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Commons Chamber

Volume 100: debated on Thursday 20 December 1917

House of Commons

Thursday, December 20, 1917

Private Business

Parker's Divorce Bill [ Lords ],

Read the third time, and passed, with an Amendment.

Wages and Effects of Deceased Seamen

Copy presented of Account of the Sums received and paid in respect of Wages and Effects of Deceased Seamen in the year ended the 31st March, 1917 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Ramsgate Harbour

Copy presented of Statement of the Income and Expenditure of the Board of Trade for the year ended 31st March, 1917 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Mines and Quarries

Copy presented of General Report of His Majesty's Chief Inspector of Mines, with Statistics, for the year 1916. Part III. Output [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Milk (Departmental Committee)

Copy presented of Second Interim Report of the Departmental Committee appointed by the President of the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries on the Production and Distribution of Milk [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Oral Answers to Questions

War

Italy (Treaty)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the existence of Clause 15 in the secret treaty recently made with Italy accounts for the fact that no reply was sent to the last Peace Note of the Pope; what the object of Clause 15 is or what military, diplomatic, or other practical purpose it is designed to serve; whether the vital part of Clause 15 provides that France, Great Britain, and Russia take it upon themselves to support Italy in her not allowing representatives of the Holy See to take any diplomatic steps for the conclusion of peace or in regard to matters pertaining to the present War; in what, if any, particular or particulars this version of Clause 15 is inaccurate; whether any similar disabling provisions have been entered into by Great Britain with regard to any other neutral Power during or in regard to the present War; and whether, taking all the circumstances of the case into consideration, he will suggest to the Government the advisability, in its own interests and those of its Allies in regard to the successful conduct of the War, of reopening with Italy the question of Clause 15 and the policy it involves with a view to the removal of the disabilities it imposes on the beneficent activities of, and the stigma it attaches to, the Holy See?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the second part, I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to his question of 6th December on this subject, in which I stated that I understood that the object of the provision was to secure that the terms of peace should be settled by the belligerents. Regarding the third and fourth parts, I must repeat emphatically that the Clause does not state that representatives of the Holy See shall not be allowed to take any diplomatic steps in order to bring about the conclusion of peace; it is concerned solely with the settlement of the actual terms of peace. With regard to the last part of the question, I will naturally consider the suggestion of my hon. Friend, but I venture again respectfully to protest against the idea that the Clause was intended to impose a disability on the beneficent activities of, or to attach any stigma to, the Holy See.

I wish to know from the Noble Lord specifically if this disabling Clause applies to the Holy See and its representatives alone, or whether or not it applies to other neutral Powers?

How does the Noble Lord reconcile the information he has given me to-day with the answer he gave me on the last occasion, when I took the point that it was inconsistent to have an accredited representative at the Holy See while retaining this Clause?

Russia

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can either now or in the course of the Debate this day give some information as to the policy of this country towards Russia?

I do not consider that it would serve any useful purpose at this moment to make a statement in the sense desired.

County Council Asylum, Epsom

asked the First Commissioner of Works whether, in taking over buildings for the use of various Departments, he has considered the desirability of taking over the new London County Council asylum at Epsom; if he is aware that a sum of nearly £250,000 has been expended upon it already, and that it could be fitted up as a hospital for wounded soldiers or to accommodate troops at a comparatively small cost?

This building was fully considered, but it was thought that the completion of the building operations and the necessary conversion to a hospital would take too long.

Admiralty Works (Labour Conditions)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the soldiers working on the new Chepstow and Beachley works are working under less favourable conditions as regards housing, bedding, and food than the German prisoners who are working in the same neighbourhood?

There are no German prisoners employed at Chepstow, but the employment of this class of labour at Beachley necessitated the formation of concentration camps and the erection of hutments in order that close supervision could be exercised over them. The military labour, on the other hand, is billeted in various buildings in the villages of Chepstow and Beachley pending the erection of huts for their accommodation. These huts are now in course of erection. The bedding and food supplied to the soldiers and German prisoners of war am governed by War Office Regulations.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is considerable feeling in the neighbourhood that German prisoners are being treated better than our own wounded men?

The right hon. Gentleman is not answerable for the feeling in the neighbourhood. He is only answerable for the Department.

Allied Naval Council

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty who will be the British naval representatives on the permanent secretariat of the Allied Naval Council; and where this permanent secretariat of all the Allies will be accommodated with offices?

The matter is not yet settled with our Allies, and will be discussed at the first meeting, which will probably be held shortly.

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty who is our naval representative who will attend the meetings of the Inter-Allied Military Staff in Versailles and advise upon all naval questions affecting military operations?

Advice upon all large naval questions affecting military operations will be given by the Inter-Allied Naval Council or by the Chief of Staff of the Admiralty concerned, as the circumstances may require. The naval officer, who will be at all times available for daily discussion of minor naval matters at Versailles, will be Commodore Heaton Ellis, R.N., the British Naval Liaison Officer in Paris.

Royal Dockyard Foremen (War Bonus)

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he has considered the representations made to him in favour of raising the present bonus of 5s. weekly to foremen of works, under the director of works in the dockyards, to £30 per annum, the bonus which has been awarded to other foremen in the dockyards; and, if so, will he say what decision has been arrived at?

The war bonus to which my right hon. Friend refers is now increased to £50, and the conditions under which it will be administered will be issued immediately. I may also add that the payment of overtime to the foremen of work after fifty-six hours a week instead of sixty hours a week has been approved.

Boarded-Out Children

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether his attention has been called to the statement of the Minister of Food as to the cost of the food of a child per week; whether he will state the amount which is allowed to be paid for boarded-out children for all expenses, and the amount which may be paid to institutions not directly under boards of guardians to which children are sent; and whether the increase since 1914 covers the increased cost of all necessaries?

The figures given on the 11th instant as the approximate weekly cost of rationed foods have since been corrected. Any deduction from the original figures would therefore be erroneous. The maximum allowance for the maintenance of boarded-out children has been increased from 5s. to 7s. 6d. a week. This allowance is exclusive of allowances for clothing and the repair and renewal of clothing, medical attendance, medicines and extras ordered by a medical attendant, for which no maximum is fixed. Increases of 2s., and in some cases of 2s. 6d., have been sanctioned in the amount of the weekly payments by boards of guardians to certified schools. It is believed that the increases in the allowances have been sufficient to meet the increase in the cost of living.

Food Supplies

Crops (Storage and Protection)

asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) whether he is aware that in many parts of Ireland compulsory tillage has resulted in a large number of small stacks being left under inadequate cover from weather and vermin scattered over the country districts; and whether he can state what steps are being taken to ensure that these are not lost to the country?

From the information at the Department's disposal it does not appear that last season's corn crops have been inadequately secured, nor have any complaints in this respect been received by the Department. It may be added that threshings so far made go to show that, notwithstanding unfavourable weather at time of harvesting, the quality of the crops is satisfactory. The Department will continue to give careful attention to the whole question of adequate protection and storage of the crops, with a view to taking any further steps which may appear to be called for.

If I send the right hon. Gentleman evidence of large numbers of small stacks still standing and going to rack and ruin, will the Department take some action in the matter?

The only action I can conceive being taken would be that stocks which are being thrown away in that way should be requisitioned for the public service. If farmers who have harvested their stocks are exposing them to waste, they must bear in mind that there are powers to requisition their stores.

Does the right hon. Gentleman understand that farmers, with the best intentions in the world, have not the power to protect their stocks? They have not the necessary materials or sheds to put them in. They are not accustomed to tillage.

I am not sure about not being accustomed to tillage, but everyone must know there are elementary means of securing the crops.

Bread

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food (1) if his attention has been called to the recent cessation of deliveries of bread from Londonderry to retailers in county Donegal; and whether any steps have been taken in the matter; (2) whether, in view of the difficulties experienced in obtaining the customary supplies of bread from Londonderry, he will sanction the release of additional flour for bakeries in Ardara, county Donegal; and (3) if he is aware that many families in the district of Narin, Glenties, and elsewhere, in county Donegal, have been unable during the first fortnight of this month to obtain any supplies of bread or flour; and whether steps can be taken to bring about an increase of supply of these and other necessaries of life before Christmas?

I can add nothing to the answer given to the hon. Member for West Mayo last Tuesday, except to say that the scarcity of flour in certain districts of Ireland is receiving careful attention, and that I shall be glad at any time during the Recess to discuss the matter with my hon. Friend.

Is it not a fact that there has been a bakers' strike in Derry, and the Ministry are concerned in negotiations in regard to this district?

The situation at that time was in the hands of the Committee in Ireland. I have no knowledge of the strike.

Does the hon. Gentleman know, or does his Department know, how stocks of flour are being distributed in the West of Ireland? Is he aware that the means taken by the Food Controller have entirely broken down, and is it not a fact that in various districts in Ireland there are no supplies at the present moment?

I can only say that as soon as we received information of the few cases which have been reported action was immediately taken by the Committee.

asked the increase, if any, in the percentage of bread consumed in the United Kingdom during the past month?

The quantity of bread made and the quantity of flour sold retail in the United Kingdom were, according to returns received from bakers and retailers, almost exactly the same in the four weeks 11th November to 8th December, 1917, as in the previous four weeks. As compared with the corresponding four weeks last year, there is an increase in the consumption of bread of 1 per cent. and a decrease in the consumption of flour of 7½ per cent.; when bread and flour are taken together, there is a decrease of 1 per cent. The returns are not yet completed, but it is improbable that the figures will be affected by further information.

Is it the case that the consumption of bread has now reached the standard of the month of March last before the Food Economy Campaign began, and is that not due to the Government subsidy in regard to flour?

The subsidy may have affected it to some extent. As to the other part of the question I shall require notice.

Racehorse Rations

asked whether new Regulations have recently been made, or are about to be made, with regard to the feeding of racehorses; whether, under these Regulations, it will be possible to give 15 lbs. of oats a day to every racehorse in training up to the number of 500 horses for a period of four months to the middle of April, so that a quantity of oats amounting to over 900,000 lbs. may be consumed in the feeding of racehorses during this period; and what is the amount of human food units which this represents?

In accordance with the decision of the War Cabinet to allow a limited amount of racing during the winter months, it is proposed to sanction an oat ration of 15 lbs. a day to not more than 500 racehorses in training until the middle of April. In view of the fact that the majority of these horses are already receiving an oats ration it is not thought that the additional consumption of oats will exceed 250 tons, which may be taken to represent 500 million calories or units of energy.

Is it the opinion of the Ministry of Food that racehorses are more important than human beings, or is there really no shortage of food?

The decision was that of the Cabinet. So far as I know, it was based on the ground that it was necessary for the purpose of horse breeding.

As an old racing member, may I ask whether, seeing that such prime articles of necessity as pigs and poultry are actually prohibited from taking even the tail ends of wheat, it is really necessary in the best and truest interests of the country, that not only racehorses but geldings should be allowed to amuse certain classes of the population during the winter months?

Bacon

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether his attention has been called to letters from wholesale bacon houses to their customers offering their goods at prices considerably below the fixed Government price because they consider the large profits allowed by Government handicap the small trader as against the large one; if this is the case, whether he will consider the advisability of a revision of the fixed wholesale price; and what action the Ministry propose to take?

Under the Bacon (Provisional Prices) Order there is no fixed wholesale price, nor is there anything to prevent a trader from either selling or offering to sell below the maximum price therein specified. The present maximum prices are merely provisional; accounts and costs are being investigated with a view to effecting any adjustment that may be thought advisable.

Has the hon. Gentleman seen the circulars issued by certain wholesale houses implying that prices have been fixed, and that they are already below the Government prices?

In the sense that prices were fixed, they were fixed provisionally on the advice of the representatives of the associations dealing in the articles concerned.

Food Distribution

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether, with a view of making use as far as possible of local advice to meet varying local conditions in connection with the distribution of the essential commodities, he will suggest to the food control committees in the large towns the desirability of their giving careful consideration to the Birmingham scheme, and of inviting them to make suggestions as to any modifications which, in their view, would make the scheme meet the requirements of their respective areas?

The Food Controller is about to make an Order conferring upon food control committees the powers necessary to enable them to carry out local schemes of distribution designed to secure the same ends as the scheme now coming into force in Birmingham. He proposes to issue a model scheme which might be put into force by food control committees under this Order, but to leave room for this model to be fairly adapted to varying local requirements and conditions.

asked whether any supplies of tea, sugar, butter, margarine, and bacon will be provided by the Ministry of Food for the populous industrial centres in the West of Scotland, to relieve the situation which has there arisen owing to the faulty system of distribution of these commodities?

If the hon. Member will specify the places in which he believes an extraordinary shortage to exist, inquiries will at once be instituted; and if, and so far as the result of such inquiries confirms his impression, additional supplies of the commodities referred to will be dispatched.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that no supplies have been dispatched to this particular district?

I believe supplies were not dispatched as supplementary to the usual amount unless we received information that it was necessary.

Is it the case that only when there is threat of a strike additional supplies are sent?

Supplies have been sent in any case where for other reasons it has been found necessary.

The point of my question is that Scotland was deprived of its butter, and the relation between Woolwich and Scotland is the point of my question.

If the hon. Member wants any information about Woolwich, he should give notice of the question.

Potatoes

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether his attention has been called to the fact that potatoes are being sold by retailers at prices exceeding 1¼d. lb., and also being advertised at prices exceeding £6 10s. a ton; and whether he proposes to prosecute in such cases?

If the hon. Member will give me any information to prove that the Potatoes Order is being contravened, the necessary action will be taken.

Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that potatoes are being openly sold at prices exceeding 1¼d. per lb., and that advertisements have appeared in the London Press advertising potatoes at £10 a ton?

We were not aware of that, and I hope it is not so; but if consumers will make representations to the local food committee steps will be taken to prosecute any such offenders?

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that a firm of shippers of London and Montevideo have, within the last few days, approached a well-known firm of shipowners for a quotation for freight on 300 tons of potatoes from the United Kingdom to Montevideo, stating that they held the necessary permission from the Government to ship this produce out of the United Kingdom; and whether, in view of the present shortage of food in this country, he will take steps to prevent a shipment of this character from being knowingly made from this country for a South American port?

I have been asked to reply. If my hon. Friend will tell me the name of the shippers referred to in the question, I will make inquiries.

Average Profits

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food what is the average profit estimated by his Department to accrue to the producers of butter, cheese, and pork, respectively, at the prices fixed by the Food Controller?

I cannot usefully make any general statement as to the average profits obtained throughout the country on the production of particular commodities.

Service Men (Free Meals)

asked whether the Food Controller is aware that Sir Arthur Yapp has given instructions to all the Young Men's Christian Association canteens in London to offer every soldier and sailor a free dinner and a free tea on Christmas Day; whether the military authorities requested any such special arrangements for free meals, and, if not, whether he considers such a large issue of free food to be either necessary or in harmony with the urgent appeals for food economy?

The Food Controller was not aware that such instructions had been given, but he understands that a precedent at least two years old is being followed. It would seem that the meals are given, for the most part, to soldiers passing through London on leave from the front. As the meals are only served in limited amounts within certain hours, as part of an entertainment, and in substitution of food that would be taken elsewhere, I am sure the House will not begrudge this hospitality on the part of the Young Men's Christian Association.

Will the hon. Gentleman see that the Young Men's Christian Association confine their hospitality to those who require it, and do not offer food to men who do not even want it?

Only those requiring it, and who particularly wish to enjoy the other features, the entertainment and so on provided, are likely to take advantage of the offer.

Will the meat ration be withheld from the men on that day, and a saving effected in that way?

Is it customary for soldiers who have had one dinner to ask for another?

Whisky

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether he has been able to estimate the quantity of whisky in bond or otherwise available for human consumption; whether the price at which whisky can be retailed to the public is controlled equally with the amount allowed to be withdrawn from bond to be consumed; has he been able to estimate the value of the stocks of whisky now in bond as compared with the value of a like amount of whisky before the outbreak of war; and what part of this rise in value accrues to the State by way of excess or war profit?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative; the third and fourth parts do not, therefore, arise. The question of controlling the retail prices of whisky is under consideration.

Ale and Stout

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether the same facilities for supplying ale and stout were granted to brewers for the quarter ending Christmas as for the quarter ending September; whether Instructions were issued that ale not above a certain gravity should be available to the public at not more than 4d. a pint; whether this Government ale is in some districts only available at 5d. a pint; and then only on Fridays, Saturdays, and Sundays, and customers have to purchase bitter or bottled beer at enhanced prices on other days; and will he have inquiries made as to the shortage of Government beer of specific gravity?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Beer (Prices and Description) Order provides that where beer is sold by imperial measure in a public bar the maximum price for beer of an original gravity less than 1,036° shall be at the rate of 4d. per imperial pint, and for beer of an original gravity not exceeding 1,042° and not less than 1,036° shall be at the rate of 5d. per imperial pint. The only reference in the Order to Government Ale is a provision that beer of an original gravity less than 1,036° shall not be so described. I cannot promise to have inquiries made as to the shortage of an undefined commodity.

Cost of Living

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the Food Controller is reported to have stated on 18th December that the cost of living had gone down by something like 10 per cent. in the last six months, while the figures published in the "Labour Gazette" for December purport to show that in the same period the cost of food had increased by 3 per cent.; and whether he will state which of these is correct?

It is impossible for me to answer the question put by my right hon. Friend, but I am strongly of opinion that if it be possible to obtain a reliable estimate of the increase in the cost of living it is essential that such an estimate should be secured. The Government are, therefore, now considering whether or not an inquiry, such as is recommended by the Committee of which my right hon. Friend is chairman, should be undertaken.

Military Service

Conscientious Objectors

asked the President of the Local Government Board if he is aware that the Central Appeal Tribunal issued a decision in the latter part of 1916, holding that unconditional or absolute exemption from the obligations of the Military Service Acts could not be granted on conscientious grounds alone; whether, as a consequence of this decision, military representatives appealed for the revision of certificates of absolute exemption granted to well-known Quakers like Roderick Clark, Robert O. Mennell, and others, with the result that such certificates were withdrawn; and whether it is proposed that the new circular will call for reports on cases of this character?

The Central Tribunal do not appear to have issued any decision that absolute exemption could not be granted on the ground of conscience, and the certificates to which the hon. Member refers were, therefore, not reviewed in consequence of such a decision. As a matter of fact, I understand that the case of R. O. Mennell was decided by the Central Tribunal themselves, and that he was offered exemption on condition that he undertook work of national importance. In Clark's case, exemption from combatant service was granted by the Appeal Tribunal, and Clark, after being court-martialled, refused to have his case considered under the Home Office scheme.

asked the Home Secretary if he is now able to make a statement about the case of Arthur Butler, who recently died in Preston gaol?

Owing to delay in the post, I have not yet received a full report of the inquest, but I understand that the verdict of the jury was to the effect that Butler died from pneumonia, that he received proper care and attention during his illness, that he had been humanely treated and properly nursed, and that no blame whatever attached to anyone. The postmortem examination showed that he died from pneumonia, and that there was no trace of tuberculosis.

asked the Home Secretary if he will have immediate inquiry made into the health of A. Pickles, a conscientious objector, now imprisoned in Shrewsbury Gaol, and whose condition is said to be serious; and will he have this man discharged from prison, seeing that he is physically unfit for military service?

In view of the medical reports made to me, I authorised this prisoner's discharge from custody a week ago.

asked the Home Secretary when the new Regulations enabling men who have worked in Home Office camps or work centres for twelve months to find other employment will be published and come into operation; and whether he will consider making the period of twelve months to count from the date of sentence by court-martial and not from the date of release from prison to serve under the Home Office Committee?

asked the Home Secretary if, before the House rises, he will be able to place upon the Table of the House the new Regulations regarding the work of the men who have been under the control of the Brace Committee for a period of twelve months or more; and what will be the general effect of these new Regulations?

The Rules, which were presented yesterday, are to the effect that, by twelve months' good conduct and industry, men may qualify for exceptional employment in work of national importance found by the Committee or found by themselves and approved by the Committee. It is essential that there should be twelve months' continuous good service, and the Committee could not take into account any period before such service began. The Rules come into force at once, but they will not apply to any individual until it is established that he is fully qualified, and that suitable employment is available. Men so employed will receive full wages from the employer, and separation allowance will be discontinued. Certain necessary conditions will be imposed, among them an obligation to refrain from propaganda. Breach of any of the conditions will render men liable to be sent back to prison or the Army or to be recalled to direct employment under the Committee.

Non-Combatant Corps

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he will inquire into the case of Private John, No. 3476, 6th Eastern Company, Non-Combatant Corps, Perham Down, near Andover, who was given seven days' confinement to barracks for telling a sergeant that he did not mind being reported to the field-marshal so long as he was doing his duty, and was later given seventy-two hours' detention for asking a lance-corporal if it was according to the King's Regulations for officers to swear and use filthy language, and who has more recently been placed under open arrest and described by the officer as a coward and worse than a reptile for having recently in a prayer meeting in the course of a prayer said that England was not in need of a King or of a War Cabinet but of Jesus Christ to save herself, and for this crime was offered by the commanding officer the choice of being court-martialled or given twenty-eight days' detention; and, in view of the fact that it is quite evident that this man is a religious fanatic, whether the method of dealing with him adopted by the officers is approved by the War Office?

It appears that the provisions of Section 46 of the Army Act were properly complied with by the commanding officer, and I have, therefore, nothing to add.

Insurance Agents (Bonus)

asked the Minister of Labour if he can announce the result of the conference of insurance agents and the representatives of the insurance companies; and if he will see that the agents shall be paid a war bonus as recommended by the Industrial Unrest Committee and that it will be paid before Christmas?

I interviewed on Tuesday the representatives of the insurance companies and of the agents, and both parties have agreed to a Committee of Inquiry being set up and to the terms of reference. I am accordingly taking steps to appoint this Committee at an early date.

Air Services

Royal Flying Corps (Boys)

asked what is the position of boys of fifteen who are being placed by Employment Exchanges in the workshops of the Royal Flying Corps; whether these boys are asked to enlist for four years with the Colours and four years with the Reserve, and at what age this term of enlistment begins; and under whose jurisdiction are they from the age of fifteen to eighteen?

The boys are placed as boy artificers in the workshops of the Royal Flying Corps, and are under the control of the Army Council. They are enlisted for either the normal period of service, in which case their term of service begins on their attaining the age of 18 years, or for the duration of the War only. The boys attest voluntarily with the written consent of their parents. After enlistment they are subject to Army discipline. I may add that the welfare of these boys is taken into special consideration, and that we should be happy to show any Member the training camp.

Factory Sites (Dublin)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Air Board if the Secretary of State (Air Services) has had his attention drawn to the special suitability of the county of Dublin as the location for a national aircraft factory, suitable sites and an ample supply of labour and raw materials being locally available, and local manufacturers having offered to build the necessary aircraft engines; and whether, under these circumstances, the Ministry will at once issue instructions for the establishment of a national aircraft factory in Dublin?

I have been asked to answer this question. An investigation is now being conducted into the suitability of Dublin as a centre for aircraft construction.

Transfers

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Air Board whether steps are being taken to ensure that vacancies in the Air Service for work which can be performed by partially fit or over military age men will not be filled by the enlistment or transfer from the Navy or Army of men of any rank who are fit for general service, except such as have special technical qualifications?

The formation of the Air Force will be effected with the fullest regard to the considerations referred to in my hon, and gallant Friend's question.

Munitions

Wages Advances

asked whether there was an agreement entered into or an understanding arrived at between the Employers' Engineering Federation and the majority of the important trade unions concerned which provides for the question of engineering and other munition workers' wages being periodically submitted to the Committee on Production; whether this was done in the case of the recent rise of 12½ per cent. to munition workers; and, if not, what was the reason for non-compliance with the arrangement that had been made?

An agreement of the kind indicated is in existence. The advance of 12½ per cent. was granted for a special purpose by an Order of the Ministry of Munitions which would not require to be submitted to the Committee on Production.

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether, before the advance was made by the Ministry of Munitions, the Minister of Labour was communicated with, and if he agreed that it was necessary that this large increase should be made?

The Minister of Munitions acted under the powers conferred upon him by the Act.

May I press the right hon. Gentleman—did he communicate with the Minister of Labour in respect of this matter?

A Committee was set up and the Minister of Labour was invited to be represented on it.

asked the Minister of Labour if any cases have come before him arising out of applications for the extension of the 12½ per cent. time-workers' advance to piece-workers employed on Government engineering and shipbuilding work; and, if so, what action has been taken thereon?

Yes, Sir; certain cases have come before the Ministry of Labour, and they are being dealt with in accordance with the procedure governing applications for an increase in wages described in Schedule 1 of the Munitions of War Act, 1915.

asked whether it is proposed to give any corresponding advantage to piece-workers to the 12½ per cent. recently given to time-workers, with a view to placing the former class of workers on an equality, having regard to the value of their work from the point of view of a satisfactory output of munitions of war?

The questions respecting piece-workers which have arisen out of the 12½ per cent. bonus are under consideration by the War Cabinet Labour Committee.

Will the House be communicated with before any further advance is made, considering the vast amount of money which it has cost this country for these increases?

Will it be brought to the notice of the House before this further advance is made?

asked whether any cases have arisen since the issue of the Order granting an advance of 12½ per cent. to time-workers of piece-workers transferring to time-work conditions?

A certain number of such cases have arisen. The matter is under consideration by the War Cabinet Labour Committee.

Dublin Munitions Factory

asked the Minister of Munitions whether there have been any appointments made in Dublin munition factory; whom it is proposed to place in the position of Mr. Farley, who was up to the 15th instant works manager; if the candidate to fill the position will be selected from the staff of Irish engineers employed in the Dublin factory for the past three years; and if he will see that the Irishmen receive fair play so far as promotion is concerned?

The manager of another national shell factory has been transferred to Dublin as manager of the factory there. No one among the engineers already employed in the Dublin factory had had sufficient experience to be entrusted with the management. In reply to the last part of the question, I may say that every consideration is given to the claims of Irishmen to promotion in Irish national factories.

Expenditure (Ireland)

asked the Minister of Munitions what proportion of the total expenditure on munitions and aeroplanes and all the subsidiary works is disbursed at present in Ireland; and whether he contemplates any change in the system?

The records of the Ministry are not kept in such a form as makes it possible to give this information without an amount of labour out of all proportion to its utility.

Messrs. Beardmore's Works, Paisley

asked the Minister of Munitions whether he has any information with regard to a strike of 3,000 workers in Messrs. Beardmore's works in Paisley; whether the stoppage is due to Messrs. Beardmore's action in introducing a new scheme of payment by results, the object of which is to override the ruling of a Government Arbitrator in favour of unskilled men given three months ago; and whether any steps have been taken to bring about a settlement of the dispute?

1,800 employés at Messrs. Beardmore's Paisley works came out on strike on the 13th instant. I am informed that a change has recently been made in the class of munitions being produced there. Piece-work prices were satisfactorily arranged, but a dispute arose over an output bonus based on the production of the shop. The Ministry's representative for Scotland is already negotiating with the parties, and I am not without hope that an early settlement will be reached.

Questions

Generals Retired

asked the Prime Minister how many generals have been permanently retired from the Service in connection with the recent operations in France?

I cannot give the information asked for.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether the result of the inquiry that was announced will be made known?

That does not seem to me to arise out of the question, but I can make no statement about that matter.

Secretary of State for War

asked the Prime Minister whether he will now consider the advisability of the office of the Secretary of State for War being held by a Member of the House of Commons?

The Government do not consider that any change such as suggested is desirable.

