether he does or does not hold that view. It is a policy which, if adopted, would, of course, in the Crimean War, have silenced John Bright, and in the case of the South African War would have silenced the present Prime Minister.

We come here to the real test whether we do or do not believe in free speech. It is very easy to tolerate opinions when we agree with those opinions. It is very easy to maintain freedom of speech when we approve of what is said by the speaker. The real test of whether we believe in the practice of free speech or not is when we disapprove of what is said by the speaker and when the opinion which he expresses is one with which we disagree profoundly, which we regard as unpatriotic, and which we may regard even as pernicious. There is, of course, from the standpoint of efficiency, a great deal to be said in time of war for the doctrine of the strong, dominant, ruthless State which is determined to have unity at home as well as victory abroad and which tramples upon anyone who resists its purpose at home just as it would trample upon enemies abroad. That is, of course, the German view. It has never been—at all events, in modern times—the British view, and I submit that it ought not to be the British view now. It is the view of Cæsarism, and in this War our purpose is to bury Cæsarism and not to imitate it. It is very easy to say that anyone who holds that persons who are opposed to the national policy nevertheless should have the right of expressing their opposition must themselves be in sympathy with that view. It is easy to say that. I have not the slightest doubt that the accusation will be readily made, but it is an unfair accusation. It is not fair that because you think that those who are against the national policy—who think that the War might have been avoided by better statesmanship, or that it might even now be ended by negotiation—it is unfair to say that because you hold the opinion that they should not be prevented by law from expressing them, you must therefore be openly or secretly in favour of these views.

That test was invariably applied in the old days of religious persecution, when it was freely said if you are not ready to burn heretics you must yourself be in some degree in sympathy with the heretics, for if you were genuinely and honestly against them you would say, "This heresy must be rooted out if the true religion is to be maintained," and you would act yourself vigorously in rooting it out. It is, I say, an unfair accusation. In these cases and in other cases we must separate the question of the right of freely expressing opinions from our own views as to whether those opinions are sound or not. For myself, I am in entire antagonism to the views which are expressed in leaflets or in speeches which state that our policy in this War is wrong, that the War could have been avoided, and that Germany has some degree of justice on her side. I am not one of those who think that at this moment it is possible to obtain by negotiation a satisfactory peace. I hold these views most strongly, but at the same time I consider that the Government will be taking a false step if, in any degree, they allow their control of leaflets and pamphlets which are seditious or illegal to slip into an attempt to exercise control over leaflets and pamphlets which are critical of the national policy in this War. No Government, in my view, has the right to decide when and by whom its own policy is to be opposed. A Government ought not to attempt, even in time of war, to turn on or turn off, as though they had a tap in their own hands, expressions of opinion. There is, further, this very great disadvantage in trying to suppress pacifist propaganda, as such, by means of censorship of leaflets which the Home Secretary has recently acknowledged. If you say that any leaflet or pamphlet is to be submitted to censorship and that it may not be published without consent, you are in this dilemma. The pamphlet presented may not be contrary to law, but it may be one to which you have great objection. You may not wish to suppress it, you may not feel justified in doing that, but if you pass it you pass it with your "imprimatur." That term is really a relic of the censorship in the days of the Inquisition. The leaflet then appears to have some degree of official authority. If you endeavour to exercise control in these cases you share or seem to share some responsibility for the publication of material which you find yourself obliged to pass but which you do not like. So far, with regard to the general principles, which I have ventured to detain the House by examining, because I do not think that we can profitably come to the question of the particular methods we apply in individual cases unless we know in general what our standpoint is and what it is we really need to do. I submit that the right aim of the Government in these matters should be to suppress that which is illegal, that which is seditious, and that which contravenes the clear terms of the Defence of the Realm Regulations.

What would the right hon. Gentleman say in regard to a pamphlet which propagated false views as to the origin of the War or the rights of the War?

If it is a question of opinion I do not think it ought to be suppressed, but if it is a clear travesty of fact that is punishable under the Defence of the Realm Regulations which make it a punishable offence for a person to make any false statement in the matter of the War. As to the question whether or not it is an opinion or whether it is a false statement of fact that ought to be tried, if any particular case arose, in a Court of law—

I would remind the right hon. Gentleman that on a former occasion I quoted to this House extracts from a catechism. One question put to the catechist was, "Did not Germany begin the War?" The reply was, "No; we declared War on the 4th August, 1914." The fact in that case was true but the impression conveyed was false.

In such a case as that it might be worth while to prosecute, but I rather doubt it. In general, my own view is that propaganda which we think objectionable ought to be met by counter-propaganda [An HON. MEMBER: "Paid for out of public funds!"] That is a separate question. There have been in recent discussions on this matter two separate issues which appear to me to have been somewhat confused. There is the question of censorship—of requiring all matters to be submitted to the Censor and making it illegal to publish that which does not pass the Censor. And then there is the question of the seizure by executive action of pamphlets or leaflets. That is entirely a separate question. With the great part of the proposed Regulation 27 C I find myself in entire agreement. I think it quite right that the name of the printer should be required to be put on the leaflet. The previous penalty, I think it was £5, for failure to do that is clearly not adequate in these days. It is also quite right to require the deposit before distribution of the leaflet so that the Executive might keep track of it, and more rapidly and actively take proper steps whenever it was proposed to issue it in defiance of the law. I am quite at one with the Home Secretary in considering that a great deal of this propaganda is not merely pernicious but distinctly illegal, and that it ought to be vigorously attacked and suppressed. It is not a satisfactory state of things that it should be possible for these leaflets to be scattered in large numbers all over the country before the Government has knowledge of them or that the mischief should be done before proper action can be taken. The Government therefore are quite right, in my opinion, in requiring the leaflet to be deposited a reasonable time before it is issued. Of course there is an exception in the case of leaflets intended for election purposes which have to be issued without delay.

But when it was proposed that the Censor should for the first time have the right of declaring whether or not a leaflet should be published, and when it was also proposed that there should be no appeal from his decision, then I think the Government went much too far. Previously the Courts of law had always had the last word, either by the publisher being prosecuted by the Government for issuing the leaflet and a magistrate deciding whether the prosecution was just or not, or else by the publisher of the leaflet prosecuting the Government, if he desired to do so, for having seized his leaflet improperly. By one means or other the matter could be left in all cases for the determination of a magistrate or judge. 27 C as originally drafted for the first time stated that it was to be an offence for a leaflet to be published, not because it had in it anything wrong, but because it had not been passed by the Censor. That introduced an entirely new and most dangerous principle. It is one thing to exercise control through the Courts of law on a definite charge after hearing evidence, but it is another thing to exercise control through a man in a room, using a blue pencil, and from whose decision there can be no appeal. Our views with regard to Regulation 27 C have been fully met by the Government, and, so far as we are concerned, there is now no controversy on that question, and we have no further representations to make in respect of it.

I come now to the question of seizure. No new power has been taken here by the Government, and all that has been done is to facilitate the exercise of the power in proper cases by requiring leaflets to be deposited three days in advance of issue. That power has been exercised almost from the beginning of the War, and probably members of the Committee will remember how early in 1915 the "Globe" newspaper was suppressed by the action of the Government on account of certain statements which appeared in it. I do not suggest that the Government should always prosecute before seizure. I think it is necessary if the leaflet is deposited and if it is considered to be objectionable or illegal that the copies of it should be seized in advance before the prosecution takes place. The general rule which I laid down when I had the honour to be Home Secretary was that these matters ought to be determined by the Courts, and not by the Executive. There may be some exceptional cases; for example, the "Globe" newspaper case was an exceptional case. There may be cases, I think some arose in my time, where a newspaper of a very extremist type was prosecuted and convicted; but it reappeared, and much the same matter was produced in subsequent numbers as was contained in the first issue. In those cases the course of procedure was by means of seizure and suppression. But they were exceptional cases. I remember being in conflict on several occasions with hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway on account of prosecutions authorised by the Director of Public Prosecutions with the approval of the Home Secretary. There were a number of prosecutions, and I submit that that is the right course. Prosecutions are in many cases necessary, and ought to be undertaken, and the policy which I think the Home Office ought to adopt in these matters is in all cases either before seizure or after seizure to bring them before the Courts. If you do not bring such cases before the Courts the papers which have been seized ought to be returned. It is quite true that any person aggrieved could himself bring the Government into Court on an action for damages for trespass, but that is a very difficult obligation to throw upon an individual, and it may become a very expensive and onerous business, if the matter is taken from one Court to another. If you seize without prosecuting, and tell the person who is aggrieved "You can prosecute me, and that is the only way to get a determination by a Court of law," it really comes to very much the same thing as simply seizing by executive action.

May I ask this question?. Where the Home Secretary decides that a pamphlet is primâ facie very pernicious, and resolves on prosecution, would my right hon. Friend allow the wholesale dissemination of it before the Courts of law can decide the matter?

Certainly not! I thought I had made that clear. I think it absolutely essential that the Executive should have such powers in its hands as will enable it to prevent effectively the dissemination of any leaflet or pamphlet which is of an illegal character, whether before prosecution or after prosecution. Seize first, in order to prevent dissemination, and then lay the matter before the Courts of law, who are the right people to decide upon the leaflets or pamphlets, and if on examination you decide not to prosecute, if you discover that the case is one where the pamphlet is not likely to be condemned by the Court, then do not meet it by executive action or by detaining the published matter. You ought to have two categories only—things that are illegal and things that are not illegal. Things that are illegal ought to be prosecuted and condemned; things that are not illegal ought not to be suppressed by executive action. That appears to me to be the right policy to be pursued.

8.0 P.M.

Let me, in conclusion, turn to a somewhat different matter which, so far as I know, has not been raised to-day, namely, the action of the Home Office in respect to public meetings. I will say only a word or two with regard to that. I confess I heard with some anxiety replies given by the Home Secretary to certain questions with regard to orders for the suppression of certain public meetings. There is, of course, no right in the executive to prohibit a public meeting, except under the powers of the Defence of the Realm Act, which provides that a meeting may be suppressed if in the opinion of the Home Secretary it is likely to give rise to grave, disorder, imposing an undue strain on the police or on the military. Short of that, the duty lies on the executive of protecting meetings in the interests of the right of free speech. When this matter was discussed at the time of the Boer War, when several meetings had been broken up, the present Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Balfour), who was then Prime Minister, very fully and fairly recognised that the duty lay on the Executive of protecting meetings, even though they were meetings of a very unpopular character; and the same doctrine, of course, was enforced by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, who was then Leader of the Opposition. It is in war-time a most distasteful duty, because the natural sympathies of the police, of the Government, and of the military will probably be very little with the persons whom it will be their duty to protect. Nevertheless, that duty has to be performed; as a rule it is performed, and meetings are protected against disorder. There are cases, however, in which disorder so grave is to be feared that the Government must step in to stop the meeting. I was myself responsible, when I had the honour to be Home Secretary, for the passing of the Regulation which gave power for the first time to the Home Secretary to intervene in such cases. The cause of it was a pacifist demonstration proposed to be held in Trafalgar Square on the Easter Sunday of the year 1916, a demonstration which would undoubtedly have given rise to a very serious riot in London. We passed that Defence of the Realm Regulation. We suppressed that meeting, but that was the only meeting which was suppressed under that Regulation during the time that I was Home Secretary.

