House of Commons
Monday, July 19, 1920
Private Business
Private Bills [Lords] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely: —
Uxbridge and Wycombe District Gas Bill [ Lords ].
Ordered, That the Bill be read a Second time.
Bridlington Corporation Bill,
Nottingham Corporation Bill,
Pontypridd Urban District Council Bill,
Portsmouth Corporation Bill,
Rhondda Urban District Council Bill,
Wolverhampton Corporation Bill,
Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.
Bootle Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
Eastbourne Waterworks Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
Liverpool Copper Wharf Company, Limited (Delivery Warrants) Bill [ Lords ],
Londonderry Bridge Commissioners Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, without Amendment.
South Metropolitan Gas Bill[ Lords ],
To be read the Third time To-morrow.
Weardale and Consett Water Bill [ Lords ],
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.
Life Association of Scotland Bill [ Lords ],
Osborne's Divorce Bill [ Lords ],
Read a Second time, and committed.
Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 3) Bill,
Third Reading deferred till Tomorrow.
PIER AND HARBOUR PROVISIONAL ORDER No. 3) BILL,
"to confirm a Provisional Order made by the Minister of Transport under the General Pier and Harbour Acts, 1861, relating to Worthing Pier," presented by Mr. NEAL.
Ordered, That Standing Order 193a be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the First time.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]
Bill accordingly read the. First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills and to be printed. [Bill 175.]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
British Clearing House (German Debts)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state what the date was upon which steps were taken by the British Clearing House to collect unpaid British-owned coupons of the German Government and municipal loans; what those steps were and what were the terms of the notice, if any, to the public; whether such notice specifically asked the British owners to lodge their unpaid coupons with a Government Department or nominee; in what publications did the notice appear; and will the British Clearing House repeat the notice?
Upon the day the Treaty was ratified a letter was sent to every creditor who had registered his claim with the Public Trustee requiring him to prove his debt and to give particulars of all negotiable securities held by him. On 13th January last a notice was inserted in the Press requesting that any creditor who did not receive this letter should communicate with the Clearing Office, and a further notice appeared in the Press as recently as 11th June. The German Clearing Office was established on 26th April, and from then onwards letters have been sent to individual creditors whose claims disclosed the possession by them of negotiable securities, requesting them to forward them at once to the Clearing Office A very large proportion of these securities have already been collected and delivered to the German Clearing Office, and it is "anticipated that by the end of the present month every individual creditor whose claims disclosed the possession by them of such securities will have received a letter requesting him to forward his coupons or other securities to the British Clearing Office for transmission to Germany. No further notification appears to be necessary.
Profiteering Act
Bell Mill, Limited, Oldham
asked the President of the Board of Trade if the Bell Mill, Limited, Oldham, charge exactly the same price for their yarn on the Manchester Royal Exchange as all other mills do for the same quality of yarn; and, if so, will he state why special investigations have to be made in their case?
I am not in possession of information concerning the price at which the Bell Mill Company, Limited, of Oldham sell their yarn on the Manchester Royal Exchange. My attention was called to the profits made by this company in consequence of two questions asked in the House on the 10th May by the hon. Members for Plaistow and Kettering respectively, and I accordingly decided to call the attention of the Central Committee under the Profiteering Acts to the matter in order that if it was considered desirable the position might be investigated.
Sewing Cotton
asked the President of the Board of Trade the result of the investigation into the price of sewing cotton; and, if not, when he expects to receive and publish the Report?
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the Report of the Profiteering Sub-Committee which inquired as to the reasonableness or otherwise of the increased price of sewing cotton will be published without qualification in precisely the form in which it was forwarded to the Board of Trade and the Central Committee?
asked the President of the Board of Trade the result of the investigation into the price of sewing cotton; and, if not, when he expects to receive and publish the Report?
As I informed the hon. Member for North Lambeth last Monday, the Report of the Sub-Committee on Sewing Cotton contained certain statements concerning which the Committee considered it desirable to consult Messrs. Coats before publication. The observations of Messrs. Coats have been received, and are at the present under consideration by the Central Committee and the Sub-Committee. While I hope the Report will be published at an early date, until such time as the matters at present under consideration have been decided I am unable to say when or in what form the Report will be published.
Questions
Building Materials
asked the President of the Board of Trade the result of the inquiry into profiteering in building materials; and, if not, when he expects to receive and publish the Report?
I am at present unable to make any statement regarding the result of the investigations into building materials. As my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade informed the hon. Member for North Hammersmith on Wednesday last, I fully appreciate the urgency of the matter and am doing everything in my power to expedite the issue of the Reports. It has been found impossible to complete the Reports until more detailed statements of costings have been received from the accountants.
When does my right hon. Friend expect to get the result?
It depends on the amount of investigation required. I do not want to deceive my hon. Friend by giving too early a date.
Will it be before the adjournment?
I hope so.
Prosecutions
asked the President of the Board of Trade what steps, if any, have been taken to check profiteering on the part of manufacturers and wholesalers; how many cases have been brought before the Central Profiteering Committee; and in what number of cases have charges of profiteering been substantiated against manufacturers and wholesalers.
Complaints of alleged profiteering by manufacturers and wholesale traders are investigated by the Central Committee which was established for that purpose.
Three hundred and ninety-two cases of alleged profiteering have been brought before the Central Committee; the investigation has been completed in 323 cases, the charge of profiteering being substantiated in 31 cases, while 69 cases are at present under or awaiting investigation.
What was done in the 31 cases in which the charge of profiteering was held to be substantiated?
I anticipated that some one would request that information. The situation is this. In three prosecutions that were undertaken convictions were obtained; in 17 cases prosecutions are pending or have been ordered; in five cases there has been a refund of the amount paid in excess of what was declared to be a reasonable price; in six cases the Committee although satisfied that the charge was established, recommended no action presumably because they thought the man was sufficiently punished by having to pay the costs already incurred.
What punishment was inflicted in the cases where convictions were obtained?
I cannot charge my memory with the penalties inflicted. Perhaps the hon. Member will put down that question.
Was a single profiteer sent to prison?
I am not in a position to say.
Coal Production
Bunkers (Fishing Vessels)
asked the President of the Board of Trade what arrangements he proposes to make for the supply and price of bunkers to fishing trawlers when and if coal control terminates on 31st August next; and whether he is aware of the anxiety among trawler owners on this subject and that fishing vessels are already being laid up owing to the present high price of bunkers?
Provision has been included in the Ministry of Mines Bill to continue the existing powers for regulating the supply and price of coal for bunkers, so that the eventuality to which the hon. and gallant Member refers is not likely to arise.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware, with regard to the statement in the last part of my question, that fishing vessels are already being held up owing to the high price of bunkers, and what does he propose to do?
Bunkers are sold at the same price as industrial coal for home consumption, and so I do not quite see what the grievance is.
Domestic Coal (Cost of Living)
asked the President of the Board of Trade what will be the effect on the index figure of the cost of living of a rise of 2s. a ton in the price of domestic coal?
As the index number to which my hon. Friend refers is prepared in the Ministry of Labour, I have been asked to reply to this question. A rise of 2s. a ton in the price of domestic coal would raise the Ministry of Labour retail prices index number by nearly one-half of a point.
Miners' Federation (Wages and Prices)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can state the reply he has given or proposes to give to the claims presented by the Miners' Federation with regard to wages and coal prices?
The Executive of the Miners' Federation of Great Britain met the Coal Controller on Thursday last and placed before him the claim of the Federation. The claim is now being considered, and I am not yet able to say what reply the Government will give.
Can the hon. Gentleman hold out any hope that prices to consumers are going to be reduced?
I cannot add anything to my answer.
Waste Material
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the District Coal and Coke Supplies Committee for Scotland is still persisting in maintaining that duff or waste material, whereof colliery bings is composed, shall not be available for shipment, and has, within the last fortnight, refused to allow steamers to load or sail carrying duff; whether he will investigate the grounds of the said Committee's interference with the shipment of a commodity outwith their jurisdiction in respect that it is not coal; and who it is that is causing them to go beyond their province?
There were formerly difficulties upon this subject owing to the latitude taken by coal owners and exporters in the material which they shipped under the name of bing-duff. Arrangements have again been made as regards Scotland to treat duff from bings as being outside the export allocation: and the District Coal and Coke Supplies Committee for Scotland is entrusted with the duty of exercising the necessary discretion in the matter, so as to ensure that the irregularities which previously made it necessary to curtail shipments of duff are not repeated.
How is it that duff has been rejected as not being coal? How came the Department to interfere, with it? Is it realized that the Department will probably be liable in damages for loss to the people who own it? The Department have no more right to refuse to allow it to be exported than they have to refuse to allow slate, or sand, or any other of these commodities to be exported?
On these various questions, I shall require to take advice.
Shipments, River Tyne
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he has received a telegram from the chairman of the North of England Steamship Association drawing his attention to the Report of the septennial survey of the River Tyne, pointing out that many ships are laid up in that river because they cannot obtain shipments of coal, while on the other hand collieries are being laid idle from time to time because, while no market can be found at home for their output, they are prohibited from sending it abroad?
I have received the telegram referred to. On Friday last I received a deputation from the North of England Steamship Association, at which the hon. and gallant Member was present, when the whole position was explained and the reasons for the restriction of export made clear. I do not think my hon. and gallant Friend will regard it as necessary that I should add anything to these explanations at the present time.
Will the right hon. Gentleman allow the whole of the increased output in the areas in question to be exported?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman knows the answer given, and I think he might put that question again when we see how the modified promise works out.
Questions
British Ships (Alien Sailors)
asked the President of the Board of Trade the number of sailors of alien origin now employed on purely British ships; and whether, in cases where this type of crew is engaged, he will make representations to the owners or charterers?
The estimated number of foreigners employed in trading Vessels belonging to the British Islands which were employed some time during the year 1919 was 16,771, or about 7 per cent. of the estimated total number of seamen employed. In so far as the employment of aliens is permitted by Statute it would not be competent for me to make representations to owners or charterers.
Cotton Growing (Sudan)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state what moneys have been spent to date in the irrigation schemes in the Sudan with the objective of cotton growing, and when it is hoped to commence delivery of such cotton to this country?
I have been asked to take this question. I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. Member for Rossendale on 9th March last. His Majesty's Government have no more recent information with regard to the amount spent on the irrigation schemes in question, which are now in progress and are estimated to require four to five years to complete. Cotton grown on the new areas to be irrigated as a result of these projects cannot therefore be harvested before 1925.
Seamen's International Conference
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether it is proposed to publish at an early date the conventions agreed to at the International Conference of Seamen held in Genoa?
I have been asked by my right hon. Friend to reply to this question. The conventions and recommendations adopted at the Genoa Conference will be published as soon as authentic copies of the texts have been received from the International Labour Office.
Will this House have an opportunity of discussing any conventions before they are ratified?
I think the procedure in the past has been to give an opportunity for discussion, and I presume the same procedure will be followed in this case.
Transport
Railway Fares (Increase)
asked the Prime Minister if the Government will consider the advisability of postponing the date for the increase in railway fares one week, in order that thousands of people may be able to take a much-needed holiday, particularly in view of the fact that most of these people had saved for their holiday, calculating their fare at the present rate?
56 and 83.
asked the Prime Minister, (1) whether he is aware that many families have made arrangements for their holidays in the month of August, and that the increased fares which are now proposed by the Ministry of Transport will entail hardship, and of the possibilities of cancelling such holidays, thereby entailing considerable hardship upon many of the seaside and other towns, and thus causing a loss of revenue to the railway companies from a decreased traffic; whether he is prepared to consider the postponement of the increased rates till September or a later date;
(2) if the proposed increase of railway fares which is to come into operation on 6th August applies to season or contract tickets?
asked the Minister of Transport whether he has yet received any Report from the Advisory Committee on Railway Bates as to increasing passenger fares; if so, can he state what rate of increase has been decided upon and if it will apply to workmen's, season and traders' tickets; from what date it is proposed to charge such increases; and if he will state if the return-halves of ordinary return tickets will be available after the date which is fixed for any increased rate of fares?
asked the Minister of Transport whether he will consider the advisability of not raising railway fares until the summer holidays are over, in order not to disturb the arrangements come to by many people of small means?
asked the Minister of Transport whether, having regard to the vast number of clerks and other small salaried workers in London who are forced to live in the outer suburbs, and whose salaries make it impossible to pay the suggested increase of fares, he will take steps to meet these hard cases?
84 & 85.
asked the Minister of Transport (1) whether he is aware of the burden the introduction of the increased railway fares on the 5th August will place upon those of the middle classes with fixed incomes who have arranged to take their holidays in that month or in September; whether he is aware that whole families who have been saving week by week for their annual holiday will be prevented by the increased fares from going to the seaside or into the country in accordance with arrangements made months ago; whether he can see his way to make such re-arrangement of the proposed new charges as will during those two months secure to bonâ fide holiday makers with children the benefits of the present rates;
(2) whether he is aware that many people intending to go to the seaside in August and September are ex-service men in receipt of disability pensions for maladies which urgently require a change of air and rest; and whether, both from the point of view of State expenditure and the general health of the community he will arrange for special consideration with regard to travelling charges to be extended to these cases?
I have been asked to answer these questions. The position as regards railway charges is that, owing to rise in costs generally, and particularly the rise in wages and materials due to the recent findings of the National Wages Board and the Shaw Commission of Inquiry into Dock Wages, the rise in the cost of coal and all other materials, a substantial increase in railway charges must be faced if the policy of the Government, this House, and the country against subsidy is to be adhered to.
These large increased costs have only recently culminated, and must be recovered before the 15th August, 1921, if a subsidy is to be avoided, as the Government guarantee of railways then ceases and the income reverts to the shareholders.
The Government referred the question as to how the increased cost is to be made good to the Bates Advisory Committee, and published the reference and full data in Command Paper 815 of 7th July. On 3rd June and 21st June, in reply to questions in this House, the Ministry of Trans- port and the Leader of the House made it quits clear that these increases were inevitable.
The Government do not make proposals or recommendations to the Advisory Committee as to the distribution or amount of increase of fares, rates, or charges to produce the required revenue, that being the statutory duty of the Rates Advisory Committee, who are also authorised to take evidence thereon before making their recommendations—which have not yet been received. The whole question of cheap tickets and excursion trains is within the scope of their reference.
The Government is sensible of the need for consideration to railway users, and decided to spread the recovery of the deficit beyond the financial year, and not to impose any increase of fares on ordinary tickets until after the Bank Holiday, provided every effort was made to produce equilibrium by the date when the Government cease to have any right to the railway revenue.
The increases in railway rates and charges generally so far made have not kept pace with the general rise of costs in this country.
As against this:
This has only been possible on account of economies made, as a clear indication of which I may say that whereas the numbers of passengers buying ordinary tickets are up 31 per cent., comparing the first quarters of this year with 1913, the record pre-War year, the engine power used to work this vastly increased traffic has been reduced by over 20 per cent. below the 1913 level on main-line railways.
The increased cost must be borne either in higher railway rates or by the taxpayer, and the Government decided and announced its decision to the House that the cost must fall on the users of the railways, and that the additional rates would be imposed as soon as the Advisory Committee have reported.
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that the great point at issue in this question of increase of rates is when it is going to take place, so that holiday-makers may be able to make their arrangements? May I ask what notice is going to be given to the public if a rise in rates, as seems quite likely, is going to be made?
Perhaps I may be allowed to answer that question, as in this matter the Ministry of Transport is only carrying out the decision of the Government. The question we had to decide was whether or not the deficit should be paid by the taxpayer or by the users of the railways. Postponement means a subsidy, or, alternatively, it means that, when the rates are put up, they will have to be much higher than if they are put up at once. The Government have definitely taken the decision that the users of the railways must pay.
May I ask when this increase of fares will take place—on what actual date?
The announcement was made in this House as long ago as June that it will take place as soon as the Advisory Committee have reported, but we decided to put it off until the 5th August, even if the Committee report earlier.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that all the figures which have been placed before the Advisory Committee by the railway companies are based upon an increase for passenger fares and goods as and from 1st September next, and that therefore——
That is not so.
I understand that has been stated before the Committee this morning. If that is so, cannot the right hon. Gentleman say at once, so as to get rid of the irritation and great inconvenience which is caused, that the rise will not take place until 30th August or 1st September?
I am not aware of the facts as to the figures which the right hon. Gentleman has given, but they are not in accordance with the reference given to the Advisory Committee. I have already explained that delay means either increased taxation or raising the rates to make up the deficit caused by the delay. The Cabinet were well aware of the outcry this would cause, but they knew it was right to do it.
If what I have said is correct—and I have the best authority for so believing—that the figures submitted by the railway companies are based as and from the end of August or 1st September, will not the right hon. Gentleman now say he will be guided by that fact?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that under the Ministry of Transport Act, whatever be the rates in force on 15th August, they must continue in force for 18 months afterwards? That is to say, that if a change has not taken place by 15th August, it is stereotyped and cannot be altered for 18 months afterwards?
Yes, I am aware of that. As to the point put by the right hon. Gentleman, I am, of course, unaware of the figures given to this Committee, but the decision of the Cabinet, which was contained in the reference to the Committee, was that the rates should be put on as soon as they decided what the proper rates were.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that during the period of the War, when the railways were controlled by the State, the charges which were made to the Government for the carriage of goods and passengers were a mere fraction of the similar charges which would have been made to the ordinary consignors and consignees and passengers, with the result that, instead of there being a great surplus on paper—a mere book-keeping transaction—instead of the Government charging themselves fully and making the cost of carriage of goods, munitions and passengers during the War a capital charge chargeable either to reparation from Germany——
The hon. Member's question is exceeding the usual limits.
Having regard to the fact that the fare which prevails on 15th August is the governing fare until the end of Government control, cannot the right hon. Gentleman postpone the increase until 15th August?
It is all really one question. I quite realise that it is a great hardship, but it is not the only hardship resulting from the War.
What is the total number of railway directors compared with pre-War times, and what is the rate of remuneration?
That does not arise.
In view of the universal concern, is not the right hon. Gentleman prepared to give the House an opportunity of expressing its views on the proposal?
I have already said I fully realise the hardship, but the House has to decide whether charges of this kind are to be borne by the taxpayer or the users, and the Government have taken their decision.
Will the Government take into consideration the fact that the Belgian State railways carry a passenger 100 miles for 3s. 6d.?
That does not arise.
asked the Minister of Transport whether his attention has been called to the statement of Sir Sam Fay before the Rates Commission on 15th July which suggests that fares were to be increased to as much as the people would stand; and whether any steps have been taken to ascertain the actual cost of working the railways?
I would refer the hon. Member to the statements and estimates contained in Command Paper 815.
Why should not some of this money come out of the dividends and not out of the workers' salaries?
Because the Government in 1916 guaranteed the net receipts of the railways.
Railway Goods Rates (Cost of Living)
asked the President of the Board of Trade what would be the effect on the index figure of the cost of living of an average increase in goods rates on the railways of 112 per cent.?
I have been asked to reply. I regret that it is impossible to give an estimate of the effect on the cost of living index number of an increase in goods rates.
Railways (Nationalisation)
asked the Prime Minister upon what date the Cabinet decided against nationalisation of the railways; whether the decision was based upon written memoranda or verbal advice; if written memoranda, can the House be placed in possession of same; and whether the Minister of Transport advised for or against nationalisation?
The answer to the first part of the question is, that the subject had been discussed in the Cabinet on numerous occasions, but the definite decision as to the railway policy of the Government was taken on the 7th of June, 1920; to the second part, that the decision was based both on verbal expressions of opinion and on written memoranda, which were prepared for the consideration of the Cabinet and will not be published; and to the last part, that the Minister of Transport, in common with his colleagues, was opposed to nationalisation.
Can my right hon. Friend say that that means that the Government have repudiated their own pledge on nationalisation of railways expressed at the General Election by the Secretary of State for War at Dundee?