Shipping (Government Policy)

asked the Prime Minister what steps the Government are taking to save ships; if it is proposed to use the available sites for harbours in Ireland; what steps the Government propose to take to shorten sea voyages, and if he is aware that sea voyages can be shortened by using Irish ports?

It is impossible to describe by way of answer in this House how the many successful steps which have been taken by the Government to save ships. As to the length of sea voyages, the policy has been to concentrate upon the shortest, and the result has been largely to compensate the nation for the loss of tonnage. The fullest possible use is made of all ports and harbours in Ireland, and this being so it is not possible to shorten sea voyages by means of such ports any more than is already done. If by the reference to "available sites for harbours" my hon. Friend intends to allude to schemes that have been advocated in certain quarters for extensive constructional work at various natural harbours on the West Coast of Ireland, the answer is that the difficulties in the way of undertaking any such schemes in wartime are prohibitive, and that the conditions of railway and cross-Channel transport are such that no present benefit could accrue from the opening up of such ports even if these difficulties were not insuperable.

Viscount Northcliffe's Mission

asked whether Viscount Northcliffe will return to America to resume his mission there?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave to the hon. Member on 11th December, to Which I can add nothing.

Will the right hon. Gentleman state to the House under what account are the expenses of this mission paid?

Lord Bertie

asked whether it is expected that Lord Bertie may shortly retire from the Embassy at Paris; and, if so, who his successor will be?

Inter-Allied War Council

asked the Prime Minister whether he can state the reasons for the withdrawal of General Foch from the General Staff of the Inter-Allied War Council; and whether General Bliss, the Chief of the American Staff, is still a member of that body?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, and to the second part in the affirmative.

Tuberculosis

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that tuberculosis is increasing and that its development is likely to be favoured by the conditions supervening on the War, and considering also that this disease is capable not only of having its ravages reduced but of being eventually eliminated, he will set up a small Committee of qualified and capable men acting under definite instructions to furnish, with as little delay as possible, a Report on the diverse means of combating tuberculosis, general and social, hygienic, and clinical, with a clear indication of all the successive practical steps necessary to accomplish the work; and whether, if the Report advises the establishment of a Ministry of Health, of which the carrying out of this project should be one of the functions, or the foundation of a special institute based on that of the Pasteur Institute, but with greatly enlarged powers, he will give immediate effect to the recommendations?

I cannot add anything to the previous replies which I have made on this subject.

Considering that there was nothing in the reply, will the right hon. Gentleman take notice of the very great importance of this matter to the future of the nation?

I certainly do take note of the importance of it, but I do not agree that there was nothing in the reply.

Ex-Lord Chancellors' Pensions

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that there are four ex-Lord Chancellors drawing £5,000 a year and a Lord Chancellor drawing £10,000 a year, he will take steps to have this and other legal anomalies of a similar kind rectified, as, for instance, by reducing these salaries by 80 per cent., and with the money thus economised save from want the dependants of a certain number of soldiers who have lost their lives in performing deeds of exceptional gallantry?

House of Commons and the Government

asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider a Motion of want of confidence on the part of a private Member; and if he will give a day if a sufficient number of signatories be obtained, the said Motion being based on the sense of the peril of this country on account of the incapacity of the Government in every vital field and on account of the disastrous influence on the conduct of the War of the deference shown to the dynastic principle, particularly in Greece, and finally on account of the urgent necessity of bringing to the fore new men untrammelled by bad traditions and capable of exhibiting the qualities of courage, decision, scientific thought, and energy of execution?

If at any time the House of Commons loses confidence in the Government of the day no difficulty is ever found in giving expression to its view.

Might I ask the right hon. Gentleman what means he can indicate to me, so that I can bring it home to him that the Government has lost the confidence of the House?

The first step which, the hon. Member has to take is to get a majority to agree with him.

How is a majority to be secured, except by a Division, and how can you have a Division except after a discussion?

Is not the only means of having a Motion of want of confidence discussed at the instance of the official Leader of the Opposition, and as that right hon. Gentleman, for obvious reasons, does not want to embarrass the Government, will the right hon. Gentleman allow somebody else to bring forward a Motion?

The hon. Member will have no difficulty whatever in getting a proper opportunity once he has secured a majority.

Education Bill

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the determination not to proceed at present with the Education Bill, he will take the opportunity of withdrawing this Bill, in order to bring in another, cast on far bolder lines, suggested by what has been revealed of late in regard to those educational needs of the country which must be provided for if this nation is to keep pace in the competition of highly-organised States, namely, the means of securing that the most promising minds of the coming generation may be fostered, and enabled to secure eventually the best training possible, the establishment of a great national university, whose degrees would be the passport to State employment of the higher grades, and the definite association of intellectual cultivation with the industrial development of the country, so that each may stimulate the other by reaction and be mutually advantageous; and whether he will proceed to inaugurate such a system at once?

I cannot add anything to the reply which I gave on the 13th December to questions on this subject.

Why is it that whenever a big idea is thrown at the Government they seem to suffer from shell shock?

Treasury Control

asked the Prime Minister whether, whilst recognising the hitherto universal satisfaction with the amalgamation of the offices of Leader of the House and Chancellorship of the Ex- chequer, he will now consider the termination of this arrangement, in view of the second Report of the Select Committee on National Expenditure with particular reference to Treasury control, and also having regard to the fact that such control as is indicated cannot be effectively exercised unless the holder of the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer can give his undivided attention thereto?

My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister does not consider that there would be any advantage to the public service in making the change suggested.

After the House resumes, will an early date be arranged for a discussion of this Report, with a particular reference to Treasury control?

I shall certainly take the earliest possible opportunity of having it discussed here.

Is it not a fact that even in normal times it was found impossible to get the posts of Chancellor of the Exchequer and Leader of the House to be held by one and the same person?

British Troops (Italy)

asked the Prime Minister if he will arrange for regular communiqués to be published regarding the operations in which the British troops now in Italy may take part?

Whenever a report of operations in which British troops are engaged is received from the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief the British forces in Italy, a communiqué will be issued.

Journalists in Government Departments

asked the Prime Minister how many journalists are employed in Government Departments as advisers or writers; what scale of salary is paid to them; and how many of them are of military age?

The answer is in the negative. I would not feel justified in authorising the expenditure of the time and labour which would be required to collect this information.

Petroleum

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the need for petroleum is not less urgent than it was last summer; and whether he can satisfy the desire that progress should be made with an amended Petroleum (Production) Bill?

I expect to be in a position to state the intentions of the Government on this subject immediately after the Recess.

Military Service Acts

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the present position of the War, he is now prepared to apply the Military Service Acts equally to all parts of the United Kingdom, and to introduce legislation accordingly?

As the right hon. Gentleman has emphasised the word "now," will he ask the Prime Minister to make a statement on this subject at an early date?

I think a proper opportunity for discussion will arise, immediately after our reassembling, on the Man-Power Bill.

Can we afford to waste so long a time in arriving at a conclusion on a subject of such tremendous importance?

Brewery Shares

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been called to the fact that the strict control exercised by the Government over the liquor traffic has resulted in an outburst of speculation in the value of brewery shares and in their appreciation during the last few months; and whether any means can be or will be devised to secure for the Exchequer any of the money thus taken from the community?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the last part, any profits such as the hon. Member has in mind are dealt with according to the general Revenue laws of the country.

Is it the fact that the holders of brewery securities have now obtained small dividends after many years, and that that is practically the only return for their money?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he still thinks it necessary to present £1,000,000 to the brewing industry?

Perhaps my hon. Friend will have an opportunity of discussing that at a later stage.

Income Tax (Pensions)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that soldiers and sailors are now assessed for Income Tax on what they receive by way of pension for wounds or disablement; and is it intended that pensions so received shall continue to be brought in for assessment?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given on the 12th instant to a question by the hon. and learned Member for York.

Enemy Banks

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when the London branches of the Deutsche Bank, the Dresdner Bank, and the Disconto Gesellschaft will be finally wound up and their licences revoked and their businesses in this country brought to an end; and whether any German or Austrian enemy aliens are still employed in any of those banks?

I am about to present to the House a Report from the Controller, just received, which will show the position which has been reached with regard to these banks. At the present time five enemy subjects are employed.

Can the right hon. Gentleman recall to his recollection that he told me in this House on the 3rd July, that he hoped at the end of this year to have arrived at a final result? Has he any reason to doubt that taking place?

I do not recollect that specific reply, and I do not think I made that specific reply, because I believe there will be assets which cannot be realised until after the War. But perhaps my hon. Friend will wait for the Report, and he will see.

Frongoch Camp

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is aware that, on the entry of the Irish prisoners into Frongoch camp in 1916, an agreement was made between the prisoners' leaders and Adjutant-Lieutenant Burns, and afterwards confirmed by Commandant Lieutenant-Colonel Heygate Lambert, with regard to purchases made by the prisoners at the camp canteen; that this agreement stipulated for a percentage rebate to be credited to the prisoners together with other credits; that, after agitation by the prisoners, a statement of account was posted in the camp at the end of each month signed by Adjutant-Lieutenant Burns and countersigned by Commandant Lieutenant-Colonel Heygate Lambert; that the originals of these statements are now in the possession of the prisoners or their friends; that no statement for the month of December, 1916, on the 23rd or 24th day of which month the prisoners were suddenly released, has ever been supplied to the prisoners, although application was made for it on several occasions; that, according to the last submitted monthly statement, there was a balance of over £90 due to the prisoners; that no part of this sum was handed to them on their release; that applications from the prisoners themselves and subsequently from their solicitors to the camp commandant were not replied to; that letters from the prisoners' solicitors to his Department were ignored in the same way but that, finally, on 24th March, 1917, his Department wrote to prisoners' solicitors stating that the accounts of the camp had been closed, and leaving it to be inferred that the matter of handing back their own property to the prisoners could not, therefore, be attended to; that in the meantime, after the departure of the prisoners from Frongoch, the camp accounts had been handed to his Department, that they had dealt with them, and had actually handed over the balance of the canteen account to the War Office; that his Department subsequently received several other letters from the honorary secretary of the Irish National Relief Fund in London on this matter, which were ignored, but that eventually, on 15th August, 1917, wrote disclaiming all responsibility, and saying that the matter concerned the War Office, and that a further letter from his Department to the honorary secretary of the Irish National Relief Fund, dated 24th September, 1917, definitely refused to enter further into the matter; if it is the intention of his Department to deprive the Irish prisoners of this money; and, if this is the intention, whether this procedure has the sanction of the Cabinet and has been adopted on its instructions?

I fear that I cannot undertake to deal with the mass of detail in the hon. Member's question, beyond saying that it is not the case that letters about this matter were ignored by the Home Office. The canteen at Frongoch was carried on under the ordinary military Regulations, and consequently after it was closed it became necessary to transfer the balance, together with questions relating to its disposal, to the War Office, by whom I understand it is now being dealt with.

Enemy Aliens

asked whether any interned enemy aliens have during the last three months been released from internment; and, if so, how many and for what reasons?

Apart from those men, chiefly Austrians, who were sent out on licence to agricultural employment or other work of national utility, twenty-four enemy subjects have been released during the last three months. Of these, eleven were released to join the British or Allied forces, and the remaining thirteen were either of friendly race or in a dangerous state of health, or were men of guaranteed good character with sons in the British Army, or some equally favourable recommendation for release.

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware of any organisation in this country which subsidises enemy aliens engaged in pro-German propaganda in neutral countries; and, if not, whether, if full particulars be supplied, he will take action?

I am not aware of any such organisation, but I am ready to consider any facts that the hon. Member may be able to bring to my notice.

Defence of the Realm Regulations

Leaflets (Censorship)

asked the Home Secretary whether Regulation 27C (Defence of the Realm Act) is still in force as originally issued, or whether interested persons may act as though the promised Amendment was now the rule; whether he can say when the amended Regulation is to be issued; and whether he proposes to alter Regulation 51 at the same time?

Regulation 27c is still in force in its original form, but the Amendments I have indicated will be made without delay. An Amendment will also be made in Regulation 51.

International Friendship (Dean Inge's Statement)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether a speech delivered at a conference of the British Council of the World Alliance for Promoting International Friendship through the churches on the 14th December instant by Dr. Inge, Dean of St. Paul's, has been brought to his notice; and whether he has taken or proposes to take any steps in the matter?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given to a similar question yesterday, of which I will send him a copy.

Internment Cases

asked the Home Secretary (1) whether he can now, consistently with the public interest, state what policy the Government intends to adopt concerning certain interned Russian subjects; (2) whether he is aware that on the 16th and 17th December several newspapers announced that George Tchitcherine was to be released from internment; whether the Home Office gave any information to this effect; and, if not, whether the statement was first submitted to the Censor?

I can only repeat that I cannot yet, consistently with the public interest, make any statement on this subject.

Will the Home Secretary grant me an interview on this subject in order that I may put before him information which is in my possession?

Questions

Chinese Gambling Houses

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether any action has been taken against Chinese gambling houses in the vicinity of Pennyfields and Limehouse Causeway as the result of the letter of 14th August, 1917, addressed to him by the Member for Maidstone, in which an account was given of a visit to a number of these houses; and, if so, whether such action is being co-ordinated with the other Chinese centres at Cardiff, Liverpool, and Birmingham?

I referred the hon. and gallant Member's letter to the Commissioner of Police, and received a Report which shows that whenever the police are able to obtain sufficient evidence to justify a prosecution the necessary action is taken to enforce the law, and in a considerable number of cases convictions have been obtained. I have not made special inquiry of the police at the other Chinese centres referred to by the hon. Member, but I have no doubt that they take all possible steps to enforce the law.

Do not the sentences simply consist of fines, and are not the gamblers organised as a trade union to pay the fines themselves, so that it would be no good?

Polish Families, Lanarkshire

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he is now in a position to make any statement regarding provision for the wives and families in Lanarkshire of Poles and Lithuanians who have been sent to Russia for military service?

Yes, Sir. Arrangements have been made with the Treasury under which assistance is given in necessitious cases at the rate of 12s. 6d. a week for each woman, and 2s. 6d. a week for each child.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether this arrangement was not intimated some time ago?

Ornamental Feathers (Imports)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that during the month of November last 11,890 lbs. weight of feathers of wild birds were imported into the United Kingdom in defiance of the Proclamation of 23rd February, 1917, prohibiting the import of plumage; and why freight space is still being allotted to such articles as ornamental feathers in spite of the assurance that no more imports of plumage would be admitted in June last?

The whole of these feathers came from France, and were admitted under the terms of the Anglo-French Agreement of 24th August. The agreement provides, inter alia , for the admission from France of ornamental feathers, excepting the following: Heron, egret, bird of paradise, lyre-bird, albatross, condor, and Argus pheasant, which are wholly excluded. No freight space is specially allotted to feathers.

British Industries Fair

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state the cost to the State of holding the last British Industries Fair; whether he has received any suggestions to the effect that this Fair ought not to be held again next year; and, if so, will he consider not only the cost but also whether the time, energy, and labour involved could be more usefully employed in matters more directly concerned with winning the War?

The British Industries Fair held last spring was on a self-supporting basis, and no cost to the State was involved. I have received an expression of opinion from the Fancy Goods Section of the London Chamber of Commerce to the effect that under present conditions the holding of a British Industries Fair would not serve a useful purpose. On the other hand, I have reason to believe that this does not represent general commercial opinion. On the representations of the exhibitors at the Fair, and with the approval of the Board of Trade Advisory Committee on Commercial Intelligence, it was decided that the Fairs should continue to be held annually, and I am of opinion that this decision should be maintained in view of the efforts being made by other countries to promote their trade by means of similar Fairs. My hon. Friend is perhaps not aware that the organisers of the Fair at Lyons propose to hold their Fair in March of next year, and anticipate that over 3,000 firms will exhibit, whereas, owing to the limited number of trades which are permitted to exhibit in this country, the exhibitors at the British Industries Fair of 1918 will be between 400 and 500 only.

Reconstruction Committees

asked the Minister of Reconstruction if he can state the number of Committees, or Sub-committees, which have been set up to deal with problems of reconstruction after the War; and if he can give the names of the Scottish representatives serving upon them?

I should be glad if my hon. and learned Friend would await the publication of the list of Committees, which will give him the information for which he asks. As soon as it is delivered by the printers it will be presented, but, as my hon. and learned Friend knows, there are apt, in these times, to be unavoidable delays.

Arising out of that reply, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the Secretary for Scotland has been consulted with regard to the members to be appointed to these Committees to represent Scotland, and whether he will see that Scottish Members of Parliament are appointed as well as English and Irish Members of Parliament?

I cannot call to mind any occasion, but I think I consulted my right hon. Friend.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider whether he can publish some of the Reports of these Committees for the information of Members?

Private Canteens (France)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether an inquiry is at present proceeding in France relating to the conduct of private canteens or institutes in which civilians and military officers are concerned; whether this inquiry is public or private; and whether the evidence and findings will be communicated to this House?

No, Sir. I am informed from France that no inquiry of this description is being held.

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been drawn to the official statement that 8s. 7½d. is the estimated amount it takes to provide the necessary food for one person, and that this sum does not include any allowance for rent or clothing; if, deducting this amount from 12s. 6d. which is allowed to the childless wife of a soldier, it will be seen that 3s. 10½d. is left to provide, rent, clothing, and boots, he will see that the Government take immediate steps to increase the allowance; where the wives of these men are to apply for employment in Ireland; and if he is aware that in Dublin there is no opening for female labour and that owing to Government restrictions 2,000 married men with families have lost their employment and are now seeking employment?

The estimate referred to was apparently the cost for a fortnight, and the hon. Member's calculations appear, therefore, to lack solid foundation. The last part of the question should be addressed to my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary for Ireland.

Proficiency Pay (Transferred Men)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether Gunner J. C. Ralph, No. 15,124, of D battery, 58th brigade, Royal Field Artillery, originally served in the Navy, passed through the gunnery school as a first-class seaman gunner, and volunteered for service with the Army at the beginning of the War; whether this man was granted first-class proficiency pay of 6d. a day in consequence of his previous services by his commanding officer; whether this amount was disallowed on the ground that service with the Navy did not count for proficiency pay; and whether men leaving the Army or Navy and transferring to service with the Air Board will be treated in a similar manner or whether men being transferred to the Air Force will have the special advantage of their time counting for proficiency pay as and from the time they originally joined one of the other branches of the service?

I will inquire into the circumstances of the particular case. With regard to the latter part of the question, I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the general answer which I gave him on the 17th instant.

Arising out of that, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he can give an explicit reply to the last paragraph—it is very important—to the effect whether men transferred from the Army to the Navy or from the Navy to the Army will be treated in exactly the same manner as soldiers and sailors transferred to the Air Force?

I attempted to explain to my hon. and gallant Friend that in the one case there is a break between the man's naval service and military service, and in the other case the service is continuous and there is no break at all.

Colonel HALL rose——

This question was asked repeatedly on former occasions and repeatedly answered.

On a point of Order. This is a most important matter with regard to the Army and Navy, and I have not yet been able to get a full reply.

The hon. Member has had two or three full replies. I have noticed it has been answered certainly twice before to-day.

Army Dental Service

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War if he has received an advance copy of a Report about to be issued by a Parliamentary Committee which has been considering the relation between man-power and the Army Dental Service; and, if so, what, if any, steps will be taken to carry out the recommendations contained in the Report?

I received the advance copy of the Report, which my hon. Friend was kind enough to send me, on the 18th instant. There has not been time to examine it, and I shall be obliged if my hon. Friend will put his question down again in January.

Yeomanry Badges

asked whether officers, non-commissioned officers, and men of dismounted Yeomanry regiments on attachment to infantry are allowed to retain their distinctive Yeomanry badges?

Officers and other ranks of Yeomanry regiments that have been converted into infantry or cyclists units may continue to wear their original Yeomanry badges, if they were serving with Yeomanry units at the time of conversion. Yeomanry officers and men posted individually or transferred to infantry wear the badges of the new unit.

Alleged Brothel (France)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he has yet obtained a report as to the alleged brothel set up in France at British instigation?

Lieut.-Col. Monteagle-Browne

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that, in the case of Lieutenant-Colonel Monteagle-Browne, D.S.O., the reports of the brigadier and corps commanders did not agree and were inconsistent; that the generals deciding the case had not the material facts before them, and thus gave a decision against the weight of evidence which could have been called in his favour; that this officer was sent home from France within forty-eight hours of the only adverse report upon him, and has never been afforded, then or since, an opportunity by a regularised Court of Inquiry or otherwise of defending himself; that the weakness of the case against him is fully demonstrated by the manner in which the charges have been changed from time to time and bolstered by groundless imputations; that the latest change to the charge of inefficiency has only been arrived at a considerable time after his return from the front, and following on his refusal to resign his commission in a time of war; and whether, in view of all the circumstances, the War Office will see fit immediately to employ this officer in that position of command to which he is entitled by his experience and ability in the field, and by the recommendations of his previous superior officers, who alone were able to form a considered judgment on his conduct and capacity?

I cannot accept my hon. and gallant Friend's version of the facts. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.

Arising out of that, may I ask whether the hon. Gentleman will not give a reply to that portion of the question which states that "this officer was sent home from France within forty-eight hours of the only adverse report upon him, and has never been afforded, then or since, an opportunity by a regularised Court of inquiry or otherwise of defending himself"; and will he say whether that statement is not a fact?

Arising out of that reply and the repeated questions on this subject, may I ask my hon. Friend if he can tell us whether this officer was asked to send in his resignation previously; and, if so, what the reason of it was?

Yes, Sir; that is the fact. This officer was asked to resign in 1900 and 1905.

May I ask whether there was only one adverse report against him, and that by a commanding officer who had known him only a short period, and whether there were very numerous reports recommending him strongly for promotion by officers who knew him for thirty months?

Before my hon. Friend replies, can he tell the House whether there was any suspicion, or more than suspicion, against this officer of having endeavoured to pass cheques which he had no money in the bank to meet?

I beg to give notice that I will raise this question on the Adjournment.

Theosophical College

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he has received any protest against the action of his Department in taking over the buildings of the Theosophical Society in Swansea on the ground that other buildings just as suitable were available; will he state the purpose to which the buildings are to be put; and whether, in view of the local protests, he will reconsider the matter?

I assume that my hon. Friend refers to the Theosophical College in London. These buildings were taken over as a last resource, every endeavour being made to find other suitable premises. Representations were received on the subject from the Swansea Labour Association. The buildings will be used as a pay and record office for the Transportation Corps.

Weaving Mills, Scotland

asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office what arrangement he proposes to make in the ensuing year to enable small mills in Scotland that weave wool for fanners but who have not sufficient looms for War Office contracts, and who have by the Regulations of his Department this year been completely stopped, to resume working?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave to a question on the same subject put by him on the 8th last month, and point out to him that he has not drawn my attention to any specific case of hardship. As regards the coming season, I am not in a position to announce any change of practice, but I can assure him that the Department will continue to treat small mill-owners with sympathetic consideration.

War Hospital Car, Warrington

asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office if he is aware that at the Lord Derby War Hospital at Warrington a large Daimler motor-car is provided for the use of the matron and her staff of nursing reserve sisters; that it takes two female drivers and an assistant male cleaner in charge of a sergeant of the Army Service Corps to run the car; and whether, in view of the shortage of labour and petrol, he will make arrangements for running this car more economically or provide one that can be run at less cost?

I have called for a report, and will communicate with the hon. Member later.

Royal Defence Corps (Travelling Allowance)

asked the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether men serving with the Royal Defence Corps were allowed, up to 12th November, 1917, travelling allowance not exceeding 9d. a day when barrack accommodation could not be provided by the military authorities; whether since this date it has been withdrawn; if so, will he state the reason for such withdrawal; whether he is aware that the military duties of a number of these men, well over forty-one years of age, extend from 9 a.m. to 9 p.m.; and whether he will give instructions for travelling expenses as heretofore being continued.

Travelling expenses between place of residence and place of duty are ordinarily inadmissible and were issued in this case in the past under a misapprehension. The men in question draw family allowance, covering the cost of housing themselves and their families, and also, if stationed in London, a London allowance representing the extra cost of living in, or coming up to, London for duty.

Taxi-Cab Dispute

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been drawn to the inconvenience which the travelling public, especially women and children, is experi- encing at the railway termini owing to the unsettled dispute between the railway companies and drivers of taxi-cabs over the payment of the fee for entering these stations; and whether he can assist the public, in circumstances already difficult enough, by obtaining a settlement of the matter, and so improving the chances of a supply of taxi-cabs at these stations?

The railway companies have now agreed not to enforce for the present the payment of the toll of 1d. charged on cabs plying for hire at London railway stations.

Persia

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is in a position to give an assurance, in view of the recent statement in Petrograd that the late Russian Government had agreed to Great Britain exercising a predominant role in the former neutral sphere in Persia, that the South Persia Rifles were not introduced as the first step towards a British occupation or annexation of that district?

Certainly, Sir; in no sense was such an object contemplated. The force was created merely for the purpose of insuring order and tranquillity throughout the South, in the interest both of Persia herself and of Great Britain, whose trade in South Persia is considerable, at a time when such a duty was beyond the resources of the Persian Government. The existence of the force must not be construed as implying any departure from the well-known policy of friendship which His Majesty's Government entertain towards Persia or from the pledges which have been given to respect the independence of that country, still less as an indication of any design or desire of annexation.

National School Teachers (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether, in determining the salaries of Irish national teachers under the new scheme, past services will be taken into account and provided for; if he will state definitely the salaries to be paid to the following classes of men assistants, respectively, under the revised rates, namely, those who have now given seven years' service, the last three of which are regarded as being efficient; those with the same length of service, the last three of which are regarded as being highly efficient; those who have now given ten years' service, the last three of which are regarded as being efficient; those with the same length of service, the last three of which are regarded as being highly efficient; those who have now given seventeen years' service, the last three of which are regarded as being efficient; and those who have now the same length of service, the last three of which are regarded as being highly efficient; and with what officials of the Commissioners the recommendation to promotion from third grade to second grade of assistants will rest in future?

The following are the answers to the several questions of the hon. Member:

In view of the dissatisfaction which the Government scheme has raised, is the right hon. Gentleman in a position to say whether the Government will now reconsider the whole scheme?

It would not be in the interests of the teachers themselves not to make payments to them which the House has authorised to be made. The only effect of withdrawing the scheme would be that payments would not be made. There is no Parliamentary authority for any other scheme.

Has the right hon. Gentleman received representations from the teachers against the method of the distribution of the grant, and is he going to give effect to them?

I have received representations that the amounts are inadequate; but I have never suggested that they satisfy all demands, or even go so far as I, personally, am willing to go.

In considering a fresh revision, will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind very carefully the teachers' special claim to a pension?

That is a matter which is entirely outside the present scheme, and I shall say nothing which would commit the Government in that respect.

asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that the attention of the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland has been called to the dissatisfaction which exists in Whitehead, county Antrim, over various disagreements which have arisen between the principal and the senior assistant-teacher; whether the latter has appealed under the rules for an official inquiry; and whether he will make full inquiries into the case with a view to this course being adopted in the interests of all concerned?

The attention of the Commissioners of National Education has been called to this matter, and their inspector held an inquiry on two occasions into complaints received regarding the conduct of the senior assistant towards the principal teacher. The senior assistant has applied for an official inquiry into the circumstances connected with the recent notice of dismissal served on her by the manager of the school, but the Commissioners, in view of the inquiries already held, which appear to have dealt fully with all the relevant facts of the case, do not deem a further inquiry necessary.