I had many requests from different parts of the country for Orders to be made to prevent meetings being held. Frequently it was alleged that serious disorder would occur unless they were suppressed. I did not accede to any of those requests in any case; only on one occasion was there any disorder worth speaking of—that was at the Conference at Cardiff—and in that case the disorder did not give rise to any loss of life or injury to limb, and was not really of a serious character. The Home Secretary said that in such cases he proposes to take the appropriate action, and I should think—although he has not given any figures—that there have been several cases where Orders have been made by him under that Regulation. It is a very dangerous power. It is likely, if freely used, to lead persons who disapprove of meetings being held to threaten disorder precisely in order to get this power exercised by the Home Office, and if that were to go on continuously you would have free speech entirely destroyed. If that were done you would immediately have a reaction, and many good citizens who entirely disapprove of the purpose of these meetings would nevertheless sympathise with any agitation which might be raised by the hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway in defence of the right of free speech. You are always in the danger if you go too far in these matters of throwing into association with those you are opposing many good citizens who do not agree with those persons' views, but who do attach great importance to the retention of the right of free speech on all occasions. I hope the Home Secretary in exercising these powers under the Regulations will hear in mind that it always the prime duty of the Executive to protect a meeting against attack, and only in the last resort to prevent a meeting being held. I must apologise to the Committee for having detained it so long, but I venture to submit that those are the principles and the practice which Parliament should expect the Executive of the day to adopt.

I have listened with close attention to the speech just made by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Samuel). I think we should all agree with the argument advanced by him to the effect that it is not always an easy thing to make up your mind whether a pamphlet should or should not be stopped if the opinions contained in the pamphlet do not coincide with your own. The task is, of course, a hard one. I quite agree, also, and I think everybody will agree, with the contentions of the right hon. Gentleman to the effect that you have in this country to allow real freedom of speech. But is that the test for the moment? Has the right hon. Gentleman quite clearly realised what the test is that for practical purposes at this time we ought to apply? I submit the test is a simple one, and that it is this: Are the threatened utterances, whether verbal or in pamphlet form—whether you agree with them or whether you do not—such as will hurt the national policy and the national aim at the moment? It is a narrower consideration than you have to apply in normal times? It is a simpler one, but in my submission it is the true one now, namely, not Are these opinions with which I agree or with which I do not agree?—but Are the opinions such that their circulation will even possibly have a deleterious effect on the action of the Government in carrying on the War? Hon. Gentlemen say, "Who can decide?" I do think, again, that if you apply the test which I am seeking to apply, namely, the national necessity at the moment, the one thing you have to aim at is to stop this evil at its source. I submit it is no good pursuing the normal condition of things in abnormal times. As a lawyer I should, of course, agree with the proposition that if you are going to confiscate a man's property, and if you are going to take drastic steps of any kind against him, you should appeal to the law, and should get the sanction of the law. Looking at this as a practical question, however, what would that mean? It would mean that you would have—first seize, if you like—to prosecute before one, probably two, and possibly three Courts.

Notice taken that forty Members were not present. House counted, and forty Members being found present—

Although refreshed by the interval provided by the courteous attention of the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Pringle), I will not now repeat the argument which I was addressing to the Committee, but will say just a few words upon the subject to which I was addressing myself, namely, whether or not in this provision which we are discussing at the present time it is a fair, a reasonable, or a common-sense argument to suggest that you have to follow the Courts of law, to follow practically the normal procedure? As I was pointing out, the practice for which the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Samuel) and the hon. and learned Gentleman who spoke before him contend would have the result that at every such prose- cution you would give publicity to the very pamphlet which you wanted to suppress, the circulation of which you think would harm the interests of the country. This is like a disease that has to be stamped out at its source. It has to be dealt with in the same way. It is no good going through the necessarily long process involved in judicial inquiries. You have to stop the dissemination of this matter through any sources, and not make easier, using the law as a sort of conduit, the circulation of stuff which you want to keep back.

We in this House have become tolerant—I suppose it cannot be otherwise—of a band of hon. Members of this House who doubtless hold strongly the views which they express. There are those, I think, who, like myself, regret that those views are expressed so often, and that they are so often expressed as they are by means of interjection and interruption, instead of by the legitimate speech which is the normal procedure of this House. I suppose, however, it is one of the privileges of the House of Commons that every man may express when he can the views he holds, but it is surely regrettable that this little band of men cannot be got to see that at any rate, however honest they may be in the convictions which they hold in the public interest, they might keep them back in this time of national necessity. They do do harm. Speeches do harm; pamphlets do more harm. Dissemination here and abroad of these so-called convictions of even a small body of responsible British Members of Parliament does incalculable injury. We see what has happened in Russia. We know something of the dissemination of literature of this kind in Italy. We have even some examples of the beginning of what might ultimately develop into trouble in countries of our own, and surely, however honestly and firmly men may hold these convictions, it is not the time to express them if they wish, as we all wish, that the war should be concluded in a manner successful to our country, our honour, our interests, and the well-being of our people and of our Empire. Surely it might occur to them from time to time that this is not the time to excite the passions of their friends, or to raise public opinion against the interests of those who are giving their lives to the country, and that they ought to do nothing to impede what ought to be the stern and unhindered progress of the national effort to bring this War to a successful conclusion.

The net result of the argument of the hon. and learned Member, just addressed to the House is that any opinion which differs from that which he holds should not be allowed to be expressed at a time like this. But it was not for the purpose of replying to the hon. and learned Member that I rose, but for the purpose of protesting very strongly against the most unwarranted, unfounded, and scandalous attack made by the Home Secretary upon certain people whom he called pacifists. When the right hon. Gentleman was a private Member sitting on the benches on this side of the House, above the Gangway, he was looked upon as one of the most reasonable and sober-minded and tolerant members of the Unionist party. I can remember many occasions, when the Unionist party wanted a persuasive speech to be made in this House, that the then hon. Member was selected for the purpose. But he has certainly not lived up to that pre-official character, for since he has become a member of the Government we have had many and good reasons to complain about the unfounded insinuations and innuendoes in which the right hon. Gentleman indulges against those with whom he happens to differ on questions of the day. He described the people he calls pacifists as men and women who are anxious to bring about, at the earliest possible moment, a peace which would defeat the interests of this country. I should like to protest against that statement, in the name of the men and women who make this propaganda, that it has the effect or character he described. I know as much, and probably a great deal more than he does, about pacifist activities in this country. I know something about the literature they circulate, and I am not ashamed to say that I myself have been officially associated with its publication. I have never seen any pamphlet or leaflet of the character which the right hon. Gentleman described this afternoon. He said he had these leaflets in his possession. I deny that he has such leaflets in his possession, or, if he has, they have been printed by the Government. My hon. Friend the Member for Attercliffe (Mr. Anderson), in this House to-day, asked a question about a leaflet printed by a Government Department for the purpose of inciting unrest amongst the industrial population of this country, and that is the sort of thing the Government are doing. What about the notorious case of Alec Gordon? The Government have spies to try and find evidence, which is a pure fabrication, against those who are called pacifists, so that they may condemn innocent people to imprisonment on the evidence of men they dare not produce in Court.

The right hon. Gentleman said he had leaflets in his possession which practically invited people to resist the Conscription Act, and commit crimes of a like character. I deny that the right hon. Gentleman has any such leaflets in his possession, or, if he has, why does he not publish them? There has been no prosecution, amongst the innumerable prosecutions that have taken place, of a leaflet of that character. The right hon. Gentleman, having no case with which to meet the charges made against his Department's administration of the Defence of the Realm Act, has to rely upon what I again describe as pure fabrication. The right hon. Gentleman said he wondered where the money came from to finance the distribution of these leaflets. He has raided every one of the associations which are responsible for the distribution of what he calls pacifist literature, and, after having taken away the books and everything to be found in the offices, he has to admit that, after weeks of examination of those books themselves, he can find no evidence whatever of any money from tainted sources. The right hon. Gentleman had not then the manliness to admit that the slanders which have been so freely circulated about the pacifist movement being financed by German gold were unfounded; but he went on to use words which insinuated that if such money had been received it did not appear in their accounts. Every organisation in this country engaged in pacifist work is perfectly willing to submit to the Government the names of the persons who have contributed to their funds. I will tell the right hon. Gentleman where the money comes from—money comes from men and women who believe in their principles and are prepared to pay for them. The pacifist propaganda in this country is carried on with the donations of honest men who are not only as partiotic as the right hon. Gentleman, but have a great deal more intelligence on the matter of what constitutes the best interests of this country than he and his Friends possess. The pacifist propaganda in this country is carried on by men and women who are prepared to pay for what they believe, and, unlike the agitation in support of the War, we do not apply to the Government to finance our propaganda out of public funds, and compel, by law, men and women to support a propaganda in which they do not believe.

Five thousand a year, and they will not give a penny for their own propaganda.

I proceed now to offer a few observations about the general question under discussion. I agree with a great deal of what the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Cleveland said. In a very few words, I may summarise what our position is in regard to the powers which the Government may exercise at a time like this. I agree that at exceptional times like the present the Government should have exceptional powers, but, having said that, I go on to say that the powers they do possess are altogether too drastic, and the way in which they exercise those powers is quite unreasonable and unnecessarily harsh. They are quite within their rights in taking powers and exercising them to prevent the publication of any statement likely to interfere with or prejudice military or naval operations. But what they have done—and it is against this we complain—as far as they possibly could, is to prevent the circulation of political leaflets and opinions upon matters of policy. It was never contemplated, when the House agreed to the Defence of the Realm Act, that its powers were going to be exercised for the suppression of opinions which were unpalatable to them. The right hon. Gentleman said that the Government, or that he himself, had never interfered to prevent criticism of the Government. I will give him a very recent case in point, that has occurred since the publication of the Regulation 27 C. A certain organisation, with headquarters in London, submitted a leaflet to the Press Bureau which contained nothing at all but a heading, "Is this Fair Play?" and then extracts from questions put by an hon. Friend and the replies given by the Home Secretary. The distribution of that leaflet was forbidden by the Press Bureau. Again, we had the case of Lord Lansdowne's letter. The Home Secretary said that could not be published in a leaflet without the permission of the Press Bureau. Is he aware that that letter has been published in full in many newspapers in this country, and that it is calculated that not less than three hundred millions of people have seen or read that letter? And yet the Press Bureau, acting as the representative of the Government, in its wisdom forbids the publication of twenty, or thirty, or forty thousand of that letter in the form of a leaflet. I gather, from an answer yesterday, that they have permitted the publication of President Wilson's letter and message as a leaflet. I suppose why in one case they grant permission and in the other refuse is because they approve of President Wilson's message and disapprove of Lord Lansdowne's letter.

The operation of Regulation 27 C in its original form, and even in its amended form, is quite impossible without causing a great many injustices and unconscionable positions. For instance: I am connected with a certain newspaper. I am permitted, without submitting to the Press Bureau, to write and publish articles in that newspaper, and yet I am not permitted to say the same thing in the form of a leaflet without the permission of the Press Bureau, or, in the amended form, without rendering myself liable to have the leaflets seized and destroyed. Take Regulation 51, about which a good deal has been said this afternoon. What is the origin of that Regulation, and for what purpose was it first adopted? It was never intended, when the Regulation was adopted by Order in Council, that it should be used for the purpose to which it is now being applied. That Regulation was adopted because it was considered necessary to give very drastic powers to the police and military authorities to search for concrete fortifications and the like. It was never intended, and I do not believe it ever entered into the mind of those who framed it, for the purpose of dealing with leaflets and other publications. May I give one or two instances of what the Government have done recently under the power they have under Regulation 51? The right hon. Gentleman said that amongst the leaflets he referred to were some dealing with casualties. I believe there have been only two leaflets issued dealing with casualties. One contained figures which have been published by the War Office itself, and yet in making reference to it the right hon. Gentleman says that the figures had been greatly exaggerated. If they were, it was by the War Office.