The answer I have given is the policy of the Government.
How does the right hon. Gentleman account for the pledge given by the Secretary of State for War at Dundee?
Motor Vehicles (Warning Instruments)
asked the Minister of Transport what steps he proposes to take to either standardise warning sound-instruments on motors and motor lorries and to restrict the use of such instruments where such local authorities deem the same objectionable or harmful to children or invalids after nightfall?
I do not at present propose to take any steps in the direction suggested in my hon. Friend's question, as the matter is one that falls within the terms of reference to the Departmental Committee on the Taxation and Regulation of Road Vehicles, and that Committee is undertaking its task as rapidly as possible.
Railway Electrification, South Lancashire
asked the Minister of Transport if he proposes to include the section between Rochdale, Oldham, and Manchester in the electrification scheme; and when such scheme will be put into operation?
The Electricity Commissioners have provisionally determined an electricity district for South-East Lancashire which includes Rochdale, Oldham, and Manchester, and have fixed the 31st October as the date by which schemes may be submitted to them. The necessary local inquiry will be held as soon as possible after that date, but pending the result of that inquiry, it is impossible to say how soon a scheme can be put into operation.
Gunness Station (Loading Dock)
asked the Minister of Transport whether he is aware that, owing to the loading dock at Gunness Station having been removed when the new Trent Bridge was built, there is no accommodation to deal with the produce of the surrounding district; and if he could expedite the building of a loading dock and save the farmers the extra cost entailed in conveying their produce to a distant station?
It has been arranged that this matter should be investigated by the local officer of this Ministry, and I will communicate the results to the hon. Member.
Railway Police
asked the Minister of Transport whether he can give any reason for the protracted delay on the part of the negotiating committee of general railway managers in arranging a meeting with the accredited representatives of the railway police, in view of the fact that the only amended proposal submitted by the men was one respecting the establishment of a Railway Police Federation based on the Police Act, 1919?
I understand that a meeting has been arranged for Wednesday, the 28th July.
Railway Carriage Doors (Safety)
asked the Minister of Transport whether his attention has been called to a recent accident on the London and South Western Railway suburban service, by which a passenger was killed owing to the door opening of a crowded passenger carriage; whether he has called for any report on the subject; and can he take any steps to compel railway companies to provide proper and sufficient fastenings to all carriage doors so as to prevent such accidents in the future?
This unfortunate occurrence was duly reported to me by the railway company, and I have since ascertained that the lock of the carriage door in question was found to be in perfect working order when examined immediately after the accident. I am advised that the fastening is of a type which is regarded as proper and sufficient, provided that it is not actuated when it should not be.
Ministry of Transport (Staff)
asked the Minister of Transport whether he will state how many ex-officials of the North Eastern Railway Company are now employed in the Ministry of Transport; what salaries did they receive as Company officials; what are their present salaries; how many received compensation on leaving the Company's service; what were the amounts so received; and what is, in total, the difference between the salaries paid by the Company and the salaries now falling upon the Treasury?
There are eleven ex-officials of the North Eastern Railway permanently transferred to the Ministry of Transport, under the provisions of Section 7, with a total salary of £6,860 (exclusive of war bonus). No compensation was paid to any of these officers on leaving the Company's service. In addition, there are two temporarily on loan. I cannot give the comparison asked for without an inquisitorial discussion of the personal affairs of each officer, prior to his entering the service of the State, and the altered conditions of his service.
asked the Minister of Transport whether he will state how many railway officials with salaries over £1,000 a year were lent to the Government by the railway companies during the War; how many were lent by the North Eastern Railway Company; which of these officials offered honorary services to the State and did they continue to receive their salaries from the North Eastern Railway Company; and were those salaries in nearly all cases larger than the sums they would have been receiving as Government servants?
I have no information as to the total number of railway officials lent to the various Departments of the Government at various times by the railway companies during the War, but I understand that the practice was for the officials so lent to continue to receive their salaries from the companies employing them. In reply to the last part of the question, it is obviously impossible, in the case of officers lent to the Government by the railway companies, to state what salaries they would have been receiving had then, been Government servants.
Has not the right hon. Gentleman himself said that many men who have since been taken into the Government have been taken in at lower salaries than those they would have received elsewhere? How does he know that?
Because I know of a few individual cases.
War Stores (Carriage Charges)
asked the Minister of Transport whether, during the period of the War, the Government were debited for their traffic at the ordinary fares and at the ordinary rates which have been charged in normal times to the passengers and to consignors and consignees in the respective trades; and, if not, can he state what would be the difference in the figures now shown as earned by the railways during the period in question and those which would have appeared if the full rates and fares had been charged?
Since the 1st of April, 1919, the percentage increases applicable to ordinary traffic have been applied to Government traffic. If the hon. Member's question is directed towards ascertaining what would have been the effect upon the estimated figures given in Cmd. Paper 402, if the 50 per cent. increase in passenger fares had applied to Government traffic from the 1st January, 1917, I will consider whether it is practicable to make the calculation from the data available, and to assist him in any other way if he will confer with me
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman to reply specifically to my question about the relative rates charged to the consignor and consignee of goods?
I think my answer did reply to that. It says that 50 per cent. increase has been applied.
That applies to passenger fares. I am talking about rates for goods, for munitions.
That also has been added, whatever the percentage was.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give me the figures from the beginning of the War? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in Statement 402 his Department gives what purports to be charges that were made for the carriage of goods. Can he give me what would have been the figures of the goods were charged for at ordinary rates?
I am afraid I cannot give that. They are charged for at the proper rates.
What is meant by proper rates?
Specially sanctioned by the Government.
May we take it that the statutory provisions prior to the War has been rigidly applied to the Government rates for goods carried during the War?
No, I did not say that. I said that the percentage increase had been put upon the statutory rates.
Peace Treaties
German Dye-Stuffs
asked the President of the Board of Trade the amount of German dye-stuffs imported during the first six months of this year; and how much of this was received under the Reparation Clauses of the Treaty of Versailles?
The total quantity of synthetic dye-stuffs, including a small quantity of intermediates, imported from Germany during the first six months of the current year was approximately 387 tons, of which about 150 tons were received under the Reparation Clauses of the Treaty of Versailles.
Hungary
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to statements in the Press that the Hungarian Government is unable to disarm or control the armed detachments known as the Brachiagewald; whether Desiderius Ruppert, a member of the Smallholders party in the Hungarian National Assembly, was recently attacked in a caf6 by a member of one of these armed detachments with impunity for advocating that strong measures should be taken against the detachments; and whether the continued existence of the Brachiagewald is in accordance with the terms of the Peace Treaty with Hungary?
My attention has been repeatedly called by His Majesty's representative at Budapest to the activity of the Brachiagewald which the late Hungarian Government do not appear to have been able entirely to control. I have no information as to the second part of the question. As regards the last part, I would remind my hon. and gallant Friend that, pending the coming into force of the Treaty of Peace with Hungary, the Inter-Allied Military Mission at Budapest is charged with the duty of supervising Hungary's execution of the terms of the Armistice.
Herr Stinnes
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the record of Herr Hugo Stinnes, as revealed by the statements of Herr Erzberger and Herr Breitschied in the German Reichstag in February and July, 1919, to the effect that Stinnes was mainly responsible for the robbery of Belgian workshops; that he had induced the German military authorities to undertake the deportation of Belgian workers; that He was responsible for the destruction of workshops in Belgium and Northern France; the transport of the stolen machinery to Germany; and that he suggested and drew up the plans for the destruction of the French coal mines; and if the Supreme Council will include him amongst those whom the Allies insist shall be brought to trial?
asked the Prime Minister why, in view of the fact that Herr Stinnes was personally responsible in large measure for the looting and destruction of factories and workshops in France and Belgium during the War, and for the deportation into slavery of Belgian workers, he consented to this man being honoured by admission into conference at Spa with representatives of the Allied Governments; if he can say whether a safe conduct was granted to Stinnes by the Belgian Government; and, if no such safe conduct was granted, why Stinnes was not arrested and put on trial for his crimes instead of being taken into consultation?
I am aware of the reputed record of Herr Stinnes. As regards the last part of the question, as the House is aware, each of the Allied Governments put in its list those who had committed outrages on its own citizens, and it is not proposed, as far as His Majesty's Government are concerned, to add any further names to the list. Herr Stinnes was brought to Spa by the German Government as one of their coal experts. The Belgian Government raised no objection to his entry into Belgium.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say why, if he considered that it was not desirable to put this man's name on the list of war criminals, he was called into consultation?
So far as our committee for dealing with war criminals is concerned, we had no information in regard to Herr Stinnes. Surely it was the business of the Government of Belgium, where the atrocities are alleged to have taken place, to deal with the matter.
Questions
Spa Conference
Can the Leader of the House tell us when the Government propose to take the statement as to the proceedings and results of the recent Conference at Spa?
The Prime Minister returned on Saturday night, and he has asked me to apologise to the House for not being here to-day. He proposes to make his statement immediately after questions on Wednesday.
In connection with that statement, will the Government give the House the opportunity of discussing it, either by a Motion for the Adjournment or in some other way?
Yes. I think probably it will be by a Motion for the Adjournment, as on previous occasions.
Ex-Service Men
Coal Mines Department
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that there are a number of ex-service men employed as clerks in the Coal Mines Department at present who are under notice to be discharged on the 31st July; and whether he will approach other Departments, such as the Ministry of Pensions, with a view to replacing some of the women employed in those Departments by these ex-service men, and more especially those women who are known to be of independent means?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Ministry of Labour have been notified of all ex-service men in the Coal Mines Department who are under notice, and it will be their function to arrange, where possible, for their re-employments.
Ireland
Government Policy
asked the Prime Minister what is the Government's Irish policy; and if he will shortly make a statement on it in the House?
I have no new statement to make on the Irish policy of the Government, which has been put quite clearly before the House. It is, by the use of all the means in our power, to restore law and order in Ireland and to carry into law the Government of Ireland Bill.
Can my right hon Friend state what further steps, if any, the Government propose to take to safeguard the lives of those engaged in its service?
That is being considered every day. I have no further question on that on which I shall have co say something.
Is it not a proper time for the imposition of martial law?
I have another question on that subject.
War Memorial
asked the Prime Minister whether it is intended to erect in Dublin a memorial to the Irishmen who lost their lives in the Great War?
I understand that a considerable sum of money has been collected for this purpose, and that the form which the Memorial should take is now under the consideration of the representative committee which has the matter in hand.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that 12 months since, in this House, the right hon. and learned Attorney-General for Ireland said the form of memorial was under consideration. Thereupon asked if it would be erected soon, and the reply was, "I hope so." As that is understood to be a Government undertaking and not a private one, surely the Government are not going to throw the onus now on private individuals?
I understand that the money has been raised privately. My memory does not serve me enough to say what was the answer of the Attorney-General.
Martial Law
asked the Prime Minister why martial law has not been proclaimed in the large areas in Southern Ireland where the ordinary law has long ceased to operate and in which the inhabitants are living in a state of terror and are obliged to obey the decrees issued in the name of the Irish republic; and whether, if legislation is necessary to impose martial law, he will take steps to secure the passing of the same before the House adjourns.
The Government have considered that, in view of the powers possessed under the Defence of the Realm Regulations, the proclamation of martial law would not provide a satisfactory method of dealing with the present situation. The Cabinet are, however, now considering whether additional powers could be usefully secured by new legislation.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in all parts of the South of Ireland piteous appeals are being daily made to the police for help and protection, and that the people are being informed that they are unable to give that protection, and are being advised to leave the country?
I am aware of the deplorable state of things in many parts of Ireland, but I was not aware, and I hope it is not the case, that an answer such as my hon. Friend suggests has ever been given.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, in spite of the recent civil and military changes in Ireland, things are rapidly going from bad to worse in that country?
My information from those who are best able to judge is to the contrary—that we are getting the trouble better in hand.
Are there fewer murders than there were?
I do not think it would be reasonable to judge the matter simply by the number of murders committed in one week or another. I can assure the House that those who are best competent to judge say that the position is better.
May I ask whether the occurrences reported in this morning's papers really confirm the right hon. Gentleman's optimistic view of the situation?
I certainly did not express any optimistic view. I think it is very deplorable, but it is much easier to criticise it than to set it right.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he can get all the extended powers under Martial Law, and that the power to enforce Martial Law resides in the Crown, and does not require legislative sanction?
My hon. and gallant Friend is much more certain than those who ought to be better informed.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it was given from that Bench by Mr. Pitt in 1803?
I do not remember that.
Trades Union Congress (Resolution)
asked the Prime Minister whether he has been asked to receive a deputation representing organised labour to acquaint him with its decision to substitute industrial for political action should the Government not accede to its demand to withdraw the forces of the Crown from Ireland and to legislate on certain lines with regard to the future government of that country; and whether, in view of the unconstitutional nature of the demand, he will seek to obtain the leave of Parliament, to whom he is responsible, before consenting to be interviewed by any such deputation?
asked the Prime Minister if his attention has been called to the Resolution passed by the Trades Union Congress threatening a cessation of work unless the military are withdrawn from Ireland and the opportunities for murder left without the slight check afforded by the presence of soldiers or if any help is given to Poland to enable that country to resist the invasion of its territories by Russia; and if he will state what action the Government propose to take in the matter?
The answer to the first parts of both questions is in the affirmative. The Prime Minister will receive the deputation, to which he will give what seems to him a suitable reply.
Dr. Mannix
asked the Prime Minister whether he has had his attention drawn to a speech by Dr. Mannix, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Melbourne, delivered last week in the United States, wherein he is reported to have stated that England was the enemy of the United States of America, that she is their enemy to-day and will be their enemy for all time, and to have urged American recognition of the Irish republic; and whether, seeing that the archbishop indicates his intention of visiting Ireland, the Government will take steps to prevent him from so doing, having regard to the serious situation in Ireland and to the added difficulty in such situation which his presence and speeches are calculated to create?
My attention has been drawn to the utterances of Archbishop Mannix in the United States, and the whole matter is now under consideration.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether representations have been made to his Holiness the Pope in regard to this matter by our representative at the Vatican, and whether an apology will be tendered?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that loyal Catholics resent this man's statements as much as anybody else, and will he see that he is deported from this country?
I am well aware of the feeling of loyal Catholics in the matter. As I have said, the action to be taken by the British Government is now under consideration.
If no representation has been made by our representative at the Vatican, what is the object of retaining that Gentleman in that position?
Even if we considered it advisable to make such representations I do not think it would be a proper subject for discussion in this House.
Has the right hon. Gentleman noticed in the Press to-day that this Gentleman proposes to sail for Queenstown before the end of this month?
We have noticed that.
Disturbances, Bantry
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether any Report has been received at any Government Department concerning certain events that are reported to have taken place at Bantry during the holding of quarter sessions last month; whether any lives were lost during these occurrences; whether any Report was received from the general officer commanding that area or from the judge presiding over those quarter sessions; and whether, if such Reports were made, they may be published, since the reports circulating in Ireland are both harmful and possibly inaccurate?
Several reports have been received of occurrences at Bantry prior to and during the holding of the Quarter Sessions there last month. The chief events referred to in the reports were the killing of Constable Brett, and the wounding of Sergeant Driscoll on 21st ultimo. The killing of a civilian named Cornelius Crowley on the 25th ultimo, the burning of the dwelling-house and shop of David O'Mahony, and the attempted burning of a garage of Mr. G. W. Biggs, J.P. The Resident Magistrate and other Magistrates, the Roman Catholic Clergy, and other influential residents volunteered to patrol the streets and maintain order, and their offer was accepted by the local force with satisfactory results. Reports were also received from the General Officer Commanding the area, and from the County Court Judge, but the Government cannot agree to their publication.
Murder of Colonel Smyth
May I ask whether any arrests have been effected in connection with the murder of Commissioner Smyth in Ireland?
Up to three o'clock, I regret to say I have had no information of arrests for that foul murder.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give the House any further information about the murder itself and subsequent events in the city of Cork, and what steps he proposes to take?
And as to the other murders?
I have no information other than that which has appeared in the Press. I am sure the House will share with me in a feeling of horror and detestation at this senseless, callous and brutal murder of a very gallant and distinguished officer. As to the further question, I can assure the House that every step that vigorous, courageous and fearless policemen and military can take is being taken, not only to track down the brutal murderers of Colonel Smyth, but of other murderers on other occasions.
Will the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that General Macready will be supported by the Government in any action he may take, however fearless, to put down these infamous events, and that we will not have a repetition of the Dyer incident in Ireland?
Why not have martial law and be done with it?
General Macready and myself are in almost daily consultation, and he has never been refused any request by His Majesty's Government, and certainly not by the Chief Secretary. I shall continue to support, as I have supported, every officer, whether in the police or military, who is endeavouring, and rightly, and I maintain adequately endeavouring, to carry out his duties in these most difficult circumstances.
Russia
British Prisoners
asked the Prime Minister what steps are being taken to refund the sums advanced by various British subjects and Russians to the Reverend F. North to enable him to carry on the Red Cross work among the British military and civilian prisoners in Moscow?
The loans made to Mr. North are now being repaid by the Foreign Office, who have received special authority from His Majesty's Treasury to do so. A nominal list of the lenders is in possession of the Foreign Office and all those whose address is known are being circularised on the subject.
May I ask at what rate of exchange these loans will be repaid?
I should like to have notice of that.
asked the Prime Minister whether he will give an assurance that in no case will British prisoners, naval, military, or civil, be compelled by the Soviet authorities to return to England via Moscow; and will he take steps to see that, as far as possible, British warships are sent to embark them at the nearest available port?
The answer to both parts of the question is in the negative, but I can assure the House that all practicable steps will be taken to secure the early repatriation of such prisoners as are released, by whatever route and in whatever way may be the safest and most convenient.
Soviet Representatives
asked the Prime Minister why he arranged that the conference with representatives of the Russian Bolshevik autocracy should be held in London in view of the fact that he recently described them as assassins whose system excited his disgust; and, whether, in order to avoid wounding the self-respect of the British people, he will reconsider this decision and arrange that the meeting with Bolshevik emissaries, if necessary to be held, shall take place in some other country?
The object of the proposed Conference is not to benefit the Bolshevik Government, but to secure peace in Eastern Europe, and the holding of the Conference in London was proposed as the best means of securing that object.
asked the Prime Minister whether Litvinoff will be allowed to enter this country in view of his past record here in connection with the Allied negotiations with the Soviet Government; how, in all the circumstances, it will be posible to prevent Soviet representatives who may come here from breaking any agreement they may make not to engage in political action while in this country; will any inquiry be made into or limit placed upon the amount of money they may bring over and spend while in this country; and will the Soviet representatives be allowed to live anywhere in this country at their own expense or will they be provided with accommodation at the expense of the British Government?
In answer to the first part of the question, as was stated in the messages to the Soviet Government, His Majesty's Government will not place any restrictions on the representatives which Russia may nominate for forthcoming conferences, provided they undertake, while in Great Britain, not to interfere in the politics or internal affairs of the British Empire or to indulge in propaganda. In answer to the second part of the question, I assume that representatives of the Soviet Government who may come to this country will not break the solemn engagements which they will have entered not to engage in political action while in this country. No representative of any foreign power would be permitted to take such action, and if it were taken by any representative he would not be allowed to remain in the country. The answer to the third part of the question is in the negative. In answer to the fourth part of the question, the Soviet representatives will, naturally, live in London and at their own expense.
British and French Properties
asked the Prime Minister if the conditions laid down in the Note on which the British Government would begin trade relations with the Soviet Government include the unconditional return by the Soviet Government of the properties in Russia and Siberia which are owned by British and French companies and individuals, but which have been nationalised or expropriated by the Soviet Government?
I can add nothing to the very full statement which I made on Wednesday last on this subject.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a number of these properties have been scheduled at Moscow as being ready for sale by the Soviet Government?