Is it not a fact that so-called inquiries previously held were not in the proper sense of the word inquiries at all? The senior assistant teacher had no opportunity of bringing her case before the inspector. There was only an unofficial investigation.

Sutton Water Company

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether, in view of the continued inaction of the Sutton Water Company to soften its supply of water, in accordance with statutory requirements, although requested by public bodies in the districts supplied by the company, he will take the necessary steps, in the public interest, to compel the company to fulfil their obligations as specified in an Act of Parliament?

My right hon. Friend has no jurisdiction enabling him to enforce the provisions of Section 7 of the Sutton District Waterworks Act, 1903, but he has been informed by the water company that the softening process had to be suspended in order to obviate a breakdown of the pumping plant, that a scheme to avoid the difficulties and to allow the softening process to be recommenced has been adopted, and that in October of last year the directors instructed their engineers to carry out the work with the utmost expedition. The serious delay in carrying out the instructions is due to the War.

Can the hon. Gentleman find out how often the same excuse has been made in the past three years?

Legal Procedure

asked the Prime Minister whether he is in a position to introduce a system, by legislation if necessary, whereby the present practice shall be abolished which permits a rich man to engage a powerful array of distinguished lawyers in a suit in which the other side may perforce be unrepresented; and whether in place of this practice, it shall be made lawful for the judge in any case to select from a panel of lawyers as many as may be required only for the elucidation of the facts and the proper presentation of the law points, and that the lawyers in such a case should enter upon their work not in a partisan spirit but with the sole end of assisting justice?

asked the Prime Minister whether he will set up a small committee of distinguished men with definite instructions to produce a scheme of reformation of the methods of the law in this country, such reformation including a simple but complete scheme of codifica- tion and classification of the Statues, and also the elimination of various abuses which have grown up round the legal system, including highly-paid sinecures, costly administration, and the conditions which often render the protection of the law unavailable to a poor man?

Postal Service, Shewen

asked the Postmaster-General whether, in view of the inconvenience caused to the inhabitants of the district of Shewen, the majority of whom are of the working class, by reason of the fact that the last postal collection each day takes place at six o'clock in the evening, he will take steps to meet the wishes of the inhabitants, as recently expressed in a resolution of the local council, by extending the collection to a later hour?

I am making inquiries, and will communicate with the hon. Member.

National Council of Education, Wales

asked the President of the Board of Education whether it is intended to place the National Council of Education for Wales, when established, under the control of the Welsh University; and whether, in view of the misgivings among Welsh educationalists as the result of statements to this effect which have been attributed to him, he is prepared to give a definite declaration of his views on the matter?

I must disclaim any intention of the kind attributed to me. At the present time I should be reluctant to commit myself to any opinion as to the best method of constituting a National Council of Education for Wales if it should be thought desirable that such a Council should be established.

Arising out of that answer, may I ask my right hon. Friend whether I may take it, in that case, that the views that have already been attributed to him are unauthentic and inaccurate?

Yes, Sir; if that be so, you can assume that the views are inaccurately stated.

Vaccination, Dewsbury

asked whether the public vaccinator for Dewsbury is still paid by salary, and how many vaccinations he has performed during the past three years?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The number of successful primary vaccinations performed by this public vaccinator at the cost of the rates during the years ended 30th September, 1914, 1915, and 1916, respectively, is 1,021, 909, and 821.

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to,—

Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill, without Amendment.

Amendment to—

Parker's Divorce Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.

Orders of the Day

Business of the House

May I inquire what business we shall be invited to deal with when the House reassembles in January?

We propose that on Monday, January 14th, the first Order will be the introduction of the Education Bill under the Ten Minutes' Rule; and the second Order, the First Reading of a Bill dealing with man-power, when a statement will be made by the Minister of National Service.

On Tuesday and Wednesday, we propose to take the Non-Ferrous Metal Industry Bill, in Committee.

On Thursday, we hope to take the Second Reading of the Man-Power Bill.

For Friday, we shall name the business later.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say anything as to the Redistribution Bill for Ireland?

I am not able to say anything about it now, but I hope it will be introduced very shortly after we reassemble.

Adjournment (Christmas)

I beg to move, "That this House, at its rising this day, do Adjourn till Monday, the 14th January."

In regard to a question of paramount importance, namely, man-power, I understand that a very full statement will be made this afternoon. I do not, therefore, propose to trespass upon the time of the House at any undue length. There are one or two aspects of this question, however, to which I do desire to draw attention. The general impression, which I am perfectly certain is shared by this House, is that owing to the military collapse in Russia, and the consequent freedom of Germany to withdraw enormous forces from that frontier, that very great additional pressure must necessarily be placed upon the Western Front. When one considers that not only will the ordinary German forces be freed from that frontier, but that in all probability there may be the release of an enormous number of prisoners now held by Russia—German, Austrian, and Turkish—the difficulties are likely to be enormously increased on the other frontiers. The unfortunate disaster which overtook Italy a few weeks ago has already imposed on this country, and France, a fresh burden of having to transfer large forces on the Western Frontier to the Italian Frontier—all of which developments must of necessity have a very large bearing indeed upon the question of man-power. The anxiety of the House and of the country is not only in this respect as to men, but there is an anxiety in the country and in the House as to whether the Government are really taking the necessary large and vigorous steps to cope with this grave problem.

There are several alternatives which will have to be considered. I want to put only one or two of them this afternoon. I have had occasion in this House, more than once or twice recently, to call attention to the great reservoir of men available under the changed conditions of the coal trade compared with two years ago. One would like to hear from the Prime Minister in his statement this afternoon as to what is specifically proposed in response to that very gratifying vote which was recently taken in the South Wales coal-fields. The fact remains that there are available in the coal-fields of this country 550,000 odd men of military age. Nobody suggests that the whole of these should be taken. There are over 200,000 single men under the age of thirty-one. One does more than suggest, one strongly urges, that the great bulk of these men, at all events those who are physically fitted, should be utilized for the new farces of man-power. Then one turns from the mine-fields to the munition works and shipyards. There are 1,500,000 of military age at present enjoying the badge of exemption in the munition works and in the shipyards. No one suggests for a single moment, in view of the increasing gravity of the tonnage problem, no one seriously suggests for a moment that there can be men spared from the shipyards, but I do say, and say it in all confidence, that out of the men left in our munition works an enormous number who would be available in any new scheme of man-power. It is estimated that there are something like 780,000 single men now engaged in munition works. Many of these men are highly skilled, and could be rightly regarded as indispensable to the carrying on of an essential industry. Whilst, however, there are men of this type, there are a very large number of men who have been given the badge of exemption on the alleged ground that they were indispensable who had never seen the inside of a munition works until the War had well advanced. There are a very large body of unskilled workers in all sorts of occupations whose places could undoubtedly and unquestionably be taken by women who have done such wonderful work in the munition factories of this country. I hope we shall have from the Prime Minister this afternoon a clear and definite statement that there is going to be a ruthless re-examination of the badges of exemption that are now enjoyed in the munition areas. One cannot move either to the right or the left in these munition areas or in these semi and demi-semi munition areas without finding a perfectly amazing scandal in the way in which exemptions have been granted. I have a particularly striking and scandalous case within my own knowledge where, before the War, the foreman ran a betting book with the men engaged in the works on tips that he got from certain stables at Newmarket. When the decision went forth that racing was to stop those stables were closed down and the men were discharged, and seventeen of them have been transferred from Newmarket to a western area of the country, and every one of them were granted a badge of exemption, as being absolutely indispensable to that occupation. When you have cases of that sort, which can be found with varying degrees of scandal in different parts of the country, again I express the hope that we shall have a clear and definite statement from the Prime Minister that there shall be a drastic and ruthless inquiry into these badges of exemption, and I am sure he will find that there is a great untold reservoir of men who can be spared from the so-called munition works who are no more indispensable to those works than the man in the street.

I come now to another aspect of this man problem. I think it was a misfortune at the very beginning of the Derby scheme that, instead of getting these tribunals established free from personal influence, a huge number of small tribunals were set up for district council areas, where the members were placed in the unfortunate position of having to deal with the question of their neighbour's sons joining the Army. We got sanction in South Wales from the President of the Local Government Board to form a tribunal to deal with the whole steam coal area in Glamorganshire, but something happened with the recruiting committee, and the most practical committee ever got together in South Wales was suddenly dissolved, and in its place a number of petty tribunals were set up, and they have not been any more free from those aspects of yielding to temptation than their neighbours on other district tribunals in various parts of the country. From what I know of these tribunals and their decisions, I am perfectly certain that there are a very large number of men who have been granted exemption, but who ought by every term of equity and justice to be in the fighting line, and I hope we shall hear from the Prime Minister a very definite statement that he proposes to have some more direct method of getting these men than by trusting to the judgment of men who have to sit in judgment upon their neighbours and their neighbours' sons.

There is another question which one approaches with a certain degree of delicacy and diffidence, but it is a matter which has got to be faced frankly by the Government and by the House and the country. There is one part of the United Kingdom which for reasons which were deemed sufficient by the Government at the time has been shut out from the operations of the principle of Conscription, I mean Ireland. They will enjoy whatever benefits arise from the sacrifice of life in fighting for liberty at the front. Nobody suggests that, insofar as voluntary recruiting goes, Ireland did not only do well, but she did splendidly. Nobody suggests for a single moment that the Irishman, once in the fray, is not among the most magnificent fighters in the world. I am certain that if the late Government or this Government had taken the bold step of appealing directly to the great rank and file of the Irish people, they would have had a response that would have surprised them. I think great credit is due to the distinguished members of the Irish Nationalist party for the manly part they have played in making that appeal.

We all revere the memory of that dear colleague of ours, who has gone to his death in fighting at the head of Irishmen on the Western Front. I still think much more can be done to impress Irish opinion. There is no country and no people in the world, to my mind, who are more anti-German in all their outlook and sympathies and ideals than the great idealistic people of Ireland. I cannot imagine people who by race and principle and thought and upbringing can be more definitely in conflict with that method of organisation which is so much the character of the German people. In a word I cannot believe that there are any people in the world to whom the ideal of the principles of liberty and humanity, and the particular culture spelt with a C, for which we are fighting in tins War, is more definitely characteristic than that of the great Irish race. I hope we shall have a definite and encouraging statement as to that reservoir of 250,000 men in Ireland from the Prime Minister this afternoon.

Broadly speaking, these are the directions to which we must look for our men. I would just like to emphasise one thing both in relation to the Irish people on the one side and to the workpeople of this country on the other. We are not in the habit in this House of taking any cognisance in normal times of what transpires politically in other parts of His Majesty's Dominions, but we cannot ignore the great outstanding fact of the Canadian election in so far as it is a great clarion call to our Government to apply the principle of Conscription, and to raise the man-power necessary to continue this War to a successful conclusion. There are vast numbers of Irishmen in Canada, workmen from this country who had migrated to Canada, and the message they send back here is that they wish to stand in line with us even to the extent of the most drastic Conscription. There are other directions in which the Government will have to look. For the purpose of dealing with this question I have made careful and exhaustive inquiries in certain directions, and I have no hesitation in saying to the Government that if they will deal with a great many of the contracts that have gone from the Admiralty and the War Office and the Ministry of Munitions from the point of view of economising man-power, they will find that even in many of the works engaged in the production of vital munitions, a great deal can be done to save man-power.

May I just give a single illustration? Take a certain works in the neighbourhood of London employing some 5,000 or 6.000 men in the production of one of the vital munitions for this War, who have been engaged on the same kind of work for something like fifteen months, and who are supplied from time to time by the Ministry of Munitions with a contract for a period of only six weeks. The result is that it happens that there has been a slight variation in the size of the particular kind of thing they are producing, and this has happened over and over again within the last two months. Owing to this particular method, and to the fact that they are not certain of the order, the tool shop is stopped for a period, and then when the order comes the tool shop has to go on working, and while this is going on the whole of the other part of the establishment has to wait for the product of the tool shop to be completed, with the result that that particular works for a considerable period has the great part of its power of production for a matter of four months engaged in merely producing things for stock and store purposes. These are the directions in which I think one may hope, at all events, that we shall have a definite declaration from the Prime Minister when he deals with the question of man-power. Other mistakes have been made by the Government, mistakes that may in the result prove very costly. There have been negotiations carried on in the name of workmen with the wrong people. Undue demands have been made for undertakings as to conditions by the Government, and by the late Government particularly, and these conditions cannot be permanent; they will have to be varied, and in the variation which is bound to come there is certain to be a great deal of friction. I have no doubt we shall hear a great deal of menacing language, and I hope the Prime Minister will deal definitely and most courageously with this aspect of the problem when he comes to speak. I am perfectly certain that the main bulk of the workmen of this country will respond generously to any appeal from the Prime Minister to waive any difficulties that may be necessary in order to solve this question of man- power, and I am certain also that the great body of Members of this House will earnestly and strenuously support the Government in that direction.

The hon. Gentleman who last spoke (Mr. Edwards) has touched on a subject in regard to which I also wish to ask the indulgence of the House for a few minutes. The question of calling up men in one-man businesses is one that much concerns my own constituency, and the men of this class in that constituency feel that they have a grievance against the Minister of National Service who, speaking recently in their city, said that a man's indispensability to his business and not his medical category was the factor which should decide whether or not he should be called to the Army. Notwithstanding this, a decision has been taken to call up all men in categories A and B. Far be it from me to raise any general objection to the principle of calling up any men of military age, and I am sure it would be equally far from the desires of my friends in Nottingham that I should claim for them any such exemption from services which they are only too proud to render to their country. The conscientious objector has no friend in Nottingham, neither are the people there to be found among the pacifists who weary the House from day to day. The pacifists at any rate have little following in the Midlands, and especially in Nottingham. But it is the fact that these one-man business men are helpless folk. They have no trade union. They have no multiple shops. They have no combination which can press their views upon the Ministry, and if a man is called up, as he has no assistants upon whom to fall back to keep his business going while he is fighting for his country, he is practically ruined. Their businesses are of such a character that if and when the men do return to this country they are sure to find that the businesses have disappeared. In fact, they stand very much in the position of those persons of whom the Psalmist said, that on the one side of them there "are oppressors, but they have no comforter." I do not claim that these men are oppressed, but I do suggest there is a case for explanation on the part of the Government of the departure taken by the Minister of National Service from the attitude which he adopted when he spoke at Nottingham and when he addressed a very deeply interested audience there.

The men who stand in this position have to pay high rents and heavy taxation, and, like all good citizens, they contribute very largely to the revenues of the country. I have received many letters, a hundred at least, in the last two days, on this subject, and many of my correspondents refer to exactly the same point as that which was raised by the hon. Member for East Glamorganshire (Mr. Edwards). They say, "We are not shirkers, and we are prepared to go and fight. We only want our special circumstances to be considered. We think before we are called up and subjected to the inevitable ruin of our individual businesses the Government should look across the Channel, where they have a great reserve of splendid fighting men. What are they going to do with these men? Why should they not be called upon before we are. There is also a large reserve of men well qualified to go to the front who are still engaged in other occupations, and possibly a number of these are to be found in London." These one man business men feel acutely that while this is the case they ought not to be called up, especially in view of what, rightly or wrongly, they consider to be a pledge on the part of the Minister of National Service in regard to their particular case. Yet many of them have already received their final fourteen days' exemption. I have not trespassed on the time of the House much since the War began, but I do ask the House to listen to some of the letters I have received. Here is the case of a man, a surgical boot maker, who employs two men over military age and some other men besides now in the Army. He carries on his work in his own shop; he has stock worth over £2,000; his rents, rates, and taxes amount to £400 per year. There is no other working surgical bootmaker in Nottingham, and there are many cripples requiring his help. Surely a man like that deserves consideration. Another man writes that all his savings are invested in his stock and machinery, and he will be absolutely ruined if he is called up. Another man says that the value of his stock is £1,000, his turnover is £4,000, most of the staff he employs has joined His Majesty's Forces, two have been killed; he is the only man of military age, and he has to support out of his earnings the family of his partner, who lost his life in fighting for his country. Another man employs in his business fifty women, and only one man over military age. If he is called up he says his business will have to be wound up.

I will not trouble the House further on this question, but I hope whoever may be representing the Government at the present moment will not omit to report what I have said to the Prime Minister so that he may deal with it when he speaks. These men ought to have further consideration before they are finally called up and before their businesses, whether necessary or not to the State, are ruined. That is all I have to say on this subject.

But as reference has been made to Persia, a country in which I have been interested for many years, I should like to give expression to the satisfaction with which I heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer's reply to the question of my hon. and gallant Friend, once a colleague in Montgomeryshire. The nature of the Anglo-Persian agreement is grievously misunderstood in this House. The object of that agreement with Russia was that the country of Persia should be divided into two spheres within which one should not apply for concession as against the other; yet, on this, a bogey has been raised, and I am glad my hon. and gallant Friend has helped in the way he has done to lay it. The Government have been very much pestered to define their war aims. I hope and trust that they will not do so, because to do it at this moment would mean approaching the enemy with a desire for peace. We do not want a peace until we can get the one we desire. I am led to make these remarks because I read the Debate of last night on this very important subject. For my part, I am proud of having served under Lord Lansdowne, who has rendered most disinterested service to the State. But I am sure that into his letter have been read many things which he did not mean, and which in fact it does not contain. I think the Government are right in refusing now to approach the German Government, and I regard the action of those who are now asking for a definition of our war aims as deplorable and unpatriotic. I do not think they should be perpetually pressing the Government in this way.

I would not have ventured to address the House had it not been for the apparent misapprehension that exists in the minds of my hon. Friend as to the position of the National Service Ministry in regard to one-man businesses. Both my hon. Friend and the Noble Lord the Member for South Nottingham do not appear to be aware that, since the Minister of National Service has been appointed to his position he has, among his other many activities, held a series of conferences with people who call themselves the National Federation of One-Man Business Associations. My hon. Friend spoke about the one-man business people being helpless folk. I can assure him that they are not very helpless, that they are very thoroughly organised throughout the country, and therefore when my right hon. Friend the Minister of National Service had to deal with this problem of the recruitment of men known as one-man business men he called together, not one, but three or four conferences, in which everyone who could be supposed to speak authoritatively on behalf of these men had an opportunity of expressing their views. I am glad to say that the president of the National Federation of One-Man Business Associations (Mr. Pickering) and the secretary (Mr. Wilson) of that body have given most valuable assistance to the Minister of National Service in arriving at an agreement on the modus operandi . Hardship is inevitable, as it is inevitable in all wars, but in this particular case it has been minimised as far as possible, and so far from the Minister of National Service having changed the situation against these men, he has persuaded the President of the Local Government Board to issue to the local tribunals a special circular dealing with one-man businesses. I do not think the House, on the occasion of this important Debate, will wish me to go into many details as to the arrangements that have been made, but I may say, roughly speaking, that the policy which is being pursued is, first of all, in particular localities where there are trades in which one-man businesses are numerous, those trades are to be surveyed and a sort of picture is to be conceived as to what is necessary in view of the public interest, because no one could be more aware than the Ministry of National Service of the desirability that the distributing trade should not be held up. We have no desire to shut down in a wholesale manner the small shops in order to carry on this recruitment. This review having been taken, the tribunals will then consider the individual cases of appeals made to them as to one-man businesses, and will decide, in view of their knowledge, whether those men ought to be exempted or not. The cases which my hon. Friend quoted are cases that ought to have been made to the tribunals. Letters such as he read from his constituents are ex parte statements which can be more properly dealt with by men who have full local knowledge.

Anyway, no one has any right to interfere with the local tribunals or override them. They have the full facts before them, and must decide. But my point is that the Local Government Board has just recently issued a special circular to the tribunals, asking them to take certain steps, with a view to minimising to the utmost the inevitable hardships which fall upon these men in common with all others, owing to the great War in which we are engaged. The point which seems to be taken in Nottingham—I may say Nottingham is a branch of the very people with whom we are negotiating, but they seem to have broken away from the parent body—is that the men fit for general service should not have that fact taken into consideration, and that their case should be merely reviewed on the ground of the business hardship that falls upon them. That is not possible. It does alter the situation in the eyes of the tribunal if a man is fit for general service. But what we have done is this: We have arranged a system by which men in lower categories, if it is possible to spare them from their businesses, are employed in the locality, so that they can get home once a week, or in the evenings, and see to their businesses by keeping the books and that kind of thing, while their wives look after the routine part of the business. We have arranged a system of co-operation under which men who are left take a share in looking after the businesses of those who are taken away, so that those businesses may not be destroyed. Without labouring the point, I shall have great pleasure in sending to the hon. Member the circular we have issued, and a copy of the letter I have sent to the hon. Member for South Nottingham. I can assure him he is mistaken in suggesting that the Minister of National Service has shown any hardness towards these one-man businesses. On the contrary, one-man business men throughout the kingdom have assured the Minister of National Service that they are deeply grateful to him for the very practical steps he has taken in order to minimise to the utmost the hardships these men must suffer in common with all other men of military age who are called up

Will my hon. Friend ask the Minister of National Service to press those instructions upon the tribunals in Nottingham? Because those concerned think they are hardly treated.

These instructions have only just gone out, and so close is the co-operation with the President and Secretary of the One-man Business Association, that they are going daily to the Ministry of National Service and working in connection with that, and I do not think that any further steps can be taken. But I would point out that the issue of this circular has been taken as an adequate ground for re-hearing cases of men who have been turned down by tribunals in the past.

I do not intend to follow my hon. Friend opposite in regard to the question of one-man businesses. He told us that they were without any comforter. At any rate, they have a very able advocate in my hon. Friend, and I am sorry he has not got more satisfaction out of the Government. The matter to which I wish to draw the attention of the House is in connection with the question of our war aims, which was discussed at great length in the Debate of yesterday, and I am very glad that the Prime Minister intends to be present in the House to-day, because it is not often that we have the pleasure of seeing him here. I hope that in the course of his speech he will give us an authoritative statement on the question of Government policy in regard to our war aims. I think the Prime Minister would be well-advised if he took the House oftener into his confidence. It is all very well to make speeches to the Benchers at Gray's Inn, who may be perhaps a less critical audience than the Members in this House, but I think he would certainly give more confidence in the country and in this House if he came here oftener, and gave us authoritative statements as regards the policy of the Government. The speeches of the Foreign Secretary and the Minister of Blockade yesterday gave us a great deal of information, and made authoritative statements which I think were far more important than some other statements which have been made by Ministers who happen to be members also of the War Cabinet.

There is one thing which I cannot quite understand, and that is why the Foreign Secretary himself is not also a member of the War Cabinet. If there is anything that is important in the successful conduct of the War, if there is any thing that comes after our military operations, it is the successful carrying on of our policy, and therefore it appears to me that the Minister in this country who is responsible for all our diplomatic action should certainly also be a member of the War Cabinet. It is all very well to tell us, as the Leader of the House told us yesterday in answer to a question, that the Foreign Secretary is called in when matters relating to foreign affairs are being discussed in the Cabinet, but I think that the Foreign Minister has a right to be present at the discussion in regard to all questions relating to the War, in order that his office may be kept fully posted in all the different currents of thought and ideas and the decisions taken on various questions, all of which have a bearing upon the diplomacy of this country. We heard some time ago that a certain Minister was kept waiting on the mat, and we now know that that mat was a very extensive mat, and we do not want to see the same thing happen again in connection with the War Cabinet. Therefore, I think it is high time that the Minister for Foreign Affairs should of right have a seat in the War Cabinet.

I think the House will recognise that the tone of the speech of the Foreign Secretary yesterday carried us back to pre-war days. There still appears to linger in the mind of the Foreign Minister, and presumably in the minds of those at the Foreign Office, the idea that the process is to be carried on after the War precisely in the same way as in prewar days. They do not, apparently, realise that the lessons of this War have sunk deep into the minds of the people in this country, and that the world is now being permeated by new ideas, which are totally at variance, with some of the prehistoric views which have always been held in the Foreign Office. The people in this country and in other countries are beginning to understand that they are vitally affected in all questions relating to the conduct of foreign affairs, and the relationship which ought to exist between the peoples of various nationalities, and that no longer is diplomacy to be regarded as the privilege and the special domain of the Foreign Office.

And, as my hon. and gallant Friend says, of the governing classes. This dictum also applies to Members of Parliament, and I think that we shall find there is going to be a great change in the attitude of the electorate towards Members of Parliament in regard to questions of foreign affairs. They will expect Members of Parliament to keep themselves well informed as regards these questions, as they have been expected to do in regard to questions relating to domestic affairs, and although it is not suggested that this House should settle the details of our diplomacy, we certainly ought to settle the broad outlines and to settle the principles upon which our policy should rest. As an instance of this I saw in the morning papers that all the leaders in the Reichstag, including the representatives of the Minority Socialists, were going to have a meeting to-day to discuss the question of peace with Russia. We have always regarded the Reichstag as not being interested, and not being allowed to be interested, in these questions, but, apparently, at last the worm has turned, and we find that even the Reichstag is going to endeavour to take—whether it succeeds remains to be seen—a certain amount of interest in questions relating to the other nations of the world. Therefore, the Government should not deprecate these questions being raised here in the House of Commons, especially when the intention of the vast majority of Members is to endeavour to assist them rather than to indulge in destructive criticism which will hinder or embarrass them in the difficult negotiations which they have to carry out. The whole tone of the Debate yesterday proved conclusively that I the House of Commons was prepared to do everything it could to facilitate and help the Government in their task, provided the Government were prepared to tell us honestly and candidly the lines upon which they were prepared to proceed, and provided those broad outlines were in accordance with the great principles for which we entered this War. The remarks of the Foreign Secretary, as regards the secret treaties which have been published in Russia, entitle us to assume that those treaties will probably be placed in the lumber room, and that we shall not hear very much more about them. I wish he could have gone further and have disclaimed, on our part, any schemes of annexation and conquest as the result of the operations of this War. He did not finally dispose of the question of secret treaties. There is no doubt, whatever he may say to the contrary, that those secret treaties have had a very unfortunate effect—I will not put it higher than that—not only upon the minds of our own people at home, but also upon the minds of people in neutral countries. It is necessary and desirable that these unfortunate impressions should be dispelled. These treaties have left behind them a bad taste in people's mouths. There is no question about that. It is, perhaps, fair to say that German diplomatists and statesmen have made certain professions which they did not intend to fulfil, and that they have made certain offers which they never intended to carry out, and which are to be regarded as pure nonsense. I dare say that is perfectly true, and I do not think we could listen for a moment to any professions of peace and of good will on the part of the rulers of Germany who have brought the world into this terrible war, hut it is not necessary, because they have done wrong, to say that we ought to do likewise.

It appears to me that too many people regard diplomacy as a game which has got to be played and, therefore, an honest expression of views as not right, because in some way or other it would prejudice your case. Personally, I do not think that is a sound view at all. The issues are so enormous and so vitally important that they cannot be stated too clearly, and the time has come when, in order to dispel any unfortunate impression which has got abroad and which may affect the morale of the people in this country, we ought not to be content with mere words, but when we should also have deeds to impress the audiences which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dewsbury (Mr. Runciman) described so ably to us last night—the people of enemy countries and the people of neutral countries—with the sincerity of our aims and with the honesty of our purpose. The hon. Member for Northampton (Mr. McCurdy) made a very interesting speech, and showed how we might demonstrate to the world our honesty of purpose in regard to our war aims. He suggested that a League of Allied Nations should be formed now. He said it was not a question of waiting until after the War, but that it was up to the Allies, who have fought side by side for nearly four years, to put into practice the chief war aim and establish a League of Allied Nations here and now. The Minister of Blockade, in a very able and eloquent speech, endorsed the view that a League of Nations was essential to the security of the world in the future. He did not go so far as to say that it was his view that a League of Allied Nations should be brought into existence now, but, as far as I can see, if we are to have the elements of permanence and stability in our peace, we must take steps at once to set up the machinery and procedure necessary to carry out an Allied League of Nations.