The right hon. Gentleman said that the figures were exaggerated by hundreds of thousands, and they could not exaggerate the figures if no figures were there. The first leaflet of these casualty leaflets was seized and condemned, though it was not taken to Court by the competent military or naval authorities. As a matter of fact, the police visited my own house and took away the leaflets that happened to be in our possession, and which numbered probably a dozen. They never brought the case to Court. When the police seized that leaflet another was substituted for it, and that is the second of the casualty leaflets to which the right hon. Gentleman referred.

Then it is extremely difficult to know to what the right hon. Gentleman refers. He dare not specifically state to what he does refer. If the right hon. Gentleman's case had been well founded he would have brought those leaflets to which he referred, and would not his case be far stronger than it was if he had done so? The second leaflet contained nothing except two sentences quoted verbatim from a speech of the Prime Minister to this effect, that it is well the country should know the truth and that they should know the facts, whether the facts are palatable or unpalatable. The rest of the leaflet was confined to the reproduction of an article from the "Manchester Guardian." The "Manchester Guardian" was not prosecuted for publishing that article. The "Daily Telegraph" publishes a summary of all the casualties for a number of preceding months. What could be the effect of that in the minds of those who read it? Surely the same effect as the leaflet in question. The Government did not prosecute in the case of the second leaflet, but they seized them in Manchester and apparently destroyed them, for the leaflets were never returned, and that action was taken at the time a by-election was going on in Salford, and those leaflets and others were intended for distribution as part of the election literature.

About these recent raids, under Regulation 51 the police can enter any house, and, acting upon suspicion, can take away anything they please; and as a matter of fact they do. The right hon. Gentleman yesterday, and again to-day, took credit to himself or his officials for having returned certain money which they took away from a private house they raided. Why did they take away the money? The right hon. Gentleman said it was because there was nobody there to whom they could entrust it. Quite true; but does the right hon. Gentleman know what happened? The police waited until the house was empty, and then, like a thief in the night or like a burglar, they broke open the premises and took away practically everything, including that money and a typewriter. The right hon. Gentleman was compelled to admit that the Defence of the Realm was not necessarily imperilled by a typewriter being in the possession of a private individual. There have been, I think, something like twenty raids upon central organisations in London during the last month or six weeks and not one prosecution has followed those raids. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the Dutch printer. The Dutch printer was not responsible for the publication of the offending leaflet. It was a perfectly harmless leaflet. It contained a poem by Whittier, a prayer, and a few texts of Scripture. The organisation responsible for the publication of that leaflet had its name printed upon it. The printer was in a very small way of business. He printed the leaflet as a matter of business, and yet the police let the authors of the leaflet go free, while they went to this man's printing office and destroyed his printing machinery. Knowing that they had no case in a Court of law they used their powers of deportation to send a man who has lived the greater part of his life in this country, who is married to an English woman, and who has a family born and brought up in this country—to tear him away from his family and to leave his family ruined and destitute—to send him where they have thought fit.

Just another case. The right hon. Gentleman said that the powers under Regulation 51 are drastic. They are, and in the execution of these powers the authorities have gone beyond what they are entitled to do under this Regulation. Let me give him a case, in point. A few weeks ago the police visited the offices of the Blackfriars Press, London, which is a subsidiary company of the National Labour Press. They went there saying that they desired to see copies of a certain publication which is printed by the National Labour Press. They seized all the copies, all the manuscripts, and other matters connected with the printing and publication of the paper. They were not satisfied with that. They demanded from the manager a written undertaking that he would not print any future issue of that paper. He was told that unless he gave that undertaking at once the machinery would be broken up. The machinery included eight linotype machines, worth nearly £2,000 each. The police threatened that unless he gave that undertaking the machines would be broken up. Under duress he signed that agreement. The matter was reported, of course, to the directors of the company. They at once said that they would not recognise the undertaking that their manager had given under duress. We wrote to the competent—incompetent!—military authority, and we told him that we did not recognise the undertaking our manager had given, and that the proprietors of the newspaper would continue the publication, and defy the authorities. We would do that, we said, and take the consequences. That we have done. For some time back the paper has been printed at the old place. What, however, happened in the meantime? The proprietors of the newspaper applied to another printer. He asked the War Office if he might print the paper. They said they would not interfere. But this Regulation 51, with all its drastic powers, enables the police to discriminate as between one printing house and another, and to use that power to deprive one printer of business and to give it to another. Again, under what authority did the police in that case demand that an undertaking should be given not to print future copies of the newspaper?

I quite admit that there may be something in one issue of a newspaper which is a violation of the Regulations under the Defence of the Realm Act. But, surely, because of that, future issues of the paper, which may be perfectly harmless, are not to be suppressed? Again, the police came acting under the warrant of the military authority and seized that paper. For what reason? They never said. If there was an offending article in that issue of the paper then the proprietors of the paper ought to have been prosecuted. As a matter of fact the police never visited either the editorial or the publishing offices of that paper. The same thing has been done in regard to other journals. What does all this mean? It means that the Government are acting through their officials in an arbitrary, tyranical, discriminating, and oppressive manner; that they are conscious that their action is illegal, and that therefore they do everything they possibly can to save themselves from having their actions tested in a Court of law. What we demand then is this. I do not object that the name of the writer or the name of the printer should be on any leaflet. So far as I am personally concerned I do not believe since this War that I have ever published a single line either in a newspaper or in any other form to which my name has not been attached. I am not afraid of expressing the opinions I hold, and I expressed those opinions conscious of the risk I was running. If I violate the law, then I am prepared to pay the consequences. I am not prepared to have the question settled by an official of the War Office, or an ordinary constable. I am not going to let them say whether my opinions are legal or illegal—and I claim the same right for everybody else! Let us have that question settled in a Court of law.

I know that an unpopular cause or an unpopular person gets very scant justice even in a Court of law. Still, with all the limitations of justice to-day, we very much prefer that we should have that tribunal to which to appeal rather than to be judged by some unknown executive officer. In the last two or three weeks, perhaps a little longer—at any rate, almost during the whole period of office of the present Home Secretary—these Regulations under the Defence of the Realm Act have been administered more harshly than had been the case for some time before. We had difficulties and differences with the right hon. Gentleman who spoke just now, but, at any rate, in those days it was the usual practice of the Home Office to bring the case into Court and let the Court decide the issue. I just want to say this, as bearing upon the action of the Home Office during the last few months: When this Coalition Government was formed, the present Prime Minister invited Labour Members to meet him. He was anxious to secure their support for the Government he was about to form. We met him. Seven questions were put to him. I put this question to him: "Are we to expect a more drastic administration of the Defence of the Realm Act under the new Government?" What was his reply. It was this:

The hon. Member who has just sat down, in the course of his speech, has given chapter and verse for many of those events of which hon. Members have already spoken. I think what, he has said ought to make its proper impression on the Home Office. After all, truth is mighty, and will prevail, and if those leaflets are based on false figures, or false information, they will fail, and deserve to fail, but if they are based on truth, then it seems to me that any action on the part of the Home Office to interfere with the dissemination of the truth will rebound upon those who take such action; and I would say to the hon. Member that the very fact that there has been this action taken against the propaganda work and the dissemination of truth is, I think, the most eloquent testimony of the efficacy and the soundness of the truth for which he stands. To-night we are voting a sum of £550,000,000, and I think perhaps a few observations upon the financial aspects of this large sum may be relevant to what we are doing, and may also, I think, be of some service. The right hon. Gentleman the late Chancellor of the Exchequer said that our war finance depended on our War aims, and I think the hon. Member for East Mayo complained—and I think very properly complained—that when we are asked to vote this large sum we surely are entitled to have some survey of the War situation and of the political situation. We know that a few weeks ago there was a manifesto issued by a former Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Lord Lansdowne, which undoubtedly has created a great deal of discussion, and about which I propose to say something a little later. But I do complain that we might have had, and are entitled to have, particularly at this stage, when very serious and very important matters are taking place in Russia, where the War situation is undoubtedly very complicated owing to the proposals made by Russia, and then the statement the other day of our own Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs that there had been some overtures made to this country during the last three months with regard to the War situation and the possibility of peace—I do think we are entitled to complain, when we are asked to vote this large sum, which will bring the total amount to something like £6,000,000,000 that we have not had a survey of the whole position of the War up to date.

The right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he was moving this Vote of Credit, referred to some criticisms which had been made by hon. Members, and the hon. Member opposite, in a series of very admirable questions, has drawn attention to the disproportion of the revenue raised for the carrying on of the War by direct taxation. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that some people had suggested that we should get the whole of this amount for carrying on the War out of the taxation and from a levy on capital. I did not interrupt the right hon. Gentleman, but I think, on reflection, when he comes to read his speech, he will agree with me, for certainly I know of no one who has made so exaggerated and so absurd a proposal. No one in his senses would suggest that this War should be financed by taxation and by a levy on capital alone. What hon. Members who think like myself contend is that the proportion of revenue and money raised for the carrying on of this War is very much smaller than in any great war in our history, and that it is calculated to defeat the object the right hon. Gentleman has in view, namely, the maintenance of our credit, and is not calculated to advance and facilitate his borrowing proposals. Any banker will tell him that any State—and I was very delighted to hear from the late Chancellor of the Exchequer support of these views—which proposes, coincident with its borrowing proposals, a steady taxation for the service of those loans, is surely carrying out sound finance, and in accordance with the highest traditions of the finances of this country. Therefore, I propose, as a protest against any further extension of credit, to move a reduction of £100 in this Vote, to show the feeling which I believe exists in this House against there being no indication on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that any further taxation is being proposed at this time. I believe there are many who are prepared, and have been prepared, as is shown by the general support of every Vote of Credit before this House, to give this Government and previous Governments every facility desired for the carrying on of this War, and who have come down here—wealthy men, and men perhaps not regarded as wealthy—to. suggest that we ought to pay our way, and pay it in a far greater proportion by taxation, because we believe that only on that basis will we be able to carry this great task to a satisfactory conclusion.

Of course, I know that it would not be proper for me to go into details, and I do not propose to do so, but I believe I am correct in saying that the proportion which, we are raising for the finance of this War from taxation is well under 25 per cent., whereas the proportion raised in the Boer War was 33⅓ per cent., in the Crimean War 50 per cent., and in the Napoleonic Wars something like 40 per cent., so that we are on the declining plane, and, as was pointed out by my hon. Friend opposite, the difficulty is in arriving at where the money is being obtained for the carrying on of our finance at this present time. Those of us who have given any study to this question have the greatest difficulty in finding out how the Government are financing the War at the present moment. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply to questions, stated that the Treasury Bills on the 8th December amounted to £1,059,525,000, and the Bank of England. Ways and Means advances to £129,000,000. That gave us a total of £1,188,525,000 as floating debt at the present moment. But my hon. Friend did not require, and did not apply for, but perhaps I may remind him that, one item we are apt to forget, and which is always going on, is the amount of Treasury currency notes still outstanding, which are gradually being increased at something like the rate of £1,000,000 or £2,000,000 a week, and which, total now something like £197,000,000, so that you get a total floating debt today of £1,385,525,000. I think, in view of those figures, this House ought to protest against this loose method of our finances. We have, over and over again, pointed out what we believe to be the better method of meeting this state of affairs. We are prepared to admit that it is a very grave position.