I cannot be expected to answer details on a general statement of that kind.
Questions
Committee of Imperial Defence
asked the Prime Minister whether a sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence has been set up with equal representation of the land, sea, and air forces with a view to the effective co-ordination of those forces?
The answer is in the affirmative.
May I ask, then, if there is equal representation, by Ministers of equal status, of the Army, the Air and the Sea?
I suppose my hon. and gallant Friend refers to the fact that the Minister for War is also the Minister for Air. That is so, but the Under-Secretary for Air is also one of those on the Committee.
Is there a Treasury representative on this Committee?
No, Sir, not for this purpose.
Lithuania (Peace Negotiations)
asked the Prime Minister whether peace negotiations have been proceeding between the Government of Lithuania and the Russian Government; whether an agreement has been reached; are the terms known to His Majesty's Government; and why Lithuania has been invited to send representatives to a peace conference with the Russian Government and Poland?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second and third parts of the question, it is understood that peace was concluded on 12th July, but the terms are not yet known to His Majesty's Government. As regards the fourth part, Lithuania had not concluded peace with the Soviet Govenment at the time of the despatch of the telegram to Moscow; but it would in any case be very desirable that Lithuania should be represented at the Conference, which it is hoped will result in the settlement of the frontier and other questions in which that and the other neighbouring States are concerned.
May I ask if any reply has been yet received with regard to this matter?
I have asked an hon. Member who has a question to that effect to postpone it until to-morrow.
News Agencies
asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government have any financial interest, direct or indirect, in or give financial assistance to any news agency; and, if so, on what Vote the policy of the Government in this respect can be discussed by this House?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The second part, therefore, does not arise.
National Income
asked the Prime Minister whether the Treasury have yet replied to his inquiry as to whether information can be laid before this House to enable it to form its own estimate of the approximate national income?
As I promised, I have consulted my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and he informs me that he knows of no estimate of the present national income which he would care to present to the House.
If the Government cannot make any estimate of the national income how on earth can they set any proper limit to Government expenditure?
The Government have a good means of judging of taxation by receipts. That is their estimate of the national income.
Does my right hon. Friend mean to say the Treasury have made no inquiry and have not satisfied themselves as to the margin above taxation?
The estimates vary very much.
Does not the Treasury exist in order to decide these difficult financial questions in order to enable the Government to frame their policy?
I am afraid the Treasury does not exist to answer conundrums which are unanswerable.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at the present moment the country is spending more than the country can afford?
I hope that is not so, but I do not know exactly how that conclusion is arrived at by the right hon. Gentleman.
The general increase in the cost of living.
Shall we have an opportunity of discussing the question of national expenditure?
I have answered that question two or three times every week. If it is a Supply day we shall be very glad to have a discussion. I do not see easily how we can have it on a special day.
Coal Mines and Railways (Private Control)
asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that since the Government assumed control of the coal mines and railways the cost of coal and railway fares and rates have largely increased in cost, with further threatened increases at an early date; and whether, having regard to these disastrous results of State management, he will take steps to return both collieries and railways to private control at the earliest moment?
I am aware that the costs of coal and of transportation, in common with the cost of almost all commodities, have greatly increased, but the policy of the Government, both as re- gards coal and railways, has been placed before Parliament.
May we take it, as a definite undertaking, that the Government does propose to hand back the coal mines and the railways to private enterprise?
The right hon. Gentleman may take that we have no intention whatever of having in any form nationalisation, either of railways or mines.
State Printing Department
asked the Prime Minister if the Government has decided to start a State-managed establishment for printing; and whether, before such decision is acted on, the House may have an occasion to express an opinion on the merits of State management?
A good deal of Government printing has for the past 25 or 30 years been done by Government presses, and during the War the Stationery Office was obliged to acquire certain printing offices to cope with Government requirements. Probably in putting his question, my right hon. Friend has in mind the works at Harrow. These were acquired during the War, and it is proposed to continue their use as Government printing works for a period of three years, when the matter will be reconsidered in the light of the experience gained and the then existing conditions.
Turkey (Greek Operations)
asked the Prime Minister what is the estimated expenditure, if any, liable to fall upon the British Exchequer as a result of assistance being rendered or promised to the Greek or other Allied forces now operating in Asia Minor as a result of the negotiations which authorised the Greek advance in the Smyrna area?
I can add nothing to the reply which I gave on the 30th June to a question on this subject by the hon. and gallant Member for Leith.
May we take it that no change has taken place since that date?
None whatever. We have no obligation of any kind for the payment to Greece on account of their forces.
Soldiers' Graves (Relatives' Passports)
asked the Prime Minister if he will cause inquiry to be made by the Foreign Office and the Home Office into the existing system under which relatives of those fallen in the War, and buried in British cemeteries overseas, who are desirous of visiting the graves have to obtain passports; whether he is aware of the expense and delay involved; whether bonâ fide relatives and friends journeying to France or Belgium for this specific purpose should be granted special facilities; and whether, since the period of time during which such persons will be absent from this country will be short and the area visited restricted, it will be possible to issue, in consultation with the foreign Governments concerned, special passports at low cost?
All persons entering France and Belgium must be provided with passports viséd by the French and Belgian Consuls respectively. Passports in such cases are issued at once without any delay, and arrangements have been made to issue them gratis in cases of hardship and to travellers whose journeys are assisted by a society approved by the War Graves Commission.
Standing Committees
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the continuous failure to obtain a quorum on various Committees of this House; and whether he will consider an Amendment of the Standing Orders to provide that any Member absenting himself or herself from three consecutive meetings or deliberately obstructing the Committee in the effort to obtain a quorum shall be struck off and others appointed, and that where possible Members shall not be appointed to serve on two Committees or be put on a Private Bill Committee if already serving?
It is very regrettable that there should be a difficulty in securing a quorum, and I trust this will not continue, as, if so, it would delay the date of adjournment. As regards the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave on Monday last to a question put by my hon. Friend the Member for York.
Has the right hon. Gentleman's attention been drawn to the fact that certain sections of the House positively refuse to attend these Committees, if they cannot get their own way?
Mr. Joseph Chamberlain (Statue)
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether he can now announce on what day it is proposed to introduce the Motion for the provision of a statue of the late Joseph Chamberlain?
I hope that time may be found for this in the last few days before the Adjournment. The necessary Motion for this purpose will appear on the Paper immediately.
Unemployment Statistics
asked the Minister of Transport whether he will arrange in the "Labour Gazette" for the employment chart to be based in future on the 4,160,000 persons insured against unemployment under the National Insurance Acts, instead of on the returns of the trade unions, with a membership of 1,572,085, so as to give a more accurate view of the position as regards the number of persons unemployed?
I have been asked to reply. The trade union figures of unemployment have been used for the chart in the "Labour Gazette" because they furnish the only record of unemployment extending back over any considerable period of time. Moreover, the trade union figures, although they cover a smaller number of workpeople, relate to a more comprehensive group of industries than the Unemployment Insurance figures, which of course, only relate to the trades compulsorily insured against unemployment. The question of substituting figures based on numbers insured under the 1911 and 1916 Acts has been considered, but the matter was deferred because a sufficiently lengthy record was not available. In view of the possibility of obtaining figures covering the 12,000,000 workpeople estimated to be affected by the Unemployment Insurance Bill now before the House, it would be advisable not to make any radical change at present, but the question will be considered as soon as figures on this larger basis are available.
Syria
French Ultimatum
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether he could give any information regarding the new military notion of France in Syria; whether the 24 hours' ultimatum issued by the French to the Arab Government in Damascus was submitted to and approved by the Supreme Council; whether the terms of the mandate for Syria have yet been submitted to the Allied and Associated Powers; and whether His Majesty's Government will use their influence with the French and Arab Governments to secure the suspension of further hostilities pending the decision of the Council of the League of Nations on the terms of the Syrian mandate?
I understand that the French Government, owing to the attacks made on their forces by Arab troops, and, as they believe, the generally hostile attitude of the Syrian Government, issued an ultimatum on 14th July demanding, by 18th July, the control of the Rayak-Aleppo Railway, unconditional acceptance of the French mandate, the introduction of French Syrian currency, and the surrender for punishment of Arabs who had fought against them. The ultimatum was not submitted to the Supreme Council. The terms of the mandate for Syria have not yet been submitted to the Allied Powers.
As regards the last part of the question, His Majesty's Government, who had for some time, but unsuccessfully, been urging the Emir Feisul to come to Europe to discuss the outstanding questions with the Supreme Council, do not consider that they can usefully act upon the infor- mation at present at their disposal, but they are in communication with the French Government on the matter.
Is it a fact that severe casualties have already resulted from this, that the French have advanced over the line agreed upon between the British and French Governments last year, and that they have advanced from Jerablus to Jisir-Sajur and from the junction at Rayak? Has the right hon. Gentleman information as to the progress of hostilities in another part of the Arab area on the Euphrates?
I asked what information we had before I came down to the House, and we had not any information of the kind suggested by my hon. Friend.
May I ask whether the Government have considered the very serious effect on the whole situation in Asia Minor, and particularly in reference to Moslem feeling in Asia Minor of these proceedings, and whether, in view of the fact that apparently the proceedings of the French are in absolute contravention of Article 22 of the Treaty of Versailles, he will cause representations to be made to our French allies on the subject?
Is not the importation of consideration of Moslem feeling a very new matter, and is not the really serious matter, not the position of the League of Nations, but that this country should not come, in these proceedings, into collision with the French?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that by the most solemn pledges of His Majesty's Government during the War we are bound to the Emir Feisul, who was our Ally during the War, to maintain his State, and in view of the announcement of His Majesty's Government in a letter to the Emir Feisul that they recognised the establishment of an independent Arab State which will include Homs, Aleppo and Damascus, will the right hon. Gentleman at once make representations to the Arab and French Governments asking that hostilities be at any rate postponed until His Majesty's Government and the League have had an opportunity of considering the matter?
I have said that we are in communication with the French Government. I do not accept the statement of my Noble Friend that what has happened is against the Treaty of Versailles. As regards the question of my Noble Friend, it is not inconsistent with the French mandate, and the assumption that it is given confirmation. I do not think I can say anything more. It is very difficult, I think, to judge action which is taken on the responsibility alone of the French Government.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if the report that both Rayak, the junction between Aleppo and Damascus, and Bekaa have been occupied by the French is true, and what is the attitude of His Majesty's Government in view of the dispatch transmitted to the Emil Feisul by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, dated Foreign Office, 9th October, 1919, in which it was stated, "The British Government are bound by their undertakings to King Hussein to recognise the establishment of an independent Arab State, comprising within its borders the four towns of Damascus, Hama, Homa, and Aleppo"?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply just given by the Leader of the House to the hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore). I understand Rayak has been occupied, but I have no information as to the occupation of the Bekaa.
May I ask if His Majesty's Government are not bound by this dispatch to support the Government of the Emir Feisul?
I have nothing to add to what the Leader of the House has just said.
Are the Government bound by the dispatch?
Yes, we are certainly bound by our pledges. In my opinion the fact that a mandate has been given to France covering that area is not inconsistent with our pledges.
May I ask what action the Government propose to take in redemption of that pledge?
It is rather difficult to argue this matter by question and answer. It is not safe to assume that a mandate for the whole of Syria is inconsistent with the Treaty of Versailles.
At the end of Questions :—
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, "the immediate danger to British interests in the Middle East arising from the threatened new hostilities in Syria."
The pleasure of the House not having been signified, Mr. SPEAKER called on those Members who supported the Motion to rise in their places, and not fewer than 40 Members having accordingly risen,
The Motion stood over, under Standing Order No. 10, until a quarter-past Eight this evening.
Bill Presented
Married Women's Peoperty (Scotiand) Bill,
"to amend the law regarding the Property of Married Women in Scotland," presented by Mr. Munro; supported by the Lord Advocate and Mr. Solicitor-General for Scotland; to be read a Second time to-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 176.]
Business of the House
Motion made, and Question put, "That the proceedings on the Nauru Island Agreement Bill, Bank Notes (Ireland) Bill, and Resident Magistrates (Ireland) Bill be exempted at this day's Sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ Mr. Bonar Law. ]
The House divided: Ayes, 174; Noes, 37.
Bridgeman, William Clive Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Brittain, Sir Harry Hopkins, John W. W. Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Pilditch, Sir Philip Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Burn, Colonel C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Prescott, Major W. H. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel w. R. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Purchase, H. G. Casey, T. W. Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Raeburn, Sir William H. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H. Raper, A. Baldwin Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Coats, Sir Stuart Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Cohen, Major J. Brunel James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Roundell, Colonel R. F. Collins, Sir G. P. (Greenock) Jephcott, A. R. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Johnstone, Joseph Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Norwood) Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Jones, William Kennedy (Hornsey) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Seddon, J. A. Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Curzon, Commander Viscount Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Smithers, Sir Alfred W. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lloyd, George Butler Stewart, Gershom Dawes, James Arthur Lorden, John William Strauss, Edward Anthony Dean, Lieut.-Commander P. T. Loseby, Captain C. E. Sturrock, J. Leng Dockrell, Sir Maurice Lyle, C. E. Leonard Sugden, W. H. Doyle, N. Grattan M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C. Duncannon, Viscount M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Sutherland, Sir William Edge, Captain William Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead) Elveden, Viscount Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Taylor, J. Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Thomas-Stanford, Charles Fell, Sir Arthur M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Macleod, J. Mackintosh Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Macmaster, Donald Tickler, Thomas George Frece, Sir Walter de Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Turton, E. R. Gange, E. Stanley McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Walters, Sir John Tudor Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Macquisten, F. A. Waring, Major Walter Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Magnus, Sir Philip Warren, Lieut.-Col. Sir Alfred H. Gilbert, James Daniel Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Wason, John Cathcart Glyn, Major Ralph Manville, Edward Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Goff, Sir R. Park Mitchell, William Lane Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert Grant, James A. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Wilson, Capt. A. S. (Holderness) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Greenwood, William (Stockport) Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Greig, Colonel James William Mount, William Arthur Winterton, Major Earl Gretton, Colonel John Murray, John (Leeds, West) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Neal, Arthur Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Yate, Colonel Charles Edward Hambro, Captain Angus Valdemar Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Young, sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Nield, Sir Herbert Younger, Sir George Hills, Major John Waller O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Palmer, Major Godfrey Mark TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.
NOES. Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Grundy, T. W. Robertson, John Bottomley, Horatio W. Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, Yeovil) Rose, Frank H. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hirst, G. H. Sexton, James Briant, Frank Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kiley, James D. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Lunn, William Wedgwood, Colonel J. C. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Wignall, James Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Malone, C. L. (Leyton, E.) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Crooks, Rt. Hon. William Mosley, Oswald Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Myers, Thomas TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Mr. Hogge and Mr. Frederick Hall. Glanville, Harold James Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)
Orders of the Day
Unemployment Insurance Bill
Order for Third Reading read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
I beg to move to leave out the word "now" and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months."
4.0 P.M.
The Motion for the rejection of this Bill is supported by the name of my hon. Friend the Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Rose), and, as he will, among other things, deal with many of the financial aspects of the Bill, I propose to say Very little under that head. The Bill makes no pretence whatever of dealing with that aspect of unemployment which, when the measure was first introduced, the House agreed was of the greatest importance, namely, the prevention of unemployment. The Bill proposes to deal only with the cure of unemployment in the sense of reducing the distress of the workman when he is entirely deprived of his labour and his wages. The man who is out of work symbolises three conditions of waste, none of which the country can afford. There is the depreciation suffered by the man himself through not being engaged in any useful pursuit; there is the loss to the country due to his state of idleness, for he is producing none of the things which the country requires; and there is the loss suffered by those who have to support him during the period that he is unemployed. Considering that the country and the House have come to the point of recognising the need of spending enormous sums of money to relieve a man when he is out of work, it is indeed extraordinary that the Government declines to go to the length of trying so to organise our industries as to make unemployment altogether impossible. It is too big a thing for me to enter upon here, but I would ask the attention of the Minister in charge of the Bill to the necessity of saving under the head of this annual expenditure by doing anything that can possibly be done through State service and State Departments to diminish the number of unemployed.
The cost under the scheme of this Bill will be something in the neighbourhood of £16,000,000 a year. That money would be better spent as a contribution towards dealing with the problem of so re-organising industry, and so repairing its present defects, in order to secure a continuity of work, and therefore wipe out altogether the need for this Unemployment Benefit. We have had, during the various stages of this Bill, opportunities to deal with a number of definite points covered by it, and I do not want to discuss them at any length on the Third Beading, but there are two or three points which are outstanding, and which, even at this last stage, I would like to bring to the notice of my right hon. Friend. The first, and perhaps the most contentious point, though I do not say that in itself it is the most important, relates to the man who is seldom, if ever, out of work, except because of some trade dispute which may be caused by an employer or by the action of his fellow workmen. I regret to say that, while some days ago the Minister met us at least in a spirit to negotiate the matter, we have so far failed by our informal discussions with representatives of employers, to agree upon any formula or set of words which might be submitted or accepted by the right hon. Gentleman. I am not, however, without hope, even at this stage, that something may be done to enable both sides to do justice to a class of men who suffer real injustice. Should we be able to agree, then I suppose that the assurance which we received from my right hon. Friend some time ago will hold good, and that, in another place, action would be taken to prevent the state of injustice to which I refer?
indicated assent.
This Bill purports to give unemployment benefit to a man who is out of work through no fault of his own. That may not be the language of the Clause, but that is the general intention and purpose of all Members of the House who have supported the Measure, but the Government have failed to find language which would cover the state of that man who is in no way to blame for his idleness, who is indeed victimised by it, who suffers penalties imposed upon him by the conduct of others, who himself can do nothing to prevent the dispute, who can hope to gain nothing by it, who is in no way the cause of it, and who is in no way connected with it except as a sufferer. I submit that such a man is entitled to any effort which draughtsmanship or statemanship can employ to make this Measure meet conditions upon which we are all evidently agreed. Thus far it has not been done. We do not ask that any portion of this money shall be used to support men who themselves are engaged in a dispute, who contribute to funds for the continuance of it, whose interests or whose employment or wages are involved in it. We are not asking in the slightest degree that the money should be used to assist in the conduct of the dispute, whether by employers or employed. That being our plea, I think the Government might have carried the matter further and have themselves undertaken to find words to meet the condition of a man who is penalised by the quarrels of other people and who is the helpless victim until that quarrel is concluded.
It has been alleged—and this is the only argument on this subject with which I will deal—that if the fund under this Bill were to be used to support men out of work through trade disputes it might in some instances be equal to financing strikes, but against that fear I think we may put all experience, and all experience is that the money factor seldom, if ever enters into the question of whether a strike is to be begun. Indeed, the money factor does not always determine the duration of a dispute, because there are instances on record where men have returned to work, although backed by formidable societies and immense funds, because settlements have been reached, and it is rare, if ever it occurs, that men deliberately seek to continue a dispute merely because they know that they might receive something very much less than their wages in the way of dispute benefit if they remain unemployed. On the other hand, there are cases where men have fought the longest trade union fights that have been known in recent years with no money behind them, with exhausted funds, with nothing more that the prospects of small amounts that might be got from collections. There are instances on record where men have borrowed money, pawned or sold their furniture, or their little household goods, and in that way disputes have been continued, and really I think it may be shown that the money itself is not a factor in the beginning of a dispute and does not play anything like a determining part in its continuance, and I would submit to the employers that their fear of being contributory parties to a dispute, if the funds are to be used in this way, is a fear which can have no more effect than that of inflicting a real injustice upon men who are compelled to pay their contributions to this scheme, but who, when unemployed, cannot receive any benefit from it.