President Wilson, in his speech the other day, commented upon the position of Russia. I firmly believe, if a League of Allied Nations had been in existence for the last twelve months, and if the procedure for carrying out our war aims by this Allied League had been elaborated we might possibly have been able to keep Russia from going out of the War. That was evidently President Wilson's view, and I think there is a great deal to be said for it. There is no doubt that a great deal of misapprehension exists with regard to the proposal. A lot of people think it means all the great Powers in the world. At this stage we certainly do not mean that. What we mean is a League of the Allied Nations. At the present moment they are potentially a league, and in order to show their bona fides and the sincerity of their war aims to the rest of the world they ought to take steps here and now to lay down the foundations and to set up the machinery for carrying out the war aims to which they have expressed their assent. There was a general assent to one feature of our war aims, and that was the need for security. The Prime Minister in his speech expressed it by insisting upon the elimination of war from the category of human crime, I would beg the Government to put this idea into practice now, and not to wait until the end of the War. The Prime Minister said that we wanted a League of Nations, but that we could not have anything of the sort during the War. If it cannot be done among the Allies, now that we are fighting with our backs against the wall, if it cannot be done in these days of stress and war, how is it going to be done when the end of the War comes and all the jealousies and self-interests once more come into free play? It will become much more difficult then to establish any common ground in order to set up the machinery and procedure for a League of Allied Nations.

Of course, there are difficulties—we know perfectly well that there are great difficulties—but difficulties have to be overcome, and that is where our diplomacy must come to the aid of our Armies fighting our battles in the field. It is no answer to say that because difficulties exist no attempt should be made to surmount them. We had the other day the example of the Supreme Allied War Council that was set up to co-ordinate our military effort and to pool our own resources and those of our Allies in carrying out the common cause. Immediately it was suggested that this Council should have executive powers a shout of indignation went up in this country. We had the most extraordinary spectacle of Socialists and capitalists, financiers and trade union leaders, and Liberals and Jingoes all joining in a chorus of indignation against this Supreme Allied War Council. They said, "You are going to strike a blow at the sovereignty of the British Empire. You are going into a mad enterprise." There was an extraordinary collection of people who generally think quite differently—the "Morning Post" and the "Nation," and the "Globe" and the "Daily News"—vieing with one another in denunciation of the author of the scheme. That is an object lesson of the difficulties which have to be encountered in setting up the proper machinery and the procedure for a League of Nations. But it is no answer to say that these difficulties exist. The alternative is to go back to the old state of things that existed before the War, and if we are going to sit down timidly and say that after all this suffering, and after all the blood which has been shed in the course of this War, we are simply going back to the same old lines—well, one might almost despair both of diplomacy and of civilisation. I would beg the Government, therefore, to take into consideration the proposals made by my hon. Friend the Member for Northampton, and to consider whether they cannot now set up some kind of convention among representatives of all the Allies who would consider the question of what kind of machinery is required and what kind of procedure is required, as well as all the other difficulties which are bound to crop up in setting up an Allied League of Nations during the War. The Allies must also decide what principles this League is going to stand for. Personally, I do not think we can ever have any permanent peace or any security in the world until we have put into practice the principle of self-determination, and have allowed every nationality, great or small, to choose for itself the way is which its own political allegiance should be settled. I was glad to hear from the Foreign Secretary yesterday that he agreed with that proposition.

But one of the tasks of this convention, and one of the tasks which the Allies have to face, is how they will proceed to give application to this principle of self-determination. They have also got to decide on what terms they would be prepared to allow any one of the belligerent States to enter into the circle of this League. I think that we have laid down that they would never be admitted into the circle of this League until they had made full restoration of the territories which they have occupied by force of arms during this War and have made full reparation to the civilian inhabitants for all the wrongs and crimes which they have committed. That would be simple justice, and no more. It would simply be nominal justice, and it would show the enemy countries that war does not pay. In the words of the right hon. Gentleman the leader of the Liberal party, it would convince the enemy that war was not a paying game, and if the enemy agreed to these terms that would be the outward and visible sign of that repentance which must come to the German people, either by the action of the people themselves or as a result of the continual hammering which they will otherwise get. It would, I say, be the outward and visible sign of their repentance. And so I appeal again to the Government to show that they are in earnest in this matter, and to drive a wedge in Germany between the people who have expressed these views and honestly believe in them, and those who do not. At the moment it is perfectly true that we are fighting for our existence in a sense that perhaps we have not fought for it since the early days of the War, but although that is so, the result of setting up this League now and showing the world we are in earnest would have a great effect upon the moral of our own people, and would help not only to win the War but to bring a right peace afterwards.

I rise to associate myself in full entirety with the eloquent speech and the very able and sane speech of the hon. Member for East Glamorgan. He was pointing out in the course of that speech that he was at any rate hoping that the Prime Minister would be able to make some important pronouncement this evening, or at any rate during this Session, in regard to man force, and particularly in reference to an effort to get more of the young men who are now shirking around the mines or around the stations, or in any of the other industries of this country, into the ranks of the Army. I am entirely in sympathy with that, and I also agree with him where he points out that the tribunals in Wales and in every other part of this country—the local tribunals—are entirely mistaken. I am not blaming the Government in this matter. The Government, I take it, were doing the very best they could, but none the less we all realise by now that in setting up these local tribunals you were at once encountering with all sorts of local conditions in which every Dick, Tom, and Harry have to deal with their friends' sons' chances with regard to the Army at some time or other. We know that these cases must come up from time to time. Apart from that too you discover upon these local tribunals some of the most notorious local pacifists who glory in the fact that they are able to sit on these bodies and are privileged, while sitting on the tribunals, to meet the wishes of those who do not desire to win this War, granting exemptions, willingly and gladly to all and sundry who boldly declare their conscientious objections or some other objections to serving in the fighting forces of the nation.

I would also like to associate myself with the hon. Member who spoke first of all, hoping and believing that the Prime Minister will be able to tell us to-day that he proposes to bring about some new Amendments in this system. For instance, if instead of having these local tribunals which have not done their work sufficiently or well and which have been disastrous from many points of view, the Government would immediately introduce a new system, it would be an excellent thing, seeing that there is such a big demand for more men in order that we may win this War. I think it is perfectly clear by now that in order to achieve victory we want in the ranks of the Army every young man of fighting age who could be spared unless he is indispensable. We want all men of military age in those ranks serving as a fighting unit for the country. I am perfectly convinced that in order to win this War this must be done now, and I believe the Government instead of going on with the old original machinery of local tribunals, where fads and fancies and all the other various things are allowed to operate in the various localities, should arrange for a system of county tribunals, independent bodies, where a man's case shall be put forward for fair judgment. In that event we should not have hundreds of thousands of young men who could be spared and who should be spared for the Army, but who are dodging it to-day through the influence of their friends on the local tribunals, but for whom these men would be in khaki to-day. They are now dodging the duty they owe to their King and country, a duty which they ought to be rendering.

I also think that it would be well if the Government would have more courage in dealing with this matter. I do not want to be finding fault with the authorities all the time, especially as I, myself, get sick and weary of hearing various Members in this House bullying and badgering members of the Government, and other people in responsible positions who, after all, are trying to do their best in these critical days. I have heard various hon. Members in this House get up constantly and criticise these responsible people, and calling them by all sorts of names. From my own experience of them, I would not trust them to conduct a penny reading successfully, much less the affairs of a huge Department during the progress of a great war. I have never been—and I am not now—in favour of checking or gagging any man in the expression of his opinion; and I also claim, for my own part, the right to speak out whenever I want to. But there appears to be something of a licence in this House, by which men can at all times sneer and bully responsible men; making use of the most shameful expressions with regard to those who have the determining voice in all matters concerning this most important War, and upon whom is cast the responsibility of winning the War. At the same time, I would like to see the Prime Minister coming out in this as he has in other Departments from time to time; I would like to see the Prime Minister and the Government coming out strongly and saying: "We are mot going to be afraid of the trade unions of the country, because we believe that the trade unions of this country are absolutely loyal to the cause of the War—with the exception of that small minority which is called advanced, and which is composed of Syndicalists and others like them." At any rate, that is my opinion.

I feel perfectly convinced that if the Prime Minister would make an appeal to the trade unions, and meet them boldly, he need not have any fear but that he will get their wholehearted support in the measure's which the Government consider necessary for the winning of the War. The result in South Wales of that great ballot showed where the real hearts and inclinations of our men are. Wales cried out with no uncertain voice in that ballot. Their answer was: "We stand by the boys in the trenches. Will we ballot on a 'down tools' policy? No!" At first some of them said they would not dream of a ballot; but eventually they balloted because they felt it was as well they should check at once and for all time this evil movement which was gaining so rapidly in their midst. And what was the result? The Jesuit was an overwhelming majority there, and I venture to say that in spite of the evil work, the insidious, wretched, treachery advocated throughout the length and breadth of this country, and even through the trade union movement, if the Government will only stand out, not be afraid and not pander to certain people, not give jobs to people, but go to the men themselves and say to them, "It is your duty to stand by the Government and by the boys in the trenches to keep the wheels turning in whatever industry you are in, putting up the biggest effort that you can at home, so that we can successfully assist the boys in the Western Front or in any other sphere of the War"—if the Government will only tell them that, I am sure the workers will stand by them.

I want also to remind you, and there is no doubt about this, that Ministers can still do much in their own Departments. Complaints have been brought to me in the Lobby of this House by some of the men themselves, and I believe complaints have also been made to other Members. It does not very often happen in my case, but in this instance I can give chapter and verse to the Minister of the Air Board—I do not happen to remember his name for the moment—with regard to information which was brought to me by two men who came here and told me the other evening, "We are on the spree, Mr. Stanton." "Are you?" I said. "Where are you working?" They replied, "We are engaged in an air factory within a few miles from here." I then said, "So you are on the spree! Is this what you call playing the game?" Let me say that they were not drunk or anything of that kind. They were simply having what they called playtime, and they told me that they were doing it for conscience' sake. I asked them why they were playing instead of working and they told me that they were on piece-work, and that if they worked that evening they would get 20s. and that they were ashamed to take the money because there was no material, and because there had been no material there since "the day before yesterday." And so they knocked off on their own about four o'clock that day and came down to tell me about it, and they gave me chapter and verse, which I can now give to the Ministry of the Air. They told me that it was a common thing in the factory, where they turned out eighteen planes in one month—I think that was a month ago—and that their employers were patting themselves on the back and were perfectly satisfied. "Do you know, Mr. Stanton," they said, "that we often stand about smoking in turns all the time, and we are ashamed of it, and so we decided to let someone else know to put the thing in order." I also know from men of one-man businesses and others who are gone away wearing khaki, and who are also somewhere in the Air Services, that what these people have told me is quite true. "Lead swinging," I think they call it. And they see groups marching about doing nothing most of the time.

It reminds one of the old story about the four men who were marching along. When they were stopped by someone who asked them what they were doing they said, "We are carrying a plank." "And where is the plank?" they were asked, and the answer was, "Hang it all, we have forgotten it!" These men to whom I have referred are really going on with some system of that kind, and I do think the Government should at once see to it that in every Department where fair wages are given fair work should be done, and that in cases where there is no material it is not fair that the men should remain there and be forced into the dishonest system which I have described when they are opposed to it. I think, therefore, that if the Government, having paid attention to the introduction of county tribunals of a more independent and effective nature instead of the local tribunals, having met the trade unions and met the men more frequently instead of meeting some of their leaders, who are out for jobs, would pay attention to some of the Departments I have mentioned, it would be an excellent thing. It would also be well if they would answer what we read from time to time; and let me say that there appears to be the same old sneaking feeling of party in the House of Commons. I have not been here long enough to understand all these party considerations, but I understand that we are here now only for the purpose of winning the War, and that that was the purpose of the Government too, and that the representatives of both parties now sitting on that Front Bench are trying to do their best to win the War, and that it is the business of everybody in this House to co-operate with them in every way they can for this purpose. I have not discovered that that is being done. I have heard information asked for by Members which, if there was any honest intention behind it, would have been secured by Members going to the Ministers and putting these questions to them privately. But they were put in the House in order to force a reply which those Members knew to be dangerous. I do not want to suggest that they are Bolo questions, but they were certainly dangerous and put to embarrass the Government or the responsible Minister of a Department. We do not want replies enforced, because we know what happens: the whole thing is over in Germany in less than no time; and some of the Members of this House who have openly done this sort of thing, still, boldly and unashamed, claim that they have the right to press them upon the privileges of this House. Yesterday, I understand was quite a full day of it. I was engaged on necessary work elsewhere and did not have an opportunity of hearing it all. I urge upon the Prime Minister to play the game as he is fully able to do it and not to be afraid of any of them. Let him go the whole hog. If he does he will have the country and the trade unions behind him, and we shall hear no more of the plea that we should not humiliate Germany.

I am quite in favour of a League of Nations, but I doubt whether this is the time to speak of it. It is no good cooking your hare before you catch it. At present we have to beat Germany. We cannot afford to-day to go in for rotten platitudes. We have got to beat the enemy to the ground. They must have it. The world is looking to this country to stand up for it. I believe that everything is going on fairly well, but that it could go on a darn'd sight better. I would appeal to the House to play the game. I do not know anything about your wretched little political circles. Let us back up the Government, let us criticise them, but let us do it from an honest standpoint. If I have gone to any of the Ministers with a question, I have always had a straight answer. I would appeal to the Government to ginger itself up a little bit and get on with the business. The other day when the raid was on and remembering what had been said as to what we were going to do in regard to raids, I gloried in what the Prime Minister said about "giving them hell." If you want to give the people of this country heaven, you will have to give the Germans hell. You must take the gloves off. The Germans will not spare our women and children, and the sooner we carry on this warfare into Germany the better. We have these aeroplanes coming from America, and I am hoping that the Government have a little surprise in store for us, and that one morning we shall wake up and read that 500 or 1,000 aeroplanes have flown to Germany and bombed them to the devil, men, women and children, the same as they have done our people. We must realise that we are at war. Do not mind what they are saying outside, let us put it on Germany. The whole world is looking to us to do something. Let us play the game here as Members of this House. Let us criticise the Government and ginger them up, and then I do not think we shall come out second dog in this big fight.

War Situation: Prime Minister's Review

It is customary, when the House is separating for a holiday, however short, that some statement should be made as to the Government's view of the military, naval, and general situation of the War. I ask the indulgence of the House while I am covering, perhaps, a good deal of ground. I regret I did not hear the whole of the very virile speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Merthyr (Mr. Stanton). It was cheering to hear that speech with such a note. What cheers one all the more is the fact that my hon. Friend is here after a challenge upon that very policy in one of the most typical industrial centres in the whole of the Kingdom. That in itself is a cheering and a helpful circumstance. Before I come to the naval and military situation, I should like to say a word or two about the food position. There are two circumstances which quite recently have contributed to aggravate the food position. One is the failure to get margarine and butter from Denmark and Holland, and the other is the fact that the Allied shortage of food was greater than had been anticipated, and that we had to make considerable sacrifices in this country of our own reserves in order to supply the deficiencies of the Allies. I feel certain that when the people of this country realise that any deprivation which may fall upon them is due to the fact that they are sharing with their brave Allies, they will do it with better heart and better spirit. However, I am glad to be able to say that, owing to the efforts of my noble friend the Food Controller, there is an improvement visible already in the circumstances which have occasioned so much anxiety to us during the last few days. These food queues are largely attributable to the shortage in margarine, butter, and tea. The tea position is improving steadily, and we hope, by the efforts which are being made to increase the manufacture of margarine in this country, to improve the position very shortly in regard to margarine as well.

Meanwhile there is a great responsibility cast upon those who have the distribution of such stores as there are to see that they are fairly distributed among all classes of the population. I do not believe that the people of this country mind so much the fact that they are going short, as the sort of suspicion that, while they are going short, there are others who are getting more than their fair share, and that their shortage is aggravated by that fact. There are none of these long rows of people waiting outside the co-operative stores. That is because there is a perfectly fair distribution among all the customers of those stores. I hope it will not be necessary for the Government to take strong action to control other establishments that have got large stores, but who, up to the present, have not made arrangements for distribution which will not entail a good deal of discomfort and inconvenience to their customers. The Government, naturally, do not want to interfere with traders more than is essential, but they have full powers to do so, and I sincerely hope that the warning uttered by the Food Controller, to the great multiple shops more especially in this country, will bring forth fruit in the course of the next few days, and that it will not be necessary for their customers to wait outside in the cold and the rain for hours, in order to get their fair share of what is due to them in the matter of the necessaries of life. I wanted just to emphasise that warning before proceeding to deal with the naval and military situation, because these arrangements at the present moment are creating a good deal of discontent, and justifiable discontent, among the people. They are quite unnecessary. It is the fault entirely of distribution—or perhaps that is not quite so—it is the fault, first of all, of the shortage; but if the shortage be boldly recognised, they know perfectly well what the shortage is, they know in what period of time we shall be able to get over that difficulty, but until the shortage is made up their business is to distribute fairly. If they make up their minds to distribute fairly and in a businesslike manner among their customers, there will be no need for all this discomfort and inconvenience among the people of this country. I sincerely trust that those who are responsible for most of the distribution will take that warning to heart, and will put the matter straight in the course of the next few days. Otherwise it may be necessary for the Government to undertake a duty which is the very last duty in the world that the Government ought to take upon itself—that is, the distribution of the necessaries of life among the people.

I come now to a consideration of the naval and military position, and I should like to add something afterwards on the very important subject of war aims. With regard to the naval position, my right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty has spoken very fully, and so very clearly and distinctly, quite recently, that it will be unnecessary for me to dwell upon the naval situation except in one or two respects. I should like to say one word about the shipping position. The shipping position has been vital to the whole military situation. As he has already assured the House, the margin of losses on the sea is narrowing. The losses are decreasing; the building is increasing; the sinkings of submarines are increasing. I gave some estimates in the House, I think it was about the month of August. I regret that those estimates have not been fully realized—I will give the reasons in s, moment or two. The causes are purely temporary. But when you come to the losses, the estimates of losses have not been fully realised, I am very glad to say. In the month of August the balance-sheet which I had in my mind, and on the basis of which I gave assurances to the House, was a balance-sheet in which the anticipated losses were considerably heavier than the realised losses. The losses have been lighter by hundreds of thousands of tons than our anticipations earlier in the year. That is attributable very largely to the improvement in the methods of the Navy for keeping the submarine menace under control. With regard to the estimates of shipping, there are three causes why they have not been completely realised. Two of them will not affect the estimates in the long run. One of them was that I anticipated that a number of ships which we had ordered abroad would he added to our British Mercantile Marine. Those which we ordered in Canada we have got. The ships which we ordered in America have been taken by the United States Government, but that is not a loss to the Allied cause, and, therefore, although it diminishes the estimate which I gave to the House, it makes no difference to the military situation, because if those ships do not carry goods for us here, I trust they will be carrying troops from the United States to France, and, to say the least, that is equally important.

Another reason is that we found it necessary to convert a number of standard and other ships from ordinary tramp steamers into oilers—I think about thirty-five. That naturally postponed the delivery of the steamers for at least three or four months. Those ships will come in the course of January, February, and March, and will be added to the aggregate shipping of the country, but they will not come into the actual deliveries for this year, and to that extent our estimates have been falsified. The other reason is one which represents a real failure to come up to the estimate, and that is our failure to get the necessary supply of steel and labour to enable us to utilise to the full the facilities which the shipyards would otherwise have provided for turning out ships. That we are remedying very rapidly, and the net result is that at the present moment, in the fourth year of the War, after millions of people have been taken away from labour to fighting, with all the enormous drain upon the industrial resources of the country, the aggregate shipbuilding in this country is above that of the boom year, 1913. I think that is a very creditable performance by those who are in charge of shipbuilding in this country. I had hoped to have a very remarkable diagram prepared by the Admiralty—I may have it before I sit down—showing, first of all, the losses of shipping, Allied and British—how up to the month of June they went up steadily, until in June they had reached a very considerable height. Our maximum period for losses was the quarter ending June. From that moment they have come down steadily and steeply. On the other hand, when you come to the destruction of German submarines, that has gone up steadily and also steeply during the whole of this year. It is a remarkable and an encouraging diagram, because it shows how the Admiralty and the Shipping Controller between them are really grappling with what was a most menacing situation—in fact, the most menacing situation with which we were confronted in the War.

I must say a word about what the Shipping Controller has done, because a good deal of the success with which we have been able to cope with our shipping difficulties is attributable to his very skilful business dispositions. He has practically requisitioned the whole of the shipping of this country. At the time when he took charge, there was only a percentage of the shipping of the country under Government control. Now practically the whole of the shipping of the country has been requisitioned at Blue Book rates, and the result is that there is the most complete control as to the voyages which a ship can lake. There is only one consideration in ordering a ship either to come or to go, and that is not whether it will be a better paying concern for either the shipowner or anyone else to send the ship to a particular place. Naturally that is what would govern in ordinary peace time. The only consideration is what would be the best thing in the public interest to do with that ship for that particular voyage. The effect of that has been that, although our Aggregate tonnage is down by something like 20 per cent.—and here I would remind the House that one ship may make four or five voyages in the course of a year, so that 20 per cent. loss in tonnage means more than the actual tonnage which it would carry in a year—we have lost only 6 per cent. of imports into this country as compared with last year.

In tonnage; certainly not in money. That is a proof how skilfully the shipping of this country has been handled by the Shipping Controller. Had it not been for that, it would have been quite impossible for us to have carried through this year, and to have helped our Allies to the extent we have in Italy, France, and in Russia.

I come now to the military situation. It would be idle to pretend that the hope we had formed at the beginning of the year has been realised, and our disappointment has been attributable entirely, in my judgment, to the Russian collapse. Let the House consider what the position was at the beginning of the year. The Russian Army was better equipped in guns, machine guns, aeroplanes, and ammunition than it has ever been during the whole period of the War. For the first time the Russian gunners had plenty of ammunition—for the first time in the whole course of the War—and the Russian failures up to this year have been due to no lack of skilful leadership, because they had very able generals; not due certainly to any lack of valour on the part of the troops, because no braver men ever went on to a battlefield than the Russian soldiers. It was attributable entirely to lack of ammunition and equipment. So that this year the Russian Army was ready with the best equipment any Russian Army ever had, and naturally our expectation was that with a well-equipped, powerful Russian Army pressing on in the East, a well-equipped British and French Army pressing on in the West, and a well-equipped Italian Army pressing in Italy, we should have been able to bring such pressure to bear upon the Prussian Army as to inflict a decisive defeat upon it. The events of the year have proved that, if Russia had carried out natural expectations, that plan would in all human probability have completely succeeded.

Let us look at what actually happened. The Russian Army has been practically quiescent throughout the year. The soldiers, when they have fought, have fought reluctantly. Whole armies refused to fight at all. There were armies that started fighting, and, when the enemy was in full retreat, suddenly stopped, and said they would do no more. That was the case with General Korniloff's army. In spite of that fact, although the Russian Army was quiescent throughout the year, although the Germans knew they could depend on the whole upon it not being an efficient army for offensive purposes, although the Russian front had become notoriously a sanatorium for broken regiments and divisions on the Western front—because that is what happened; divisions which had been broken in the big fighting in the West were sent to recover in the East, and fresh divisions were taken from the East and put into the West—the Germans have not quite held their own in the West. On the contrary, they have been beaten in many battles, they have only had one conspicuous success, and that was attributable to a surprise which is now the subject of an inquiry. They lost over 100,000 prisoners, they lost very valuable and important ground from a tactical point of view, they lost hundreds of guns, and that in spite of the fact that they had practically no dangerous enemy menacing them at all in the East. Is it too much to say that if the Russian Army had fulfilled, not merely our expectations, but those of the Russian generals themselves, and carried out the part which they had allocated to themselves, by this time the pride of the Prussian military power would have been completely humbled? I do not doubt it for a moment, nor does anyone. So that, therefore, it is not too much to say that, while there has been a disappointment—and no doubt there has been a very great disappointment—in the military operations of the year, it is attributable mainly to the fact that the Russian military power collapsed early in the year.

3.0 P.M.

But, although, in spite of the very great victories in France and in Flanders—very conspicuous victories—the campaign on the whole has not achieved the expectations we had formed of it, there have been military successes in the course of the year which will have a permanent effect on the history of the world. I am referring to the great successes in the East, which resulted at the beginning of the year in the capture of Bagdad, and late in the year in the capture of Jerusalem. Rightly or wrongly, these two great events have added more to the prestige of Britain throughout the world than almost any event in the whole course of the War. The capture of Jerusalem has made a most profound impression throughout the whole civilised world. The most famous city in the world, after centuries of strife and vain struggle, which has cost millions of lives, has fallen into the hands of the British Army, never to be restored to those who so successfully held it against the embattled hosts of Christendom. The name of every hamlet and hill occupied by the British Army, and over which British soldiers fought in this famed land, thrills with sacred memories. Beersheba, Hebron, Bethany, Bethlehem, the Mount of Olives are all names engraved on the heart of the world, and although not in the main theatre of war, I venture to say that the achievements of the British troops in these two spheres, Mesopotamia and Palestine, which have been the cradle and the shrine of civilisation for centuries, will, remain for many ages to come. I know there is a good deal said about "side-shows," and that, after all, these were only "side-shows." The British Empire owes a good deal to side-shows. During the Seven Years' War, which was also a great European war—for practically all the nations which are now engaged in combat with each other were then interlocked in a great struggle—the events which are best remembered by every Englishman are not the great battles on the Continent of Europe, but Plassey and the Heights of Abraham; and I have no doubt at all that, when the history of 1917 comes to be written, and comes to be read ages hence, these events in Mesopotamia and Palestine will hold a much more conspicuous place in the minds and in the memories of the people than many an event which looms much larger for the moment in our sight.

It would be rather interesting, looking at the year 1917, if it were possible to project ourselves into the year 2017 and to observe the events of this particular year. I should like to know what, in the opinion of many who are present here to-day, would be the outstanding event a hundred years hence. There is no doubt that the Russian Revolution would hold a very conspicuous position in the events of this year—how great a position would depend entirely upon the Russians themselves, and what they will do in the course of the next six months, and perhaps the next six weeks. Another great fact of this year which will loom large in the future will be the advent of America for the first time, not into the War, but into world politics—a gigantic event in itself. The next great event for which this year will always be remembered will be the conquest of the Eastern countries of Mesopotamia and Palestine, and the emancipation of one of the most gifted races in the world, the Arabs, from the domination of the Turk, after centuries of oppression. Another event which will hold a conspicuous position in history, according to the use which is made of it, will be the setting up of the International Council at Versailles, where, for the first time, we have the setting up of the machinery of the League of Nations, where nations have come together to set up a complete machine which is not merely a clearing house in military matters, and not merely in naval matters, but for financial matters, for economic matters, for shipping, for food, and for all the things that arc essential to the life of a nation. All these are raised there, and are discussed there. Information on all these subjects is classified there and interchanged, and, still more, they are there not merely for registering or recording, but for decisions which affect all these nations. That in itself is going to be the beginning of something which will have a greater effect in international relations than anyone can imagine at this particular moment.