9.0 P.M.

We in no sense of the word are here as captious critics. Mr. Gladstone, on one occasion, when someone raised a question as to whether it was advisable in time of war to offer criticism, said it was the time if ever when one ought to offer criticism, because if there were any point or any helpful suggestion which anyone could make that was the time to stand up and make it. I hope it is in that sense that the hon. Gentleman will accept the suggestions which I now offer to him. I wish to point out the inadvisability of continuing these short-term investments, and the advisability of adopting a long-term loan. One subject I wish to draw attention to is the subject of inflation. These Votes of Credit and this continual system of borrowing unquestionably accentuates the inflation which at present exists. I recognise that in the carrying on of a great war there must be a certain measure of inflation, but I believe this is accentuated to an abnormal degree by what I regard as the unsound methods pursued by the Treasury. This inflation has been brought about by the floating debt, bankers' credits, and the general creation of debt By inflation we mean an inflated credit or currency, and that brings about an increased price of commodities. We know that a great deal of unrest exists to-day in the country, that the prices of food and commodities are continually increasing, and it is natural that there should be this increase, because you have 26,000,000 withdrawn from industry and engaged in war, and to that extent you have reduced the producing capacity of the world. If you accentuate that difficulty by your finance at the same time you cripple yourselves for carrying on the War. We are told that we are to have a Debate on the mobilisation of manpower. I think we might very well have a Debate on the mobilisation of money-power. You must have a certain amount of inflation, but I believe this method of excessive borrowing, as against a greater proportion being raised by taxation, increases inflation, accentuates the rise in the price of commodities, and the unrest which is likely to become more prevalent throughout the country. It is easy to follow how that is brought about. There are three causes which primarily tend to affect the rise of prices. There is, first of all, the creation of a large floating debt and bankers' credits; secondly, there is the increase of gold prices. The output of the South African mines is still maintained, and if you have a great increase in the production of gold it tends to an increase in prices. The same effect is produced if you have a great destruction of commodities. Now, the production of gold in South Africa is £90,000,000 per annum, and if you have that maintained at the same figure as it was before the War, and you have, as you have had for over three years, the great destruction of commodities, you will have just what you might say has the same effect on a rise in prices as if you were to discover some new great goldfield. The same effect is brought about if you have a great destruction of commodities, and that is going on at the present time. The third reason is one the influence of which we have some control over—I mean the inflation of our currency. We know that there has been since the beginning of the War an enormous inflation of currency all over the world. Mr. Franklin, in the "Economist," recently gave some figures in regard to eleven important states of Europe, and he showed that there had been an actual increase from £754,000,000 in paper money to £3,771,000,000. This is simply staggering, because we know that, coincident with this enormous increase in the paper currency of all these important states, there has been a proportionate decrease due to the destruction of commodities, so that you have a great accentuation of inflation.

It may be asked, What gold reserves have you against that? In June, 1914, against £754,000,000 of paper money, we had gold reserves for those eleven States—Great Britain, France, Russia, Italy, Holland. Spain, Switzerland, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and Germany—of £529,000,000, and in October of this year that had been increased to £3,771,000,000, with only a gold reserve of £743,000,000. Let me give the Committee some fact from which we can form our conclusions. France in July, 1914, had a total paper currency of £242,000,000, and this has been increased in September of this year to £837,000,000. Russia in June, 1914, had a paper currency of £163,000,000, and this has been increased to £1,540,000,000. I believe that that perhaps more than any other cause was one of the great contributing factors in bringing about the revolution in Russia, so subtle is the effect of finance on the unrest and the economic conditions of a country. I believe I am right in stating that you have to pay £12 for a pair of boots in Petrograd. When you recognise that there has been this vast increase in paper money throughout Russia, you can form some conception of the parlous condition to which that country has been reduced. In Germany in June, 1914, there was a total paper currency of £120,000,000, and that has increased to £746,000,000 in September of this year. Great Britain had about £30,000,000 of paper money in June, 1914, and that has now been increased, including Treasury currency notes, to £213,000,000.

I think, perhaps, I have given sufficient proof of my contention that a great inflation now exists in the currency of most of the important States throughout the world. The effect is to accentuate the rise in the price of commodities. It does more than that. It tends to turn the foreign exchanges against this country. The mobilisation of securities, and all the other devices which were used to try to equalise our exports and imports, as I have pointed out year after year, and as I foretold, have not had that effect. The continuous issuing of paper money which is still going on tends further to put the foreign exchanges against us and leads still more to an adverse increase of imports over exports. I happened before coming here yesterday to take up the Board of Trade figures for the first eight months of this year. I find that the imports into the United Kingdom amounted to some £635,000,000, and the exports to £350,000,000, giving an excess of imports over exports for the eight months of £274,000,000. If you add possibly another £50,000,000 or £100,000,000 you get, approximately, an excess of imports over exports of £300,000,000 for the year. You have to add something like £150,000,000 or £200,000,000 for purchases of munitions from America for carrying on the War, and that gives for the year an excess of imports over exports of something like £500,000,000. We see, therefore, that we are just as extravagant as we were at the beginning of the War. All the efforts and the lectures which successive Chancellors of the Exchequer have delivered to consume less have had very little effect. Our imports are still far more than they ought to be, largely because of this excessive borrowing, and because there has not been a sufficient amount raised by taxation. You do not get and you cannot get that economy in consumption and that reduction of purchasing power which you would get with more drastic taxation. It is easy for anyone who gives any time to this question of exchange to understand that if by depreciating your currency you raise the price of commodities here, you offer additional attraction to other countries to pour their products into this country.

We hear from many sides that while no doubt the position of Europe is one of financial embarrassment, and while we in Great Britain, even with our enormous wealth—we still have enormous wealth—may be feeling this War and are faced, with an enormous national indebtedness, we have the United States of America to fall back upon. We have there a country of inexhaustible resources and unequalled wealth, and now that she has come into the War and is prepared to finance us we need not distress ourselves with regard to the future of our finances. I yield to no one in my belief and faith in that great Republic, but I have some little knowledge of the United States. I have visited it something like seven or eight times and I know it fairly well. There are unquestionably enormous natural resources in the United States of America, but I can assure the Committee that until within a few years the United States were often enormously indebted to this country. They came here to place their loans and for financial accommodation. To imagine that America has suddenly become an enormously rich banker with large surplus funds available to lend to an impoverished, bankrupt Europe is to delude ourselves. I can assure this Committee that the accumulated wealth of this country up to within a few years—we have spent a large part of it during the last three or four-years—was far superior to that of the United States. The United States of America is an enormously rich country in natural resources,' and so is Russia. Russia, as the Chancellor of Exchequer told us this afternoon, is rich in natural resources, but to-day she lacks capital. She has no credit to speak of, and she lacks actual liquid wealth and capital. I do not suggest that the United States are in the same position as Russia, but to imagine that the United States have some enormous resources of accumulated wealth and are able from that accumulated store to finance this country to carry on the War for an unlimited time, spending £7,500,000 a day, is to delude ourselves.

We ought to recognise the financial position with which we are faced. We ought to look into the financial position, even of America. How is America to establish these enormous credits and to finance the War? I am bound to say it is quite true that as the result of this War America after 1915 did accumulate enormous wealth. Europe poured wealth into America because America was prepared to lend freely to the various belligerents, with the exception of Germany, who were engaged in this great War. This War is financed by credit. Let me give an illustration. Let us suppose America establishes a credit to Russia of £25,000,000 or £50,000,000. A banking law has been recently introduced into the United States which I should like to explain, so that hon. Members may follow what I mean by financing the War, as they are largely financing it, by paper and by credit. This new law enables the United States, instead of leaving every banker to use or misuse its own reserve of cash in a time of stress or panic, to establish twelve central institutions in as many districts of the country, each reserve bank to hold in its own vaults the bulk of its cash reserves within its district. In return for each surrender of cash reserves each central institution was bound to rediscount on request loans already made by member banks, but the loan or rediscount thus obtained by a member bank from the central institution was to take the form of a credit balance in the reserve bank. That credit balance the member bank might count as part of its own reserve, or the member bank might draw on its balance, receiving the new currency known as Federal Reserve Notes against all note circulation issued by a Federal Reserve Bank to a member bank and by it paid out to the public. The reserve bank must maintain a reserve of 40 per cent. in gold. This new federal reserve system enables this series of banks by joining together to obtain from the United States Treasury United States notes similar to our own Treasury currency. They were able to issue these notes, and they are continuing to issue them against a deposit of commercial paper. The United States have been establishing credits now for a continuous number of years. They do not make loans to us direct, but establish credits with a proviso that the results of the credits will be spent in the United States. If they establish a credit of £50,000,000 to Russia, against that credit certain commercial bills are created. The Federal Reserve Act provides for banks being able to deposit those bills and against them to obtain United States currency notes.

In order to call the attention of the country to the scandal of passing £550,000,000 in a House with less than half a score of Members, I beg, Sir, to call your attention to the fact that less than forty Members are present.

Notice taken that forty Members were not present. House counted; and forty Members being found present—

My hon. Friend (Mr. Lynch) in a courteous way was anxious that we should have more Members here when we are considering what, I hope, is not too dry a subject. It is really a matter of importance when we are voting this enormous sum. I was discussing how it is that the United States will be unable to continue to finance this War by a process of creating credits. If the United States issue a credit of £50,000,000 to Russia, against that credit they create commercial bills. Under the Federal Reserve Act, against those bills the various banks may obtain United States Treasury notes, which are similar to our Treasury currency, and which still further swell the paper currency to which I have referred. That is all very well so long as America can continue to get the American banks to take these credits or part of them. I imagine they will not be able to place many more credits for Russia. While I agree with the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the natural resources of Russia are enormous, and that with proper banking and good husbanding of her resources in the future she may regain her position, for the time being Russia is out of the market as a borrower in the United States. The same principles apply to Italy, France, and ourselves. So long as you can continue your system of credits, so long as banks, trust companies and other financial institutions are willing to accept these bonds and obligations, so long, of course, can America to a certain extent finance the War. But let us see what this means. These enormous borrowings of credit cannot go on for ever. You cannot live on credit and feed the people. You may by an inflation of credit so inflate prices that you will have the working classes rising either in rebellion or in revolution or in peaceful revolution, by means of strikes and otherwise, insisting, and very properly insisting, on higher wages having regard to the higher prices.

We already have had the illustration of the Minister of Munitions, who very properly proposed a 12½ per cent. increase in wages. We have had the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) agitating very properly for an increase of 10s. in the wages of railway-men. All this accentuates the position, because if you have an ever-increasing wage it is necessary, as a result of the pressure of prices which rise through the increased cost of production, the vicious circle becomes more accentuated, and you never arrive at finality. Therefore I have drawn attention to the position of America, so that we may envisage it as sane and practical men, and that we should not allow ourselves to be deluded by the idea that America has an accumulated store of savings with which to finance the War. It has been financed largely by these creations of credit, and we are ourselves ministering to those creations here. I have observed a statement made by Mr. McAdoo, in which he complains that the price of the Liberty Loan has gone below par, and he said that those bonds had gone below par in America because of pro-German influences. That was just after £1,000,000,000 was raised by that loan. It was a great triumph, but to suggest that the fact that the price of the loan had sunk to a discount was due to pro-German influences is really ludicrous.