On the Second Reading of this Bill we submitted from this side of the House our principal objection to what is the principle of the Bill. That principle is, that it calls upon the workman to contribute to support himself during the time of his unemployment. It demands that while he is in work he should set aside something to maintain himself during the state of enforced idleness, and our view is that conditions of idleness suffered by workmen, without cause so far as they are concerned, are conditions which should be covered by the industry itself, and we say that, as workmen maintain the industry and by their labour and service provide for profits as well as for wages, during their period of unemployment the industry should maintain them until they are absorbed once more in some appropriate way. That is not asking for the workmen more than others in the industry enjoy. There are spells of idleness suffered by the heads of great firms and businesses, and those who play their part in industry in the higher regions of management, supervision, and direction, and I think it may be stated that the salaries or the conditions of service enjoyed by such men are always made such as to guarantee them against the fear of want, if for any reasonable period, any brief period, they find themselves prevented from continuing their service, so that we are merely asking for the ordinary manual worker some condition corresponding to the condition already enjoyed in industry by the men who are employed in the higher regions. Industry maintains during the short periods of idleness the men who are managers and superintendents, and the men who are generally the directors and captains of industry, and workmen have a right to expect no less, just as they are asking for no more, than other men in the industry already enjoy.
The arguments which have been adduced from this side of the House under this head have, I think, met with no response from any spokesmen of the Government. They are brushed aside as impracticable and regarded as mere expressions of sentiment or as visionary proposals that cannot, come within the compass of a Ministry which has to do business. I do not think that that is really treating seriously what is a most reasonable proposal. The Government recognises the workman's right to some support during the time he is out of work. The Bill itself is proof of that. This task of helping the workman when idle was begun years ago, and the Bill has expanded the conditions which were tried and established some time past and governing then about 3,000,000 workers. Here is the right moment and the suitable opportunity for calling upon industries to bear the charge which a state of enforced idleness can properly demand of them. I think that such a condition would enormously cheapen the management of this great task of relief during the state of unemployment, and I repeat that in our view a plan far better than the one covered by this Bill would be to require the industries to call upon those who manage them, together with the representatives of the workmen in their great trade unions, jointly to become responsible for the reasonable maintenance and support of men who are unavoidably out of work, subject, of course, to such supervision as the State might think proper to exercise, as the guardian of the State's interest in relation to this matter, for it is a national interest at stake as well as an individual. As it is, there will be all this huge machinery, which under the circumstances I am not complaining of, for collection and for distribution. You will have an extremely costly process, running, I believe, into something more than £1,250,000 a year at the very least estimate. I am certain that on lines very largely of voluntary labour, or labour that would be incurred as only something incidental to the ordinary management and conduct of industry, this great scheme of dignified relief for workmen in a state of enforced idleness could be carried on if the responsibility, financial and other, were thrown upon the industries themselves.
During the discussions of this measure nothing has excited greater interest, in this House at any rate and to a great extent outside, than the provisions now contained in this Bill to permit the friendly societies to take part in the management of this measure. Against that provision on this side of the House we have strongly protested. I do not blame the Government, at any rate in respect to their first intentions on this matter, for when the measure was first introduced it made no provision to permit organisations other than purely industrial organisations to take part in the administration of this scheme. In Committee upstairs the representatives of a quite new interest, and a very formidable interest, the interest of the friendly societies, managed to put into the Bill permission for societies of that kind to undertake this work. I wish the Government had had as much courage in dealing with this matter here in this House as they showed in respect to certain other alterations of the Committee upstairs. What the Government did was to run away from a formidable exhibition of power acting for the friendly societies and take their stand only in instances where they thought there could be no strong resistance brought to bear against them. There has been no consistency in the attitude of the Government in this House with regard to the changes made in the Bill upstairs. They have sometimes agreed, sometimes, as I say, resisted, and sometimes almost run away completely, without offering any explanation at all. Our relationship with the friendly societies is that of brother workers in very necessary human labour, but I think our argument against them is this, that for the first time they demand to take part in work never intended for them, work which does not properly belong to the machinery and organisation which they have built up. No one will deny that this is purely an industrial matter. The question of relieving unemployment was first undertaken by the trade unions, and undertaken only by them. Until the last few years even the State left the whole of that task to the trade unions, and now that immense State machinery is to be established, the trade unions are saying that they are the appropriate and natural bodies to continue this extended industrial service.
We do not want to put the friendly societies in any position of disadvantage It is not a disadvantage to them, it is depriving them of no life and no liberty, to tell them to go on doing the work for which they were created, the work which they are so well fitted to do. All that the trade unions ask is to be left alone without such competition and unpleasantness as the calling in of the friendly societies may involve to take part in a piece of purely industrial service. There is one very serious effect, which I am certain the Labour Ministry would be the first hereafter to deplore, of bringing in the friendly societies for this work. The central argument—indeed, I think the only argument—offered by those who spoke for the friendly societies, and an argument which found a great deal of response from Members of this House, was the argument that there were a few million workers who would be insured under this Bill, who are not in trade unions, and that therefore it was right for the friendly societies at least to come in to try and cover that section of workers. Nothing could be more lamentable than that a Statute should permit steps to be taken which will identify and locate individual workers as non-unionists. That will be the effect of the administration of this part of the Bill by the friendly societies. It is a step which will cause enormous friction in the workshops, and bad blood as between man and man, and it will mean that where, say, in an industry where trade unionism is in its infancy, or just beginning to organise the workers, serious conflict will arise as between men who will decide to have this benefit administered to them through their trade unions and those who feel that they have become committed to the guardianship of the friendly societies in connection with the same matter.
This conflict then that may be anticipated as between the two bodies is a thing to be feared in the interests of the satisfactory and smooth management of this great scheme. The trade unions, having always exercised these functions of relief in industrial matters, should be encouraged and not assailed, as they have been by competition of this kind. I trust that those who have spoken for the friendly societies will not think that we ourselves are seeking, any monopoly of the right to administer this scheme, or that we want to elbow out of a share of the work bodies who are naturally fitted for it. Indeed, our argument has been that trade unions as such should not be burdened by this duty. It is a duty which belongs to the industry jointly with the State, as we have previously argued, and we who speak for the trade unions would much prefer that the whole of the energies and service of the trade unions should be devoted to other and larger questions than relief questions—to questions of adjusting wages, questions of economic and social progress, questions of improving the industry, questions of general improvements in the trade itself. We would much prefer that all our time should be given to those large matters, than that we should be in any degree occupied with mere measures of relief; but, so long as men have to be relieved, and relieved upon their industrial side, relieved because they are out of work as workmen, so long as the relief must be directed to that end, the only bodies for that purpose are the trade unions. I move that this Bill be read a Third time this day three months, in the main for the reasons which I have mentioned. We do not want to put anything in the way of the satisfactory and smooth administration of what is, after all, a considerable experiment. But this may not be regarded, so far as we are concerned, as the end of the road. It is only another step, and we are looking for the time when the conscience of this House, as well as the mind of the country, will be ready to accept the case which we have submitted that this burden should be borne fully and even generously by the industries of the country.
I cannot sit down without mentioning one additional reason for going into the lobby against this Bill in its present form. It is the reason that, although so much will be spent annually by the contributing parties, the sum to be received individually is niggardly. Under existing conditions of reduced money values and high prices, and with such prospects as-we have before us, 15s. a week can hardly be regarded as any part of that hopeful prospect of making this country fit for heroes to live in. While there is, perhaps, no enormous difference between 15s. and 20s., those of us on this side of the House did show, I think, some measure of reason in seeking not to make the sum extravagant, and in endeavouring to convince the Government that at least £l a week, or thereabouts, was the minimum sum, under present conditions, which should be offered to any workman in a state of unemployment. For the money is not relief for the man himself to a very large extent. These men who are out of work have wives and children to maintain, and 15s. a week in the case of some households would not be as much as 2s. a head a week. I think this great opportunity offered to the Government has not been met sufficiently, even to the measure of the means within its control, and on that account I move the Amendment.
In seconding the Amendment, I desire to point out that my name has stood alone on the Paper for nearly a week for the purpose of moving the rejection. I am not going at this juncture to repeat a number of sentimental objections with which the House has been rather too much familiarised, I think, during the discussions on the Bill. But I do wish to say that my reasons for opposing this are in no case the reasons which have actuated my right hon. Friend in the speech which he has just delivered. I do not think, and I never have thought, that it mattered one iota whether you let the friendly societies in or kept them out. There was one argument used by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Edmonton (Lieut.-Colonel Sir A. Warren) in Committee which seemed to me to be an unanswerable argument, although it did not help his case very much. He said that, while he admitted the friendly societies were ill-equipped for the purpose of administering such a measure as this, at the same time the mass of the trade unions were equally ill-equipped, and it is absolutely true. There are not 50 per cent. of the trade unions in this country who have had one moment's experience in the administration of unemployed benefit. I do not know upon what sort of basis the right hon. Gentleman and his predecessor have commenced to build this extraordinary edifice. I do not know where they get their statistics from, to begin with. I do not know where they get any of their facts from. I do not know how they base their comparisons, or upon what. We are told the 13,000,000 people are to come within the ambit of this measure. How do they know? Who told them? Can the right hon. Gentleman or any of his Whitehall experts tell us how many people are coming in under this? Is there a live man who can tell us within a million? There is not. Nobody knows. To build such a scheme as this in a cloud-land of mere conjecture seems to me to be an utter absurdity.
Let us see what the provisions of this Bill actually mean. You are proposing to pay 10s. a week, with a contribution of 10d., in a direction in which the State has had no experience, and in which none of the administrative bodies have had any experience at all. Remember the experience of the operation of Part 2 of the Act of 1911 is absolutely worthless. It has been an entirely abnormal period, in which little or no out-of-work benefit has been paid, and therefore there is nothing upon which to standardise any calculations we might try to make upon what is likely to happen or what has happened previously. For the ten years prior to, and including, 1914 general unemployment in the skilled industries was 4·9. In the ten years before that it was just over 6 per cent. So that I am perfectly right in saying I do not think there is any industrialist alive who will suggest for a moment that, in saying that this fund has to meet 5 per cent. of unemployment year in and year out on an average, I am exaggerating in the slightest degree. I do not think there is anybody who knows anything about modern industrialism who will suggest for a moment that is not a most conservative estimate to make of your liabilities. For every hundred of your adult members you will have to pay £3 15s. a week. You will have to meet that outlay with ninety-five tenpences, that is, £3 10s. 11d. You have already that deficit of 4s. 1d. per cent. of your membership every week. It is proposed to pay women 12s. a week on contributions aggregating 8d. per week. On the 5 per cent. basis—and I am giving the right hon. Gentleman the benefit of every reasonable doubt. I am quite aware it is a great deal more, but I am using this for the purposes of argument, and to keep, so far as I possibly can, in the minds of hon. Members the least that is going to happen—if you pay 12s. a week to women, that means you are going to pay £3 exactly per cent. of membership a week, and you are going to pay that with ninety-five eightpences, that is 60s. 5d., leaving a surplus of fivepence per cent. Then take the case of juveniles. Assuming they are only out of work 5 per cent., the obligation will be 35s. a week per cent., and the contributions will total 30s. 9d., or 4s. 3d. deficit.
These calculations are made without the slightest reference to administrative charges, or, what is more important than administrative charges, the necessity for a huge and an ample reserve fund. You must not launch this scheme on a less balance than £50,000,000. If you do, you will smash inside twelve months from now Just observe this: Ten per cent. of the income may be taken for administration. Ask the Commissioners of Health Insurance how they would run that part of the Act of 1911 on 10 per cent. Why, they charge us 25 per cent. for a benefit that ought not to cost 4d. a week. Now you are proposing to pay a higher rate of benefit on only 1d. a week more than you charge for sickness. You propose to do that without any allowance for administrative charges beyond 10 per cent of your income. It cannot be done. If the trade unions were only working on the unemployment benefit, they could not do it for 10 per cent. I do not think hon. Members quite understand what unemployment really is, and I am quite sure that Ministers do not. Everybody who has had any experience of this benefit and its administration knows, and knows well, that there is no benefit paid by the unions which is more subject to imposture. It is perfectly idle to represent the working man as a sort of plaster saint. He is nothing of the kind. He is just a human being like most other people. All the devices, barriers, and penalties we have set up in the great engineering union of which I am a member to prevent imposture and to punish it have not been something thought of before breakfast in Whitehall; they have been laboriously and painfully built up in the course of a century.
Does anybody know except those of us who have had active service in work of this kind, or can anyone conceive, what exactly the difficulties are of this benefit? Unless you have a prodigious staff of detectives and inspectors you will be plundered all ends up. What will happen? What provision is there made or suggested for dealing with what we used to call "ringing the changes." This thing used to be done wholesale. We pay other benefits than mere unemployment. We pay sick benefit, and this is what we have to provide against, not because there was one or two cases, but because the thing was done wholesale. Men used to run through their 14 weeks' full donation benefit, then go sick and draw 26 weeks' full sick pay, then go to work for a month, and then come out again. There was case after case brought before our notice at one time when I was on the Executive of the Amalgamated Society of Engineers of men who had been in benefit 11 years, 13 years, 5 years, and so on. Some provision must be made for this, and there is no provision made here. The whole idea is slipshod, perfunctory, ill-considered, even supposing you have a reasonable statistical basis from which to start—and you have none!
I do not know where the promoters of this Bill have started. If they have started, as they seem really to have started, with the 1911 census, all I have to say to them is that that census is utterly worthless. Had there been no War we might have made some sort of calculation, but to-day there is no man living in Britain who knows what our population is to a million at work; no one dare do any more than guess. There is no living man who knows what the proportion of our occupied population bears-to our unoccupied population, or can guess to millions, or say with any certainty of being right. There is nobody alive who can tell us what is the allocation of our population among the industries. Let me illustrate. The Minister of Health, speaking the other day, said that before the War there were 100,000 brick layers; now there were only 50,000. I do not know where the right hon. Gentleman got his figures, but I am assuming them to be approximately correct. What, then, has become of at least 40,000 of the bricklayers, allowing 10 per cent., say, of the total for losses in the War and permanent disablement? Here is a certain factor: that there are 40,000 persons who were bricklayers before the War and are not bricklayers now. What are they doing? What other industries are they now in? Have Ministers tried to realise what was the state of our census in 1911? There are two great industries outside the Schedule of this Act, agriculture and domestic services. It may interest the House to know that these two services in 1911 embraced almost 4,000,000 of the population—that is to say, over one-fifth, or almost one-fourth of our entire occupied population. During the War tens of thousands of women—and men—have gone out of domestic service, as everybody knows, for it is common knowledge —into war service of one kind or another
Take, for instance, the tens of thousands, probably hundreds of thousands, of women who went into the munitions industry. They are not now in the munitions industry. What are they doing? Does the Minister know what proportion of the people are coming in under this Act and what proportion of the working, or occupied, population are scheduled out of it? It is because of the impossibility of basing a measure of this kind with any degree of security or confidence, either financially or statistically, upon any ascertained facts that I believe the attempt to pass it into law will be attended by almost immediate disaster. I am assured that one large group, the transport workers, have already declared that the first penny of contribution stopped out of their wages for the purposes of the Act will be the signal for a general strike. I do not think I am presuming when I say that the miners are determined to have nothing to do with it. The trade unions will not help in operating it in its present form, I am glad to think and believe.
Just one word or two with regard to the administrative expenses. I do not think, even supposing you get this Bill launched, that you will operate it with administrative charges of less than 30 per cent. of your total income; and if the matter is left to Whitehall it will likely be 40 per cent. I do not believe you can operate this Bill satisfactorily, no matter what sort of official mechanism you set up. There is one point on which I do agree, and quite sincerely with my right hon. Friend who moved the rejection of the Bill, and that is where he said you must have as little Whitehall interference as possible, that you must have confidence, and that you must have a far larger, wider, and truer outlook than seems to me to have been taken by the Government in this measure. The Bill, being bad, should not be proceeded with. While I know, well know, there may be, and probably are, the most excellent intentions behind it, it does seem to me to be futile to lead the working people of this country to believe that they are going to receive something which you cannot possibly give them under the provisions of this Bill as it stands. There is another thing you are going to do: you are going to take away from active production tens of thousands of people to administer this Act—if it becomes an Act. You are always preaching to us about the necessity for production. How is production to go on when active producers are being taken from useful work and made into Governmental parasites? That is not the way to produce. Not even wizards from Wales can produce with instruments of that sort!
May I ask most seriously the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Labour, has he yet heard any premonitions of the wrath to come—I do not mean in respect to this Bill—I mean in respect to the economic depression which must follow a great war? How does he propose to cope with this difficulty in the course of the next two years? Peterloo followed Waterloo. Peterloo was a bread riot caused by severe economic pressure and depression. Peterloo has always followed Waterloo, and will to the end of time. There is nothing that can be done in Whitehall that will prevent the natural sequence of events. The bigger the war —from the days when man first learned to war until now—the more terrible the depression that follows—not immediately, perhaps, but it does follow. Take the currency inflation. You have been blowing financial bladders this last half-dozen years. They have not burst yet. They may do—probably will. I am perfectly certain, though I am neither a prophet nor the son of a prophet—and I am only arguing from analogy from the result of experience and some historical reading—that before we are two years older, before this Act is much more than 12 months old, the right hon. Gentleman will have to face the responsibility of 20 per cent. of unemployment. It is more than 20 per cent. now in the unskilled industries.
5.0 P.M.
Destructive criticism is, I know, the most facile thing in the whole world, but it is more or less useless unless you can suggest a constructive alternative. What I suggest is: before we go any further with this wild cat experiment, we should find out just where we are. Drop the Bill now because it has no foundation, either financial or statistical. You cannot get one for it, or make one for it. I put that alternative forward for the consideration of the right hon. Gentleman. Is there really anything sacrosanct about 1921? Why not get ahead at once, and let us know how many people we have to provide for? When the right hon. Gentleman has done that, he should take into his confidence fewer of his Whitehall experts and more men of experience and public spirit, and there are plenty of them in this House on both sides, and he should get them to frame something that would be workable. It is because I resent the defacing of our Statute Book with such an unseemly smudge as this Bill is that I second this Amendment.
I have followed with great interest the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) and the remarks of the last speaker. They seem to me to oppose this Bill on different grounds, but I note that although they find many faults with it and suggest certain impossible alternatives, neither of the previous speakers said one word in favour of the Bill. In my view the Government have tried, and successfully tried insurance for unemployment covering 4,000,000 persons. I think this Bill, which will provide for about 12,000,000 persons, is one of the measures that is carrying out the pledges the Government gave at the General Election, and I think it is a Bill of stupendous importance.
As an employer I have always realised and felt my responsibility to the men employed, but when a private individual, a single employer, endeavours to meet this broad and difficult question of unemployment, he is faced with many difficulties. For instance, for years I desired to start superannuation funds, and I was told that the funds would not be sound. After some years of inquiry, and finding it almost impossible to put forward an absolutely sound proposal, I decided to start in a small way what the Government have decided to do in a big way, and I will tell the House the result. I started these funds some seven or eight years ago, and to-day I have five superannuation funds in actual working. There are between 4,000 and 5,000 members of these superannuation funds, and the funds, although only started in recent years, have accumulated, and they have been invested in trustee securities, so that the men are absolutely secure, and when bad times come, even if the companies should be unable to carry on, there is in the hands of these trustees at the present time over £1,000,000 invested in trustee securities.
I do not say that to-day all those funds will stand very close actuarial examination. Some of them were only formed a year or two ago, but they were started experimentally like the Government scheme. I say that there is a great scheme in the Bill and it has some imagination behind it, and because of that it is open to some of the criticisms we have had from the hon. Member for North Aberdeen (Mr. Rose). Even if the scheme of the Bill does not prove to be quite water-tight, I am certain it will appeal to our countrymen, and if this Parliament finds any difficulty it will provide the money if the scheme requires extra money. I feel that this course would be supported by the whole country and future Parliaments, I am certain, would be ready to provide the necessary money in order to make this scheme absolutely sound. I believe that these schemes can only be started in the way this has been begun. I have watched this policy from the beginning, and I look forward to this measure as being one of the best records that this Government will have in future years.