Perhaps the House, having had one or two discussions on that topic, would like to know something as to how that idea is being carried out. I am very glad to say that so far it has been a conspicuous success. Not merely has it been free from friction, but it has helped to remove friction. The General Staffs of all the various countries have found in it a means of discussion, and of interchanging views; and it has helped them to come to decisions by means which they did not possess before. They are using it freely, it has been helpful to them, they are constantly resorting to it, and I have no doubt at all that if that great machinery, already started, to which the four Governments have given some of their very best men and means, goes on working as it does at the present moment, and developing strength, it will have a very potent influence in unifying the war direction, and not merely the war direction, but the economic direction of the four great countries which are represented on this Council.

The British Government have chosen as their military representative one of the most brilliant minds in the British Army, Sir Henry Wilson, and not, merely one of the most brilliant minds in the British Army, but in any European Army. A profound student of strategy, he made a great reputation at the head of the Staff College, and has had a unique experience in this War not merely on the British, but on the French and the Russian fronts. He has the great gift of being able to get on with people of other nations, which is very valuable when you are in an alliance. It was he who organised the first British Expeditionary Force, and there is no doubt that that organisation was a very conspicuous success. Above all, he possesses the gift of imagination, a gift which is rare even among soldiers. Therefore I think the House will agree that the Government, in the appointment which they made, have had the services of a man of very great gifts and very great experience. I am very glad to be able to say that not merely have all the doubts that have been expressed and all the apprehensions that may have been expressed as to the possibilities of friction between the various distinguished men on this Council who are concerned with these problems been dispelled, but the fact of this institution having been set up has in itself enabled the machinery for Allied action to work much more smoothly than it has worked before.

Now I come to another point which I wish to place before the House. The situation has become undoubtedly more menacing in consequence of two events which have occurred in the two last weeks. One has been the unexpected defeat of Italy. I should say something about the way in which the British and the French forces came to the rescue, as I believe, of the Italians at a very critical moment. There was no doubt that that was done with a celerity which was a great surprise to the enemy. They had better railway communications than we had. All those who know anything of the railway communications between this country and Italy know that they are not the very best, because the Mont Cenis Tunnel is a bottle neck, and on the other hand the Ventimigilo Railway is not one which you would choose for military purposes, if you had any choice in the matter. The way in which fully-equipped divisions have been put, within a very few weeks, right on the battle front is a superb piece of organisation, and there is no doubt that we took the enemy completely by surprise. They had reckoned on our taking a very much longer time to get our troops there, and if that had been the case, one cannot guarantee what might have happened, if our troops had not arrived there within a very short time after the first defeat of the Italian Army. The advent of our troops was an event of incalculable value. First of all, there was the material support which they gave to the Italian Army, by taking up critical positions confronting the enemy. But a far more valuable support was the moral support, which the mere knowledge that they were there, and more were coming, gave to the whole Italian Army. It encouraged them, it inspired them, and troops which a few weeks ago were completely dispersed over the north of Italy are voluntarily returning to the ranks, have already been formed into battalions and into divisions. Some of them are fighting in the line at the present moment, and there are many more coming up. So that I think the French and British troops can claim that they have played a very large part in restoring the position on the Italian front. But, in spite of that fact, there is no doubt that the Italian defeat has made the military position a more anxious one for the British and French war directions. It has made it necessary for them to detach a considerable number of divisions from France to support the Italian Army. That means a greater drain upon the man-power of this country and of France.

The second fact which has occurred during the last few weeks and made the position less favourable is the fact that Russia is no longer quiescent. The Russian situation has changed. Up to the last few weeks Russia was, at any rate nominally, at war with Germany. Her armies occupied a very long line of trenches, and that compelled the Germans and Austrians to keep in front of that Army a very considerable number of troops. Now there is an armistice. Peace is being negotiated. It is perfectly true that there are conditions in that armistice which impose upon Germany the obligation not to remove any troops from the Eastern front to the Western front. Well, we have heard of "scraps of paper" before, and I should say that the country which relied for its security upon the Germans keeping that promise, either in the letter or in the spirit, is a country that did not profit by experience. Therefore we must take that circumstance into account. Those are the two facts which have occurred during the last few weeks and have caused an increased anxiety, and imposed fresh obligations upon the other countries that are in the War. It is, therefore, absolutely necessary in the public interests, for the security of our Armies, the security of our country, and the defence of our lines, that this country should make greater sacrifices, in order to strengthen our Armies in the field during the coming year. Consequently, we must take fresh steps in order to increase the supply of men for our Army.

The tribunals are necessarily hampered and restricted by the conditions which Parliament imposes upon them, and probably, which Governments have imposed upon them owing to pledges given from time to time to avert labour troubles. I see it suggested somewhere that an attempt is made to make one Government more than another responsible for that. Whatever pledges were given by my right hon. Friend sitting opposite (Mr. Asquith) or by my right hon. Friend the Member for Barnard Castle (Mr. Henderson), I am just as responsible for them as they were. My own recollection is that I was present when the pledge of my right hon. Friend opposite was given. I was actually in the room. It was given by him not merely with my full knowledge and assent, but, unless I am very much mistaken, after full consultation between us, and at my request, in order to avoid very serious labour trouble at the time. If there is anyone casting responsibility upon my right hon. Friend, I am here to say that the responsibility is not merely his, but that it is as much mine as his.

My right hon. Friend (Mr. Henderson) had a very difficult task at the time. On behalf of the Government, he did his very best to smooth over those difficulties. He went on behalf of the Government to negotiate, and whatever pledges he gave he gave on behalf of the Government for the time being, and he did so with the full support and consent of the War Cabinet. So that there is no question of responsibility—as to who is responsible. We are all equally responsible for the undertakings that were given; and I go beyond that and say, at that time, it was absolutely right that pledges should be given. It was the best thing to do in the interests of the country, and the only reason why now we have to ask that these pledges shall be either altered or cancelled is because the conditions have changed, and the demands upon the manpower of the country are greater in consequence of those changed conditions. I want to quote what my right hon. Friend the Member for Barnard Castle said to the trade unions—and I must say he showed very great foresight in the words which he used. After an agreement had been entered into which gave protection to men engaged in certain trades, this question was asked by one of the trade unionists—this was on the 26th April, 1916, when my right hon. Friend was Prime Minister, men who were included. Does anyone doubt that the conditions have materially changed, and changed through circumstances over which no Government has any control, and over which this country has no control, and that therefore it will be necessary for us to take action which will enable us to call men, who at the present moment are protected by the conditions of this Schedule, to take their part in defence of their country in another sphere? But the right hon. Gentleman gave an undertaking on behalf of the Government—an undertaking which binds us all—that if there were circumstances which would justify the Government in departing from the Schedule—if they were compelled by the necessities of the War to depart from the Schedule—they would ask them to come and meet the Government before doing it. It is proposed, therefore—before the Government, in reference to the scheme which they have got in their minds, and the proposals which they mean to submit to the House, come to the House of Commons, and state what their plans are, and ask for the necessary legislation to enable them to carry out these plans—to summon these unions which are concerned, to state the whole of the circumstances to them, and to place before them the circumstances which have induced the Government to ask the House of Commons for a release from those pledges. My right hon. Friend the Minister for National Service (Sir A. Geddes) proposes next week to invite the leaders of the trade unions to meet him, in order to place the whole of these conditions before them.

There is another circumstance which I think I ought to mention before I dispose finally of this matter. Not merely is this necessary, in order to meet the additional burden imposed upon us by the Russian collapse, and by the reverse in Italy, but there is also another circumstance which has compelled us to make a further drain upon the man-power of this country—namely, the fact that in present conditions we are forced to send back to the fighting line men who have been wounded repeatedly. It is unfair—I think it is intolerable—that men—I am not now speaking of men slightly wounded, but men who have been wounded severely two or three times—should be sent back to the fighting line, while there are men in this Country who have never been in the fighting line. Therefore, one of the reasons which compel us to go to the length of asking the House of Commons to give powers to enable us to withdraw men even from industries which are important for war purposes is that we want a reserve of men which will make it possible not to send these men who have repeatedly faced danger, and who have endured a great deal of suffering on behalf of their country, back again into the fighting line. We also want men for shipbuilding, agriculture, the building of aerodromes and other purposes essential either for the War or for the welfare of the community. In order to raise these men, it will be necessary to ask further powers from the House of Commons when it meets immediately after the Adjournment. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about Ireland?"] The whole of our proposals will then be stated, and the reason why and why not it would be a mistake merely to enter into one part of the plan of the Government without entering into the whole. Before I come to the question of war aims, I should like to say one word about future prospects.

There is no doubt that the next few months will be the most trying months of the War, for the simple reason that one of the great Powers, on whom we depended, has practically gone out of the War, while another great Power is not yet fully in it, and, therefore, the burden upon us will be very considerable. But we must not imagine that the enemy has not got his own difficulties. We had a curious proof of this the other day when certain facts were given to us as to the deterioration in the physical quality of the German workmen, as the result of the blockade which is imposed upon him by the British Navy. As to the German workmen, whatever the difficulties may be about food here, they are not comparable to those which the German workmen have to endure; and the German workman has so deteriorated in consequence that the output in Germany per man has gone down by something like 33 per cent, as compared with the first year of the War. That, in itself, is some evidence of the fact that Germany has her own difficulties to encounter. And what are the prospects in front of her, and the prospects in front of us? She is exhausting her reserves of man-power. France has been in the War since the start, and there is no doubt her losses are very severe. In spite of the reverses Italy has suffered, her losses are not comparable to the losses of Austria; and, in spite of the heavy sacrifices which we have had to make, the permanent losses of the British Army are not more than one-fourth or one-fifth of the permanent losses endured by the German Army.

If you take the reserves of man-power of the nations which are in alliance against Germany—and here I am not counting Japan, India, or China, I am only taking Great Britain and those who are coming more and more to our help—there is this fact, which we must not forget, that this is the fourth year of the War. I am not thinking of Great Britain and the Dominions and France—I am taking Italy and the United States of America—the man-power reserves of those countries are more than twice those of Germany and Austria and the countries in alliance with her. That means time and it means tonnage; but, given time and tonnage, its effect will weigh in the end, and the enemy must know it. These are facts which have got to be borne in mind. When we are asked to be temporarily depressed by the conditions which are unfavourable, just project yourselves, if you possibly can do so, into the position of Germany and Austria for the moment, and see with what they are confronted. I am certain you would take a more depressing view of their circumstances, having regard to all the facts on our side of the matter. Yesterday there was a very interesting discussion in this House on war aims, and I read every word of it with very great interest. There was a good deal of criticism of Ministerial utterances by hon. Members who took part in the discussion, but they will forgive me for pointing out that there was no reference to my Glasgow speech. What is the good of doing that? Are they really seeking to criticise Ministers, or are they trying to find out exactly what are the war aims of the country?

I will tell hon. Members why I say that. I am told I have never said anything which in the least travelled in the same direction as the declarations of President Wilson. There is no doubt about what I said in regard to that speech. I am going to take four or five points which I emphasised in my speech, and which I think it is important to keep at the front now. I ventured to speak about war conditions and war aims. What was the first? The first was a demand for the complete restoration of the national territory conquered by Germany, and reparation for damage done. Is there anyone challenges that? Since Russia entered into separate negotiations, she alone must be responsible for the terms in respect of her own territory. I am speaking now of Belgium, Roumania, Serbia, and other countries, which did not enter into any separate negotiations, and for which, therefore, we are completely responsible. Of course, the fact that Russia has entered into separate negotiations absolutely disposes of any question there may be about Constantinople. The second point which I emphasised then I emphasise now. This was one of the questions dwelt upon yesterday, and the statement I had made was completely ignored as to Mesopotamia and the colonies. Since then we have conquered most of the important colonies, and the whole of East Africa. The same statement will cover what has been added since I made it. These are the words I ventured to use with regard to Mesopotamia and the colonies: tales are told that make one shudder, are we to say that these poor, helpless people, begging and craving, as they are doing, not to return them to German terrorism, "Yes, we will, whether you want it or not"? Is that the demand which is made? It is no use criticising unless we know what it is. What is it? The will of the people, the sentiments of the people—with the whites in Europe you have respected them, not with the poor blacks, not with the Arabs. Is that really what is to be said? What we have said is that the Peace Congress shall settle it, but it must settle it upon the principle of respecting the desires of the people themselves. That we laid down then, and that we stand by now. We have conquered no country where the population belonged to the governing race—not one. And I want the House and those who criticise to bear that in mind. We have annexed no country, we have conquered no country, we have overrun no country where the population belongs to the ruling race—not one. Mesopotamia, Palestine, Samoa, and other places, whether in the Southern Seas, whether in the East or in the West—we have not conquered a single yard of territory Where there is a German population.

Will the right hon. Gentleman let me ask him one question as to what he said just now about the Russian question? Has the Government recognised the Lenin Government?

This really has absolutely nothing to do with it. The question of whether you recognise a Government, or whether you do not is a question you have to judge upon the facts, but it has nothing whatever to do with the war aims.

Now I come to another question. What is the condition which I ventured to lay down? The condition which has been laid down over and over again by everyone who has spoken on behalf of the Government in this country, including my right hon. Friend opposite (Mr. Asquith), is that you must have security, and that is the most important thing of all. May I just say what I said at Glasgow. I am sorry to have to repeat what I said ten months ago, and I would not have done it had it not been for the fact that last night over and over again speaker after speaker said that the Government had made no declaration. I made a declaration, and a considered declaration, after discussing the matter with my colleagues, and I stand by it now. I said:

But what brought the War about? Does anyone doubt, who has read the whole history of the restless, ambitious, arrogant, military caste of Prussia, determined to force dictation and domination over Europe, and, through Europe, over the world? They planned and they plotted for years for this War. They were ever prepared—and everybody in Germany knew it—to overthrow their own ruler, in order to set up another ruler who was more in sympathy with their ambitious designs. It was common talk in Germany, and there were pamphlets circulated with enormous circulations throughout Prussia and the whole of Germany. They repeatedly tried to force war on Russia, and Russia purchased peace once or twice at the price of humiliation. They tried to force war on France, and France once or twice had to purchase peace at the price of humiliation which we could never endure for an hour. Has anyone taken the trouble to acquaint himself with the temper of the military caste? We all know the Zabern incident. Only yesterday a British general gave me an instance which had happened here in this country as an illustration of what we are up against and what we are fighting. A Prussian officer, who is interned, strolled into an engine-house where he had no business to be. The engineer ordered him out. He took no notice of it, but answered him in German. The engineer said, "You have no business here, and I must request you to leave." Then the officer said, "I am not going to take any orders from you." The engineer then took him by the coat—not roughly—and began to take him out, and the German hit him in the face, which started bleeding. We are dealing now with the temper which has made this War. The point I wish to come to is the defence which was made by this officer, when he was put on his trial. Here it is in the report: whether it is President Wilson, or my right hon. Friend (Mr. Asquith), or myself, and we have all been making speeches in the last few weeks—that victory is an essential condition, it is not because it satisfies some low vindictive sense in human nature, or that you want merely to punish, but it is because we realise that victory is the only thing that will give reality to peace terms. A League of Nations, in which Germany is represented by that military caste triumphant, would be a hollow farce. The people of Germany must be there, and that is why victory in itself is more important than mere terms. Victory alone will give reality to it, and that is also the reason why the Government, after mature reflection, decided to go first to the trades unions and afterwards to the House of Commons to ask them to equip us with greater powers to enable us to increase the means of securing victory.

4.0 P.M.

My right hon. Friend has naturally, perhaps necessarily, covered a very wide area of ground. In the very few moments during which I propose to ask the indulgence of the House, I shall not follow him into many of the subjects which he thought it right and proper to touch. I hope to confine myself to that which is essential. A year ago—I think almost exactly a year ago to-day—when my right hon. Friend made his first considered statement after his accession to the high office he now holds, I ventured, in following him, to make one or two comments, couched not in the form of adverse criticism—as I think he would agree—but of friendly warning. The first point was this—that in the creation and working of the new offices which he then foreshadowed, and of which the number has since been largely increased. I thought it desirable, and indeed necessary, that full use should continue to be made of the reservoir of organised voluntary effort which has served us so well since the beginning of the War. That was particularly the case with the two fundamental matters, shipping and finance. The second comment which I made was this: that our administrative difficulties, I thought—and I am sure my right hon. Friend will agree with me there—would not and could not be solved by short cuts, and what I called coups de main . A rather melancholy narrative has been given to the public in the course of the present week by the late director of National Service, which shows that that particular warning was not inopportune.

In regard to the first and much more important matter, it is in no censorious spirit, and with no particular criticism of specific oases, that I venture to say—and this is a point which is in no sense controversial, but affects the real and effective conduct of the War—that a large multiplication—be it right or wrong—of Departments and sub-Departments is attended by two serious risks, against which I think it is our duty, and the duty of the Government, and perhaps still more the duty of the House of Commons to be on its guard. The first is this: It is an almost inevitable result of a proceeding of that kind that you tend in the direction of over-centralisation; whereas, I think, all the experience of this War shows that it is vital to enlist, as far as possible and as widely as possible, voluntary and local effort, not merely to give what I may call a sentimental or extraneous support, but in the direct work of administration. The second risk is an equally serious one, some of the practical dangers of which have been brought to light in the two Reports already presented by the Committee en National Expenditure. It is that, it will tend to the relaxation of financial control by the Treasury and by the House of Commons. As I say, I make these criticisms in no hostile spirit, but because I think that in good and effective administration these are considerations which ought always to be borne in mind. When I spoke a year ago I said, with universal agreement, that our two most formidable problems were the problems of finance and of transport. Today they are both much more formidable than they were a year ago. To look at finance for a moment—the daily cost of the War has risen beyond all previous experience and, I agree, beyond all possible forecast. Our financial obligations to our Allies, as my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has more than once pointed out, have increased almost by leaps and bounds. They are classed by him—and quite properly classed for accounting purposes—amongst recoverable items of expenditure. When we use the word "recover" or "recoverable" in that connection, I think there are not a few of us, at any rate as to some part of these obligations, who use it rather in a spirit of hope than of business. But whether they are ultimately recoverable or not, we have got at the present moment to meet them, to finance them, and to pay for them out of our own resources. Without going into any detail in the matter, I want to make two observations upon it. In the first place, I am quite sure that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, if he be well advised, when next it becomes his duty, as it will very soon, to ask the House to consider the arrangements for the next financial year, will think it right and expedient to make further demands in the shape of taxation.

The other observation. I want to make is this—I am not criticising in any adverse sense what has been done in the way of raising money by loan—but, it has been brought home to me, and I believe to a great many people, that there is a feeling (I believe a wholly unjustifiable and unwarranted feeling) of insecurity as to the loans which have been raised, as to the interest which is going to-be paid upon them, and even in some quarters as to the repayment of the debt. I think it ought to be made clear—it ought not to be necessary to be made clear—but as far as I can I wish to make it clear—speaking on behalf of those whom I represent—that we regard the obligation the State has undertaken in this matter as a sacred obligation. It is not capable of any kind of qualification, diminution, or withdrawal. In the appeals that are now being made, and very properly made, by the War Savings Committee and by other bodies to the men and women of the country to advance their money to the State, those who respond to those appeals may be perfectly sure that they have behind them the public credit, safeguarded and warranted by every possible sanction that any responsible politician in this country can give. I say that because I am told—I do not know how it has got about—but I am told in some quarters there is uneasiness and apprehension on that ground.

With regard to the other matter, that of transport, at the time when I spoke a year ago, and when I acknowledged, and, indeed, warned the House of its seriousness, our losses by torpedoes and by mines were very nearly, if not entirely, made good month by month by our new construction. [An HON. MEMBER: "No!"] Up to September, certainly. I think I am right in saying that up to the month of September they were practically balanced, but the thing was getting worse then. [An HON. MEMBER: "Much worse!"] Of course, it became far worse. That is why I warned the House about it. No one could have foreseen what has since happened, namely, that by the unlimited development and extension of the submarine campaign the situation would so seriously deteriorate. I mention that, not for the purpose of instituting comparison, still less of blaming persons for not foreseeing things nobody could have foreseen. It is the most monstrous thing the Germans have done in the whole war, the declaration of this new submarine warfare, by far the most lawless and wanton act in violation of the letter and the spirit of all international convention and usage that any country has ever perpetrated in military or naval history. I will not blame anyone—I will not even blame myself—but the only purpose for which I have referred to it is to say that, in my view—and I hope and believe it is the view of the Government also—without going into figures—I believe much of the information is not accessible, and properly not accessible, to the public—in my view by far the most vital, the paramount and primary need, of the country at this moment is ships. I put that demand before any other demand.

I know all the ramifications of manpower. I know what the Army needs, and what the Munitions need, and I know what various other branches of national service and of war service need. There are only two countries in the world amongst the Allies who can make any substantial contribution, namely, ourselves and the United States of America. Among the needs for the purpose of carrying on the War at this moment, in my opinion—and I hope, and I know, it is the opinion of the Government from what I heard the First Lord of the Admiralty say the other day—the provision of ships—the rapid and effective construction of the right type of ship—on that everything depends—food, raw materials, all the things you need either during the War or in the period which will immediately follow the conclusion of the War. Whether this country is then to be in the position she ought to be in depends primarily and fundamentally on an adequate supply of shipping, and I hope in any discussions we have on manpower that will be the primary and indeed the dominating factor.

The right hon. Gentleman, in his review of the military situation, pointed out two new factors which have entered into the problem since a year ago. The first is the defection of Russia, which is no longer an effective military asset in the forces of the Allies. The second, which must be set off against it, is the accession of America, and their unlimited resources and their splendid organising power. I am not going to try to appraise—it would be folly for anybody who has not first-hand knowledge to do so—how soon it will be possible to bring the enormous accession of strength which follows from the second to counterbalance the terrible defection which belongs to the first. There, again, it is a question of ships You cannot make the gigantic potential resources of the United States really effective for the purpose of Western warfare unless you have the means of transport, and the means of transport safeguarded for the carriage of those troops and their supplies across the sea. So that it seems to me you always come back, in the present phase of the military situation, to that as the one thing vital and fundamental.

I pass from that, on which I hope we are all agreed, to say one or two words upon what I think is the most important part of the right hon. Gentleman's speech. We are all at one that we must equip ourselves by every appropriate means to resist the new dangers which threaten us both on sea and on land—on sea the submarine menace, and on land the power the Germans now have, which they had not a year ago, consequent upon the defection of Russia, to withdraw large—possibly incalculable—forces from the Eastern to the Western Front. I do not believe there is any faltering or any disposition to falter on the part of the country in giving the Government every necessary power and resource for that purpose. But what I should like to say, and what, I think, it is most important to say at this moment, is that we ought at the same time to make it increasingly clear by every means in our power, and by every agency we can employ, that the ends, and the only ends, for which we are fighting are the attainment of security—not apparent or ostensible security—but real security for liberty and justice in the world as a whole, through a free confederation of both great and small States, to stand on a level footing, where they will possess equal rights. That might seem to be the re-enunciation of what has become almost a commonplace.

Why then do I attach so much importance to its being stated now, and stated with the Government's authority? For this reason. No one who has followed closely what has been, and is, going on in Russia can have any doubt whatever as to the urgency, and, indeed, the primary necessity, for a moral to accompany a material campaign. No doubt there has been a lavish expenditure of German gold in the actual and direct work of corruption. That will not carry them very far in this case. Far more effective—and here I speak not only of Russia, but of Italy and of the neutral countries—has been this insidious and unscrupulous, but most adroit and persuasive propaganda. Every artifice, literary, rhetorical, pictorial, histrionic, has been employed to blacken our record, to distort our aims, and to represent the cause of the Allies in this War as the cause of Plutocracy and Imperialism. Partly as the result of the labours of these missionaries of mendacity, but partly from sheer ignorance, there is amongst the democracies of Europe, not only in neutral countries, a widespread misconception, which is often quite honestly entertained, of our real and ulterior purposes. It is true that the spokesmen of the Allies have made repeated and explicit declarations from the very beginning of the War, which if listened to and if believed, ought to clear away all doubts and suspicion. The Prime Minister has put forward an admirable series of propositions which he himself enunciated only a very few months ago at Glasgow. I myself have done, and am doing, what I can in that direction. May I be allowed to bring back to the minds of the House and the country and the world that as far back as the month of September, 1914, before I made the statement of Allied aims at the Guildhall which has often been quoted, before, indeed, the War was two months old, in a speech at Dublin, I used words which I venture to cite again, for they are just as true to-day as they were when I spoke them. This is September, 1914. After saying that the cause of the Allies was to translate the idea of public right from abstract into concrete terms, and explaining in several sentences how I thought that was to be done, I used this language:

I think the Prime Minister was well advised to make to-day an exhaustive review of the situation on the Motion for the Adjournment. I think hon. Members of this House are also entitled, particularly those who are in close touch with the people, to review the situation for the benefit of the Prime Minister and the Government. In doing that I want to make it perfectly clear that I have no intention of approaching the subject in the spirit of criticism as far as the Prime Minister or the Government is concerned. The Prime Minister has been dealing with war aims and reviewing in a broad and general way what is necessary for us to carry through this great War successfully. I am strongly of the opinion that unless you can carry your people with you, no matter how ambitious your war aims may be, you will fail to carry through this War successfully. As the right hon. Gentleman is well aware, Labour has played a great part in the struggle in which we are engaged. When war was seen to be inevitable, they went into the struggle with as great an enthusiasm as any other section of our people. Have we the same enthusiasm displayed to-day? That is a very important consideration when we are reviewing the situation so far as war aims are concerned. I fear that there is not the same spirit as we had in 1914. It would be simply hiding our heads in the sand to imagine that we had the same enthusiastic spirit existing among the rank and file as we had in 1914. The question naturally arises: Why this change? Of course, I am well aware that in every great war the sacrifices involved are bound to produce a spirit of war-weariness the longer that the struggle goes on, but has this element produced the change that has taken place? I do not think so. I think it accounts for it to a very small degree indeed. The British race is capable of enduring as long and of sacrificing as much as any nation on the earth.

Why then the change? I want to give, briefly, several reasons which I believe have brought the change about. The inequality of sacrifice has been the greatest factor in the situation. I know that again and again the Prime Minister and the ex-Prime Minister have said that complete equality of sacrifice is impossible. That may be so, but it would have been possible had things been handled properly in this country for the sacrifices to have been equalised to a far greater extent than has been done up to the present time. The Prime Minister to-day told us that the Government intended at a very early date to meet the Labour leaders and discuss with them the question of raising more men. That, in other words, simply means that more men are to be taken from the factories, the mines, and the fields, and are to be conscripted for the purposes of the War. I listened carefully to his remarks, and not one single word was said about conscripting that other part of the nation's wealth, namely, the capital of the nation. I want to say to the Prime Minister and to the Government in all seriousness, "If you imagine that you are going to go on making call after call for men without some definite and distinct arrangement as to the conscription of wealth, then you will find that you are up against a very difficult problem." What has been the history of the War? Instead of wealth being conscripted, we have had profiteering going on in a shameless way. Huge fortunes have been made, and in a trying time like this, when men are sacrificing their dearest possessions, others have been getting fabulously rich. That profiteering has added to the burdens inevitable from war of nine-tenths of the people. In many cases employers of labour have not displayed that spirit when dealing with their employés which they should have displayed. I could give many examples, but I will only deal with two which have come to hand this morning. Some few weeks ago a dispute arose in some large works in the city of Glasgow, and it only involved four women. That small and insignificant dispute had been handled in such a clumsy way by the employer that at the moment I am speaking there is a serious danger of the whole of the employés of the firm being on strike to-morrow morning.