I have permitted the hon. Member to instance a question of money in America, but I cannot allow him to go into the actual course of the market.

Perhaps I did elaborate the point too much. All I wanted to show was that there was a very natural cause for the loan sinking to a discount. My suggestion does not cast any doubt on the ability of the Powers to meet their obligations. I suggest that the situation was due to natural causes, namely, the continuous system of borrowing on credit by ourselves, and the other belligerents for the carrying on of the War. As long as you are bound to do everything to continue loan operations, possibly at an increased, and not a decreased, price, compared, with your previous loans, the existing loans are bound gradually to go to a discount. It does not in any sense of the word suggest any doubt as to the ability to pay. It is the natural result of the financial operation which is taking place.

I referred to Lord Lansdowrne's letter at the beginning of my remarks, and I should like to say that I think that might have been referred to by some member of the Government when introducing this Vote of Credit, because the author of that manifesto was formerly Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and he has pointed out that if this War is continued interminably it will ruin all the belligerents. We ought to take some notice of statements of that character, coming from such a source. He does not suggest any giving way on the objects for which we entered this War. We may not all agree with it, but it is no use saying he is showing the white flag and giving way, because, in my opinion, and I believe in that of many others on this side of the House, he has shown some proof of sanity and has thrown an illuminating ray on the darkness which at present prevails. It is no satisfaction to us to be told by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he proposes Votes of Credit for £500,000,000 from time to time, that we shall be able to go on longer than Germany. That does not throw any light upon our present position. While we are prepared to support the War by Votes of Credit and by paying our taxes, we are entitled to have, and we demand, a statement of our war aims more definite and more specific than we have had, and while realising that we are bound to carry the War to an honourable conclusion, we are anxious, and we look to the Government to offer us some suggestions as to what prospects there is of bringing it to a termination. How long are we to go on, and what can they offer in the way of statesmanship with a view to its early termination?

The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Balfour) said the other day that there had been some overtures made in September, and that Germany had expressed a desire to speak with this country on the question of peace, and that we had replied that we would consider any proposals which were made to us in conjunction with our Allies if conveyed by Germany, and to that we got no answer. One does not like to refer to idle rumour, because as long as the Foreign Secretary gave us that as the official position we are bound to respect it, and I should be the last person to doubt anything that the right hon. Gentleman said. But it is common rumour that there were unofficial overtures made by the Central Powers to this country which, I believe, included the evacuation of Belgium and the restoration of the French part of Alsace-Lorraine, but that Germany had insisted upon the return of her Colonies. I merely refer to that, because we have got so little to go on that one must refer to rumour in the absence of anything more concrete. But when the German Imperial Secretary, Von Kuhlmann, the other day said that Germany was prepared to convey her war aims to this country if we desired to have them, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, in answer to me, that if those aims were conveyed they would be considered, we cannot quite reconcile that with the other statement that Germany had conveyed, through a neutral, in September, her desire to speak with this country on the question of peace. I may be wrong, but I think there must be some link missing in those statements. I think the House ought to press responsible Ministers for some more definite statement of what the position is in regard to ourselves and the Central Powers. It seems incredible to me that they should have said they desired to discuss peace with this country and that it should have been left there. It seems an extraordinary position that great Powers, engaged in a great war, should have made an offer and that nothing further should have come from it than apparently has come, according to the statement of the Foreign Secretary.

In addition to the financial position, we ought to have regard to the higher question of the enormous toll of human life. When we know the destruction of the flower of our own manhood and the interminable sacrifice which is going on, surely we in this House must feel that it throws a responsibility upon us. We may say we have to go on until we have destroyed Prussian militarism. But how can you destroy Prussian militarism? It is not a thing that you can see. It is not something solid. The mere fact of inflicting a certain number of defeats upon Prussian military power will not destroy Prussian militarism. It merely shows Prussian military generals that we have a superior militarism to theirs. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Asquith) said we must show Germany that militarism does not pay. If you merely show it does not pay by showing that you have a superior militarism, that does not get rid of your militarism. If Germany has to give way owing to your having superior military establishments for the moment, that will not get rid of militarism in their attitude of mind. You have to find some other motive, and I believe that motive is more or less outlined in the statesmanlike utterance of Lord Lans- downe, who looks forward to a compact among all the Powers which will get rid of Prussian militarism, and will possibly bring this War to an end, and therefore do something to put a stop to this enormous drain on our resources.

We have to face this problem. We have to have regard to the economic and financial position, and we ought also to have some regard to the toll of human life. When I think of the light fashion in which some of the best youths of the country have been sacrificed without any argument, without any question as to the cause, and when so many of us have lost our sons, and are willing to give our sons, and will continue to give our sons, we who have had some experience of life and who have some responsibility, should not lightly allow this War to be continued if there be statesmanship left in this country. Is our statesmanship bankrupt? Have we no illuminating thought to offer? Can we not suggest some method of curtailing this sacrifice of human life and this interminable loss of treasure? It is a reflection upon us if we have nothing to suggest. When I know that my own son, along with others, is willing to take his part, I feel that if we are worthy of the name of men we ought to-be able to offer some solution of this terrible problem. There must be some way out, and when Lord Lansdowne offers a moderate contribution, which is not based upon the giving away of the objects for which we entered the War, I do submit that we ought to show by our support of that statement and by our expression of views that we believe that our statesmanship is not bankrupt, and that we have some thought to offer to endeavour to bring this tragedy to an end.

The subject which has been dealt with by the hon. Gentleman is one of great importance. I propose to ask the attention of the Committee to another aspect of this Vote which has not been dealt with up to the present moment. When this War commenced, and for the whole period during which the first Government had control of the conduct of the War, it was the unbroken practice of the Prime Minister to move the Vote of Credit himself, and to give a full survey of the state of the War on all the fronts, and a general statement of the situation. That was the proper practice, and it was the established practice of this House, and only what the House had a right to expect. When the Government asks this House to vote these vast sums of money, which the House has always voted ungrudgingly, the House is entitled on such occasions to have from the Govern-men as full and as frank a detailed statement of the military situation as they can consistently, in the public interests, give to the House of Commons. That is the right of the House of Commons, and it was a great public loss when that practice was departed from. When and how did that practice gradually drop out of use? According to my recollection, it was never departed from until after the first Coalition Government had been formed in 1915. After the formation of the first Coalition Government the practice was adhered to for some time, but gradually in the disorganisation of the House of Commons which inevitably sprang from the formation of the Coalition Government—which I still hold to have been a great national misfortune and a great injury to the conduct of the War—the Government dropped out of this practice and moved these Votes of Credit as mere matters of course, leaving out any statement as to the military situation, and simply giving us a very brief statement on the finance of the Vote. I think that was a very bad departure, and the House of Commons has suffered from it, and I think the country has suffered from it in many ways, which I shall attempt to make clear. I protested against it at the time.

One of the worst features, and I think it has become the worst of the features that have arisen from the formation of the first Coalition, and which has been greatly aggravated by the formation of the present Coalition, has been this, that the House of Commons has been practically squeezed out. The House of Commons is treated now in a way which has degraded it in the eyes of the public. That is partly due to the fact that the real responsible Executive no longer appears in the House of Commons. I lived some time in America, and I had some opportunity of observing at close quarters the operations of the American constitution, and one of the things which has made the Congress in America less respected and less effective as a democratic assembly than it ought to be, has been the fact that the Executive does not appear in Congress and is not responsible to Congress. That is the logical conclusion of the condition of things we are enduring. The Executive in America is not responsible to the Congress but to the President. Since the present Coalition was formed the responsible Executive no longer is really responsible to the House of Commons. No executive Government in the world can be effectively responsible to a representative Assembly unless they are brought face to face with that assembly. Consequently, the moment that the new War Cabinet was formed the practice of which I complain became the settled practice of the Government. They now never make any statement as to the condition of the War and the military situation in the House of Commons on the Vote of Credit. On the contrary, as we heard to-day, there is a dejune and dry statement of figures. I maintain that the House of Commons is entitled to have from the Government, so far as public interests will allow, a frank and full statement of the military situation and an explanation of the methods and the services on which this vast sum of money is expended.

When this Government came into operation it was trumpeted by a great Press which heralded its advent to power as a Win-the-War Government, a Government which was going to make the War go ahead in a way that it never went ahead before, and we were told above all things by the Prime Minister and by the Leader of the House that the great characteristic of this Government was that it was going to tell the truth to the people and that the other Governments which preceded it had pursued far too much a policy of concealment. Above all things, it was constantly dinned into our ears by the great Northcliffe Press that the British people were people who could be trusted with bad news as well as good news, and that the only way to win the confidence of the people was to tell them the whole truth. But since this Government came into power the people have been kept more in the dark as to the progress of the War than at any previous stage of the War. Whenever any important statement is to be made as regards the military position, it is made anywhere except in the House of Commons. This has now become the settled practice.

The Prime Minister from time to time makes very important statements, giving information; but they are never made in the House of Commons. That procedure has a most disastrous effect in degrading the House of Commons in the eyes of the people. Apart from the War, we are face to face with a very serious situation in this country in the future. The one body in which the voice of the people was heard—which was supposed, really, to control the Government of the country—was the House of Commons. That was so till a very few years ago. That is rapidly passing away. We are face to face at this moment—and this will probably be still more the case after the War—with a very serious state of affairs, in which Governments go down like ninepins; and the power of maintaining civilised government, and civilisation itself, will be put to the severest strain to which it has been put since the days of the French Revolution. If the Government persist in a course calculated to degrade the popular assembly, they are laying up an enormous store of trouble for themselves; and, what is much more important, for the whole people of this country in the future. Anyone who is a careful student of public affairs cannot be blind to the fact that the country is ruled by the Press, and not by Parliament. The Government are daily and hourly becoming more and more the slaves and puppets of the daily Press. The House of Commons is now so disorganised and broken up, and the whole system on which this great House has been built up for centuries has been so overthrown, that now, in the absence of sustained or intelligent criticism or opposition in this House the House is reduced absolutely to chaos. The whole policy of the Government, whether intentional or accidental, is directed towards degrading the House of Commons and destroying its power.

As a long student of the operations of this House, I have always thought that its most important function is not its legislative power, but its power of controlling the executive Government. This has been the great glory of the House of Commons. It has done this more effectively in the interests of the people than any other popular Assembly that the world has ever seen. I do not believe that there ever was machinery which was so effective in bringing people into touch with the executive Government and in checking and controlling the action of the executive Government as the British House of Commons until this horrible system was devised. Now we have come to this pass, that no matter how criticial the hour, whenever the Prime Minister or any leading member of the Government has any important pronouncement to make, the last place in which he thinks of making it is the House of Commons. He goes to Paris, or Gray's Inn, or the Albert Hall, or Bedford, where we had an important speech delivered the night before last. The House of Commons is entitled to say that here alone should be the first place for Ministers to make these important and weighty statements of policy. We practically get no statement at all, but a request to foot the Bill, and to wait and see. I understand that the Prime Minister is to speak at Gray's Inn on Friday. In view of the circumstances of the day, that speech must be one of momentous importance. It is monstrous that we should be held up before the country as debating this Vote of Credit while receiving from no Minister any statement as to the condition of the War.