I wish to offer a few observations on this Bill. The Second Reading was taken very late at night and the Report stage was taken on a Friday, and in view of its importance to some 12,000,000 or 13,000,000 workers, I do not think this measure has received the close examination that it deserves in this House. This is the first important measure the Minister for Labour has piloted through the House since he took up his important office, and I am sorry to have to attack a Bill for which he is responsible. As a matter of fact, the Bill is dead if the miners are not going to work it as well as other great blocks of labour. The Bill is stillborn and it might as well be dropped straight away. It has been said that the hen. Member for Aberdeen had no constructive suggestions, but I have one which I will put very briefly, and it follows on the lines of the suggestions made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes), and I will enlarge upon it. That, I hold, is the line on which we shall solve this terrible industrial problem of unemployment. If we do not solve it, it will do more harm than any other thing, and it will do tremendous harm to industry.
My first objection to this Measure is that there is inequality in the treatment of the sexes. It is against our present ideas of equality between the sexes, and it is also opposed to the pledge given by the Government that the inequality between men and women would be removed. Why you should pay a man out of employment more than a woman I cannot understand. Personally, I think the woman ought to get more. In times of unemployment a woman is open to temptations to which a man is not open, and for that reason, apart from the reasons of justice and equity, the woman's unemployment benefit ought to be made at least equal to that of a man. The Unemployment Benefit provided is totally inadequate. The hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir Owen Philipps) blessed the Bill, but I would like to ask if he thinks a married man and his family could eke out an existence upon 15s. a week?
There are a great many men who are not employed at present who are trade unionists, and there are a great many who are not organised workers who belong to the class known as casual labourers. I do not think it is fair for the Government to shuffle off their responsibility on to organised labour, especially in regard to unskilled workers who will be faced with this miserable allowance of 15s. a week. I cannot understand why some allowance for children was not put into this Measure, for without an allowance for the wife and children you are simply penalising the married man with a family. I think it is time that we realised, in face of unemployment, that every man should be remunerated according to his needs, and the needs of the married men are much greater than single men.
These are two objections to the details of the Bill, but the principal objection I have goes very much deeper than that. I object to the whole principle on which this Bill is conceived. The fear of unemployment has been acknowledged by hon. Members who are much better fitted to judge than I am, and they have put this fear forward as being largely responsible for our falling production. I would remind the House of the speech made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Gorbals Division (Mr. Barnes), in which he said that a good deal of the trouble in regard to the shortage of production in the building trade was due to the fear of unemployment, and until we remove that fear from the minds of the workers, we shall not get that greater production which everybody is saying that we must have. This Bill does not do it, because the fear of unemployment will remain just the same, and it will lead to a restriction of output, and no amount of high-flown phrases and appeals to patriotism will bring about an increased output until you remove the fear of unemployment.
I propose to make a suggestion on this point. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting said that each industry should be responsible for its own unemployment, and I think that is the way in which we must tackle this question in the future. How is it going to be done? One way was pointed out during the dockers' inquiry. You have to decasualise labour. If it can be done in the case of the dockers it can be done in all industries, and it ought to be done. I think we ought to ask if anything is being done on this question in other countries. At the present time too many people are looking to Russia for lessons in industrial organisation. The Russian conditions are entirely different, and it is a mistake to look to Russia for any instruction or experience in matters appartaining to the industrial life of this country.
There is another country which can teach us something in this direction, and it has taught us much in the past. If we look to Germany—I regret to have to say it, because it is a stigma on the statesmanship of this country—we can see a, way which has been adopted in Germany of solving this great problem, because it is being tackled there. I hope the Minister of Labour and the labour experts and officials are watching the progress in Germans of the Industrial Council system, and are having careful reports made as to the way those Councils are working, especially in regard to this matter of unemployment.
The system there has been the setting up of compulsory industrial councils in every industry and trade, even in agriculture. That has been a sort of system of compulsory Whitley Councils, starting with the workers themselves and finally graded up to the Industrial Parliament which met a few weeks ago in Germany, and which, I think, in the industrial future of Western Europe, is one of the greatest events of our time. Those councils, unlike the Whitley Councils, are compulsory: they are legal and have statutory powers given them by Parliament. These councils, in addition, arrange, not only the wages and working conditions in the industry, but also the financial policy—and I want to direct the attention of the House for one moment to that point and the next—and the question of the maintenance of the registered workers in that industry in times of depression and unemployment. The whole profits of those particular industries are divided up, according to the findings of the compulsory committee, on which both the employers and the employed are well represented, and in which the State has, of course, powers of supervision and regulation. The profits are divided up on a recognised basis and a substantial reserve fund is put aside for the maintenance of the worker when not employed. I suggest that that is what we should do here. You will then abolish by the decasualisation of labour, the curse of modern life, what is known as "wage slavery". Some hon. Members on this side of the House say that they are out to abolish capitalism. I do not know if they mean by that that they are going to abolish capital, but, personally, I think that we want to have more capital and better distribution of it. But I entirely agree with them when they say that we want to abolish the wage system, what in the long run comes to "sweating". In the wage system the great curse of unemployment is inevitable. You can only get rid of it by abolishing the wage system. That is what I suggest should be done by means of the sort of industrial councils which have been set up in Germany, and I hope that the Minister of Labour and his officials will watch those councils carefully, with a view to their application here.
The right hon. Gentleman who spoke earlier said that he did not think that this House could properly deal with this question of unemployment. I quite agree with that. The present House and the present Government have shown their utter failure to realise what the workers of this country want, what the men who came came back from the Army are going to insist on getting. They are showing their utter failure to do that by this example. I am sorry to have to use rather hard words about the first considerable measure which the right hon. Gentleman, the Minister for Labour, has brought in, but it is not going to work. It does not deserve to work. It is an insult to the magnificent people of this country. I beg the right hon. Gentleman, if he cannot drop it now, to have at once put on the stocks a Bill conceived on different lines, aiming at different objects, which will solve this great question of unemployment. Without such a solution, there is no hope for the future happiness or peace of this country as an industrial and commercial nation.
I do not intend to trouble the House very long because I understand that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) has already covered the ground of the main objections to the Bill. I was rather concerned as to the grounds on which the right hon. Gentleman opposite supported the Bill—the grounds of imagery and of great imagination. That is one of the points of my quarrel with the Bill. It has too much imagination and it is all imagery from beginning to end. I suggest to the Minister of Labour that if he thinks he is going to set up a Bill to deal with unemployment on the Mark Tapley system he is not going to be successful. I want to remind the Minister of Labour, that not for the first time in the history of industrialism, half a million men whom myself and my friends upon these Benches represent, are going to be penalised by being compelled to contribute towards this Bill, if and when it becomes an Act, and they will never be able to qualify for any benefit, although they may be idle for one half of the year. Let me put my case shortly before the House. In the Bill there is a qualifying period of three days. The casual labourer who was alluded to by the hon. and gallant Member who spoke last (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) has no employer. Although he is employed he actually has no permanent employer. He may be employed during the week by four or five different employers, each possibly for a period of three or four hours. If he is idle for the first three days of the week and employed on the forenoon of the fourth day and discharged from his employment by noon of the fourth day, the whole of the two previous days go for nothing and he has to commence all over again. If he is discharged on the fourth day after working three or four hours, the whole of the week has gone and he can neither qualify for the first part of the week or for the last part of the week, and it will be repeated week after week until the man may possibly be out of employment for five or six months of the year. Then he pays his contributions and receives no benefit whatever. That is the most serious quarrel that I nave with the Bill.
Might I suggest as an alternative a non-contributory scheme? That would meet the case all round. If there was one industry incapable of bearing the burden—and there may be some which would be incapable of bearing the burden—the whole of the burden could be pooled. The contributions from the industry could be pooled and the contributions from the State could be pooled also. When unemployment came along—as it may come along in the next few years—we should then be prepared to meet it in a statutory manner. I would remind the hon. and gallant Member (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy), who spoke about the de-casualisation of casual labour, that that in fact is not possible when the casual labourer is a docker. Time and tide waits for no man. It takes its own period from the fluctuations of export and import, and to say that you can undertake to de-casualise the dock labourer is not possible. Without covering the ground of the right hon. Gentleman for Platting, and knowing the feeling that is in the minds of the trade unions of this country—I regret to say they have demonstrated it no later than last week—with the introduction of what they consider to be a foreign element in the administration of this Bill, I venture to say that there may be a protest when the Bill automatically comes into opera- tion and brings in the very men I have mentioned. There may be a protest of a very unsatisfactory and a very dangerous kind.
I think we have heard a good deal about the friendly societies. I should like to point out that the working of this Bill falls into three parts—the Government contributions of 15s., the contributions by industries, and the important part of the work between the State and the deserving work people. The Bill as it was originally drafted was confined to those people who are known as trade unionists. There was no provision for those people who were not members of trade unions and who did not intend to be members of trade unions and who were not employed in a trade union. There was no provision for them and I think that was a serious flaw in the Bill. The Bill went to Committee; the point was raised and the Committee looked round and they thought that an organisation ought to be created for those people who did not intend to receive their benefits through trade unions. The Committee saw one set of bodies suitable for carrying on this work—the friendly societies. The friendly societies began with insurance and they are entitled to go on with it. You might carry that argument a step further and say that the working classes have two kinds of organisation—the friendly societies for the purpose of mutual help and the trade unions for the equally necessary purpose of fighting employers. I am not sure it would not be wise and statesmanlike to suggest that the trade unions should confine their labours to wage and conciliation matters and that friendly societies should be given an entire monopoly of all kinds of insurance in which the working classes are concerned. That, however, is not a suggestion I would care to put forward, although good arguments could be advanced in favour of it.
I should like to refer to some of the points raised by the hon. Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy). On one point I agree with him, and that is in regretting that the Government has reduced the benefits from 20s. originally fixed in the Bill to 15s. The latter amount is no better than a pre-War benefit of 7s., and it is not enough to keep a working man or a working woman in a satisfactory position in times of unemployment. The Member for Central Hull went further and proposed to the Government an alternative policy. There is a thing called Whitleyism, which is an English invention, and it has been developed to a considerable extent in this country. It has been copied in Switzerland and France, and, to a certain extent, in Germany, and the hon. Member for Central Hull declares that in Germany they have a splendid Whitley system. It is very difficult to get authentic information from Germany, but I would like to point out that the whole spirit of Whitleyism is in its voluntaryism, and to make it, as the Germans do, compulsory is not desirable. It is far wiser to keep it as a voluntary movement. The Member for Central Hull puts forward as his alternative policy, and he almost suggested it as his own discovery, the compulsory plan which he says has been adopted in Germany. I rather think his speech shows he has not read this Bill, he has not read Clause 18, which does exactly the thing which he puts forward as an alternative policy to that of the Government. Clause 18 is the main guiding idea of the Bill. It points in the direction of contracting out and of complete autonomy for the industry. Any speech which presents such an alternative policy to the Government is merely making to the Government a gift of an extremely good argument for its own Bill.
I come next to arguments used by the hon. Member for St. Helens (Mr. Sexton), not to-day but in a previous Debate—arguments which were not answered at the time. The hon. Member suggested that if friendly societies were allowed to operate unemployment insurance under this Bill, it would convert them into employment agencies and throw them into a state of competition with the established trade unions, and thereby cause serious risk of undermining the district wage. If the point were a true one it would, I admit, be very damaging for the Bill, but, in my opinion, it is not well-founded. In the first place, is it suggested that trade unions, catering for the same class of the workpeople, would under the same organisation be thrown into competition with each other. Anyone who knows anything about the wage question and conciliation boards, must be aware that no matter how many trade unions are concerned in an industry they always combine against the employers in order to extort the highest possible range of wages. If the friendly societies take on the job of supplying labour, I see no chance of their disagreeing with other bodies and going over to the side of the employers in order to break the labour market or to reduce the standard of wages. Had the speech of the hon. Member for St. Helens been delivered before the War it might have been intelligible, but what has happened during the War? If there is one question which has come to the front it has been the management and settlement of industrial disputes and the fixing of rates of wages. We have had enormous experience on the Committee of Production during the War, and since then in the established Industrial Courts and with all manner of inquiries into wage questions, and the real truth now is that the whole business of settling wages by national settlement has become so well-established, the procedure is so well known, and the results are so authoritative that it is quite absurd to suggest that friendly societies are likely to undermine standard rates. It seems to me that the British Cabinet, when it is not discussing the affairs of Armenia, is discussing strikes at home, and the Prime Minister is called upon to devote a large amount of his time to dealing with wage disputes. If it is true that wage questions have taken Cabinet rank to such a great extent, it seems to me wholly nonsensical to suggest that the intrusion of a few friendly societies is likely to do anything to weaken the working classes in their demand for more wages.
I listened with great interest to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Miles Platting (Mr. Clynes). I realise that strikes have been prolonged in this country by the great body of people who have made great sacrifices, and suffered great hardships, and endured great stress, but if under the Unemployment Bill, provision were made for the unemployment benefit to be paid to men out on strike, it would result in this, that the Government would be subsidising the men on strike. Contributions to the unemployment fund are paid by the workpeople, by the employers, and by the State, and as the allowances for unemployment benefit while on strike would be drawn from that fund, it would mean that the employers would be unwillingly associated with the State in paying out-of-work benefit to the men on strike.
They are equally affected by the strike.
If the right hon. Gentleman could draw up a scheme which would enable the State to do this thing impartially, and to hold the balance evenly between employer and workpeople, then the difficulty might be overcome. A non-contributory scheme is one I would support. This aspect of the labour question deserves greater attention than it has hitherto received. Many of our difficulties in connection with the unemployment benefit would be solved if we had a non-contributory scheme. I do not dissent from what was said by the right hon. Member for Miles Platting, or the hon. Member for St. Helens, to the effect that industry as a rule should bear the burden of unemployment. That is a not unreasonable thing. As an employer, I would not object to a system being set up for an industry, even although the State made no contribution, bearing the burden of unemployment while the men engaged in that industry are out of work through no fault of their own. Then there is the question of the association of the friendly societies with the trade unions in the administration of the unemployment benefit. I do not agree that either of those two parties should be entrusted with that work. If the employment exchanges had been really efficient, if they could have been dependent upon, I would have preferred that they should have had the whole administration of the unemployment benefit. But we know that the employment exchanges, as far as they have gone, have not been a success. The workmen do not trust them, the employers have no confidence in them. They do not attract the better class of labour. It is no use going to them for skilled workmen. I support the friendly societies having their share in the administration of the unemployment benefit, but I quite recognise that of the two agencies, if I had to choose between the friendly society and the trade unions, I should prefer the, latter, because I think the trade unions are more fitted to administer the unem- ployment benefit than the friendly societies. The friendly society organisation includes a conglomeration of individual workers, whereas the trade union covers a special class of workman engaged in a particular industry. If I as an employer wanted to get men for my own trade, I should not think of approaching the friendly societies, I should prefer to go to the trade union connected with my industry. I am bound to say I do not think that either the friendly societies or the trade unions are quite disinterested in their attitude towards the administration of the unemployment benefit. I do not believe I am doing an injustice, to them when I say that they would seek to exploit the unemployment benefit for the advantage of their own organisation and in order to increase their membership. The friendly societies will seek to get men in on that ground and the trade unions will naturally desire to hold the men they have and will apply a certain amount of pressure in order to compel men in their industry to join the trade unions. To that extent I think we were wise in deciding to allow the friendly societies to enter into this scheme. They will only exercise their powers to a limited extent, and I do not think that the trade unions will have much to fear from them. The trade unions will have a large share in the work. The organisation which the friendly societies will have to set up is, I am satisfied, far beyond their powers.
Notwithstanding what has been said by my right hon. and hon. Friends opposite, I claim that this Bill is a great step forward in the policy of insurance against unemployment. As has been said, it raises the number covered by insurance from about 4,000,000 to about 12,000,000. It is quite true, although it has not been mentioned in this Debate to-day, that it leaves out agriculture and domestic service, but power is taken to bring them in, should we desire to do so. It raises the benefit, which was originally 7s., and has latterly been 11s., to 15s. for men and 12s. for women. At the same time, it reduces the waiting period, which has been six days, and is six days under the existing law, to three days, so that benefit will be given, if the Bill becomes law, from the fourth day of unemployment instead of the seventh. It provides that associations of employed persons, and approved societies other than industrial insurance companies and collecting societies, may act as our agents under Clause 17 for administering benefit, under certain very definite conditions. Amongst other things, they have, out of their own funds, to make up the 15s. benefit in the case of men to £1, and the 12s. benefit in the case of women to 16s. Further—and this, to me, as I have said again and again, is vital—they have to furnish thoroughly effective machinery for promptly putting the man in want of a job in touch with the job in want of a man. That is much more important than the mere paying out of so much benefit, and it is the first consideration that I have had before me in applying this scheme. Further, whether they be trade unions or friendly societies, they must have an intimate acquaintance with the wages and conditions prevailing in the trades to which their members belong. Without this knowledge of wages and conditions, their efforts to find employment for their own members can only lead to friction and disturbance. It would be idle to deny that a strong feeling has been created in trade union circles, and it has been voiced here to-day, by the introduction of the friendly society as a possible agent for this work, under the conditions I have described, under Clause 17. It would be quite wrong for me to take up a partisan attitude on this matter. As I conceive it, all I have to do, wherever, under this Bill, a society which is provided for in the Bill seeks to take up this agency, is to see that it shall produce evidence that it can do it effectually, and that I propose to do. I will only express the hope that there will be no collision, and that, by the time this Bill comes into operation, we may have one more exemplification of the old couplet over £6,000,000, and the workpeople rather under £6,000,000; that is to say, the workpeople will be paying rather under £6,000,000 into a fund out of which they will be paid £14,000,000 in benefit. The contribution of the State will be somewhere about £4,000,000. It is not bad at a time like this, that the State should make that contribution to this scheme. If my hon. Friend the Member for St. Helens (Mr. Sexton) were here, I would suggest to him that that is rather solid imagery. He contended that the whole thing is a shadowy fabric that will not realise our hopes and expectations, but, after all, £4,000,000 is rather solid in the way of imagery. The differentiation in benefit between men and women, to which my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) referred, has been a subject of considerable debate both during the Report stage in this House and in Committee upstairs. The door, however, is not closed on the Bill itself to equalisation of benefit at a future date if that is thought desirable. Power may be taken, under Clause 16, to consider that question at any time after three years, if it appears to the Minister to be expedient and desirable to do so.