My hon. Friend says that they are out now, but my information this morning was that there was a serious danger of their being on strike to-morrow morning. Take the second instance. Five or six years ago one of the large iron and coal companies of this country bought one of the islands on the West Coast of Scotland, namely, the Island of Raasay. The firm is that of William Baird and Company. The population of the Island of Raasay was a crofting population. From the very moment that this company took possession, started to win iron ore, and tried to get the necessary labour from the crofting population, there has been continual friction. When these men asked for higher wages they were met with the statement that if they did not care to accept the wages that were offered they could go into the Army. When they struck work in protest against the wages that were paid, German war prisoners were used for the purpose of forcing them to accept unfair conditions.

Talk about a local rate in the Western Isles! The wages paid to these men, including all war bonuses, ranges, so far as my information goes, from 4s. 3d. to 8s. 6d. per day, according to the class of labour.

I am only trying to get at the facts. My hon. Friend says that some men are paid 4s. 3d. and others 8s. 6d. per day. I want to know what is the average. Are there many paid 4s. 3d.?

The figures have been given me such a short time that I am not in a position to say whether that is so or not. But what I want to point out is that the wages paid, considering the conditions under which these men live and work, are altogether inadequate. There is, I think, but one shop on the island. The company sees to that, and the men have to make their purchases there. If they object to doing that they must go to a distant island, Portree, for their supplies, and the result is that a considerable portion of those supplies are often lost or damaged on the way home by reason of the stormy weather which prevails. These men's wages are paid monthly. In most parts of the country there is a weekly spuaring-up, but, as I have said, these men have to wait monthly. They are crofters by trade, they belong to a crofting population, and their people have been crofters for generations. They naturally desire, in addition to working in the mines, to have a bit of land of their own. The worst part of the land of the island has been preserved for them; the best part has been fenced off and reserved for deer and other game. I suggest to the Prime Minister there ought to be immediate inquiry as to the conditions which obtain in this island.

The next point I want to discuss with the Prime Minister—the next factor which I think has produced a considerable change in the spirit of our people—is the unfair distribution of our food supplies. I make no claim for the working classes getting more than their fair share of the food supply, but I do make a claim on their behalf that they shall get their fair share. Are they doing that? I fear the answer must be in the negative. Do you find in these long queues that are waiting outside the shops in every part of the country members of the upper and middle classes—women and children?

I do not think you will find any large proportion of duchesses in these queues. If the Prime Minister and the Government want to have their war aims carried out successfully, they cannot afford to ignore the matters I have been bringing under the notice of this House. If we want to win the War—and I want to win it—I want to see our people come successfully through this struggle—it will be necessary to make fair conditions, fairer arrangements than have been obtained in this country up to the present time. Our people want to know what they are fighting for. They want to know if they are fighting to enrich the rich, if they are fighting for the purpose of building up fortunes for other people. On that point many of them entertain a spirit of doubt, and if they come to believe that that is the thing for which they are fighting you will find that one of the most important elements of your war aims is seriously endangered. Our people want to be assured that they are fighting for freedom and justice, and I tell the Prime Minister, in a friendly spirit, that I hope that he and the other members of his Government will take these matters very seriously into consideration at the earliest possible moment.

I want to put one question before the Prime Minister goes, because I am afraid he rather misunderstood my interruption—the only one I have ever made in a speech of his. I particularly want to explain to him, being as I am one of his most ardent supporters in everything connected with the War, that I interrupted him because I thought his words were liable to be misunderstood in Russia. May I tell the right hon. Gentleman why I thought so? He said in his speech—and I am sure when he sees the report he will realise that that is so—that if the Russian Government chose to enter into negotiations for a separate peace, then practically we could wash our hands of Russia and of all our arrangements with her. It was because I thought the right hon. Gentleman did not mean that that I wished to get the point made quite clear.

I cannot allow that to go forth. I never said anything of the kind, and I never meant to imply anything of the kind. Naturally, if the Russians enter into negotiations in respect of conquered territory, that will concern us.

I think the right hon. Gentleman will realise there was some ambiguity about the point. I recognise that the Government will not give recognition to things done by the present Government in Russia. With the war aims put before us by the Prime Minister I am in absolute accord, and it seems to me to be of vital importance we should be speaking over the heads of the Russian Government at the present time to, the people of Russia so that they may realise that until we know that it is the cool considered opinion of Russia that they should make any peace with Germany—that we still consider that they are in spirit our allies and that we shall want in the final setlement of this War to bear in mind even if certain arrangements made by the Government set up in Russia are disapproved of—that during the critical period of the first two years of the War the Russian people themselves showed unspeakable heroism. I believe I am right in saying that in spite of what may be done by the present Government there are many Russian people who have a tremendous love and affection for this country, and in the years after the War they are going to be of most vital importance. I speak in no spirit of criticism, and I have no desire to embarrass the right hon. Gentleman. I put the question I did because I think no one in this country is more able than he is to speak to the Russian people in these difficult times and to make them realise that feeling on our part There are not a few who think that in the next few weeks a very different condition of affairs will obtain in Russia. People who have recently come back from that country look forward to a revival of Russia, which perhaps is far too optimistic, but I do think it is a good thing we should let them realise that nothing that is done in their name, unless we see that it really comes from their hearts, will make us forget how they came to our relief in the early days of the War, and that we intend to do what we can in return for the loyalty which they showed to us in most difficult circumstances. I did not want to say anything that would embarrass the Government in any way or anything which can be deemed to be indiscreet, but I thought the interruption was desirable in order to prevent the right hon. Gentleman being misunderstood.

I see the Prime Minister is going to leave now, but there are certain questions which I think we ought to have answered before we bring this discussion to a close. I have waited until this period of the Debate, because we were promised by the Prime Minister that we should on the Adjournment Debate have some statement with regard to the military and naval situation. Instead of receiving any information at all, the Prime Minister has spoken for an hour and a quarter, and said absolutely nothing. There have been two speeches made since, one by the ex-Prime Minister and another by the leader of the Labour party, and, in accordance with his usual practice and the contempt in which he holds this House, the Prime Minister has now disappeared without any opportunity being given to any private Member of this House to ask questions with regard to the conduct of the War which we are entitled to ask. That is the more deplorable because on the Order Paper of this House when we were dealing with the Consolidated Fund Bill there was an Amendment down to test the feeling of this House as to whether it was worth while voting any more money to this incompetent Government, which apparently can neither make war nor peace. For some extraordinary reason, none of the hon. Members whose names were down to that challenging motion ever got an opportunity of speaking in that Debate, and so this House, as has been usual for many months past, voted money without having a single atom of information vouchsafed to them about what they were voting the money for.

Personally, I do not think it is worth while making a speech when the Prime Minister is not here, and when there is nobody on the Front Bench who really can do more than give a courteous reply to any remarks made by Members who may feel inclined to make speeches. But I do think that the public ought to get some idea of how ridiculous the whole procedure of this House is with regard to the expenditure of public money and with regard to this farce which has been kept up for so long as to the way in which the House of Commons is informed of what is taking place. For instance, we have had to-day some talk about the question of man-power and the necessity of man-power. We have been given no information as to the losses of this country in man-power. It is a long time since we ceased to say anything about casualties of the British forces in this War. It is supposed not to be in the public interest to tell what the casualties in this War are, and in spite of that fact it is open to anybody to add up four columns of figures and to get these casualties at the expenditure of a few coppers a day on one of the leading newspapers. I have taken the trouble to keep these figures for the whole of this year, and I find that up to the present moment, without including the engagement at Cambrai, that the total British casualties this year have not been fewer than 850,000, and that in one month—I think it was in the month of November, our total casualties were 186,000 men. It is true that since the War began the total casualties amount to over 2,000,000, and at least three-quarters of a million British lives have been lost, and I venture to protest this afternoon, in the continued absence of the Prime Minister, against the useless expenditure of British lives being sanctioned by this House without a particle of information being given us either by the Prime Minister or by any other member of the Cabinet.

In fact, the only time when we get any information from that Front Bench is when the information is vouchsafed to save their own skins. We got information from the Prime Minister about the sinking of five submarines on a single day, and although it was all right for the Prime Minister to do that, and although there were no cries from this House about that information, it is impossible for anybody else to get any figure either for any day preceding that special day or for any day succeeding it That information was given because the Prime Minister was in a particular corner, because he had his political face to save and what political reputation is left to him to save, and because it was up to him to do that, he, forsooth, is able in this House to give information which in the mouth of any other Member of this House or any person outside this House would be an offence against the Defence of the Realm Regulations. I consider that that kind of thing is preposterous. And as we have not had the opportunity, which I think we ought to have got, of dividing this House on the question of whether we should vote within a period of eight weeks £950,000,000 to a Government without being in possession of the facts, we can only take such steps as are left to us to state the arguments which might then have been used. This is the Adjournment Debate. We are going away for a month. The Prime Minister has not been in this House this afternoon for an hour and a half. I do not think he has been in this House for two or three hours within the last two or three months. What we want to ask ourselves, and what we want to face the Prime Minister with, is this: Whether this Government is really competent to go on with the business that lies to its hand. I do not think it is. I think it is an incompetent Government, and that the sooner this House gets the opportunity of saying that we want to get rid of it the better.

5.0 P.M.

I want to examine for a moment some of the reasons that bring me to that conclusion. This Government came to power and office proposing to finish the War. In fact, the characteristics of this Government were distinguished from the characteristics of the preceding Government by two popular catch phrases. The old Government was the Government of "wait and see"; this was the "do it now" Government. Well, this Government has now been in office for twelve months, and we are entitled, and the country is entitled, to examine what they have done, and to come to conclusions as, to whether they have accomplished a tithe of what they said they would accomplish, and whether any of the genius which was, supposed to reside in them, and in the ethers whom they have since attracted to them, has been for the welfare of the country. You examine this question from two points of view. Let us for a moment examine the military situation. I thought we were going to hear something about the military situation this afternoon. Analyse what the Prime Minister said, and what did it amount to? It amounts to this, and I defy anyone who heard the Prime Minister's speech to say that there was any more in it—it amounts to this, that on the Western Front we had a set-back because of the surprise which is now being inquired into, that we had taken Bagdad and we had taken Jerusalem, and that in the year 2017 these facts will be recognised. That is an analysis of what the Prime Minister comes down to this House and treats intelligent Members of this House with. It is beneath contempt that such a man should hold such an office in such a House of Commons. If he had told us that he was not going to tell us, if he had told us that it was not in the public interest to tell us, if he had told us he could not tell us this afternoon except in Secret Session, well and good. We could understand. But the farce of coming down to this House, and not only the farce of coming down but the farce of his coming having been paraded! We were asked to stop during the discussion on the Consolidated Fund Bill in order that on the Adjournment we might get the facts, and the House again has been treated with continuous contempt by one of the most incompetent officers who ever held high office under the Crown. Examine the military situation and let us see what it is we want to find out. This is as I pointed out, the "do it now" Government, the Government that was going to see so much through! What have been the military successes on the Western Front? The great military successes on the Western Front in 1917 were at a period of the year when they could not be ascribed to the present Government. The only victory on the front which can be ascribed to the present Government is this so-called check at Cambrai, into which we are now having an inquiry. That is the sum and substance of the military situation on the front. We ought to know, and we are entitled to know, if this fight is going on, whether or not the military authorities have come to any conclusions themselves as to whether we can have a military decision on the Western Front. The late Prime Minister this afternoon introduced a word into one of his arguments which secured a most remarkable response in this House. He put a word in for the need for a moral guarantee. That was cheered more loudly in this House than any other sentiment that has been uttered since. I want to translate that into the terms of our fighting forces. What moral right have we, knowing that our casualties up to this moment are over 2,000,000 and that our dead number three-quarters of a million, to sit here and keep Governments together by camouflage and to go on losing more lives throughout the months to come, if we have no authority to come to the conclusion that we can have better peace terms a year hence than we could get now. That is the kind of thing we want to discuss. That is the kind of thing which is involved when you say the Prime Minister is coming down to the House to discuss the military situation. We do not want the Prime Minister to come down to the House to tell us a few things we have already paid for, through reading them in the evening newspapers. We get better information in the "Evening News" or in the "Star" than we get from the Prime Minister. If we turn to the naval front, here we have had, within the past few days, one or two naval incidents which have disconcerted the public mind more than anything else, and which have induced the public to feel that everything is not all right with the Navy. The only evidence of any naval situation this afternoon was the presence of the First Lord of the Admiralty.

Royal Assent

Message to attend the Lords Commissioners.

The House went, and, having returned,

As on a previous occasion, the Prime Minister never mentioned the Navy except when he referred to its connection with the problem of manpower, and held out the hope that after he had consulted the trade unions many more men serving in industry now might be available for the shipyards. He did not say whether for the mercantile marine or for the Navy. We had not a single item of information given to us about the Navy. We were invited to stop here in order that we might have explained to us the military and naval situation. I am not competent and never tried to make myself competent as a naval critic. I do not suppose many of us would care to adopt that role. But many of us, looking at what happens merely as onlookers, are beginning to wonder whether everything is all right with the Navy. It is a long time now since the first convoy was sunk on the way from Scotland to Norway. No result has ever been announced of the inquiry which was promised into it, and when the new incident happened the other day we were again promptly informed that there would be another inquiry I hope these inquiries will prove all right, but what has struck me most is not so much the sinking of merchant ships or of trawlers, but how is it possible that within seven miles of the mouth of one of the most important estuaries on the East Coast, where there is any amount of valuable war material which might be destroyed, a flotilla of German destroyers could get within reach. These are the kind of things that we ought to have some reassuring statement about.

Then take a third point, which is concerned with the others I have mentioned. Take what one might call the industrial front here at home. Consider again the promise and the performance of this ideal Prime Minister. A year ago we were told that on his advent to power and that of his "Do it Now Government" the whole man-power of the country would be mobilised, and everybody would be fitted into his proper place, and when that was done we should win the War. The derelict members of the old Government, the hopeless crowd of politicians and administrators had done nothing in the way of winning the War, but now this new Government was in power wonders were never going to cease, and victory was going to be within hail. We got a speech this afternoon in which the Prime Minister tells us, not that a Man-Power Bill is ready, but that we may have a Man-Power Bill when we come back in January if the trade unions, after being in consultation with him, agree to certain conditions. There is the difference between the promise and the performance. It is a gross public scandal that we should have it bruited abroad, as it is bruited abroad, that these things are being done competently by this Government when everyone who knows anything at all about it knows that from the time they came into office until now they have gone from one blunder and muddle to another. We had German aeroplanes here again the other night. We were promised by the Prime Minister in this House that by this month there would be a certain additional number of aeroplanes available for the troops on the Western Front. That number is not available. What, therefore, is the use of the Prime Minister and his colleagues— there is only one remaining colleague left on the bench now, probably from a sense of duty, because someone may raise something in his Department. Look at the House. Here is the Front Bench occupied by the Under-Secretary for War on an occasion when we are invited to have explained to us the military and naval situation. The thing is so great a farce that I do not propose to continue my speech further. I only want it to be on record that there are some of us who are not blinded by the conduct of the Innocents Abroad who usually tenant that Front Bench.

I did not think that I should be obliged to raise again the question of Colonel Monteagle-Browne, and if any disposition had been shown to meet the case which I made here on the 27th November I certainly would not have raised the question again. To-day a question appeared on the Order Paper from Colonel Monteagle-Browne's Parliamentary representative, and some supplemental questions were put, and I must confess that I was staggered beyond measure that, in the course of these supplementaries, questions were raised which did not add to the dignity of those who raised them. In my view the treatment of Colonel Monteagle-Browne has been greatly worsened and intensely aggravated by what happened at Question Time today. I did not think that Ministers and ex-Ministers would so far forget themselves as to rake amidst the skeletons of the past for material to defame and injure in the public eye the record of an officer who has served his country with distinction and gallantry in the present War. One charge only has ever been officially levelled against Colonel Monteagle-Browne, which I understand was that he was wanting in a sense of duty and lacking in self-control. That is the only adverse report that has ever been on record against him officially during the thirty months that he served at the front, and I think the sense of the House will bear me out in this, that the authorities must find themselves in a poor way when they seek to bolster up their views now and the original charge by implications, innuendoes, and allegations.

Colonel Monteagle-Browne has never had a fair trial, and that is the one thing which he has asked for, and which his friends have demanded in this House. All we have said for him is that at a Court of Inquiry or a court-martial any charge could be levelled against him so that he might have an opportunity of defending himself. That is the common civil right of every man, and it ought to be the right of a man who has served his country with the same measure of distinction and bravery which he has done for thirty months. I never thought for a moment that he would be denied this right and that his Parliamentary representative, when he sought to obtain redress for him here, would be told that he should not come to the House of Commons for it. Where else could he go? He was sent back from the front on forty-eight hours' notice. He had been given no opportunity of defending himself at a Court where the crime could be inquired into, if crime he had committed. He was asked to send in his resignation, but as an honourable officer he felt that he had been wronged and injured, and he refused to do so. Where else could he come to have his case explained and to seek to have his wrongs redressed than the House of Commons, which prides itself of being the highest Court of the realm? What I complain of at the present moment above everything else is, that anybody could stoop so low as to seek to rake up his whole life history, all his private acts, anything he may have done in the past, to bolster up the charge which has been made against him by all this extraneous matter, which is absolutely irrelevant to the issue of the moment. It is foreign to the honourable traditions of this House to bring forward charges when a man is not able to defend himself and is not capable of bringing forward his defence. Colonel Monteagle-Browne is not able to answer the statements that were made and the reflections cast upon his honour to-day. He is not given a Court of Inquiry before which, if there is any truth in these things, he could answer them. I want to know what his banking transactions have to do with him as a fighting officer? I wonder if the private affairs of all the Members of this House were strictly and stringently inquired into whether they would all bear the light of day! I wonder whether there are officers in high positions at the front serving in high commands whose past acts would all bear investigation, and yet they are serving honourably in the War! Such things should not count, neither should the past tell against Colonel Monteagle-Browne. I am informed that he has always honourably fulfilled his obligations, financial and otherwise, and if there should be any doubts about it he is prepared to answer them before any Court of Inquiry.

The worst criminal in the land, no matter who he be, has always the right of being heard in his own defence, but that privilege has not been granted to an officer who has been four times wounded in the present War, who has got the Distinguished Service Order in tins War, and who has commanded three battalions of the Munsters—an almost unique record in this War—with honour and distinction. It ought to be remembered that every one of these battalions which he commanded at the front was specially mentioned in dispatches for the splendid work they did. One of them, the 9th Munsters—which I raised myself and recruited almost every man—was at the top of the list of the old Irish Division, and was commanded by Colonel Monteagle-Browne. I want to know how Colonel Monteagle-Browne got all these distinctions, honours and special mentions if he did not deserve them? Was there a conspiracy among his superior commanders to secure them for an undeserving officer? If he did deserve them, surely it ought to be put to his credit. For thirty months he served with distinction and honour, and no doubt with gallantry, and only one adverse report is made against him, by an officer not in the fighting line, not in the trenches, but in the rest billets behind, after only one month's knowledge and observation of him, and due to some personal squabble which perhaps, in a calmer moment, the gentleman who made the report might have reconsidered. It is grossly unfair that the whole career of a distinguished and undoubtedly gallant officer should be blasted on that adverse report, and that he should not be given an opportunity of trial by court-martial, which he has demanded all along.

We were told, in answer to some of our questions on this matter, that efficiency is a matter of opinion. If that be so, is not the opinion of thirty months to be set against the opinion of one month—thirty months in which there was not a single adverse report, during which this man advanced from the position of captain to adjutant, and by legitimate promotion was made lieutenant-colonel, and was twice recommended to the position of brigadier- general? All this consistent record of honoured service is blotted out, and he is refused a court-martial, and the crime against him is intensified in my mind beyond mention by the fact that opportunity is taken in this House to make allegations about his past career, which have never been brought up. I have no interest in Colonel Monteagle-Browne beyond this, that many of my friends have served under him. My own son served under him for a long time, and said that he is one of the best commanders he ever met. He was wounded twice when in service with him. It has been alleged that he is unpopular with the officers and men. I know that to be contrary to the fact, and if I had been in the House on an occasion when another Member from Ireland referred to the matter I would certainly have given my opinion, that the statement made was contrary to the view of the officers and men of the three battalions of the Munsters that he commanded. Is it fair that you should now bring forth a litany against an officer in this House during Question Time, which has never before been alleged against him, and give no opportunity for defence? It is not to the credit of those who seek to damn a man in that fashion?

I do not think that there is a single officer serving at the front who had a greater record for hard hitting with the forces which he commanded. The extra nerve strain of successfully training three battalions of those whom he commanded has been succeeded by a record which very few officers in the Army can parallel. He has received—and considering that I read all these before, I do not propose to go over the same ground again, except merely to mention this—letters of the highest praise from all his commanding officers. It has been brought to my notice that when I addressed the House on the 27th of November I quoted a letter from Brigadier-General Crawford, and I am quoted in the OFFICIAL REPORT as saying:

When we raise the matter by questions they are not answered. The only thing we are told is that nothing is to be added to any answer that has been given before; and to-day, in reply to the few supplementaries which I put, the hon. Gentleman could not either admit the correctness of them or otherwise. That is not a fair way to meet this case. I do not approach the matter in any spirit of vindictiveness towards anybody. All I seek is that it should be fairly reconsidered, and that an opportunity for defence should be given to the officer who has risked his life repeatedly, who has given two and a half years' fine service in the present War, with a view to his reinstatement in some useful service to the country in its time of need. I do not suggest how this should be done, but I do think it should be done. I know, from the very many letters which I have received since I interested myself in the case, that a great many of the officers of the Munsters would like to see Colonel Monteagle-Browne back again, if not with his old battalion, at least serving at the front and sharing the dangers. He is one who has never funked the danger. He commanded two battalions of, I think, Munsters on the Somme, and it cannot be denied that he did so with great effect. He was Acting-Brigadier in the trenches also for some time. Having regard to the fact that there is only one official adverse report—I do not mind how many innuendoes or allegations have been put forward against him—having regard to his distinguished service and to the blow that has been given, to a man of sensitive and high-spirited temperament. I would earnestly ask the Under-Secretary that some steps might be taken for making use of his services again and reinstating him honourably in the Army.

The hon. and gallant Member who has just sat down, who like myself and some dozen other Members of the House has seen active service, put upon the Paper three weeks ago a Motion respecting the casualties at the front, and it is on this question of casualties, in the Command in France, that I wish to take this opportunity of addressing the House of Commons. It is true that a week ago to-day I had an opportunity of saying what I wished to say, but that was in Secret Session, and I do not think that it is consistent with the dignity of a Member of Parliament to speak on such a serious subject as this in Secret Session, making what might be read as attacks against various persons, without taking the first opportunity of stating those facts as clearly in Open Session as in Secret Session. We in this House are the only people to whom the soldiers in France can turn for protection. We are the people responsible for sending them there. We are responsible for their lives, and we cannot, and ought not, to shift that responsibility on to either the Government or the generals at the front. It is not fair to them, and anyone who has come into contact with these men back from the front, as we see them back on leave from day to day, must begin to realise that they are coming back here now with a feeling of despair in their hearts, because there is nobody who understands their troubles and nobody who will speak up for them. The House knows perfectly well that six months ago we had in our Army in France the most magnificent weapon in the world. When you saw our soldiers in trains or tramcars you gathered the impression that they were confident of victory, that they knew themselves to be better men than the Germans, man for man, after having fought them successfully in various battles. They believed that they could break through the German line on the Western Front, and they were full of confidence, and were everything you can expect a successful Army to be. I do not think that people who have seen our troops recently would venture to speak so highly of them at the present time. I was by the side of a soldier the other day, and I noticed on his shoulder the almost sacred word "Gallipoli." I asked him how long he had been back, and he replied, "Two days." I said, "Were you in the last business?" He did not turn towards me at all, but looked straight in front of him, and replied, "Unfortunately, I was at Passchendaele." I did not know quite what to say, but I asked, "Does it haunt you?" and he turned round towards me, exactly as a child would do, and said, "It will haunt me for the rest of my life." I said nothing else. Anyone who has seen the casualty list, or anyone who understands what to read into those casualty lists, will see what Passchendaele has meant.

Hon Members talk about the reverse at Cambrai, but if a mistake was made there, I think Passchendaele was more a mistake. The House will remember that last March or April the French made a great attack under General Nivelle, and that attack failed with heavy casualties. What happened when that attack did not succeed as had been promised by the General in Command? The Deputies in the French Chamber not only changed the man in command, but changed the policy. They said that these frontal attacks were costly, while the result was small compared with the sacrifice of life. They put General Pétain in command; they changed their policy to one of an offensive-defensive, making constant attacks, but no bloody assaults on the German lines; they would wait till next year, and preserve their weapons and their lives till the Americans were there. I think it would be well if we followed that policy ourselves. I think it would have been well if we, too, had kept our Army bright and sharp for the business of next year, when the Americans are here to help us. We have the same duties as the members of the French Chamber, namely, to look after the lives of the soldiers. If generals in the field think they can do what they like, with nobody to check them, and nobody to stop them, I am not speaking in a critical spirit, but I submit that we are not fulfilling our duty to our men if we do not look after them as they ought to be. I do not like to criticise any general in the field, and everybody, I hope, here will realise that what I say to-night is only done under a strict sense of duty. As to General Haig, I do not know him personally at all, and the only thing that predisposes me in his favour is that we attended the same public school. It seems to me there are three points in connection with Sir Douglas Haig which we in this House have a right to consider. In the first place, he seemed to me to be too optimistic in the statements he made to the French Press nine months ago. They indicated a super-optimistic faith, and it was unfortunate, from my point of view, his making certain promises. We have heard that those promises were repeated later, on the occasion of the attack at Ypres, which was to set the Belgian coast free. He showed the same super-optimistic nature of a man who believed he could do what he promised, and he did not adopt civilian advice, because he was sure of his object. It was impossible, however, to carry out the full programme, and even if he had, in going forward, it is unlikely that the results would have balanced the cost.

If that attack had ceased when the rain came down in October, we should have had a successful year of military operations, but during October and the early part of November that attack was persisted in during weather in which it was impossible to carry on an offensive. In carrying on an offensive, in which you are using a vast mass of guns and munitions, there is immense difficulty, even in dry weather, but when you make an attack in wet weather, with the whole of the ground from the German face backward is turned to pea-soup, and filled with shell craters full of slime to a depth of six or eight feet, the House will understand what it means to carry out an attack under such conditions. The men have to find their way along narrow paths between the craters, in rain and cold, and if a man slips from the pathway into the sludge, with haversack on back, he may drown. Have hon. Members seen wounded men propping themselves up, or dragging themselves out of the mud? It is inconceivable that the sight of such ssuffering should not affect the moral of our soldiers. These attacks have been persisted in, and we had five in a fortnight, all of them being conducted in the mud.

If there is to be an inquiry into Cambrai, it is ten times more reasonable to have an inquiry into Passchendaele. I think that super-optimism on the part of the generalissimo is a distinct disadvantage to the attacking army. It makes him take too big risks. It makes him, it must make him, value rather the carrying out of his promise to statesmen at home than his responsibility to his own troops in the field. There is another thing. Sir Douglas Haig is a Cavalry general. All through this War he has kept behind the lines a very large body of Cavalry. He has believed persistently that it is possible to use that Cavalry when we break through the lines. Think what it means, feeding that large body of horses. Every horse consumes about 20 lbs. a day—20 lbs. which has to be brought overseas in the tonnage of which there is such great need at the present time. Cavalry have been kept in reserve for action. Ten times they have been brought forward, and ten times they have been brought back. Look how Cavalry have been used at Cambrai. What on earth can any reasonable person who has seen fighting imagine that Cavalry can do in modern warfare against machine guns and barbed wire and the rapid fire of rifles? I myself in this War have employed machine guns against Cavalry. I have got into German Cavalry with machine guns, and they are a beautiful target. Again in sham fighting, in manœuvres, in this country I have used them against British Cavalry. They had no chance. With one machine gun you can wipe out a brigade. A mounted man on horse represents eight times as large a target as a man on foot. A horse cannot get into a trench, and there is no possibility of cover. It is impossible to conceive the use of Cavalry as long as you have machine guns and barbed wire against them.