If there ever was a period of the War when the House of Commons should be told the whole truth, so far as public interest admits of its being told, this is the hour more so than any previous period of the War. We have been very much disturbed during the last two or three days by rumours and reports of the most amazing character. One would suppose, after the declarations of Ministers, that it would be unnecessary to say that a worse policy could not possibly be conceived than to allow these rumours to be circulated without any statement from the Government taking the people into their confidence. It is an absolute denial of the principle on which they started when they took up the government a year ago. Of course, when I allude to these rumours, I have chiefly in my mind the situation at Cambrai. I think that it is wicked for the Government to pretend to bury their head in the sand and take no notice of the situation at a time when the Press is speaking in the frankest possible way about it. The air, unfortunately, is thick with rumours. I do not pretend to any knowledge of military affairs, but anyone even who had no knowledge of military affairs could see that the position at Cambrai when that British victory was won was an extremely critical one, and that there was absolutely certain to be a most dangerous attack upon the British position if they were unable to push the advance further, and to break the line completely and take Cambrai. But a considerable period elapsed during which this extraordinary protuberance on the British line remained, and when it became evident that the British generals were not in time, or for some reason did not see their way to carry the thing further, then it must be manifest even to men who have no military knowledge whatever, merely by looking at the map, that the situation was one of the greatest possible danger and lent itself to a terrible disaster if the utmost possible precautions were not taken.

Then there began to reach us rumours of a most sinister character. I could understand the Government refusing to take any notice of these rumours if they thought the situation was so serious that it was their duty to hush the whole thing up as far as possible, and allow nothing to be published. I do not say that that would have been the wisest plan, but it is a conceivable policy. But was that policy adopted? It was not. The only newspaper which, in my opinion, defies the Censor, and is above the Censor, and which the Censor dare not touch, is the "Times." There appeared in it yesterday and the day before special correspondence from the Cambrai Front which, read by anybody who has been in the habit of studying these matters and who is able to read between the lines, gives a most sinister account of what did happen at that spot. It reminded me when I read over the correspondence of the terrible dispatch which raised such intense feeling in this country after the retreat from Mons. In these two dispatches to which I am referring we read of isolated fighting behind the lines-the dispatches are very disjointed- but the enemy appear to have penetrated far beyond our lines before they were discovered, and isolated soldiers with most heroic and splendid valour, but without any organisation, saved our forces from overwhelming disaster. That is the summing up of these dispatches, and what can have been the purpose of the Government in allowing them to be published, thereby raising public anxiety to the highest possible pitch, and then coming down to this House to ask for a Vote of Credit and keeping silent on the subject and not giving any Government statement, I cannot understand. Then comes out a leader in the "Times" this morning headed "A Case for Inquiry," in which they say: Is that the kind of language which should be allowed to be used in the newspapers while the Government remains silent? It is impossible to have conduct more calculated to dishearten and dismay the people to stir up public anxiety and public alarm. Then the "Times" goes on to say—

In these sentences the "Times," having published these alarming messages, endeavoured to convey the idea that the messages had been censored, and give the people the impression that worse things were received in the messages but were cut out by the Censor. It is impossible to conceive a method more, shall I use the word malignant, for disseminating alarm and anxiety among the people. Yet in face of the scandal of allowing this article to be published in the "Times" newspaper, the Government now come down and ask for a Vote of Credit for the purposes of the War, but they decline to say one word on the military situation! The "Times" demand that the blunderers shall be removed. Anybody who has studied the "Times" during the last few years and knows the relations between it and the General Staff and the inside knowledge it has which is denied to the Members of this House will feel sure that the "Times" never wrote that without being convinced that there were blunders. I think the Government are bound to tell us the truth in regard to this matter. I venture humbly to suggest that if there have been—I cannot say whether there have been or not—blunders, and if our gallant troops have been got into this position owing to incompetent generalship, a position which might have resulted in overwhelming disaster and which evidently did result in more or less disaster, then I say to the Government that they must not on any account follow the course which has been their practice on previous occasions, and when they have removed the blunderers from the front reward them by giving them the best jobs in this country. That has been the practice of the Government in the past. Then the "Times" goes on to say:

There is a most uncomfortable impression abroad—an impression which I must say I entirely share—that there is a competition going on, which ought never to have existed, between the General Staff and what are called the "Westerners," and those who advocate a different line of policy. I believe that on more than one occasion lives have been sacrificed and unwise attacks have been made on our Western Front for the purpose of carrying out the view of those who hold that all the strength of England should be concentrated on the Western Front. At all events, be that as it may, when this attack had been made, and after we had been obliged by this disaster in Italy to send a large force—I do not know how large, and the Government are quite right not to tell us how large—from the Reserves to Italy, surely, without attempting to enter into the question of military strategy, one would have supposed that the first care of our generals would be to consolidate their lines, to withdraw, if necessary, in order to resume the offensive, when they were aware of the fact that large forces had had to be diverted to Italy. It appears to me that someone is to blame for the fact that this was not done and that we were then taken by surprise. That is the horror of these reports in the "Times."

It is manifest from these reports that so thin was the line near the base of this long salient that the Germans were two or three miles within our lines before anyone discovered them. They were actually, according to one statement that has reached me, marching into a village where our men were unloading a transport wagon behind the troops, and were walking down the street of the village before our men knew they had broken the line at all. They interrupted the labourers and workmen who were unloading the train and who had the surprise of their lives. We have all read stories of that kind. What I think the country will require is to know how it came to pass that when the tactics agreed upon in Paris were put into operation the Western Front was not conformed to the necessity of these tactics, and straightened, or withdrawn, or put in a position of defence. It would appear that, on the whole, the first attack was a brilliant success, but, owing to the extraordinary events that followed afterwards, it was succeeded by a disaster the extent of which we do not know. What makes the whole thing so uncomfortable and terrible to think of is that one cannot get rid of the feeling that that disaster is due to a certain amount of bickering which is always going on between the General Staff and certain members of the Government and others who hold a different view as to the general strategy of the War—not the military strategy on the spot, which everyone admits the soldiers alone must be in charge of. A doctrine I have heard preached in this House, and in which I have the most profound unbelief, is that the General Staff and the Commander-in-Chief in France should be the sole judges of the general conduct of the War. I think that has been the cause and at the root of a great deal of the prolongation of the War and the disasters we have suffered, and yet that doctrine is not only preached in the Press and advocated sometimes in this House, but causes a controversy of a very painful character.

There is another incident which has occurred recently on the Western Front which I should like to take this opportunity, the first opportunity I have had, to refer to. There was a very nasty disaster on the Western Front on the 15th and 16th of August. I chance to know some of the incidents which led to that disaster. I do not like to go into them in much detail, but the whole thing was hushed up, and I know that a large section of the soldiers and the regimental officers were of the opinion that a certain general was responsible for the whole thing. I heard rumours that that general was going to be superseded, but he has not been superseded, and he is there still in full command. One of the incidents that took place before that disaster was that a very famous Irish regiment—I will not mention its name—was gassed in the trenches. Five hundred and twenty strong, it was gassed badly, and owing to some invention of new gas, or to some other accident of which. I do not know, the masks failed and the men were badly decimated. Of that 520 strong, 200 men were killed—200 men£—and all the regiment was gassed. Then these men were ordered back to the reserves to rest and recover. Two days afterwards an attack was ordered, and the doctor in charge of these men, having examined them, reported to the brigadier that they were wholly unfit to attack. I feel this very bitterly, because they were a very famous Irish regiment, and are the only Irish regiment I ever heard of who in this or any other war failed when ordered to attack. They were ordered back, and the brigadier in very rough language said that the men must go over whether they were fit for it or not. They were ordered into the trenches and were ordered to attack. They refused when they were brought back into the trenches, and threw away their arms, and the result was that the line was broken at that point. Some neighbouring troops refused also, and the result was a very considerable disaster, resulting in a good many prisoners and a great many casualties. Bitter complaints were made to me on the subject, and I hope the matter has been investigated, although I do not think anybody has been removed on account of it.

The only reason I referred to that at all was because it confirms the uneasy impression that there are still in command men who have some pull or influence of some kind, but who are unfitted for their posts. I say it is a murderous thing, considering the lives that these other gallant officers and men have to live in France, that any man, so far as the Government can ascertain it, should be left for a single hour in a position of high and responsible command who is for any reason not fit for that command. So much for the Western front, but let me say here, and I think it is the right time to make the remark, that one of the constant cries, a perfectly nauseating cry, that we read in the Press every day is this: "The Western front is the only place where all our resources should be concentrated," and the expression used continually is, "No more side shows." Side shows! Where is it that we have won any success in this War? Where is it but in the side shows? What about Bagdad? What about Jerusalem? And Syria?

I am not saying we have not won some successes, but can you compare them for a moment, in the general effect on the world and the moral of the War, with the capture of Bagdad, or of Jerusalem, or of East Africa? Those are all side shows, and have been denounced again and again in the Press, of which I am complaining, as side shows, to which an end ought to be put. I say it is the side shows that have brought us any comfort in this War, and in my opinion if the side-shows had been better attended from the beginning, the War would have been over before now. One other sideshow, about which I desire to say a word, is Salonika. I have raised that question over and over again in this House, and I have never succeeded in getting a single answer. The question has come up frequently in the Press why Salonika is hidden from the public view by a thick curtain, as if it were forgotten or nonexistent. If our forces there are not to be alluded to, why are they kept there? No expedition has probably cost more tonnage and more expenditure than Salonika, with the exception perhaps of Mesopotamia. No expedition has caused more suffering and sickness. The sickness at Salonika has been 70 per cent.

We do not know what is being done. Are our troops to be left in Salonika in wholly insufficient numbers, and why is that place to be left out of the public gaze altogether? We read about Mesopotamia and the doings of our troops at Palestine, but of the men at Salonika one never hears. For all practical purposes, so far as this country is concerned, they have disappeared. I am afraid that the result will be the demoralising and the breaking down of the men. There they are, with nothing to do, no righting, and, in addition, they have a large amount of sickness. I cannot conceive anything more calculated to demoralise and break down men than what is experienced at Salonika. I think we are entitled to an answer as to what it is the Government propose to do with regard to Salonika. I think it is extremely likely, very likely indeed, that the next push will be from the Central Powers in Germany and Austria—to send a force down to clear us out of Salonika and overrun Greece. Is it any wonder that the Greeks are frightened and uneasy about their fate? I should not be surprised if, in the next three or four months, we see our old friend King Constantine returning at the head of a German Army and that we shall not be strong enough to resist. The unfortunate Serbians have been almost wiped out; they are broken and extinct, and I believe the whole Serbian Army now left numbers about 30,000. I do not know the number of our Salonika Force, but I do not think it would take a very large German force to clear it out, and I am greatly afraid that if a large German force came down we could not firmly rely on the Greeks. That, I think, is quite likely to be the next place where trouble will break out. I ask the Government to look into the question of Salonika and to take the country into its confidence, and I trust that in the conduct of the War it will turn over a new page in that respect and tell the people the truth. I deliberately charge against them that we knew a great deal more and the public were taken much more into their confidence, with the case of the two previous Governments than is the case to-day.

I do not intend to follow the hon. Gentleman in his very interesting speech. I am sure we all share his anxiety as to Salonika, but I am afraid that the information which he desires given would be more valuable to the enemy than to us.

Do you really think the enemy do not know all about it when the place is crawling with spies?