I now come to Clause 18, the true significance of which was so shrewdly seen by my hon. Friend the Member for W. Leeds (Mr. J. Murray), and was substantially overlooked by my hon. Friend the Member for Benfrew (Mr. Johnstone). Under Clause 18, power is taken to set up special schemes if it appears to the Minister that insurance against unemployment in any industry can thus be more satisfactorily provided than under the general scheme of the Bill. That is a most important position. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Central Hull and others have said, "Why cannot each industry provide for its own unemployed?" There are a number of well, organised industries which believe that they can deal more effectively by means of their own machinery with their own problems of unemployment. Clause 18 gives them the opportunity of trying. I hope it will not be viewed by my hon. Friend the Member for Aberdeenshire (Mr. Rose) as undue Whitehall interference, but it is my intention to look very sympathetically at suggestions for special schemes and to do everything in my power to assist them. I must, of course, be satisfied that such proposals are fair and reasonable to the parties concerned, and that they are likely to be financially sound. Subject to this, I intend that any industry setting up a special scheme shall be free as far as possible to work out its own salvation in the way which seems to it to be best. I realise that the process of setting up a special scheme may and probably will be a long one, and I should like to lay stress upon the importance of taking sufficient time to build up the details in a proper way before a start is made. If special schemes were to break down as the result of hasty preparation, that would be a serious thing not only for the industry directly concerned, but for the whole principle of self-government by industries. If this measure finally passes into law, and proves to be the lusty infant that I hope for, it will come into operation on the 8th November and the contributions will have to begin to be paid as from that date. If a special scheme, which will probably take much more than the intervening period of three months to set up, is not ready by the 8th November, the industry will pay its contributions in the usual way to the general scheme. Provided that the special scheme comes into force not later than the beginning of next July, the contributions paid by the industry will be paid over to the special scheme, together with the appropriate State contribution—less, of course, the amount of benefit paid to the workpeople in the meantime, and also a rateable part of the administrative expenses. There is, therefore, nearly a year before those, people who wish to build up their special scheme, and I think the interval ought to be sufficient for any industry which seriously intends to make its own arrangements. Over and above the special schemes upon which I have laid considerable stress, power is taken under Clause 20 to set up schemes for supplementing the benefit provided by this Bill. Such schemes, for instance, may provide that benefit shall be payable from the first day, and not from the fourth. My hon. Friend the Member for St. Helens, who pleaded so eloquently for the casual labourer, has the opportunity to meet his case by means of a special scheme. Again, if the benefit of 15s. for men or 12s. for women is not considered sufficient, even with the additions obtainable under Clause 17, there is still the supplementary Clause 20, which will enable persons who are prepared to pay for it to go still further in the way of raising the benefit.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman see that if one employer objects to setting up a special scheme the whole thing breaks down?
6.0 P.M.
I quite realise that. The funds necessary for the provision of supplementary schemes will have to be provided by the two parties concerned, and not by the State. The reason is obvious. The person concerned must do their best to get agreement in that case. That is the only answer I can make. The date of coming into operation of the Act is 8th November. That allows little more than three months, supposing it becomes law on 31st July. That interval is all too short, I am satisfied, for the enormous amount of preparatory work which the Labour Ministry in the midst of all its other pre-occupations—and I can assure the House there are many—will have to do in connection with the Bill. That date cannot, however, be put any later, for we are bound to provide for the possibility of unemployment during the coming winter. I have covered the provisions as regards special schemes by arranging that they shall not be financially prejudiced by continuing the discussion of their schemes till the 1st of next July. Under the general scheme a large number of regulations have to be made under the new Act between the date of its passing and 8th November. Obviously, those general regulations will require close consultation with a great number of organisations before they can be finally made, but such consultations, of course, must be completed before 8th November. I propose, therefore, as far as possible, to make such refutations, in the first instance, in a provisional form. I want to build carefully and soundly the fabric which is to be raised on this foundation. These can be amended subsequently in the light of experience as may be necessary when the views of the various organisations have been fully and completely ascertained. The difficult question which has been raised this afternoon of the disqualification for unemployment benefit of a person thrown out of employment by a trade dispute for which he is not responsible, and with which he may not be associated, directly or indirectly, remains substantially where it stands under the old Act. It is not easy in this matter to find a line strictly equitable to the individual, and at the same time in no way influencing the larger issues which may be involved. I said on the first day of the Report stage that, if representative employers and representative workpeople could agree to a form of words which I found workable, on behalf of the Ministry of Labour I would do my best to get them inserted in another place. I gather from the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Clynes) that, so far, success has not followed those efforts. But my offer still stands.
I am glad to say that a number of important points have been dealt with during the progress of the Bill which I believe to be in accordance with the general sense and wish of Members of the House. The Bill, as introduced, excluded from contributions and from benefit persons over the age of seventy, and as regards Ireland, it would have left it exactly where the question of insurance in Ireland stands to-day under the existing Act, and only those already insured would continue to be insured against unemployment. I believe it was the general view of the House that these provisions should be amended. As regards the latter, the Bill now applies to Ireland just as it applies to the rest of the United Kingdom; and as regards the former it applies to persons over seventy years of age, with the exception of old age pensioners. Another point on which it has been possible to make a substantial improvement in the Bill as originally introduced for the benefit of insured persons is that of the refunds at the age of sixty now provided for by Clause 25. That was a provision in the original Act of 1911, to which considerable value was attached by the workpeople concerned, and I am very glad it has been possible to re-establish it in this Bill. By a further Amendment made in Committee, provision was made for the benefit of soldiers, sailors and airmen serving in the regular forces. I felt that it was not right to allow men who have served with the Colours for long periods to be discharged from the Forces with the possibility that they would be unemployed and without provision for their unemployment. The Bill now provides that on discharge they will be credited, though not contributing during their service, with a sufficient number of contributions to entitle them to draw fifteen weeks' unemployment benefit if they require it.
I have shortly run through the main outlines of the Bill in its final form. There is no doubt that the haunting anxiety of unemployment, with its hardships for women and children, is ever present to a great many of the members, of our industrial population. I do not think many of us here, I think very few of us, can realise how haunting that anxiety is. It is not without its effect upon the question of production. It is not without its effect in influencing the attitude of some workpeople towards the introduction and absorption in industry of the ex-service men. That is natural enough. This Bill is a witness to our recognition of the existence of that anxiety, a recognition of our desire, in some part at any rate, to remove the grounds for its existence. I do not suppose it is the last word on a problem so closely touching the fortunes of the State and the well-being of the industrial community. But I am satisfied that it is a measure which deserves to receive the co-operation and support of all interests and of all those concerned, and I have every confidence, notwithstanding what has been said today, that when the time comes for it to get under way it will set out with a fair wind and the good wishes of all concerned.
I wish to offer one protest, which I know will be quite ineffectual, before the Bill passes, against the granting of a subsidy of £4,000,000 of the taxpayer's money to provide industrial insurance against unemployment. It is a most excellent object, but I cannot see why employer and employed should not provide for their necessities in unemployment insurance, and any other insurance, just the same as the rest of the community have to provide for them. It seems to me that the Bill ought not to pass without someone who has some regard to the economy of national money making some protest against this unnecessary subsidy. I note that the right hon. Gentleman in his long speech seemed to take it for granted that naturally the taxpayers' money is going to be contributed to this. But he did not offer one word of explanation why people should not pay for the insurance they require.
I do not think apology should be necessary for intervening in the Debate, when it is remembered that practically the bulk of the preceding stages of the measure have been taken either in the small hours of the mornings or on Friday afternoons, and I think a measure of this overwhelming importance should not have been treated as a minor measure and allotted to the late hours—the leavings of the time of the House—but should have had more consideration given to it. Whilst I find myself in great accord with the bulk of the criticism of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Clynes), I do not reach the same conclusion, because, although the measure is totally inadequate to deal with the importance of the problem, at the same time, the machinery which is set up forms the framework of further extensions, and if we are to believe the signs of the times one is afraid it may be possible before many months or years are over that the country may have to face a considerable period of severe unemployment, and I think it would be unfortunate if even to-day we did not pass this framework, which will give us the machinery whereby something may be done to alleviate and to deal with the problem. The Committee which is going into the question of Labour Exchanges, of which I am a member, will be unanimous as to the tremendous importance of this question of unemployment and the way in which it is looming as a dark shadow in front of us, and therefore whilst supporting the Third Reading, I wish to protest against the total inadequacy of the amount which has been dealt with and the period for which it is available, and also for the question of the differentiation between men and women. I disagree entirely with the hon. Member (Mr. Hopkins) in protesting that this should be a charge upon the State at all. Surely during the period of the War the test of the efficiency of an army was the extent to which it was able to look after its fallen and maimed soldiers, and surely the same applies to our civilian Army, and the test of a State, and the well-being of that State, is the extent to which it is in a position efficiently to look after and care for that part of its fallen army that fall by the way and become casualties. If you apply that test, this measure is totally inadequate in regard to the sum that is granted and the period for which payment is made. At the same time, half a loaf is better than no bread, and in view of the urgency of the problem, the machinery which is established, with all its defects, does give us the groundwork for extension in the near future. I hope that the Government, before long, will see to it that this matter is dealt with in a spirit worthy of the case, and that they will grant considerable extension on the lines suggested by the right hon. Member for Miles Platting.
Social reformers in this House have had a day out. They have taken this Bill through its Second Reading, then through the Committee Stage and the Report Stage, and now the Third Reading, and they have prescribed machinery for dealing, as they consider, with unemployment. This Bill had better not pass its Third Reading without my expressing for the Independent Labour Party exactly what they think of this sort of twaddly measures; a measure that pretends to deal with unemployment, whereas all that is going to do is to make unemployment a little less horrible and to make it look a little more respectable. This House has no more intention of stopping unemployment than has a fly. They know perfectly well that the whole system that we now enjoy depends upon unemployment, and they have no intention of introducing a measure to abolish unemployment. All they propose to do is to make unemployment a little less horrible for the unemployed and to reserve and preserve the effects of unemployment upon all the rest of the people in the labour world. If it was not for the unemployed no workmen would work hard as he does to-day for low wages or for long hours. It is because of the unemployed outside the factory gate that the man inside the factory gate is not a free agent in his bargain with his master, but a wage slave, and this House has no intention whatever of stopping that man from being a wage slave by abolishing unemployment. The abolition of unemployment is the only thing in internal politics that matters, and yet to-day we have Bills like this, pretending to deal with the question on the lines which the reformers love so well. It means more machinery, more inspectors, more insurance, more interference with everybody; but for goodness sake save the institutions which we enjoy, and preserve unemployment at all costs. I will have nothing whatever to do with this Bill. I shall vote against it on the Third Reading, and in doing so I shall be voicing the opinion of every branch of the Independent Labour party throughout the country.
They know that this Bill is merely trifling with the unemployment question, and with the results of unemployment. If this House did away with unemployment and allowed people to get work and to have as much work as they like or as little as they like, so that they would not have their throats cut by the unemployed people outside the factory gate, then you would have some support among my friends for a real substantial measure. This Bill is playing with the whole subject, and when you get your unemployment in six months' time this Bill will not be much protection against unemployment.
Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 209; Noes, 32.
Division No. 227.] AYES. [6.20 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Edge, Captain William Lane-Fox, G. R. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Lloyd, George Butler Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S. Falle, Major Sir Bertram G. Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Fell, Sir Arthur Loseby, Captain C. E. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray Balfour, Sir R. (Glasgow, Partick) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue M'Guffin, Samuel Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Ford, Patrick Johnston Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Barlow, Sir Montague Gange, E. Stanley M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Barnett, Major R. W. Gilbert, James Daniel Macleod, J. Mackintosh Barrie, Charles Coupar Glyn, Major Ralph Macmaster, Donald Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Gould, James C. M'Micking, Major Gilbert Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Green, Albert (Derby) Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Bethell, Sir John Henry Greenwood, William (Stockport) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Greig, Colonel James William Macquisten, F. A. Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Gretton, Colonel John Magnus, Sir Philip Borwick, Major G. O. Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Mallalleu, F. W. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Gwynne, Rupert S. Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Mitchell, William Lane Breese, Major Charles E. Hambro, Captain Angus Valdemar Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Briant, Frank Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Bridgeman, William Clive Haslam, Lewis Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Brittain, Sir Harry Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, Yeovil) Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Morrison, Hugh Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Mount, William Arthur Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hills, Major John Waller Murray, Lieut.-Colonel A. (Aberdeen) Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hinds, John Murray, John (Leeds, West) Casey, T. W. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Newbould, Alfred Ernest Cautley, Henry S. Hood, Joseph Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A.(Birm., W.) Hopkins, John W. W. Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Coates, Major Sir Edward F. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin) Coats, Sir Stuart Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Cobb, Sir Cyril Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Pearce, Sir William Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Collins, Sir G. P. (Greenock) Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Colvin, Briq.-General Richard Beale Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Perring, William George Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Phllipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Jephcott, A. R. Pilditen, Sir Philip Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Johnstone, Joseph Pollock, Sir Ernest M. Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke) Prescott, Major W. H. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Purchase, H. G. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Raeburn, Sir William H. Dawes, James Arthur Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Lianelly) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Dennis, J. W. (Birmingham, Deritend) Jones, William Kennedy (Hornsey) Reid, D. D. Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Richardson, Sir Albion (Camberwell) Dockrell, Sir Maurice Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Duncannon, Viscount Klley, James D. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring King, Commander Henry Douglas Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Edgar, Clifford B. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A. Scott, A M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell (Maryhill) Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Thorpe, Captain John Henry Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Stanley, Major H. G. (Preston) Tickler, Thomas George Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Steel, Major S. Strang Tryon, Major George Clement Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Stewart, Gershom Turton, E. R. Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Strauss, Edward Anthony Wallace, J. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Sturrock, J. Leng Warren, Lieut.-Col. Sir Alfred H. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C. Watson, Captain John Bertrand Yate, Colonel Charles Edward Sutherland, Sir William White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Younger, Sir George Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Taylor, J. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Mr. Dudley Ward and Lord E. Talbot; Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert
NOES. Barrand, A. R. Grundy, T. W. Robertson, John Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hallas, Eldred Sexton, James Bromfield, William Hayday, Arthur Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hirst, G. H. Swan, J. E. Cairns, John Holmes, J. Stanley Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Irving, Dan Wedgwood, Colonel J. C. Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Wignall, James Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Kenyon, Barnet Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Lunn, William Glanville, Harold James Mills, John Edmund TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Morgan, Major D. Watts Mr. Frederick Hall and Mr. Rose. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Myers, Thomas
Bill read the Third time, and passed.
Telegraph [Money]
Considered in Committee.
[Sir E. CORNWALL in the Chair.]
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That it is expedient to authorise the issue out of the Consolidated Fund of such sums not exceeding in the whole £10,000,000 as are required for the further development of the telephonic system, and to authorise the Treasury to borrow money, by means of terminable annuities or by the issue of Exchequer Bonds, for the issue of such sums or the repayment thereof to the Consolidated Fund; and to provide for the payment of the terminable annuities or of the principal of and interest on any such Exchequer Bonds out of moneys provided by Parliament for Post Office services or, if those moneys are insufficient, out of the Consolidated Fund; and to amend Section four of The Telegraph (Money) Act, 1876."
It cannot be disputed that telephonic development in the United Kingdom is wholly disproportionate to the relative commercial and industrial importance of the country and that the system at the present time is unequal to the demands made upon it. In saying that, I am expressing what is the universal opinion in regard to this question by those who have some knowledge of the present productive capacity of the country and of the probable future. This unsatisfactory condition is due, firstly, to the fact that the local exchange system was, until the end of 1911, largely in the hands of the National Telephone Company, which, in the later years of its existence, naturally refused to spend capital on new extensions owing to the uncertainty as to the financial results of State purchase. Secondly, soon after the Post Office was in a position to take in hand arrears of construction, the War broke out and capital expenditure was necessarily restricted to war requirements, with the result that for a period of nearly four years no new telephone works for ordinary purposes have been commenced. Those of us who had an opportunity of seeing the work done in France and in other parts of the world by the representatives of the telephone system in this country realise how great that work was. I had the opportunity of studying it at one of the headquarters in France, and on that particular day there were no fewer than 7,000 telegraph and telephone messages into that one headquarters. During the years 1910–1913, inclusive, there was a considerable drop in expenditure. This was not because the necessity for such expenditure had diminished, but because the engineering staff of the Post Office was so fully occupied with the valuation of the National Telephone Company's plant, the arrangements for the transfer of the system to the Post Office, and the arbitration proceedings. For 1914–1915 capital expenditure of over £4,000,000 was authorised, but owing to the outbreak of war works costing only a little over £3,000,000 could be completed.
The present position is, therefore, that the Post Office has to provide for arrears accruing not only during the period of the War, but also during the later years of the company's existence. I am sure I am expressing the opinion of those who have looked into this question lately, in saying that the necessity is great, and that if we are to occupy, industrially speaking, our position in the world, we are bound to develop the system as soon as possible. In all towns of any considerable size, subscribers' lines are provided by a system of underground cables, in which, in order to meet future requirements economically, special wires have to be provided in large numbers at the time of construction. At present, in nearly every town of importance in the United Kingdom, the Post Office experiences more or less difficulty in taking new orders for want of spare wires. There is also a serious deficiency of spare switchboard equipment, with the result that in many districts where line plant is available, development is suspended through the want of exchange accommodation. I should like to take the opportunity of expressing for my right hon. Friend and myself our great regret for the great inconvenience caused in this respect. In London the position is even more serious. In about 50 per cent. of the London telephone area it is impracticable to serve new subscribers, and in some even to provide for the removal of lines for the existing subscribers until new line and switchboard plant has been installed.
Now that hostilities have ceased, applications for telephones are being received in large numbers. Before the War new orders numbered about 8,000 a month. Since 1914 it has been possible to deal with only between 3,000 and 4,000 a month, and the arrears of unexecuted orders may be estimated at about 200,000 at the present time. Applications are being received in London at the rate of between 800 and 900 a week. Of these, fewer than 200 can be accepted, owing either to the want of spare plant or the amount of work involved. The State having purchased the business of the National Telephone Company, and having made the telephone system practically a Government monopoly, they are bound to provide adequate and sufficient facilities. I would like to give some figures of what has been done and what our requirements are:
The expenditure proposed out of telephone capital for 1919–20 was:
The expenditure proposed for the present financial year is: from London to Brighton, with an extension to Worthing. The total cost will be between £4,000,000 and £5,000,000, but not much of this will fall into the present financial year. to continue the policy of placing trunk lines underground, where economically possible, in order that the great commercial and shipping centres may not only have a rapid but a stable service which will not be affected by storms and other causes of interruption to overhead wires. Everyone knows that the damage we have sustained during snowstorms during the last two or three years has been enormous. In an hour or so 50,000 wires are broken. There are certain other causes of the interruption of these overhead wires. The advance of telephone science has made long underground lines practicable, and many such lines are included in the programme for the present year. The best and most suitable type of exchange equipment will be provided, including automatic exchanges when these are suitable and can be justified. In my own constituency, Darlington, we have had one of these automatic systems in vogue for the last six or seven years, and there are practically no complaints of any kind with regard to it, and, as far as I know, no mistake has been made in relation to it. An efficient telephone service is necessary for the economic, commercial, and social welfare of the community, and I have every reason to hope that before long the service will fully meet reasonable demands upon it, including the three fundamental requirements: stability, sufficiency, and efficiency.
We have been accustomed lately, unfortunately, to hear applications from the Treasury Bench for grants of money which we have been compelled to oppose. It is a relief to get out of the atmosphere of money required for clothing the Army in scarlet and to come down to a business proposal of a reproductive character. No one can deny that it is of the most urgent and, indeed, vital necessity to the commercial and social needs of the nation. As far as we are concerned, this is one of the rare occasions upon which we do not feel disposed to oppose the grant for which the Government is asking, but it does give us an opportunity to ask one or two questions. We are dealing with very big figures here. It is quite true that we have been accustomed to deal with large figures lately, but, after all, £10,000,000 is no figure to be dismissed without some inquiry as to how it is to be spent. I see that upon the last occasion upon which the Government came to the House, in July or August of 1913, they asked for a sum of £10,000,000. Comparing the telephone service of to-day with that of seven years ago, as far as my own personal experience is concerned, I cannot say that there has been any very easily ascertained or any very obvious improvement. Large sums have been spent. I think I am reflecting the experience of the commercial part of the community when I remind my right hon. Friend that the gravest inconvenience has been constantly caused by not exactly a breakdown, but often by an approach to that, of the telephone service, whether on the trunk or local lines, and that there has been a lack of co-ordination and promptness and efficiency which calls for, and should receive, the unremitting attention of those of His Majesty's Ministers who have special charge of the subject. The right hon. Gentlemen have had a rough passage at times, but they bore it with equanimity and good temper, and with that desire to respond to the requests of Members which at all times distinguishes them. That does not alter the fact that the service, as compared with what it ought to be, is really unsatisfactory.