Cavalry have been kept in France all this time. They have been thrown in again and again and it must be obvious to everybody that the fact that Sir Douglas Haig as a Cavalry general has helped to preserve this belief in the use of Cavalry and the arm blanche in this War. It was denounced by Sir Ian Hamilton in the Russian War, and even after the South African War we saw that the days of the arm blanche have gone by. But here we are, simply on account of this trade unionism, continuing to employ Cavalry to eat off their heads, and continuing to allow them to be brought forward where their use is obviously absurd. Both these reasons are, I think, reasons why the Government should take into account the desirability of a change in the high command. There is a third reason. When you have an Army which has been very hardly tried, as ours has been, which has suffered an enormous number of casualties, which has fought magnificently but which has not seen any great advance, the tendency for any such army is to lose confidence and morale. I do not think our men have lost it yet. From what I have seen of them they are not showing any signs of the white feather such as one might expect after such long fighting; but the tendency must be there. Any man who has fought realises that after an unsuccessful attack, or when your battalion has suffered very heavy casualties, the remainder of the men are not such an efficient fighting weapon as they were before. But where you have a large army which has not succeeded up to promise in its operations, the best way to restore the morale of that army is to change its head. They do not know that they will get a better general than they had before, but the very fact of a change does improve the tone of the whole force. They feel, at any rate, that the people at home are observing things, and watching to see whether the handling of the troops is correct and whether the casualties are too great or not. The change alone is an important feature in restoring morale to the troops. Why else did the French insist on changing Nivelle for Petain?

I am confident for these three reasons, disregarding personalities entirely, that it would be desirable to effect a change in the command in France. I do not know anything about cooking, but if the cooking result is not satsifactory I sack the cook, without knowing whether I can get a better cook or not, and if the next cook does not improve matters she goes, too. We cannot as civilians, or semi-civilians, have that specialised knowledge of the conduct of troops in the field possessed by generals. We are not experts in their line of business, but we do know that the same principles that we should apply to experts in any business which we did control, either in our private business or household affairs, apply also in this case, and that if the result is bad the effect of a change should apply to national affairs just as much as to other affairs. It is for this reason that I rose to speak to-day. I think we are responsible far more than we like often to assume for the lives of our men at the front. I think we must realise that they ought to look to us, and do look to us increasingly, to secure them the best possible chances, the best possible generalship, and the best possible peace. They look to us, and the man who knows, who has strong views, and who is afraid to get up and give vent to those views, is unworthy.

6.0 P.M.

I know that my hon. and gallant Friend who has just sat down will forgive me if I do not enter into any details in reply to the very sympathetic and eloquent speech which he has just delivered. The points which he raised are serious points. I shall make it my duty to call the attention of the higher authorities in the Government to the specific points that he has raised. As he will realise, they are points of high policy, and not points of administration. If I give him that assurance, I hope he will not think it discourteous on my part if I do not deal further with them now. The case of Lieutenant-Colonel Monteagle-Browne has been raised in this House on many occasions. It has been raised at Question Time and has been the cause of many supplementaries, which have shown that in this House there is in one quarter a divided opinion as to the merits or demerits of this particular officer. The supplementary questions came from Members who represented the locality from which the regiment came, of which this officer was the Lieutenant-Colonel Commanding. One hon. Member puts a series of statements on the Order Paper on behalf of Colonel Monteagle-Browne. Yet another from the same country puts a series of statements against Colonel Monteagle-Browne. I think perhaps the House would be inclined to agree under those circumstances that in that regiment, and in the regiments which Colonel Monteagle-Browne had commanded, there was at least amongst the men and the officers there a great division of opinion as to his ability and skill as a leader, and as to his general capacity. But I am not content to rely upon that. I was brought to task by the hon. and gallant Gentleman who spoke because at Question Time to-day I was chary in answering a reference as to a foreign element which was introduced into the question. That foreign element was not introduced by me, but I am not sorry that it was introduced. It was introduced by the hon. Member behind me and by my right hon. Friend (Mr. Tennant) opposite, who, perhaps, speak with greater authority upon these matters in this House than anyone I know. I was asked if this officer had ever been asked to send in his resignation. I said he had on two distinct occasions. I was asked by my right hon. Friend if there was a case against him for endeavouring to pass a dishonoured cheque. I replied that I was not desirous of answering that question.

On the Adjournment some time ago a Debate took place with regard to this particular officer. I had the facts then at my disposal. I had had them all along. I did not, however, wish to deal in the House of Commons with the man's past career more than necessary, nor even with anything extraneous in this matter in his present career. I, however, said then, in the course of the Debate, that I wanted to deal with the facts. I was trying to limit the discussion, even though that might have helped the case against myself. I said nothing then about the past record of Colonel Monteagle-Browne, while, on the other hand, the hon. and gallant Gentlemen opposite made the best possible use of the best points in his past record for their own purposes. In the Courts, if a witness against you comes forward and says he has a good character, and relies upon that, you are entitled, by ordinary law, to show, if possible, that he has a bad one. In the case of Colonel Monteagle-Browne, I said then that his past record, for all I knew, may have been a very good one, and I was quite prepared to say so. I was then taunted, and told that it was my duty to know the facts of his past. I feel, however, now that an obligation is laid upon me to make the matter quite clear, I will not enter into any civil matter of any sort or kind. I will rely upon the documents in my possession, which I am prepared to show to any Member of the House. I was challenged as to the past career in the Army of Colonel Monteagle-Browne. I think I am entitled to explain now exactly what was that career. In 1900—I do not say this was a particularly grave charge against him—he was asked to resign for irregularity of conduct in an examination. His resignation was sent in, but his application to resign was not then acted upon. In February, 1905, he was compelled to resign his commission, the charge against him being that he had passed a dishonoured cheque to a brother officer. A colonel at that time—I forget his name—reported that his conduct, from first to last, was most discreditable, and that he was not a fit person to hold His Majesty's commission. At that time, let the House remember, there was no Army Council; there was a Commander-in-Chief. After the Army Council came into existence and power—I think my right hon. Friend Lord Haldane was then Secretary for War—this case was put up for appeal. Without a single exception, the facts having been reconsidered most carefully, the Army Council said that this man was not fit to be an officer. At that time, also, I find there was the threat of a Parliamentary exposure, as there is now. So far as I can gather, there was no Parliamentary exposure. In 1907 or in 1908 he tried again to get into the Special Reserve. All those to whom his application was sent ventured to give a point blank refusal to any such reinstatement. At that time he was known in the Army as Lieutenant Edgar Browne. When he got his commission in 1914 he got his commission as Lieutenant Monteagle-Browne. I say here now, and quite deliberately, that if it had been known that Lieutenant Monteagle-Browne was the same man as Lieutenant Edgar Browne, he would not, on 14th October, have got his commission. In those days there was quick promotion. He was a lieutenant in the Northumberland Fusiliers, and within a fortnight he attained the rank of major, and was posted to the 10th Loyal North Lancashires. Soon afterwards he went out, I believe first of all with a draft of 200 men to the Western Front with the West Surreys. He found himself after a time the senior officer there. At that time he was reported upon from Headquarters as being unfit to command men in the field. That was in November, 1914. Hon. Members have been trying to make it clear to the House, or to suggest that Colonel Monteagle-Browne has been at the front in the fighting line for thirty months. That is not the case at all. After this report he was transferred to do non-fighting work. His actual fighting career did not extend much more than a year. During that time he went from one Irish battalion to another. By no means, therefore, has he spent the greater proportion of his time out in France in the lighting line. Consistent in its nature with that point is this one. The hon. and gallant Member has appealed to the sympathies of the House by saying that this officer has not only undergone the terrible dangers of this terrible campaign for thirty solid months in the firing line, but has also been four times wounded. I think it is just as well that we should know the real facts of the case. On no single occasion, so far as I can make out, although Lieutenant-Colonel Monteagle-Browne wears four geld bars, has he been otherwise than wounded and remaining at duty. He was wounded first slightly on the 22nd July, 1915. I could not pursue my definite inquiries of the medical officer who then attended him, or did not attend him, because, unfortunately, that gallant officer is dead. Again he was wounded and remained at duty on the 19th July, 1916, and the doctor who was then in charge said that, to the best of his recollection, at no time during his service with the unit did he attend Lieutenant-Colonel Monteagle-Browne wounded. On the third occasion he was wounded on the 26th July, 1916, and remained at duty. Captain Warburton, R.A.M.C., states that Lieutenant-Colonel Monteagle-Browne, after a raid, showed a small punctured wound. He afterwards extracted a small fragment of metal from the wound. On the fourth occasion he was wounded and remained at duty in September, 1916. Captain Black, R.A.M.C., states that Lieutenant-Colonel Monteagle-Browne informed him he had a dose of hostile gas. On examination he found that he was suffering from catarrh of the nasal and bronchial mucous membrane. On no single occasion has Colonel Monteagle-Browne been sent to hospital, and on each and all of these occasions gold bars have been got for incidents, or lack of incidents, if you believe one hon. Member opposite, which would make most officers ashamed to feel any pride in a gold bar.

Again, I had to write to my hon. and gallant Friend. He may regard it to-day as a small point, but when I was facing it before the opinion of the House at the time did not regard it as small. He talked at length and at large about the various recommendations that this officer had got from his brigadier-general. I myself can well conceive the position that a man may be recommended for a Brigade who is a good man at the end of December, 1916, and in six months' time he may be useless, and no brigadier-general would recommend him for the position again, nor would any divisional general or any superior officer back up a recommendation if he did. Knowing a little about these things nowadays, I watched to see what information and what statement the last brigadier-general over Colonel Monteagle-Browne made to the brigadier-general, who was to succeed him, and therefore I placed the greatest possible reliance upon a letter which was sent to General M'Calmont by General Crauford.

Thank you very much. The hon. and gallant Member then said there was no report as to the inefficiency of this officer. The first report to which I have drawn the attention of the House was that when in charge of the West Surreys he was not fit to command in the field. I do not make a great point of that as it was early in the War, but I come to what I regard as the main point. I think the House will realise, and I am sure the hon. and gallant Member will be the first to realise, that the type of officer at the present time who is more responsible than any other is the brigadier-general. The brigadier-general is always there in charge of his three or four battalions, and I should think he is in a more direct position of greater responsibility than any other soldier fighting at the present time, because a more superior officer has in reality less real, though more technical, responsibility the higher up he is. The brigadier-general who has got his brigade has to watch carefully the vigilant enemy, as he is at any moment open to attack. I would ask the House really to realise that a wise brigadier-general will be determined to have the best colonels under him for the leading of his individual battalions, and I make bold to say that no question of petty jealousy or petty spite ever enters into the report of a brigadier-general. For that very reason, if he is persuaded that an individual colonel is efficient, however much he may dislike him personally, I am perfectly certain a brigadier-general would be the last man, unless convinced of a colonel's inefficiency for a given purpose, to report that colonel as inefficient. And I can assure the House that has been the case here. I have been asked question after question as to whether it was not a fact that the brigadier-general had a personal spite against Colonel Monteagle-Browne. There is not a word of truth in it, and I am quite convinced that the House will realise there is not when they know the distinguished brigadier-general in charge, and for the reason just given. But that battalion was in a bad state, and it is obvious from the questions which have come from two different parties in a corner of the House that that battalion was in a bad state, and if any battalion is in a bad state in the throes, difficulties, and dangers of a rigorous campaign of that sort, surely the person responsible is the commanding officer of that battalion.

That may be so. In his report he did say that, but nobody denies that General Lord Cavan saw that battalion only on parade. Any battalion that has once reached France, particularly if it is an Irish one, will look well on parade. The fact remains that General Lord Cavan reported that this officer had neither the self-control nor the sense of duty requisite in a battalion commander. General Strickland and General Plumer said the same thing, and the Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief, having been told this by all these distinguished generals—our generals in France did not want to lose a good commanding officer—he quite properly sent a letter to the War Office, stating that, if that was the case, Lieutenant-Colonel Monteagle-Browne was bound to be a source of danger to the men in the field. Was that not a reasonable conclusion? Since then the case has been gone into twice, and it has also been considered by the Army Council, which always, where it can, defends an officer, as the hon. and gallant Gentleman should know. The Army Council came to the same conclusion—and, I think, quite rightly—that the recommendation supported by the brigadier-general right up to the Field-Marshal Commanding-in-Chief should be upheld. I have taken the trouble to get the papers on this question from France, and I find that in June this colonel for the second time absented himself without asking for leave from his brigade. The ordinary private soldier if he takes leave will be court-martialled, and this colonel, instead of showing a good example to his own men, takes for the second time an extension of leave during the time when the brigade was requiring his services. What sort of an influence has that got so far as the discipline of the men is concerned? If a poor private soldier overstayed his leave, what happens to him?

It is an officer's duty to find out whether his services are required for those particular days, and after that it is perfectly proper to go to the War Office and get an extension. In this case there was no appeal to the brigade. The result of this was that General Lord Cavan stated that he was compelled to draw attention to the unsoldierlike conduct of this officer, and he ordered that he should not get leave again until the 1st of January, 1918.

Is it not the usual course, if an officer requires an extension, to apply to the Adjutant-General here?

That is quite a different proposition. If you know from your own brigadier that their is no chance of your regiment going into action or if you are a mere junior officer it is quite a different proposition to do what has been suggested. The action of this officer is bound to have bad effects and influence on the discipline of the ordinary soldier in the battalion. I am sorry I have had to say it, but I have been forced to do so by what has been said and by the imputations made. I took my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Ludlow down to my room and I showed him the documents which I had. I tried to suggest as frankly as I could to the hon. and gallant Member (Captain Sheehan) that it would be a matter of great regret if this question was raised in Debate, and I think I have shown sufficiently that it is through no wish upon my part that I have had to take part in this Debate. I also think I have shown that the action taken by these distinguished generals was right, and that the Army Council was right in upholding that action.

I think the Under-Secretary for War has discharged a difficult task with great skill, and I cannot help thinking that it was an unfortunate thing that personal questions should be brought up here. I am also sorry that the Under-Secretary was switched off by this personal matter from replying to the eloquent speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Commander Wedgwood). I think it is a pity to bandy the names of distinguished generals across the floor of the House, because, after all, the Government is responsible. It is the business of the Government to choose the right generals, and if they make a mistake they must take the responsibility. In my opinion at no time during the three years of the War has the position been more serious, and I was very glad to note the serious tone of the Prime Minister's speech. The right hon. Gentleman dealt rather briefly with the problem of man-power. During the last few days we have had many promises of an ample discussion on the man-power problem. There has been a very free discussion of the subject in the Press, but for some reason or other a full discussion is to be postponed until legislation is proposed when the House resumes its sitting. I think it would be a good thing if the view of all sides of the House had been heard on this question. I believe Parliament and the nation is quite prepared, if necessary, to provide all the men the Government think it is necessary to call up, for nothing Would be a worse policy or more wicked than to neglect to provide our Army in France with proper reinforcements.

There is a feeling in the country that the best use is not being made of the manpower already available. After all, the population of these Islands is not unlimited, and we are rather inclined to criticise the contribution of this nation on the basis of our Ally France. No one recognises more than I do the terrible sacrifice and ordeal France has been through, but we must not be blinded by sentiment to facts. May I point out that at the beginning of the War there were no finer soldiers in the field than our Russian Allies, but, largely through lack of organisation, and lack of munitions and guns, that man-power was wasted. I do not know the number of Russian prisoners in the hands of our enemies, but I have heard it estimated at nearly 2,000,000, and that was due mainly to the fact that the Russians thought the only thing that mattered was putting men in the field. That was their first consideration. With very great respect, I submit that should be a secondary consideration. Before you put soldiers in the field it is necessary to have materials for munitions and the equipment to provide for them. In modern warfare, and especially in warfare considered from the point of view of Great Britain, part of that material is ships. I was glad to see that the Prime Minister was giving more prominence to ships, and that the ex-Prime Minister accentuated it in the weighty words with which he referred to the matter. At the moment ship-power comes first, and before we put more men into the Army we must be satisfied not only that there will be no combing out in the shipyards but that all possible requirements of existing shipyards and of the new yards which it is proposed to build on the West Coast can be met.

The same remark, of course, applies to aeroplanes. There are serious suggestions by weighty newspapers that all men under twenty-five are going to be combed out. It is common knowledge that in the aeroplane factories there is a very large percentage of men of twenty-five or thereabouts. They are there because it is a new industry. It is a modern industry, and the men who started the work of constructing aeroplanes largely went into it as young men of eighteen, nineteen, twenty, and twenty-one. They are now reaching the maximum of their skill, and it would be nothing less than pure folly to comb them out. You cannot leave the manufacturing of munitions entirely to the physically unfit. You must look upon men employed in essential industries connected with the War as a large contribution to the common man-power, just as if they they were actual battalions in the field or fighting at the front. I noticed this afternoon, when the man-power problem was being discussed, that the Navy was ignored. After all, if it were not for our naval supremacy all our troops would be of very little use indeed. You cannot have naval supremacy without man-power. You want man-power not only to man the ships of the Navy and the mercantile marine, but also to build and repair the ships and provide them with everything they require. The way that the Navy is allowed to sink into the background is very unfortunate. The Navy is always in our hearts, but our Allies are rather inclined to ignore that big contribution to the common cause. There was a rather unfortunate example of that when the Allied War Council was established. The naval members were apparently only added as an afterthought. Some of our statesmen would do well to study Admiral Marian's book on "The Influence of Sea Power on History." They would then realise that far from letting the Navy sink into a second place it should always be kept in the forefront, not only in our policy, but in our propaganda amongst neutrals and amongst our Allies.

Our position as a naval Power has determined the method of our warfare. We are apt to overlook the fact that while most of our Allies have only one front, we have no less than eight fronts. There is France, Egypt, Mesopotamia, Salonika, and India. Then we are rather inclined to ignore the call upon our man-power that India makes and that Africa, at any rate until a few weeks ago, has made. Now in addition, there is Italy, and least, but not last, there is our own home front. Quite apart from the drain that those eight fronts make on our man-power, there is also the drain upon our ships, upon our munitions, and upon the whole of our military organisation. Of course, by these attacks all round the front of the Central Powers we are just as much assisting the common cause as if we were contributing so many additional battalions to help the French on the Western Front. In my humble opinion—I have said it on several occasions in this House—the only direction in which we can get a substantial contribution without disturbing our economic organisation and the supplies of munitions for ourselves and our Allies, is the home front. I have always contended that we are paying too big a premium for safety from invasion. Here, too, we are inclined to ignore the factor of the Navy. Great soldiers and statesmen go about the country talking of the risk of invasion, and they always seem to ignore the fact that the British Navy still rules the waves, and that so long as Admiral Beatty's flag is flying in the North Sea the risk of invasion is not a serious one. That security has been emphasised by the addition of the naval power of the United States during the last few months. I think that our Navy is able to deal with any possible Armada that the Germans can organise after three years of war.

I admit that politically it would be unwise and unsafe to make no provision against a possible raid or invasion, but I have contended—and I shall continue to contend until I secure some success with the Government—if, as I believe, the manpower problem is serious, and if we are coming down to the bedrock of the possible number of men that we can supply to the common cause, that we are justified in asking the people of this country to depend for their security upon the Navy and upon a part-time service force. That part-time service force is to be found in the Volunteers. For the first two years of the War this force was discouraged, and received very little sympathy from the powers that be. Now the attitude of the Government has somewhat changed. In the last twelve months, largely due to the passing of the Act of 1916, not only have these men been provided with Service rifles, and to a great degree with uniforms and equipment, but they have had the advantage of a first-class training, not only under full-time adjutants, but under the direct direction of the commands where they have happened to be located. I have seen the reports of some of the officers as to their efficiency, and I think I can say the progress they have made under the encouragement which they have received has been enormous. I think I can also say there is military opinion to support the view that after the three years' training of these battalions in the spare time of the men and without their being withdrawn from industry or trade, without their costing their country a penny in the form of separation allowances or a liability to a pension, these men are quite equal to some of the battalions which now form a considerable percentage of the armies of our enemies, and are quite equal to fighting at home to defend their homes and their families. They are also quite equal to dealing with any ordinary troops who might be unwise enough to attempt a landing on a large scale.

I know there are those who say that they have not reached such a standard of efficiency as would justify the Government in reducing the very large numbers of troops still maintained in this country—of full-time soldiers retained here to guard against any possible risk of invasion. It is argued that many of these home defence troops are made up of low category men, men physically unfit for service overseas, and not up to the standard necessary for first-class fighting men. My answer to that is, that if they are not good enough as first-class fighting men for service overseas, they are not fit to fight in this country, and it would be much better to comb these men out and send them back to industry and trade, there to release younger men who are required for foreign service. I believe that if the Government—and after all it is for the Government to decide these things—through the War Cabinet when it is dealing with the big problem of man-power, will only face the position of the Volunteers, and get to know from the military authorities what they really require to make this force efficient, I say I believe that before long the standard of efficiency required for modern warfare will be obtained. If it is necessary for these men to put in more hours' drill I believe they will respond readily to such a demand. They are now required to do fourteen hours per month, while the old Territorials were only required to do forty hours per year, and all the time given by these men tends to add to their efficiency. If it be contended that camp training is required, I would point out that last August, in spite of very bad weather, thousands of these men went into camp without receiving either pay or compensation for monetary loss which they suffered by being withdrawn from their industry. I am satisfied that if camp training is required a camp could be organised and the men would willingly suffer even financial loss in order to spend a fortnight or more in making themselves really efficient.

If they want stiffening there are a large number of men who have already served in the Army and who are now employed in industry or agriculture, and a certain percentage of these might be used to help to bring the force up to the required standard. About a fortnight ago I had an opportunity of seeing a number of battalions from and around London at manœuvres. It was a terrible day, rain was falling fast, snow was on the ground, and altogether the conditions at Epsom where these manœuvres were taking place could not have been worse. Yet the vast majorities of men, many of them over age and with grey hairs answered the call of their officers, and I have good testimony as to their enthusiasm and their discipline as well as the smartness with which they carried out the manœuvres under their own officers. May I say, in conclusion, that we look to the Government not to treat this problem of man-power from a continental point of view, not to regard England as part of the mainland of Europe. But rather, in their calculations of the number of men that ought to be contributing and the method of their contribution, to take into account that our main weapon has always been the Navy, that we are an island State and that our conditions are altogether distinct from those of our Allies who are continental nations.

I rise to say a few words, upon the question of the condition of the House at the present moment and of the Front Benches in particular on this most important occasion when we are discussing the Motion for the Adjournment. It was announced to us that a most important pronouncement of policy would be made to-day, and this induced many of us to cancel other engagements, in order to be present, first to hear the pronouncement, and then possibly to offer some remarks or criticism upon it. But for some reason the star speeches were made at an advertised time, and when they had been delivered the House of Commons was reduced to the almost pitiable condition of being without leadership and of being treated in a way which, I think, is doing a great deal of harm, by losing for the House of Commons the respect which it ought to enjoy throughout the country. There was to-day a question put to the Leader of the House, with perfect respect and sincerity, I am sure, as to whether it was compatible that the offices of the Leader of the House and Chancellor of the Exchequer should be combined in one person. I would be the last to do anything but acknowledge the courtesy and ability of the present Leader of the House of Commons; but to-day we have another example of the fact that we are left without intimate and close touch with those most responsible. When speeches are made on most vital matters we are without any representative of the Government—any responsible Cabinet Minister to listen to what we are saying. Yesterday there was a significant supplementary question, to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer replied, with that charming naivete and frankness which are amongst his most engaging qualities, and which have endeared him so much to hon. Members. He said it was impossible to censor the speeches of Ministers, because they very seldom knew, when they got up, what they were going to say.

It was on that account, I think, particularly that there was a Debate in this House yesterday, a most momentous Debate, a Debate in many respects very different from any that has taken place in this House on war aims since the War, a Debate taken part in by many of those who, like myself, have consistently from the very first day of the War to this moment supported the War heartily, and have wished to do so, to a triumphant end; speeches asking for more consistency in the statements of Ministers, and a more clear pronouncement of the aims for which we art fighting. The Prime Minister referred to that Debate to-day. He did not hear it, he told us, but he had read the whole of it to-day. With his many engagements I am afraid his time for reading must be limited, and he could not have partaken of the spirit of that Debate in view of the comments he made upon it. He appeared to me to class all speeches under one category, and to assume that because there were those who asked for a clear, definite, consistent and lofty statement of aims, all those who spoke were engaged in the petty pursuits of pursuing him with criticism, or that they did not wish to win this War. If I had had an opportunity yesterday I would have said, and if I may do so on this occasion I would say that I desire to dissociate myself absolutely from the view which is often expressed, and I have no doubt with perfect sincerity, by the hon. Members who sit on the second bench below the Gangway. They have been consistent in their attitude. Many of them have opposed the War from the outset. Very few of them, so far as I know, have engaged in trying actively to help the War forward, and to-day they wish the War, as I have no doubt we all do, to come to a speedy end. But some of us have not taken that view. Some of us believe we entered this War from the highest motives, that it has been a cause that we could not but fight for, and many of us have done what we could during the War to further it by every means in our power.

Yesterday and to-day when speeches are made, such as that of the hon. Member for Derby (Sir W. Collins) and that of the Noble Lord from these benches, which asked that the same consistent, lofty tone should be adopted with regard to our war aims, and that neutral countries and our enemies should have it made perfectly clear to them that we are not engaged in a war of aggression or for territory, but that we have a clear, consistent, and pure aim, we are told by the Prime Minister that we are engaged in the task of neglecting some of his speeches and in criticising him personally. That does not seem to me to be a worthy way in which to deal with the views expressed in this House, and I put it down to the fact that the Prime Minister is losing touch with the House of Commons, and really does not understand the spirit of those who are as eager as he is to see the War carried to a triumphant conclusion. Having said that, all I wish to remark is that I speak in no carping spirit, but because I desire most earnestly to say that I welcome very heartily the change in the tone of the speech of the Prime Minister to-day—a change which I think dated from the speech he made in Glasgow some months ago, from which he gave us some quotations, quotations which embodied the view to which we have always looked up as the view for which we were prepared to fight to the end. There is a change, and there is much greater dignity in the expression of that view than in the speeches which referred to a squealing for peace and a top-dog fight to a finish. I am convinced that the people of this country are prepared to bear many more sacrifices and hardships for the good of a great cause, and of noble ideals, but I do not think they are prepared, and I am quite sure that the Service to which one of my hon. Friends has referred—the Navy—as continually suffering at the hands of the Prime Minister something in the nature of neglect, like the great Citizen Army, are not prepared to go on fighting to the end if there is to be any lowering of the high and lofty ideals with which we entered this War. If there is to be talk of fighting for trade and territory, that is not going to inspire people to be patient and to endure to the end, and I welcome the tone of the Prime Minister's speech as he spoke at Glasgow, though he has had some lapses since, as referring in the highest and best way to the ideal of a great unity of nations in Europe fighting for a lasting peace.