That may be so, but if the information which the hon. Member asks for were given officially I have no doubt it would be very much more valuable to the enemy than whatever suspicions he may now entertain.

The matter to which I wish to refer is a very important one, and quite different from the subjects that have hitherto engaged the attention of the Committee. We have 2,300 limbless men waiting for limbs and unable to obtain them. The limbs we are supplying to those men are costing about 100 per cent. more than they should. The fact that those 2,300 men are waiting for limbs is due to the enormous number of casualties which we have had recently, and also to the utter want of system in the management of these matters. The method of dealing with these limbless men is essentially lacking in any system. The men are passed through from France to the general hospitals here and from these to the orthopædic hospitals, and then to the manufactory. There is a block in France, and at the base hospitals, and at the orthopædic hospitals, and at Roehampton, where the limbs are manufactured. The want of organisation is leading to these blocks, and the subject is one which should engage our attention, and for which there ought to be a speedy remedy. Roughly, the facts are these. Amputations at the front are mostly performed in order to save life. They are done roughly, and very often perfunctorily, and the patients are not left in the condition to heal ready for the artificial limb. They are taken to one of our hospitals in Britain, and remain sometimes for a month or more, and are then passed on to the orthopædic hospitals, where re-amputation is done or other treatment given in order to prepare the limb for the artificial appliance. There is a waiting list at the special hospitals of men requiring special operation and unable to obtain admission. There are hundreds of men ready for special treatment waiting for beds in these special operating hospitals, but unable to obtain them, because the beds are occupied by men whose limbs are healed or healing to the exclusion of men who are awaiting operation. Not only have we this large number of men waiting, but the provision of the limb itself is a tedious and costly matter. At Roehampton artificial limbs are made by private enterprise, and cost about £15 each. I have constantly maintained that no artificial limb of this character should cost more than about £5. There is no doubt about it that we are paying nearly thrice as much as we ought for these limbs, and we cannot get them supplied when we want them. A little while ago I raised this question by a series of questions to the Minister of Pensions. By the time he was becoming inoculated with the idea that we should have some State manufacture, and so on, he was translated, and since then nothing has been done in the direction indicated.

My suggestion is that at Roehampton the Government should themselves make these artificial limbs for the men. In my opinion no permanent artificial limb should be made for a man for at least twelve months after his amputation or after his wound is healed. At present we are making artificial limbs unnecessarily and prematurely at Roehampton. This results in a lack of efficiency on the part of the men, and an enormous cost to the State. A man who has been amputated or reamputated is, about three months after, when shrinking has taken place, sent to Roehampton, where he gets an artificial limb at the cost of £15 and is discharged from the Army. In two or three months, it may be five or six, it may be practically useless to him, owing to the way his stump has shrunk or otherwise altered. Twelve months should elapse between the time of amputation and the time that the artificial limb is supplied. Then there is the question of what we ought to do during that twelve months. At present we keep the man hanging about between the hospitals. He lingers too long in the general hospital, then goes on to the auxiliary hospital, and then to the operating hospital, and he is here for many weeks sometimes. I have a large number of cases who have for weeks past been ready for transfer to Roehampton. They linger at Roehampton for weeks or months, and waste most of their time on crutches. While on crutches they have to use their two hands and arms, which ought to be available for work or training. We cannot get a man to do anything if he has to use both his hands and arms in order to propel himself about.

In Belgium and France they have been doing almost exclusively without crutches. They look upon crutches as a necessary evil, and put a ban upon them. Instead of using crutches in the hospitals and institutions they are using temporary limbs, limbs which can be made in five or ten minutes at a cost of 2s. 6d. to 4s. or 5s. each. These temporary limbs are quite suitable for locomotion. A man can walk with his temporary limbs five miles without showing himself to be any worse than with the other arrangement. My suggestion, then, is that the limbless man should be brought directly from the front not to a general hospital and then transferred to a special hospital, but should be taken direct to special hospitals where he can get prompt and appropriate surgical treatment. The delay now apparently necessary would thus be avoided. Provision should be made for the manufacture at each of these hospitals of temporary limbs, so that the man who is ready for a temporary limb would be provided with one at once at a cost of only a few shillings; then he could be discharged or put to his vocation, or to his trade school. Many men who have good artificial limbs prefer the temporary ones. They are light, handy, convenient, and serviceable. I suggest that those who require these temporary limbs should be provided at once with them and discharged from the Army, and employment found for them, as is found for them now when they have their permanent limbs. The men should be sent either to training schools or to some employment, and there await a call for their permanent limbs, which should not be sent until twelve months after discharge from hospital. These permanent limbs should be made by the Government, though I do not think that private enterprise should be entirely eliminated.

A very remarkable artificial limb has been brought to my notice: a limb made not of wood nor of aluminium, but of ordinary shavings, with the aid of glue, yet so light, firm, strong and durable that in suitable cases there is no doubt it will replace other artificial limbs. That limb is available for the Government to-day. The cast of a sound limb is first made. Then the cast is covered with gauze, a layer of plastic material is glued on, the wood shavings are put criss-choss, another layer of glue is added, then other layers of shavings, and the whole thing is varnished over. It is so firm and strong that you could stand upon it without breaking it. That is available for the Government now, but no one can touch it. Yet the men are requiring limbs. Other people, with their own patents, have contracts with the Government. New limbs are offered day after day for limbless men. We cannot take advantage of them because there is no means by which they can be made. This particular limb is made at a cost of £6 or £7, whereas we are now paying £15 for a limb. This one is infinitely more serviceable, and, I venture to say, more durable than anything on the market to-day. These men have a claim upon us to provide them with the best artificial limbs in the shortest possible time, and, I think, at the cheapest rate. I raise this matter to-night because I have attempted over and over again to get something done by interviewing Ministers, and writing official letter after letter, but have got nothing done at all. Therefore, it seemed to me that the best thing was to try to secure the interest and help of Members of this House.

I wish to ask the Leader of the House if he could make a statement of some kind that would allay a very strong feeling existing in the country to-day. It is common property and common gossip that, as a result of the last offensive and the subsequent counterattack, very many lives were lost and heavy casualties were inflicted upon us. One can frankly recognise that there must be risks taken in war, and that these things are inevitable in warfare. On the other hand, the Army of to-day is an entirely different Army to that of the past. It is composed of the great mass of the civilian population. There is a feeling growing up in the country—the soldiers themselves desire it and express it, and working men do not hesitate to say it—so far as the blunders of other people at the top are concerned they are not dealt with in the same way as at the bottom. I am not going into the kind of details that we hear day after day and week after week, but it must be known to most hon. Members what has been said of the blunders of the last fortnight. Therefore I say that just as I want a fair deal and trial for the private, so equally there must be a fair deal and trial for the general, whoever he may be. I do not believe in punishing a man unheard or in prejudging any case, but I do say that in the interests of the country, and having regard to all the circumstances of the moment, the Government ought to take the earliest opportunity of making it perfectly clear that no position, social or otherwise, will interfere with them dealing honestly and fairly, but justly, with the people guilty of offences at the top equally with those at the bottom.

I listened to the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) at some length on the same subject as that which has just been referred to by the hon. Member who has just sat down. I hesitated in making any reply as to whether it would do good or not, but I think after the definite statements which have been made that I ought to say a few words on this subject. As regards the speech of the hon. Member for East Mayo, I listened to it with a larger measure of agreement on some points than often happens to me when listening to the speeches of the hon. Member. He began by repeating the statement he made at Question Time, which was quite wrong, that up to the time of the Coalition Government, and especially the present Government, every Vote of Credit has been accompanied by a speech on the general military situation. I have since looked up the actual facts and I find that my right hon. Friend the late Prime Minister moved eleven Votes of Credit in this House, and of those five dealt with the financial situation pure and simple; two others dealt with the military situation, and the others dealt with things in connection with Government policy at the time, and he dealt with the War if he thought it was in the national interest that a general discussion should be initiated by the Government. The hon. Member for East Mayo dealt also with the question of the employment of troops in Mesopotamia, Palestine, and Salonika. In what he said about side-shows I entirely agree. We have to look at this War as a whole, and in view of our interests in the East it was not possible for us to neglect altogether the military situation in that country. Our operations in Mesopotamia and Palestine were not by any means entirely movements in the hope of conquest. We had our position in Egypt to defend, and from a purely military point of view it-very often happens that the best defence is attack, and the result has justified this course. I have no doubt whatever that one of the most creditable episodes when the history of this War comes to be written, will be the way that this country recovered from the initial mistakes in Meso- potamia, and also the very brilliant operations which resulted in the capture of Jerusalem.

As regards Salonika, the hon. Member, and I am sure the House, which is very considerate, will see that it is almost impossible to do what is asked and give full accounts, not of what we are doing, for we do give them, but of what we intend to do. Here, again, I am certainly not going to give any information which ought not to be given; I would rather err on one side of saying nothing than do that. Whether we ought to have gone there earlier, and at a time to help Serbia, is a question which only history will decide. We cannot debate it now. It is, however, absolutely certain that but for our forces in Salonika the Germans would have been in complete possession of Greece, and would have been in complete possession of the whole of the Balkan Peninsula, and if they could maintain that object permanently, then that in itself would have been a result which, from their point of view, would have been one of the greatest successes of the War. The Committee, I am sure, will understand that whether or not the forces in a situation like Salonika can attack must depend upon many other circumstances than the strength which we have at that particular place. The Committee knows that part of the Balkans was most intimately bound up with the Russian situation, and the change in Russia must of necessity have made a great difference in all our plans in connection with Salonika. It is quite possible—there are many rumours of it, and these rumours make me inclined to doubt it—that the Germans may make an attack upon Salonika. Well, if they do, I can only say that I hope they will read the words of the hon. Member for Mayo (Mr. Dillon), and will agree with him that any small German force is all that is necessary to secure their object in that theatre of War. We certainly are not unalive to the situation there, and if an attack, or if disaster, which I do not in the least anticipate, comes, it certainly will not be for any lack of anticipation of the possibility of it, or, I believe, from any lack on the part of this Government to make whatever efforts we possibly could to render our position there as safe as it could be made. The hon. Member says that he looks upon it as quite possible that King Constantine will return to Greece as part of the German Army. Well, that would be a great disaster. It is something that we have a united Greece on our side now. It is something that Greek troops are being trained to co-operate with our forces in Salonika, and I, for one, venture to make the prophecy that if an attack is made upon Salonika the result will not be the return of King Constantine in triumph there.

The most important subject from some-points of view was the reference to the-recent action at Cambrai. It is perfectly true that there are rumours of all kinds, such as have been referred to by both of the hon. Members, as to what happened there. So far as I am able to judge from all the information that is available, these rumours are greatly exaggerated. The hon. Member for Mayo spoke of an article appearing in the "Times," giving an account of what happened. I think that, by a mistake, he seemed to assume that the "Times" alone, by some special favour, was allowed to publish articles of that kind. If I am not mistaken, the same correspondent who gave this information, to the "Times" gave it also to the "Daily News." If, as was the case, that was. allowed to pass by the Censor, it was because the authorities, rightly or wrongly, considered that no military harm would be done by its publication. In my opinion a very large part of the evil of this exaggeratoin is due to the entirely exaggerated hopes with which the initial, success at Cambrai was received in this country.