A leading newspaper has during the last day or two called attention to the very remarkable difference in efficiency between the American telephone service and ours. I daresay some people might argue from that in favour of private control as compared with public control, but the time for that has long gone past in this country, and there is not the slightest chance of the telephone service going back again to private control. Arguments of that kind really fall now, I think, on almost deaf ears. What we have to do is to see that the State service is improved as swiftly as possible. If an expenditure of £10,000,000 is going co produce a much better service, it will be money very well spent. But what guarantee have we got that there is going to be this much-needed improvement. My right hon. Friend indicated certain directions in which two or three millions here and two or three millions there were going to be applied in the purchase of sites for new centres of telephone distribution, and so. But he did not indicate, and I should like a reply on this point, how he hopes by this expenditure to improve the rapidity of established telephone communication between one subscriber and another. Is the existing service going to be very much bettered by this expenditure, or are the new extensions, which are foreshadowed here going to be marked by the same quality of inefficiency which is causing so much dissatisfaction in the country? What is the cause of that? Is it lack of central administration, is it lack of proper officials, is it caused by disorganisation owing to the War? What are the reasons for the great dissatisfaction which exists? I am sure what the Committee would like to know is, not so much where the money is going to be spent, but can the right hon. Gentleman tell us if, as a result of the spending of this money, people will get a much better service? I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to deal with that practical question.
When the Government is asking for a sum of £10,000,000 to improve the telephone service, I think it is only right that I should draw attention to the lamentable state of affairs on the long-distance telephone cables in the part of the country which I represent, and ask for an assurance that this sum is going to be devoted to the remedying of that state of affairs at the earliest possible moment. I listened with great interest to the right, hon. Gentleman's speech, but it was, I think, a little vague on this point. I hope I gathered correctly that a good deal of the expenditure is to be on long distance telephone cables. The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the lamentable breakdowns on overhead wires due to storms, and the proposed remedy of underground cables. Quite apart from the breakdowns, there is a legitimate and real grievance in Hull in connection with getting into telephonic communication with London and other big towns. The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the needs of shipping and commercial communities, and Hull is par excellence one of those. There have been delays in getting trunk telephone communication with London of an hour, an hour-and-a-half, an hour-and-three-quarters, and sometimes as long as two-and-a-half hours. It is difficult to get particulars on the point, because the person who has this experience is usually so infuriated that he refuses to discuss the matter or make any investigation, and goes home in an extremely bad temper, and curses the Government and all its works. By this delay great loss of business is caused to industry and commerce, and some effort should be made to remedy this state of affairs at once. I suggest that before exchanges are made elsewhere these long-distance trunk lines, on which the commerce of the country so much depends, should be put in order. It may be possible to arrange for the two services simultaneously. I would point out that we have not even yet got a cable under the Humber, and that, I think, is a great reflection on the Government. Last year I was one of the very few Members who spoke in defence of the Post Office. I pointed out we had just finished the War, and that thousands of operators had been abroad, and that there were great difficulties as to repairs. But a good deal of water has flown under the bridge since then, some 18 months ago, and I really think the Government have been very slow in repairing the ravages of the War in this respect. I hope to have an assurance that there will be considerably increased activity in putting right this very serious state of affairs. There is another matter affecting commerce in a different way, and as to which I should like to have an assurance, and that is as to the conversations on telephone being kept strictly confidential.
That is not a matter which can be discussed on a Money Resolution and is more appropriate for the Second Beading of the Bill.
As we are being asked to vote so large a sum of money I think we should have an assurance that none of it is going to be frittered away in the manner I am going to suggest.
I do not wish to unduly limit discussion, but the hon. and gallant Member will recollect that there are other occasions on which he can raise that question. It can be done on the Annual Estimates or on the Second Reading of the Bill.
I hope none of this money will be expended in the tapping of the wires. This money apparently will have to be borrowed, and it is as if fresh capital was being raised to a private company. I think this should bring home to us our present perilous financial position.
7.0 P.M.
I should like to have some information as to the policy of the Department with regard to the question of rural telephones. As far as I can gather we are very far behind the Dominion of Canada in the provision of private facilities for dwellers in rural districts. Many villages in Scotland are very far away from railways and the telephone would be a perfect boon to them, but they cannot get it. Whenever there is any movement towards the supply of telephones in the rural districts, I believe it is the practice of the Post Office to ask for something in the nature of a guarantee, but that, I submit, is not the proper way to go about it, because the Post Office when they take over the telephones ought to deal in exactly the same way as a private company would do. They ought to set up their telephones, provide the facilities, and look forward with confidence in the effect of them supplying good telephones to compel the farmers in their own interests to come and get telephone connections. We shall never get telephones in this country if the Post Office are going to wait until the farmers come and guarantee them against any loss if they set up these telephones. In many of these villages and rural districts there are at the present time telegraph offices, but telegraphs are not nearly of the same benefit in rural districts as telephones would be, and I suggest that a great deal might be done in this direction ff the Post Office would try to convert many of the telegraph systems in the rural districts into telephone systems. That in itself would be great boon and would save a great deal of money. We have the poles and wires already up, and it would not be expensive, so I am informed, to convert them into telephones. I hope we shall have a statement on this subject from the right hon. Gentleman.
My right hon. Friend opposite (Sir D. Maclean) has asked for an explanation as to how it is proposed to spend this money. We are providing four sites in Central London for new exchanges, 11 in the suburbs, and 56 in the provinces, and we are beginning the building of 20 exchanges in London and 60 in the provinces, and these are in addition to the extensions to present exchanges and switchboards. As far as laying cables underground is concerned, that is absolutely necessary if the communications of the country are to be kept up. We have 38 schemes on hand for putting large cables underground all over the country. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman wants me to read out each one of these 38 schemes.
Let us have a few of them.
There is London to Derby, Derby-Leeds, Leeds-Darlington, Darlington - Jedburgh, Jedburgh - Edinburgh, Edinburgh-Glasgow, Manchester-Oldham, Oldham-Huddersfield, Huddersfield - Halifax, Manchester - Liverpool, Birmingham - Bristol - Cardiff, Walsall-Wolverhampton, Blackpool-Preston, and many others. The total amount of money, which is not all to be spent this year, amounts to £4,500,000 for putting cables underground all over the country, which will improve the communications very much indeed. In regard to delays, I would point out that the exchanges have been very much overloaded, and the wires have been carrying much more traffic than they could possibly deal with. The operators have been behindhand, because there has been an accumulation of calls, which, on account of shortage of junction lines to other exchanges, they have not been able to pass through. We are going to extend the switchboards, and put more operators to work on them, and also make more junction lines between die exchanges, so that there will be sufficient wires to deal with the traffic and also sufficient operators to deal with the calls. There has been a very large number of inexperienced operators, but that difficulty is passing away, and they are getting to a more normal period of service before being put on to the boards. There has been this congestion because the development of the telephone system before the War, and before it was taken over by the State, was very much curtailed. The National Telephone Company was working on a terminable licence, and a terminable licence, of course, was a horrible thing. They knew that at some date it was coming to an end, and naturally, being business men, they were not going to lay out huge sums of money when the price they were going to receive for their undertaking had to be settled by arbitration. The result was that, when it was handed over to the State, the system had very little room for expansion. Then the War came, before much development could be done, and that is what began the difficulties. I regret to say that during the last year we have not been able to make the progress we should like to have made, but the delay has been caused by the difficulty of this contractors getting hold of the raw materials. They have been held up for Swedish iron, silk, and insulating paper. At present insulating paper is very short, and that has decreased the output very much indeed.
Might I ask what increased charges, if any, are in contemplation by the Department in order to justify the grant, and when it is likely they will come into operation?
As far as that is concerned, there is a Select Committee sitting on the question, and I should not like to attempt to anticipate the recommendations which are going to be made; but there will, of course, have to be some increase in charges, the same as there has been in every other service throughout the world. - My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Central Hull (Lieut. -Commander Kenworthy) has drawn attention to the sufferings that Hull has had to put up with by bad communications. He has my sincere sympathy, and so have his constituents. Hull has been particularly unfortunate in storm damage being done to the wires, and also owing to the shortage of cables between London and Hull and other places. Between Hull and Leeds the communication is good, because there is plenty of room, on the main cables, and we are putting a very large cable of some hundreds of extra lines between London and Leeds. As soon as that is done, Hull will be able to get into communication very quickly with London. Also, they have been rather crippled in their communication with Manchester and Liverpool. There is now a large cable being laid, and nearly completed, between Liverpool and Manchester, and also another one through Manchester, Oldham, Huddersfield, Halifax, and so on to Leeds, so that I expect before very long there will be a very considerable improvement in the Hull service on their trunk lines.
What about a cable under the Humber?
I am afraid I have not any information on that at present.
And I do not want us to go into too much detail.
The hon. and gallant Member for Central Aberdeen (Major M. Wood) put in an appeal on behalf of individual subscribers in the rural parts of the country, but the more pressing needs in larger centres will have to be dealt with first. Everyone considers his own case is the most important one naturally, but one has to take into consideration the largest centres, and with the great shortage of material from which we are suffering, I think it is only right that we should attend to the larger centres first. At the same time, where we get an opportunity we are quite willing to do something for the outlying districts. I think I have replied to all the questions which have been put to me.
There is one question to which the right hon. Gentleman has not replied. Given these extensions for which he asks, what steps is he going to take so that we may be assured that with the extended system there is going to be an improved system? What steps is he taking now, either by means of a special corps of investigators or in any other way, to remedy the undoubted delays and inconveniences from which we suffer at the present time? It is not much comfort if you extend the system without at the same time making it a much more efficient system.
I thought I had explained to my right hon. Friend that point. I said that the cause of the present difficulty is the overloading of the wires and exchanges, and too much work for the operators.
But over and over again in my own personal experience, when I know the wires are not busy, I have got most unnecessary delays. Only a night or two ago—on Sunday night, as a matter of fact—I was trying to get through to Cardiff at 10.30 I know the lines were not busy, but it took me 35 minutes, and then two calls to find out what the cause of the delay was.
That is a special case, and I should have to inquire into it; but, generally speaking, there are not enough wires to take the traffic, and all these exchanges and wires are being put in, switchboards are being extended, and junction lines are being increased. Between London and Cardiff, I believe, there is a cable being put down. All this shows that undoubtedly the service will be infinitely improved by the extra accommodation. My right hon. Friend talks of the delay and the wires not being busy, but he does not know how many other people were also wanting to get on at the same time. Our object is to increase the number of cables, so that there are always a certain number of wires disengaged at one point or another. I hope the Committee will pass this Resolution, so that I shall be able to introduce the Bill.
I do not wish to detain the Committee, but I should have very little hesitation, if it were within my power to do so, to delay this Resolution until the right hon. Gentleman had made some better provision for the future development of the telephonic system in rural areas. With regard to what has passed between him and the right hon. Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean), I am not too much inclined myself to think that the telephone service here is so very much worse than in other parts of the world. I have considerable knowledge of the telephonic system in the United States, France, and elsewhere, and I think that, on the whole, we are doing very well. Of course, there is room for great improvement. I have had various communications with the Assistant Postmaster-General, and, in so far as he has been able to assist me, he has always been very willing to do so, and I have met with nothing but the greatest courtesy and willingness at his hands. Therefore anything I am going to say is not, as I know he will understand, with reference to himself personally or the Postmaster-General. The Postmaster-General has laid great stress upon what is to be done to connect up and better the system between large cities in England. In referring to the speech of my hon. and gallant Friend, he said that, before individual subscribers in rural districts were connected up, it was necessary to attend to the more pressing needs of the residents and inhabitants in the large cities. What I am going to suggest to the right hon. Gentleman, in all seriousness, is that the business necessities of a farmer, say, in a scattered district are just as important to the farmer as are the business necessities of the merchant in the town. It is just as important to the farmer, from a business point of view, to be able to get in telephonic communication with the nearest market as it is for the merchant to get the latest prices of the market by means of the telephone. For the moment, I am not concerned with the individual subscribers, but there are large areas in rural districts which, from the point of view of the business necessities of those districts, ought to be connected up.
I do not wish to advertise my own constituency, but it so happens that the whole of the Don Valley, a very prosperous agricultural district, has no telephonic communication at all, and very little telegraphic communication. It is not a case of individual subscribers, but a case of a large, prosperous rural agricultural district, and I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that, from the point of view of the necessity of the rural districts—and they are equally important—some of the £4,500,000, which he is spending in putting cables underground to improve the service between some of our larger cities, ought to be spent in extending the telephonic service in rural areas. It may well be that the telephone service is going to be improved by being put underground, but you have your lines, I assume, at the present moment. They are in working order, and this is merely, as I assume, a betterment of the existing telephone service, at great expense and at the expense of what ought to be a better telephone service in rural areas. We are far behind the times in this respect. The right hon. Gentleman knows well that in countries such as Japan and Scandinavia they are far ahead of us, and I can see no possible reason why in the rural areas, as opposed to the cities, the people who require telephonic communication should not be considered.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman is going on to discuss administration. I have let him go on some time, but he must not pursue that.
I am very grateful to you, and will not pursue the point, but I suggest that more consideration ought to be given to the necessities of these large rural districts.
I am very disappointed with the statements of the right hon. Gentleman and his colleague this afternoon asking Parliament to vote an addition of £10,000,000 for the extension of the telephone system and the telephone plant. I do think that, when the head of a great Department comes to the Committee and asks for a sum of £10,000,000, he should have very carefully looked over the whole problem with which he has got to deal, and ought to be able to give to the Committee a fair aspect of the telephone system as he intends to operate it in the future. I do think we are entitled, when asked to vote this large sum of money, to be informed more definitely as to what are going to be the charges in future to the users of telephones, because the whole case for this £10,000,000, as I understand it, is based, and I believe quite correctly, on the fact that the lines in the busy part of the day are very heavily overloaded. One has foreshadowed the possibility of an enormous increase in the charges for telephones right through the country, and if there is this very large increase, it stands to reason there is going to be much less use of telephones, and it becomes problematical how much of this £10,000,000 will be wanted for these new exchanges and new cables. That is one aspect of the matter—the higher cost we have got to pay, and what I anticipate will be the lesser use in the future.
I do feel very anxious about resolutions of this kind coming before the House at the present time. There is hardly a day passes without there are a quarter of a million here and ten millions there, and I am one of those who, rightly or wrongly, believe that we as a people to-day have not got £10,000,000 to spend in addition to our other obligations, and I do think we ought to be given in the Committee much more definite information as to the policy which is going to be adopted in the future in charging and working the telephone system, as well as the precise use to which the right hon. Gentleman means to put this £10,000,000. The amount is an enormous sum for an additional capital expenditure, even under present high prices, and I do think some effort ought to be made by the right hon. Gentleman to find much more moderate means of improving the present service. When are these demands coming to an end? We are not getting any opportunity in this Committee by ascertaining from any committee on expenditure or examining Estimates or anything of that sort, of really knowing what is the exact need for this money beyond the statement made by Ministers. These statements are not nearly enough to satisfy me. The Ministers are very largely the victims of the departments and the pressure put upon them, and they come down week after week asking for these large sums. I venture to think the time is not very far distant when the present Government, or some other government, is going to be forced, not merely to reduce these demands, but it has got to find means by which to reduce the expenditure of the State by hundreds of millions of pounds. Holding that view, I cannot sympathise with the demands made in this Resolution. I know it is going to be passed, as everything is going to be passed that is asked by the Government, and it is a waste of time to vote against it. I put in my personal protest against this daily demand on the part of the Government. I am certain the Government does not know where it is leading the country.
After the speech of the hon. Baronet, I must give my experience in aid of the Postmaster-General. The hon. Baronet speaks entirely in general terms, and argues on a priori principles. That does not help anybody. If my hon. Friend had personal experience, as some of us have, of what the Post Office has been doing lately, he would not have made that complaint. If he had taken pains to go to the Postmaster-General and inquire what is being done beforehand, he would know that the money asked for is perfectly justified. In my own constituency we are delighted with what is going to be done by the Postmaster-General. The hon. Member for Stockport (Mr. W. Green- wood), myself and some other Members of Parliament, formed a deputation some time ago, and the new plans of the Postmaster-General for further communication with Yorkshire and Lancashire are so admirable that we hope there is going to be the greatest possible improvement. The right hon. Gentleman on the Front Bench opposite criticised the Postmaster-General just now and said he did not think there was any need for extending lines. It is the extension of the lines that will improve the service, because the lines' are overcrowded at the present time. In my own constituency they are laying twenty miles of cable underground, which cable, I suppose, contains many wires. The reason for that is that every winter since I have been Member for the constituency—and that is now a great many years—the whole of the telegraph as well as the telephone wires had been blown down, and have not been able to be put up again for a month or six weeks. The business between Manchester, Liverpool, and Oldham—which is not, I may suggest, an unimportant town—transacted through the telephone and by telegraph was consequently much impeded, and great loss accrued to the borough which I have the honour to represent. We are more than satisfied with what the Postmaster-General is going to do. Let hon. Members recollect that it was not till as late as 1913 that the telephones were actually handed over to the Government by the company. They were in a great state of disrepair and chaos, there having been no money to put them right. Before the War the time was too short. I think if the hon. Baronet opposite (Sir R. Cooper) had known these facts, he would perhaps have been a little less critical in his remarks. For my part, I am more than satisfied. I remember the courteous reception that one always meets with at the Post Office; and also the answers given to our requests for information, and also the progress which is being made.
Question put, and agreed to.
Resolved,
"That it is expedient to authorise the issue out of the Consolidated Fund of such sums not exceeding in the whole ten million pounds as are required for the further development of the telephonic system; and to authorise the Treasury to borrow money, by means of terminable annuities or by the issue of Exchequer bonds, for the issue of such sums or the repayment thereof to the Consolidated Fund; and to provide for the payment of the terminable annuities or of the principal of and interest on any such Exchequer bonds out of moneys provided by Parliament for Post Office services or, if those moneys are insufficient, out of the Consolidated Fund; and to amend Section four of the Telegraph (Money) Act, 1876."
Resolution to be reported To-morrow.
Nauru Island Agreement Bill,
As amended ( in the Standing Committee ), considered.
The Amendments standing in the name of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Southwark (Mr. Dawes) to leave, out Articles 6 and 7 of the Schedule are both out of Order. The same remark applies to the manuscript Amendments handed in by the hon. Member. They are equivalent to a negative of the Bill.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
Since the Second Heading of the Bill there are certain financial aspects of it to which, I think, attention should be drawn. When the Financial Resolution was before the House the hon. and gallant Gentleman (Colonel Wilson), who is in charge of the Bill, told us that lutions, in answer, I think, to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean), the hon. and gallant Gentleman said: figures, and I may be wrong; but, all the same, I cannot make out where we are going to get out of this transaction more than about 6 per cent.
I do not want to say one word against the principle of the Bill. It may very well be the fact that this Government and the Governments of Australia and New Zealand may think that even worse terms than they have obtained would be satisfactory in their interest, and in our own, that it was concurred in by the Allies, and that it is doing no harm to anybody that we were going to take over the control of these phosphates. In fact, we had the assurance from the Leader of the House to that effect. I accept that unreservedly. But I do not think it ought to go forth to the world that we are making a commercial profit through the advantage of our geographical position under the guise of a mandate from the Supreme Council. It is nothing of the kind. It is said that we are taking an unfair advantage of the rest of the world in this matter. I hope it will be made perfectly clear that the transaction is of doubtful financial value, and that it may turn out exceedingly bad. There is only one other point. In the agreement between the Governments and the company there is certain provision for compensation for loss of office. At the same meeting to which I have referred, it was proposed and carried that the sum of £150,000 should be voted to the directors and staff for loss of office. The way they divided it up was this: that the directors took £121,000 and the staff £29,000. That sum goes to certain officers and the rest to members of the staff. It may be a fact that the directors have some interest in the company which entitles them to this amount, but I do suggest that the amount that is being paid to the directors is disproportionate to that which is being paid to the unfortunate staff. There were nine directors and two managing directors leaving seven amongst whom this money was to be divided. The chairman of the company is the director of eleven other companies and the chairman of six, and Lord Southborough is the director of seven or eight other important companies. Assuming that each of these directors will get something like £8,000, that will mean an annuity, of £500 each for practically doing nothing. I feel those facts ought to be brought to the attention of the Government, and I hope something will be done to take note of what I consider to be the inequitability of this arrangement. I do not know how far the Government, still have any power of controlling the directors, but I ask that something should be done to give the staff more than the small proportion they are getting out of this £150,000.