I will not detain the House many minutes more, particularly as hon. Members who preceded me have referred to the subject which I wish to raise. It is the point referred to by the last speaker, namely, that whilst many of us have supported this War from the beginning, what we are concerned about is that something more should be done to prevent our men getting soured during the time the War is being carried on. I am quite satisfied that I am speaking what is the view of a great many of the working classes of this country, more particularly those who have been engaged in the War, in saying that there is a distinct feeling that some of them are being very unfairly dealt with. I put down a question some days ago in these terms: man occupying a very high position. I will not mention who he is, but he is a man on whom I can place absolute reliance. I have made further inquiries, and can assure the House that this is a matter on which there is very strong feeling indeed. I know a number of officers who have been in khaki during the War and who have never been abroad at all, while other men have been sent abroad who have five wound stripes on their sleeve. I want to impress all I can on the Government that if they are going to take the course which the Prime Minister suggested will be taken in the early part of next year, when they are going to make a further call on the manhood of the country, if a lot of these men are kept in districts two or three years without a single change—I am told that even the families that wore very glad to see them when they first went there are getting tired of them, and they ought to be changed—if you are going to press further for men, to make a greater call on the services of the men of the country, while you allow these same men to remain at home you will do a great deal to bring about very, very, grave discontent.

7.0 P.M.

I want to impress that fact upon the Government, because, unless they do some thing to meet this complaint, I am quite sure we shall have our men soured before we attain the objects of this War. There is another matter I should like to press upon the attention of the authorities; I believe they are considering it, but I wish they would come to a decision quickly. I have a case here where a man's child fell sick with fever. The child had to go to a fever hospital, and at once the allowance for the child was deducted from the man's pay. This man says that he is a ratepayer in Edinburgh, that he has discharged his duties, and that the authorities took his child and put it into a fever hospital. No employer would think of deducting anything from the wages of a man because of such a state of affairs, and the State is in the position of being the employer of this man. I wrote to him saying I supposed that they were simply carrying out the Regulations, but I want the authorities to come to a decision on the matter quickly, and also on the other matters I have mentioned in which the men have real grievances. Unless they do, we shall get our people soured before we have carried out the objects we have in view. I trust that the hon. Gentleman who is on the Treasury Bench will bring both these cases before the authorities, and that something will be done to remedy the grievances.

We have a sense at this moment of great dynamic forces in action, soon to come together in collision, and out of that turmoil will arise a new Europe and a new world. It will greatly depend upon the direction of those forces, so far as they are under human control, whether that new world will be a world under German domination, crushed, perhaps for 200 years, beneath the heel of German militarism, or whether the whole human race can aspire to a new era of greater freedom, larger hopes, and higher civilisation. Listening, therefore, to the speech of the Leader of this House and of this nation to-day, I for one was somewhat saddened to find that the destinies of this country were in the hands of a man so incapable of looking at the central reality of things, so prone to be content with mere Parliamentary triumphs, journalistic approbation, and all the shams by which the true nature of the great exterior events can be hidden from the minds of the people.

Moreover, that was not a speech of a great champion, confident of himself, leading a great cause. Even his own oratorial manner flagged; the Celtic fire seemed to have waned. He failed to electrify even his own servile followers. On every subject that he touched there was the same superficial view, the same catchpenny style of intellect, the same desire to grasp at any trivial advantage and to hold that before the House, instead of looking at the real nature of things, facing the whole problem clearly and laying out its bold lines so that they appeared before us and before the whole nation, so that one could see the plan on which he was working and so that the mind of the nation would co-operate with him so as to push this plan to its proper accomplishment. I wondered how a man of that type should have risen to the position of leader of the nation at such a crisis, and I thought it significant when I counted the number of his followers and saw they were so numerous that high and important holders of office could not be accommodated on the first, the second, or the third seat, but sat remote from the Treasury Bench on the fifth seat. That is a means of securing a majority of this House, but it is not a means of beating the Germans.

To-day I want to lay before the House and the country some of the reasons why the course of events has not been better, and why, in this fourth year of the War, instead of having victory in sight, the mind of the nation is still hesitating and dubious and no sign is beckoning. In touching on these subjects, I will say nothing which will reveal anything to the enemy. I will avoid everything dangerous on that score. I will bring forward nothing which the public itself does not know, but I will endeavour to lay bare some of the causes which have paralysed the action of this nation and brought it to this pass when its very life is trembling in the balance. I will go for a moment to Salonika, not to touch so much now on the military situation as to expose clearly some of the causes of the ruin of that expedition. We have, now in Salonika a large force which has lain there immobile for so long that the Germans themselves have been accustomed to call it their greatest concentration camp. That force is in peril at any moment that the Germans, with the great new resources they are able to withdraw from the Russian front, concentrate a violent attack on it, with the intention of wiping it out, so as to gain the whole Littoral of the Northern Mediterranean, from the Black Sea to France, so as to have at their disposal innumerable ports of the best kind in. which to build ever-increasing numbers of submarines, so that they can realise their dream of making the Mediterranean a closed German lake.

I have, by asking repeated questions in this House, succeeded in forcing answers out of responsible Ministers, and I am able now to complete the whole chain of facts, which I will put before the House. That expedition to Salonika was lost, not for military reasons, but for dynastic reasons. It was sent there not to beat the Germans, or, rather, not for the single purpose of beating the Germans in the field in a military sense, but for the double purpose that they must be beaten on condition of the preserving of the dynasty in Greece, and that if one of those conditions must go the dynasty, at any rate, must be secured. They accomplished that part of their purpose; they have lost their expedition in the Balkans, they have saved the dynasty. The loss of that expedition in the Balkans hangs like a cloud over the operations in the West.

For two years ex-King Constantine was the agent, even the spy, of Germany. For two years, or at any rate, for the latter part of those two years, his acts were within the cognisance of the British authority there, and they were known to the Foreign Office, who tolerated those acts and connived at his remaining in power. At length, partly due to the pressure which some of us were able to exercise in this House, he was forced from his throne, and became a refugee in Switzerland. But not for one moment did he cease his activities. So pernicious an influence was he in the cause of the Allies that he became the centre of a group of men madly desirous of injuring the Allies at every turn and of helping the projects of the Central Empires. He founded there two newspapers, one, the "Echo de Geneve," and the other, which he has either founded or is about to found, the "Reveil National." Those papers are founded for the object of disseminating pro-German ideas throughout Europe. We have had reports, both from British and French sources, that the loss of Russia and the disaster in Italy may be in great part attributed to the disastrous action of German agents in Switzerland, and amongst the most dangerous of those agents is ex-King Constantine.

Ex-King Constantine is subsidised. He is enabled to carry out his campaign because he is supplied with money. Who supplies the money? Would it be believed, would it be thought credible if it were not true that this Bolo, this leader of Boloism, this most dangerous enemy of this country and the cause of the Allies, is subsidised with money by the British Government, of which the ultimate source is the pocket of the British taxpayer? That is true. He is supplied by money from Greece, and Greece is supplied by money from the British Treasury. More than once I have had an answer from the Treasury Bench that it is not thought well to interfere with the discretion of Greece in this matter; but I know from semi-official sources in France that the French Government have refused further to contribute their part of the subsidy, thus proving that it is quite within the con- trol of this Government to stop that supply of money. Knowing those facts, they still refuse to do so. I think perhaps that in this matter one of the saddest aspects is the tranquillity with which such an exposure is received in certain sections of this House, but that tranquillity does not extend outside this House. I know already from the letters I receive from every part of the country that there is a wave of indignation growing up in regard to this question. Here is a concrete fact which appeals to the public mind. It is a thing clear and definite, and if the authorities in endeavouring to mask their weakness, or for their own protection, are raising a cry of Boloism, that charge must be traced home, and it can be shown that they themselves are the supporters of Boloism. I will leave it at any rate, to the public to judge, and they will judge more sanely and honestly than many sections of this House.

I will pass from that to another topic which has been thought dangerous. No doubt it is dangerous. Again I will bring forward a topic which is not unknown already, and which it is in the public interest to discuss—that is, the attitude with regard to Russia. I have shown how by its mad policy the Government has thrown away its chances in the Balkans. I will show by what means it threw away the support of 100,000,000 men who under certain conditions could have added 10,000,000 of the best bayonets in Europe to the cause of the Allies.

When we had the beginning of the mutterings of the Russian Revolution the Government sent over Lord Milner as a sort of special Ambassador. I can imagine no choice more foolish, not only from the past career of the man, not only by his wicked policy in South Africa, which, as I know from letters which are in my possession written by most authoritative men in South Africa, threatened to tear up the peace concluded, and plunge us once again into war—yes, even after the Peace of Vereeniging. That man, whose policy so often has been disastrous to the best interests of this country, as has been shown by this incident, utterly lacking in insight and in any power to deal with a great political situation, utterly wrong in his information, remarkably destitute of judgment, went to Russia at a time when it was certain that the revolution was coming to make a last despairing attempt to prop up the falling power of the Tsar. And he came back to this country and reported in triumph that the Tsardom was secure. That was at the time when the Government of the Tsar, as we now know from documents published to the world, had for months been plotting against the best interests of the Allies, and in Court circles those who could guide the reins of power were secretly spying as the agents of Germany.

This was the power which Lord Milner sought to keep upon its legs. We know now that the Russian Court was a centre of German intrigue, that the Tsar could only be excused as a weak and degenerate man, whose will was not his own, that the Tsarina, a German princess, was true to her instincts and her blood, and that she was serving the country of her birth to the prejudice of the country of her adoption, and to the detriment to the cause of the Allies. These were the people whom Lord Milner was endeavouring to secure in power, these people who were already even then preparing not merely to render nugatory all the offensives of the Allies, in their military operations, but preparing the way by which they could force a separate peace and then throw the whole weight of the Russian Empire on the side of the enemy. Lord Milner seemed to be utterly blind to the forces at work in Russia, forces so prodigious that they ought to have leapt to his eyes the moment he came into contact with the leading men of the metropolis of Russia. The Russian Revolution came, and it swept away, almost without resistance, what had become the feeble power of the Czar.

There was then a chance, with all Russia quivering with new life, after its great victory for freedom, rejoicing in its overthrow of that incubus which had weighed upon the Russian people for so many centuries—at a time when they were friendly to England, and more than friendly to France, from whose Revolution she had drawn the inspiration of their ideas—it was possible at that time, I say, and at that moment, to have won that great nation to proclaim herself on the side of the Allies, and to put into the field a great fighting force. Yet from that moment every act of this Government was such as to produce hostility amongst the Russians, to discourage that great sentiment of their rejoicing in new-found freedom, to hesitate to recognise the Government which they had established, and once again to hold up before the whole world their love of the Czar. Here we have again an unmistak- able and clear, concrete example. The Czar was an honorary officer of the British Army. He was not elected to that post, nor was it through any merit of his own that he was placed in that position, but it was because he was the representative of Russia, and because these compliments are thought in such circles to be bands which help to hold nations together in amity. The Czar had gone, he was discredited, and in a Russian prison. New men were ruling Russia. They had control of the destinies of Russia, and they could have brought into the field 100,000,000 men on one side or the other; and, if not from high and generous motives, at least from the baser side of mere interest, this country, so grudging in its recognition of the newfound Government, should not have still retained, as a sort of insult to that country, as a reminder, perhaps, that the Republic was only transitory, the Czar of Russia in his honary position of an officer of the British Army, even when that matter was brought up in the House, so that they had to face it one way or the other, they still, in spite of the perils which menaced them, retained him in that honorary position.

The Russian Government has broken certain treaties which bound this country with the Allies. Many of the treaties of this country and of the Allies were made with the Government which has passed away, and they, therefore, have been broken. One treaty remains inviolable, and that is the treaty by which another enemy of this country and of the Allies is again subsidised by this Government with money which will ultimately come from the pocket of the British taxpayer—a lady of Russian birth who has never rendered service to this country, but who from the money of the British taxpayer is paid alimony of £5,000 per year, although her son is fighting in the ranks of Germany and although she again is a centre of pro-German intrigue. These facts are unmistakable, and I would drive them into the public mind until the democracy at any rate realise that one alien enemy, if that alien enemy be a king, is worth a thousand heroes who give their lives in the trenches for the life and liberty of the country; that one alien lady, if that alien lady be a royalty, is worth a thousand mothers of British heroes.

What nerves me to say this is not merely my indignation at the poltroonery or bad faith of the Government, but that I still preserve hope in the Republic of Russia. Even now from my seat in the House of Commons I will make an appeal to the Russian nation, speaking as a Republican to Republicans, animated by that great spirit which flashed up so grandly in the French Revolution, and appealing to them in the names of those great heroes whose names have come down through the generations and whose acts and aspirations still inspire us—men like St. Just, who for a brief moment gave us a high ideal of civic greatness, men like Danton, who, inspired by the spirit of the Republic, became endowed with the strength of ten and electrified the country in the time of danger and nerved it to fight victoriously through the direst peril, so that from that moment it marched on its glorious career, which still remains a perpetual inspiration to the children of France. By those names and by those great examples I appeal to our brothers in spirit in Russia not to be false to the treaties which bound them to the Allies, even though these treaties were made by a faithless Government, but to remember their treaties are continuous and consecutive, and that it behoves them, even in a spirit of duty, to recognise those treaties and to fulfil them to the end; not only for the sake of duty, not only for the sake of the friendship which must link them with great and progressive nations, but also for this, that their actions are jeopardising the very life of France, the great country from which they derive their inspiration, and that the triumph of the Germans will obliterate for 100 years or more that great spirit from which they themselves derive their liberty.

I would appeal also to the people of this country not to commit that mistake which was made 100 years ago when the French Revolution was proclaimed and when this country was forced into war, not in the true interests of Britain, not in the true interests of Europe, but forced into a bloody war to prevent the French people from asserting the spirit of democracy and liberty, forced into a bloody war to maintain that tradition of royalty which has hung like an incubus round our necks. That was the true origin of those wars. Let us not repeat it in modern times. I say the Government has now been brought to a condition, where by its own mistakes, its own bad faith and its incapacities, it has imperilled and gravely compromised the chances of the nation. For my own part I wish that the Government were swept away. From this hour I shall not cease in my endeavours until I have brought about that end; until I have brought new men and introduced new ideas, the realisation of which will mean winning the War, and will mean the arising of a future civilisation upon a basis which alone can justify and redeem the blood expended in this War.

If it be said: What men are you going to put in their places? I say, first of all, recognise that these men are not winning the War, and that if they represent in their intellect, in their character, and in their principles the spirit and flower of the nation, then the War might just as well have never been fought, for this nation is destined to decay. I refuse to believe that these men represent the spirit and the flower of the nation. The times demand a Themistocles. Fate has given us as our leader a Cleon. In great crises, in the fire of great events, in other epochs of history, great men, hitherto unknown, have sprung forth, men with the peculiar stamp upon them which a friend of Napoleon's called the mark of "Plutarch's men." Is that race dead in England? Is that race dead in the whole of these Isles? Is it dead in the whole resources of the Dominions? No! I refuse to believe it. I will rather believe that when these incapacities are gone, these men who for more than three years have progressed from blunder to blunder, the country will revive in the very fact that the way has been open for new men to come forward who can lead and who can win. It is on that note that I would cease. The matter rests with this House, where we see such a hollow spectacle in the mischievous play of party politics, which may be useful during an electioneering compaign, but which is so futile in its attempt to stem back the gigantic peril from the exterior. But it is on this note that I would appeal, not to this House, but to the country.

I am sure those of us who sit on these benches will be glad of the more conciliatory and reasonable note which was struck by the Prime Minister this afternoon, and also by the late Prime Minister. I am afraid, though, that I myself have no very great hopes of a considerable change from the tone, because I fear that fundamentally there is truth in what the German Chancellor said the other day, that the only thing which stands in the way of peace is the question of Alsace-Lorraine, and therefore no moral questions arise to be dealt with, but a mere tract of territory. We may conceal the truth from ourselves. There is a sense of unreality in regard to statements about the making and the possibility of peace. But I have hope, perhaps some slight hope, that this may mean that we shall have from our leaders more reasonable speeches as regards our war aims in the future, so that there will not be the necessity then, as in the past, for us few men to raise our voices. I want to point out that from the beginning of the War, from the first day, I have taken one consistent view that the ambitions of Russia as regards the East cutting across the ambitions of Germany we would find the origin of this terrible conflict. I have held that in the main it was the ambition of the Czar rather than the Kaiser that let loose this conflagration upon the world.

I do not believe that until we realise this, until we see that there is another side to the issue, the people are likely to be able to bring themselves into a mood in which peace can be discussed, so long as you simply say—and I would draw the attention of the House to the reference of the Prime Minister to-day in which he pointed out that Germany alone was responsible—that the Czar had nothing to do with it, that he had no territorial ambitions, and that Germany alone had been plotting to set the world in flames for ambitious and territorial reasons. If I hold differently from that I can lay no small share of the blame on the Prime Minister himself. It was only in 1908 that he went down to the Queen's Hall and made a great speech on peace—I think it was to the Peace Society. He told how he had been in Germany, and how he had got to realise the sentiments of Germany, the fears of the German people when they saw the campaign being carried on by the "Daily Mail" and the "Times." He pointed to the position of Germany, and said that with Russia on one side and France on the other, her enemies in case of a Continental war, would not we, under these conditions, build and arm? Of course we would, pointing to the position in which Germany was placed as being the cause—as it was the cause—of the strength of the military system there; because the people, through a sense of fear and self-preservation in their mind, were willing to surrender themselves over to the military power. In January, 1914, in his declaration to the nation on peace, in the "Daily Chronicle," the Prime Minister referred to the same point, declaring that the fear held by the German people because of militant Russia, with France on the other side, was the cause of the German military endeavours. And yet he comes here to-day and pretends to forget all this—because it is convenient to do so—and declares that there was no reason whatsoever for Germany's military embarkments. That matter did not stand in the way of peace, as it does, and because I have taken that line throughout, that in Russia's ambitions is to be found one of the main factors in the making of the War, that I want to show how recent events have justified that point of view.

I am convinced now that in the crisis of 1914 there was one point—and this is the great tragedy of Sir Edward Grey—when he had secured peace. It was when he had secured that Austria referred the issue of Serbia to a conference, which was the proposal put forward by the German Government in place of the convention suggested by Sir Edward Grey, so that negotiations should be kept going between Russia and Austria. Sir Edward Grey replied that that was better than his suggestion, and the whole issue as to the responsibility for this War is whether Germany fulfilled her contract and sought to bring pressure to bear upon Austria. In recent dispatches we see that that was so. In the days of the 29th and 30th of July, 1914, we had our own Ambassador reporting that Austria had given way and conceded the point at issue. On the 29th July what was happening in Petrograd on the point? When virtually peace had been assured, and when our Foreign Minister had triumphed in his diplomacy with the aid of the German Chancellor and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, we know now because of the changed drama that has been enacted since the Revolution. M. Kerensky brought the man who was at this point Minister for War to trial for sedition, treason, and corruption, and with him he brought the chief of the general staff at that time.

By mere chance the whole inner secrets and the terrible story of what happened at Petrograd at this point, when peace had been made possible by the surrender of Austria and the demands made upon Germany by our Foreign Minister were revealed. On the 29th the Minister for War, the Chief of the Staff, acting with the Minister for Foreign Affairs in Russia, secured the order for the general mobilisation of the Russian troops. At this point I would remind the House that our Ambassador, Sir George Buchanan, had informed the Russian Government that a general mobilisation of the Army would be taken by Germany as the declaration of war, but nevertheless they secured the order from the Czar on the 29th July. On the 30th July the Czar received from the German Emperor a telegram, in reply to the one that he had sent to the Kaiser, asking him to act as mediator with Austria, and the concluding words of the German Emperor's telegram are these: of that time, the "Chronicle," for instance, and you will find reported that there were 100,000 armed Revolutionaries in Petrograd alone. The Russian Revolution was again gathering forces, and these men around the Czar saw in a war of aggrandisement, a war for Constantinople, a war to fulfil the historical ambitions of Russia, the means of sweeping the Revolutionaries into the Army, and saving the dynasty.

When the day came that war was no longer being successfully carried on, when it was found impossible to maintain the dynasty, these men in order to save the dynasty proceeded to try and negotiate a separate peace with Germany and were on the point of doing it when the Revolution broke out. The confirmation of that view came in a very tragic and dramatic form. The responsibility in a large measure rested with Czardom, but what was more important, and what affects us to-day, is that not only did Czardom precipitate the War, but that it forced us to accept its policy and adopt it as our own. It has brought us to the position in which we find ourselves to-day.

I asked a question a little while ago with regard to the arrangements between Russia and this country for territorial aggrandisement and was told that it was not in the public interest to answer it. But we now know the whole truth, thanks to the Revolution having published the secret treaties between this country and Russia and France. We now know the whole story. We now know that they virtually blackmailed us into entering into a treaty guaranteeing Constantinople and the Bosphorus, and great territories of the Turkish Empire, to Russia—a thing which was absolutely contrary to the best interests of the Allies as a whole. That was at the beginning of the War—during the first nine months of it, and, speaking at that time, I asserted that to grant Constantinople to Russia would be to bring Bulgaria into the War against us, to have Turkey in arms with Germany against us, and to keep Roumania neutral. The whole of our policy was frustrated by that arrangement. We have coerced Greece. My hon. Friend the Member for East Clare (Mr. Lynch) very often denounces Constantine. I am no friend of that deposed monarch; but there was a period when King Constantine and the Greek army might have come in support of this country, and when they could have participated in a landing at Gallipoli. We know from the debates in the Greek Chamber and from statements by various Greek Prime Ministers that the reason they did not participate in the landing was because Russia had made it known that no Greek army was to come within fifty miles of Constantinople, lest Greece should set up a separate claim for Constantinople. The other point of policy which this country adopted virtually at the behest of Czardom was embodied in the treaty between Russia and France, under which France was to obtain not only Alsace-Lorraine, but the coal bearing valleys of the Saar, while Czardom was to have a free hand in East Prussia. Yesterday the astonishing statement was made by the Foreign Secretary, when this matter was brought before him by my hon. Friend the Member for Stirling Burghs, that that treaty did not matter to us, that we had no concern in it, and that it was a matter between Russia and France. No concern in it! Why, that was one of the reasons why we could not make peace fifteen months ago—this territorial arrangement, because France at that time determined to fight on until she had secured this treaty. But it is not Frenchmen alone who have died or Russians. It is the British soldiers who have perished in fighting for these territorial objects, and, therefore, we have a concern in this matter. I say it is the aims of Czardom which have been the cause of our failures, not only our diplomatic, but our military failures, and we have still evidence of that in the method with which we have treated revolutionary Russia. The chance came for us to get through all the obligations imposed upon us by the Czar. It came with the Revolution.

8.0 P.M.

The first act of the Revolutionary Government was to ask the Allies to make peace, or to adjust their war aims so as to make peace possible on the basis of no annexation. Kerensky and his Government, when they made this demand, had the secret treaties before them; it was be cause they had them before them that they made this demand. They scrapped the others. They threw over all the Czar's territorial claims. They said, "We want no territory; we know that you are demanding great territorial claims—and Revolutionary Russia will not, and cannot if she would, sweep on to secure these aims." And yet here in this House we had speeches made from the Front Bench say- ing that we had no annexionist claims, no territorial claims, and that at a time when the Russian Government, having these treaties in their possession, knew that what we said was false. It has been pointed out that it was because we refused the demands of the Russian Government that the Russian Government fell into this, and then rose the party under Lenin, which said, "The Allies' objects are territorial objects, and you are going to drag Russia into continuous war, to fight for the destruction of Russia, for the benefit of our Allies, who claim territory"; and then, in the final act, the Leader of the House of Commons, announced that we were not going even to discuss the question of our war aims in conference in Paris. When that point came, Kerensky fell and the Maximalists triumphed in Russia. I do not know what is going to come out of the present position in Russia. I believe that our papers and our statesmen make a very great mistake in thinking that the present Government will be swept away and that there will be a counter-revolution. All along our reactionary Press, our reactionary politicians, and our reactionary diplomatists, have been thinking of the possibility of a counter-revolution and of being able to deal with the Czar instead of a revolutionary Government. That is a vain hope. This is a revolution like no other revolution. It is a revolution of peasants who demand the land. It is a revolution which has secured them the land. It is a revolution which has abolished private ownership of land, and the peasantry, having secured the land, will take care there is no counterrevolution to take the land away from them. There is permanency in this revolution, and we see an armistice has been proclaimed, not a general peace, and we see that the Government hopes that within the month of the armistice negotiations will be opened up for the general peace in which all the Allies will be united, and into which all Governments will come. I trust that the Government will not throw away that chance. It seems to me to be the last chance which will be offered to them of making a general peace with Russia alongside of us. If they intend to pursue this War without Russia, if they intend to pursue it until territorial gains are made, then we can see no end to this War. Certainly we can see no victory. We can only go marching to financial disaster, which is the least disaster, and the sacrifice of further millions of our men.

It was my intention to address the House at some length this evening, but, having regard more particularly to the convenience of the officials of this House, who have had a particularly trying Session, I propose to limit my remarks to a few moments. The picture of this House as we see it at the present moment is the most cruel criticism of the Prime Minister's speech that could possibly be made. Here we are, in the fourth year of the War, after having waited three months, almost in silence, for the Prime Minister's promised pronouncement on our war aims and on our position in Europe and in other parts of the world, yet the speech that he makes evoked so little confidence that there was hardly a cheer throughout the whole of it. There was so little criticism that the Debate degenerated into a heart-to-heart talk between Members within half an hour of his resuming his seat. That shows two things; in the first place, that the Prime Minister's remarks conveyed nothing to the House, and, in the second place, it showed the absolute apathy of hon. Members of this House to even endeavour to counsel or criticise a Government which, for twelve months tonight, has been in possession of the destinies of this Empire on a ticket of action as completely distinct from the ticket of the Government whose place it took. Possibly the Government may have their friends who read their Official Report, in case among all the dross that falls from the lips of hon. Members some grains of gold may be discovered. By grains of gold I would suggest some incident which would challenge their existence and might need attention. Although I appreciate that I am speaking to empty benches, if one makes a point it is none the less made. I do not propose to detain the House any further. I would say this to the Government, that twelve months ago they came in with a promise to settle the question of man-power. Man-power is more chaotic to-day than it was then. Twelve months ago they came in with a promise to settle finally the food problem. Food problems to-day are more chaotic than they were then. Twelve months ago they came in full of hope to settle once and for all a foreign policy which had involved us in far greater sacrifice than was really necessary in life and treasure. Our Foreign Office to-day is a greater disgrace to the Empire than it was then. Twelve months ago today we were told that victory was in sight. Twelve months ago we were told that six months of that Government would bring us victory and peace. After twelve months of the present Government it has increased the cost of the War by nearly 70 per cent., and increased and multiplied Departments by something like 200 per cent. We find nothing but confusion worse confounded. For the next twenty-eight days the Members of the Government who take their positions seriously will have an opportunity of putting their house in order, and I only hope that the reply we receive to the questions which a great number of us ask in the interests of the public will not only be as pertinent as the questions which are asked, but will lead us to believe that that Government has at last realised that this House of Commons cannot be ignored, and that the people of this country expect to be served and not to be bossed by the Government which they have put into power. With that I leave it. I sincerely trust the Prime Minister will have an opportunity of reading or having brought to his notice the remarks I had occasion to make last night on the position of America's air power in the air war in the coming spring.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved, "That this House, at its rising this day, do adjourn till Monday, the 14th January."

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Whereupon Mr. SPEAKER, pursuant to the Order of the House of the 12th February, proposed the Question, "That this House do now adjourn."

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Eight Minutes after Eight o'clock, until Monday, 14th January, 1918.