I really do not know. I will tell the Committee this. It was my duty to read the first announcement in this House, and I can assure the Committee that when I heard the loud cheers with which it was received I was tempted on the spot to get up and say that this was nothing like a "break through," that it was not intended to be a "break through," and that it was simply an operation which stood more or less by itself. I had not the courage, although I am not sure that it would not have been wise. I did not do it because I thought it might give information which might be damaging to us. I realised most strongly that the very-exaggerated hopes which were aroused by that extremely great success would, in the end, do harm when it was found that it would not lead to a decisive result.

As regard the set-back we had at Cambrai, I shall give the Committee all, or nearly all, the information the Government have about it. On that night or early morning the Germans made three different attacks; upon our forces at Cambrai. The smallest of those attacks, having regard to the numbers engaged, was on the part where, owing to surprise, they broke through. The other two attacks, which were made by larger forces, were repelled and repelled with great losses on the part of the enemy. The moment the Cabinet received the account of what had happened, we felt that there was something which had to be explained. There was the surprise; there was the enemy getting through without warning. The very first thing we did was to send instructions to the Field-Marshal—they would not be necessary, I am sure, because he would have done it in any case—to give us a full report of all that had happened, and, so far as he could, the causes of what had happened. The idea that the Government, after it is satisfied that any soldier in any position is not capable of fulfilling his duties, will keep him there, is an idea which should not be held for a moment by the House of Commons. I ask the House of Commons to recognise the difficulty. It is not easy for a civilian, with the best information, to judge of the qualifications of a soldier. We must in that matter be largely guided by our military experts. But this I am bound to say, all the more on account of the rumours to which reference has been made, that a full official inquiry will be made and the Government will be satisfied, so far as we can be, that the appropriate action, whatever it is, is taken as a result of it. I do not wish the Committee to suppose for a moment that we are prejudging the question. Accidents of this kind are inevitable in war, even surprises. A misty morning or something of that kind might happen for which blame cannot be attached to anybody. All I say is that the Government, and I am sure that is equally true of our military advisers, are determined to find out the whole truth about it and take the action which the circumstances render right.

The only other thing I am going to say is this: The hon. Member for East Mayo made some remarks about the connection between politicians—that is ourselves—and soldiers. There has been a good deal of talk about the clashing of opinion between these different authorities. He said there was a school of thought—outside to a larger extent, but to some extent inside this House—which took the view that all that the Government had to do was to select its military advisers and then to do blindly whatever they told them. This House, I am sure, will realise how difficult in any circumstances the dealing by civilians with expert matters of this kind must be; but some of us forget that the responsibility is not the soldiers' but ours, and that if anything goes wrong it is we and not those who are appointed by us who will be held mainly responsible, and not only if I were Prime Minister, but even as a member of the War Cabinet, I would not occupy that position if the view were that I was not to have a right of revision in any shape or form, but was to do exactly what we were told by the soldiers. That would be an intolerabe position. But no soldier, I believe, would claim it. That kind of difficulty, like most others, can only be got over by good feeling on the one hand and common sense on the other. I regret always when I hear suggestions that there is this clash of opinion between these politicans who are responsible and the soldiers who are carrying out the work for which we are responsible. I do not think there is danger of serious trouble on that score. We realise our responsibilities. So do the soldiers theirs. We realise that we cannot be judges of strategy, but we realise also that we have the responsibility, and we must be satisfied that the plans are wise before we give our assent to their execution.

That is all I think it necessary to say, and I would make an appeal to the Committee to give us this Vote before eleven o'clock. The hon. Member (Mr. Dillon) made one kind of complaint that I used often to make when in opposition before the War, that the House was altogether discredited, and that the Government made speeches anywhere else rather than in the House. I do not think, as a matter of fact, there has ever been a Government which was more dependent on the House of Commons than the Government under present conditions. Neither of the Coalition Governments has ever had a party majority behind it. We have to rely upon the House of Commons, and to get its support we have to treat it reasonably, and that is what the Government is trying to do. As the same subjects can be discussed to-morrow, and more or less on the two days of the Afforestation Bill, I hope I am not risking too much in asking the Committee to give us the Vote now.

I will not continue the Debate to-night if those of us who are really seriously in earnest in opposition to the Government will have an opportunity to-morrow of expounding our views. My task cannot be performed in five minutes, consisting of no less than the desire, which I hope to see realised, of bringing this Government down.

I think that the appeal which the right hon. Gentleman has made to us is not very reasonable or kind. He has made a speech of extreme importance with which, in the main, I find no fault, except that it ought to have been made earlier in the day. He did not tell us enough. He did not really tell us what we want to know. It is exactly ten months ago that we had a forecast from General Haig of what the military operations this year were to be. He gave an interview ten months ago, evidently with the approval of the Government—a very unusual interview, because it was against the Regulations to which all officers are subject. I shall not now remind the right hon. Gentleman and the Committee what that interview stated, but the matter cannot be left where it has been left by the right hon. Gentleman.

He has only just started a question which needs more elucidation from the Government, and which ought to be further discussed in this House. We do not know what use will be made of the succeeding days. My hon. Friend (Mr. Lynch) has pointed out very rightly that those who have been sitting here during this Debate with the object of saying something definite, which they have thought out, which they have prepared to say, and which they believe it is essential should be said if they are to do their duty, ought to have the opportunity of speaking. The right hon. Gentleman cannot give that assurance. It depends upon the Chair and upon circumstances beyond his control. We believe that having sat here and made up our minds that it was our duty to say certain things that we ought to be allowed to say them, and that is why I hope the Committee will not insist upon this Vote being taken to-night. We have plenty of time.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman says that I was not kind in my appeal. I have always found him on this sort of thing very reasonable. I would like to point out to him what that really means. In refusing to give us the Vote now, it does not necessarily give him the opportunity of being heard to-morrow, because if we do not get the Vote to-day we shall require to have this brought to an end at a very early stage to-morrow, with the result that the Report stage will be taken then. If we were to give a second day, which I think the House does not desire, it would mean that we should be delayed in Adjournment. As the hon. Gentleman says, I cannot guarantee that he will be heard, but I never object to listening to him, and if it were in my power I would give him an opportunity to speak.

I will not be unreasonable; but I do hope that those who are in my position will have an opportunity of speaking

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported To-morrow; Committee to sit again To-morrow.

Navy and Army Expenditure, 1915–16

Considered in Committee.

[Sir DONALD MACLEAN in the Chair.]

I. Whereas it appears by the Navy Appropriation Account for the year ended the 31st day of March, 1916, and the statement appended thereto, as follows, namely:

( a ) That the aggregate expenditure on Navy Services exceeded the aggregate sums appropriated for those Services by a sum of £206,903,204 3s. 3d.;

( b ) That the aggregate receipts in aid of Navy Services exceeded the aggregate sums appropriated in aid of those Services by a sum of £1,186,617 5s. 8d.;

( c ) That the total differences between the Exchequer Grants for Navy Services and the net expenditure are as follows, namely:

£

s.

d.

Surpluses

Nil.

Deficits (charged against the Vote of Credit)

205,716,586

17

7

£205,716,586

17

7

And whereas by a Vote of Parliament during the present Session (House of Commons Paper, No. 89, of 1917), a further sum of £10 has been granted for the expenditure of the year 1915–16, and the appropriation of additional receipts in aid of such expenditure has been sanctioned to the amount of £1,186,607 5s. 8d.

And whereas, as shown in the Schedule hereunto appended, the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury have temporarily authorised the application, so far as necessary, of the excesses of the

SCHEDULE.

Number of Vote.

Navy Services, 1915–16. Votes.

Actual Receipts compared with Estimated Appropriations-in-Aid.

Surpluses.

Deficits.

£

s ..

d ..

£

s ..

d ..

1

Wages, etc., of Officers, Seamen, and Boys, Coast Guard, and Royal Marines

4,370,963

16

9

2 to 15

Other Navy Votes

5,557,581

2

5

Add Surplus Appropriations-in-Aid not appropriated by Parliament

10

0

0

5,557,581

2

5

4,370,973

16

9

£1,186,607 5 8

II. Whereas it appears by the Army appropriation account for the year ended the 31st day of March, 1916, and the statement appended thereto, as follows, namely:

( a ) That the aggregate expenditure on Army Services exceeded the aggregate sums appropriated for those Services by a sum of £525,171,038 16s. 7d.;

( b ) That the aggregate receipts in aid of Army Services fell short of the aggregate sums appropriated in aid of those Services by a sum of £1,526,615 5s. 2d.;

( c ) That the total differences between the Exchequer Grants for Army Services and the net expenditure are as follows, namely:

£

s.

d.

Surpluses

Nil.

Deficits

526,697,654

1

9

Deficit (charged against the Vote of Credit)

£526,697,654

1

9

sums realised on account of Appropriations-in-Aid of other Navy Votes over the sum which may be applied under the Appropriation Acts, 1915 and 1916, as Appropriations-in-Aid of those Votes, towards making good the deficiency of £4,370,963 16s. 9d. in the sums realised an account of Appropriations-in-Aid of Vote 1.

Resolved, "That the application of such sums be sanctioned."—[ Mr. Baldwin .]

And whereas, as shown in the Schedule hereunto appended, the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury have temporarily authorised the application of the excesses of the sums realised on account of Appropriations-in-Aid of Army Votes 2 and 4 to 14 over the sums which may be applied under the Appropriation Acts, 1915 and 1916, as Appropriations-in-Aid of those Votes, amounting in all to £7,352,386 7s. 3d., to make good part of the deficiency of Appropriations-in-Aid on Vote 1.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the application of such sums be sanctioned."—[ Mr. Baldwin .]

I object.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.

SCHEDULE.

Number of Vote.

Army Services, 1915–16. Votes.

Actual Receipts compared with Estimated Appropriations-in-Aid.

Surpluses.

Deficits.

£

s ..

d ..

£

s ..

d ..

1

Pay, etc., of the Army

8,878,807

5

10

3

Special Reserve

100

0

0

15

Civil Superannuation, Compensation and Gratuities

94

6

7

2 and 4 to 14

Other Army Votes

7,352,386

7

3

7,352,386

7

3

8,879,001

12

5

£1,526,615 5 2

Ways and Means

Considered in Committee.

[Sir D. MACLEAN in the Chair.]

Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]

Question put, and agreed to.

Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.

National Insurance (Unemployment) [Money]

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys, to be provided by Parliament, of such additional sums as may be required for the purposes of any Act of the present Session, to amend the National Insurance (Unemployment) Acts, 1911 to 1916, with respect to the proportion to be borne by the amount of unemployment benefit to the number of contributions paid."—[ Sir E. Cornwall. ]

I think we ought to have a little explanation of this. If it is necessary to press it, surely there ought to be someone here to tell us what it is about. My first question is: What is the amount of money required? This is a perfectly indefinite sum stated in the Resolution, and we ought not at eleven o'clock at night to be asked to vote an unlimited amount without some little explanation.

I am anxious to get this Resolution in order that we may get on with the Bill. If my hon. Friend will look at the first Clause he will find that it is likely to give relief to the taxpayer rather than otherwise, in respect of the second part much will depend on the state of employment after the War as to the amount of liability that will devolve on the Treasury. We hope there will be no additional charge, but, in accordance with Parliamentary practice, we deemed it advisable to get this Resolution.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported To-morrow.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Whereupon Mr. SPEAKER, pursuant to the Order of the House of the 12th February, proposed the Question, "That this House do now adjourn."

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Ten minutes after Eleven o'clock.