Instead of feeling very much disappointed at the prospect held out by the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite (Commander Dawes) that we should get 6½ per cent. on this Government investment, I experienced a gasp of relief when I gathered from what he said —I know that he speaks with very considerable knowledge of the subject—that there is a prospect of a dividend being paid at all. Our experience of the Government going into business in this country has not been at all satisfactory. They took over the railways and we lost millions of money, and the same applies to the working of the coal mines. Even the Post Office, which used to be the milch cow of the Treasury, now shows an annual deficit. For these reasons I hope the Government will take careful note of what has been said to-night with regard to the financial part of this transaction. There has been a notable change in the Bill since it left this House, and I notice that these words now appear in Clause 1:
"The agreement is hereby confirmed, subject to the provisions of Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations."
I think it may be fitting for me to say, on behalf of all those who believe in the League of Nations, that we are very much indebted to the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) and others of his colleagues who fought in the Committee in the face of very considerable difficulty for this concession, and rendered a great public service, and indeed, in my judgment, an international service, by succeeding in getting the insertion of those words. This is the first instance in this House of the League of Nations getting to work on the Statute Book, and I hope it is only the precursor of many other incidents of the same nature. As this transaction stood baldly before the House as introduced by the hon. and gallant Member representing the Government (Colonel Wilson), it was not a transaction of which I was proud. I am certain that those who read the Debate could not be otherwise than rather appre- hensive as to the effect it might give on other nations who were watching this country to see what lead we were going to give in this matter of dealing with the possessions which have fallen into the hands of the Allies as a result of the War. I hope Article 22 will not only be carried out in the letter, but what is very much more important, in the spirit, and that the words of the first Clause of the article will be in truth and in deed the basis on which the joint Governments will act, and that while they look after the business side of the undertaking they will also see, in the words of the Covenant that
"there should be applied the principle that the well-being and development of such peoples form a sacred trust of civilisation."
8.0 P.M.
I believe the Government has made a bad bargain in this matter, but that does not meet the opposition of those who see in it a contravention of the spirit of the League of Nations. I am sure hon. Members are indebted to the hon. and gallant Member opposite (Mr. Dawes) for his interesting analysis of the financial situation. I have looked into this matter, and have elicited some facts which demand an explanation from the Government, and I hope it will be forthcoming. It is apparent that someone at any rate has done very well by this transaction, and somebody has made a lot of money. I do not know who it is, but the facts I have elicited are these. The capital of the company stands at £1,200,000 in £1 shares. In 1917 433,430 one pound shares were held by Germans, and these were sold en bloc for £575,000. The value of those 443,000 shares have gone up in three years to over £1,000,000. I have no doubt the representative of the Government will argue that naturally these shares would rise in value when War conditions ceased, but these considerations do not entirely explain the very great appreciation in the value of these shares. In the "Times" of the 23rd of April last I find the following reference: made quite such a good bargain as we imagined on the Second Reading of this Bill. The Government must make their position quite clear from the financial side, and it needs a certain amount of explanation to convince the public that they have got such a good bargain as the hon. and gallant Member opposite has explained. The hon. and gallant Member who represents the Government has, I understand, accepted the Amendment carried in Committee making this agreement subject to Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. In his opinion this Amendment does materially affect the Bill, and his reading of Article 22 is that the Bill is quite compatible with the terms of that Article. The phrasing of this Article is very loose and can be read either way, and this point was argued in Committee. It is laid down in the fifth paragraph that the administration of the territory must be such as sub judice. Our action in this matter of ( c ) mandates will doubtless be accepted by the Council of the League of Nations. On the other hand, if we go forward before the Council with a definite provision in this Bill that the principle we have adopted is to be included in the ( c ) mandates as well as in the ( a ) and ( b ) mandates, it is arguable that the text does not admit of this interpretation, but if this country makes a further stand in the case of ( c ) mandates, no doubt the principle will then be accepted by the other members of the League. After all, we are setting up a monopoly. We are claiming for the exclusive use of three countries' commodities which are vital to many other countries. We lay down in this Agreement that the best phosphates in the world are to be held for the exclusive use of three nations, and in any case are to be sold to them at cost price; if there are any left over, they may, at the will of these countries, be put on the market at the market price. Clearly, therefore, we are differentiating between three countries who exercise the mandate and the other members of the League. It is impossible to argue that this Agreement is in accordance with the principle of the open door, which to my mind is one of the essential foundations of the whole matter. In coming to a decision of this sort we must think not only of the subject under review, but of the precedent which we are setting up for other countries. We are adopting in an area where we exercise a mandate a principle of socialisation which other countries may quote as a precedent, and may desire to carry out in some analogous transaction. If this principle goes forward, any power exercising a "C" mandate which controls some commodity which is vital to the world may hold that commodity exclusively for its own use. We are setting up a precedent which eventually, we may be certain, will be used against us. We are putting in the hands of other countries a weapon which, beyond doubt, will be used against us to exclude us from obtaining our share of commodities which are vital to us. I know it is argued by the hon. and gallant Gentleman that we are merely exercising the same rights as the company could exercise. But would any private company make an arrangement of this nature, to the detriment of its own trade? A private company sells on the open markets of the world to the highest bidder. This private company sold in that way.
On the Second Reading of this Bill it was argued that under the proceedings of the company the majority of these phosphates went to Germany. That is not so. Less than one-third of those phosphates came to Europe, and less than that came to Germany. By buying out this company we are socialising an industry in an area where we exercise a mandate and are definitely excluding other countries from that area. Those are the facts which will go out to the world, and that is the precedent which will be set up for use against us later on. We are setting up in this area an adminis- tration and an arrangement which has never been submitted to the Council of the League of Nations. We ignore entirely the provisions of the Covenant, which says that the degree of authority, control or administration to be exercised by the mandatory shall, if not previously agreed upon by the members of the League, be explicitly defined in each case by the Council. I know the hon. and gallant Gentleman says the terms of this mandate will be eventually submitted to the League of Nations, but we are setting the whole machinery, we are buying out this company and we are tying the hands of the League of Nations in advance. We definitely pre-judge the issue and are not really allowing the League of Nations to settle the matter at all. We are settling it beforehand in a manner which they will find it exceedingly difficult to reverse. The House this evening has the opportunity of definitely laying down the principle that "C" mandates shall be subject to the principle of the open door. If they accept that principle on this Bill it will be exceedingly difficult for other countries to contend for the opposite theory in the administration of their own "C" mandate. This is the first step taken. The action of this country will be reflected in the subsequent decisions of all other countries who exercise these mandates. We have been told that we are making a great fuss about a manure heap. I very much question whether the manure heap is worth the principle that is involved. It is only a manure heap It is a rotten bargain. Is it really worth the principle to put a weapon in the hands of others the edge of which will speedily be turned against us?
This Bill is a violation of the fundamental principle of the mandatory system. The whole principle of the mandatory system, as I see it, is the principle of trusteeship. The principle is that the mandatory power hold a trust on behalf of other members of the League and on behalf of the world. A trustee ought not to utilise his position to benefit himself at the expense of those on whose behalf he holds a trust. The British Empire holds this trust on behalf of civilisation. We have made what the hon. and gallant Gentleman calls a good bargain at the expense of other members of the League, on whose behalf we hold this trust. I cannot think the hon. Gentleman can contend that this Bill is compatible with the spirit of the Covenant. The whole transaction savours of bargaining. "Bargain" is the word which was invented with regard to this Bill by the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself. All over the world, in all mandated areas, we are beginning to see something of the sad effects of bargaining. The sophistical hucksters who still meet in the secret councils of Europe are not really settling these problems quite in keeping with their war protestations. I do not think their interpretation of the mandatory system is such as to provide a hope for the future. The last War really was the war to end war. The victorious Powers, by bargains amongst themselves, are setting up monopolies in all these mandated areas, monopolies which inevitably will excite the cupidity of other Powers in the future who feel themselves strong enough to contend for these monopolies. The mandatory system is slipping through our fingers. Unless this country in this Bill and in the subsequent transactions which it will be called upon to decide takes a firm stand upon the whole mandatory principle, on the pure principle of trusteeship, which is its foundation, then the League of Nations, the mandatory system and what we fought for will all, once more, have fallen into the limbo of things that have never even been tried or had a fair and proper trial in the courts of public opinion and of the world.
The curse of politics in certain European countries is their close connection with haute finance. The hon. and gallant Gentleman who introduced this Bill on the Second Reading spoke of it as being a good financial bargain, and the Lord Privy Seal, who replied to the criticisms of various hon. Members, said he had been taken by surprise—that he and other Members of the Government had been taken by surprise at the challenging of this Bill on the ground of higher international morality. That is my reason for voting against the Third Reading of this Bill. It is now reinforced by the reasons given in the extremely interesting speech of the hon. and gallant Member—the first speaker on the Motion for the Third Reading, who exposed the real financial position. I myself questioned, on the Report stage, the financial results which have been forecast, and I showed that the answer of the hon. and gallant Gentleman who spoke for the Government was, quite unintentionally, of course, entirely misleading. Far from getting a return on our capital, which we shall have to borrow, of from 25 per cent. to 40 per cent., we are going to get a possible 6j per cent., because 6½ per cent. on the capitalised value certainly represents the dividend which the original parent company earned. In those days, however, the parent company had to deal with an open market, and it got the best price for phosphates it could get in the markets of the world. Now, under the arrangements to which we are asked to agree, the markets will be extremely restricted, because the phosphates are to be sold in the first instance in three countries only, namely, in New Zealand, Australia and this country, at practically cost price, and only anything over that required by these countries is to be sold at market price. I put it to the House, that that quite knocks the bottom out of the arguments of the hon. and gallant Gentleman that we are going to earn 6½ per cent. We could only earn that on the reasonable supposition that we are allowed to sell the phosphates at the highest price they will fetch anywhere, but when we have a very restricted market we shall not even get that.
It being a quarter-past Eight of the clock, and leave having been given to move the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 10, further Proceeding was postponed, without Question put.
Syria,
French Ultimatum
Motion for Adjournment
I beg to move, "That this House do now adjourn."
I desire, Sir, to ask your ruling whether it is in order in a Debate of this kind, or in accord with the traditions of the House, for Members in their speeches to freely criticise the acts of friendly and allied nations, and, if not, in what manner can restrictions be placed on their freedom of speech?
The House gave leave to the hon. Gentleman to move the Adjournment, in order to discuss "the immediate danger to British interests in the Middle East arising from the outbreak of hostilities in Syria." The general rule, of course, is that all observations with regard to allied Governments should be very guarded, and I will take care to see that that rule is observed.
I rise to ask your ruling for my own future guidance as to in what way this question is more urgent, and more definite, or of more importance than the questions with regard to attacks by Poland on Russia, which you have ruled out of order three or four times in the last seven weeks; and also the grave events which have taken place in Ireland, and which you ruled out of order last Thursday, and which have resulted in the loss of a very gallant officer? I do not quite understand in what way this matter to be discussed to-night is more important than the matters which you, in your wisdom, have ruled out of order before.
With regard to ruling out of order the questions referred to by the hon. Member, I have not refreshed my memory, but I think when the hon. Members asked leave to move they did not receive the support of the House. I have to exercise my discretion in each case. If the hon. Gentleman thinks I have exercised it wrongly, it is open to him to take the usual method of putting down a vote of censure upon me. There is no other way of appealing from my decision.
I will do my best to bear in mind the ruling which has just been given on the representations of my hon. Friend the Member for the University of London. It is not my object to-night to criticise either of our two Allies in any way, either our Arab Allies or our French Allies, but rather I want to criticise the sins of omission and the sins of commission which have been committed by the British Government, and particularly by the British Foreign Office. I am acutely conscious that I am dealing with a difficult and delicate international question, and I only speak because I feel that our responsibility in the Syrian question has drifted on now for so long that it is only by securing a frank and full statement of the commitments of the British Government at this critical moment that we may succeed in preventing bloodshed on a very large scale. I feel, also, that the moral responsibility of Great Britain is deeply involved, in view of our specific pledges to the Arabs, before they came into the War as our Allies, while they were fighting with us, and, above all, since the Armistice. I feel, too, that any fresh bloodshed in Syria, and any fresh political excitement in that country, is bound, and bound very shortly, to be reflected in the already difficult task which we have undertaken in Mesopotamia and Palestine. I have sufficient knowledge of the Arabs and of the Arab world, to know that the new boundaries and new States which we are seeking to set up mean nothing to the Arab people. For centuries past they have regarded themselves as one people, having one political consciousness. Although it would be impossible and impracticable at the present moment to set up one individual Arab polity or one individual Arab State governing the whole of Arabia and the Arab world, yet, in spite of that, there is more than the germ of Arab unity; there is, in fact, a universal Arab consciousness. It is no more possible for us to isolate events in Syria, in Palestine, in Mesopotamia, in the Hedjaz, or in Central Arabia, than it is to isolate events taking place in Central Europe. Nay, more, any event that takes place in Damascus or Aleppo goes like lightning through the deserts and down the rivers. The tribesmen of Mesopotamia and of Syria are linked inseparably, both in their political outlook and in their aspirations.
I framed my Motion to call attention to the effect upon British interests in the Middle East. What is the supreme British interest in the Middle East at this moment? The supreme British interest in the Middle East, or elsewhere, is the restoration of peace, which alone can enable political freedom and economic prosperity to be developed. Anything that happens in Syria which puts off the restoration of peace in Mesopotamia, in Palestine, and throughout the Arab world and the Middle East, has this effect immediately, that it means more taxation for the British taxpayer, more Government expenditure, and more troops sent out to tranquillise that area. The ultimatum which expired last night in Syria is bound, inevitably, to bring upon this House the necessity of approving more British troops and more British money for duties in the Arab world. I am perfectly certain of that fact, and that is why I feel so strongly about it. As I have said, while we have that paramount interest of seeing that the present military régime gives place to peaceful civil administration, the cessation of fighting, and the development of these Middle Eastern countries, it is essential that both the French Government and the Arab Government which we set up in Damascus should know once and for all exactly what the commitments of the British Government are. It is not only necessary that the French Government and the Arabs should know exactly how far we are committed and how far we intend to stand by those commitments, but also the British taxpayer wishes to know exactly how far we are committed—whether we are committed to support Arab independence in Eastern Syria, or whether we are committed to support the French with men and money, if need be, to assert their authority over Damascus, Hama, Homs and Aleppo.
I have been carefully looking up some of our pledges. Our pledges are most specific to the Arabs; to the French they are less specific. I will therefore deal with the specific pledges of the British Government to the Arabs first. In the first place, it was owing to communications between the British Government—and the British Government alone—and the Grand Shereef of Mecca, as he then was, that the Arabs came into the War on the side of the Allies against the Turks. Those pledges are enshrined in a correspondence which passed through the British High Commissioner in Egypt, Sir Henry McMahon, and it was owing to the agreement arrived at, after long correspondence, that the Arabs came in. The point I wish to emphasise is this: that in those days the title "King of the Hedja" was unknown, that the Grand Shereef of Mecca did not aspire to such a title and did not seek it, and that, when he entered into correspondence with the representative of the British Government he made that quite clear—speaking, not on behalf of the Hedjez, on behalf of Mecca, but as president and on behalf of the Syrian and Mesopotamian Arab societies that have long been in existence for the purpose of freeing the Arabs from Turkish rule and domination. He made that quite clear in his correspondence. We brought the Arabs into the War as our Allies. The "Morning Post" this morning gives an extract from one of those letters which was sent on behalf of the British Government to King Hussein, as he is now called. The letter is dated October 24th, 1915, and in it, apparently, we pledged ourselves, subject to certain reservations with regard to the Syrian Littoral and the Lebanan, reservations in the case of Basra and Baghdad, and reservations in regard to Palestine, to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs within the territories included in the limits and the boundaries laid down by the Grand Shereef of Mecca. We pledged ourselves to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs. If that pledge stood alone the Government might be able to say: "Oh, you Arabs came into the War and fought as our Allies, but the terms of the peace were unconditional surrender by Turkey and by the unconditional surrender of Turkey all those pledges had to be reviewed; with the Turkish surrender the Allied and associated Powers started with carte blanche and the previous statements do not hold good "—that is to say, that we started with a clean sheet. The same newspaper, however, publishes this morning a very important letter from the present Foreign Secretary, written on Foreign Office notepaper, to the Emir Feisul when he was in London. The date is not given in the newspaper, but it is stated that the letter was written when Prince Feisul was staying at the Carlton Hotel in London, which was, obviously, last year. This is the statement which it says was contained in this letter: transmitted to Sir Henry McMahon, and made it quite clear that the British Government was committed up to the hilt to establishing the independence of the Arabs in those four towns of Eastern Syria. Nothing could be clearer than our specific pledges in that respect, and I naturally at once want to know whether we communicated these pledges frankly and fully to the French Government. That is the first important point I want to make in this Debate. We are responsible for encouraging the Arabs to believe that we were going to stand by them for an independent State embracing those four towns. They came into the War on that understanding, they fought gallantly as our allies during the War on that understanding, and since the Armistice that understanding has been re-affirmed by Lord Curzon. Are we going to stand by that pledge to-day or are we not? That is the question, above all others, which I ask His Majesty's Government. If they are gong to stand by it, let them tell the French Government so quite frankly, and if they are not going to stand by those pledges, let them tell the Arabs so frankly, in no equivocal language, be cause it is absolutely essential when these things are translated into Arabic or into French that you should leave no loophole and no reservations and that the British Government should make it quite clear what their commitments are.
The ultimatum, which expired last night, must require explanation by us to the Arab world. We are the people who will be held responsible by the Arabs After all, it was we who encouraged them and egged them on; it is we who are committed in Mesopotamia and Palestine and throughout the length and breadth of the Peninsular of semi-independent Arabia; it is to the British word and the British good name that they look, and the action of our Allies in Syria is bound to be regarded by the Arabs as our action. You cannot get away from it. They have always negotiated with us and through us, and any action that the French take will be regarded as our action. France and England for this purpose are the same thing in the East. Do not let us get away from it. We are all Feringhis—Franks—in the eyes of the Arabs. We stand for Europe, and we stand together, really, as the most intimately associated Allies, and the respon- sibility for this ultimatum will be visited by the Arabs upon the British Government. There is no getting out of that.
I am quite certain the pacification of Mesopotamia, where we already have trouble, and the pacification of any part of the Arab world depends most intimately on what is done in the City of Damascus above all. Damascus is the economic capital, not so much in Syria, but of Arabia. It is in Damascus that the whole of the trade of Central and Southern Europe centres. You have the system of selling and collecting cameis all through Arabia and taking them up to Damascus. Damascus is regarded by the Arabs as the centre of their culture, the centre of their historical greatness, and the centre of their national aspirations as well as the centre of their commerce, and it is quite impossible for us to secure the pacification of Arabia, or any part of it, including Mesopotamia, unless Damascus is at peace and unless real peace is established there. I know people think that you can separate countries and that wars can be localised They cannot be localised. I would say to any hon. Members who represent Ulster, do not be deluded into thinking that if you have your six counties quite safe, and your administration running there, and chaos in all the rest of Ireland, you would escape. You will not escape if there is chaos in all the rest of Ireland. In the same way in Arabia, we shall not escape trouble in Mesopotamia unless there is peace, order, good government, progress, satisfaction, and content in Damascus. I want to make sure, above all things, that Britain has kept nothing back from France and has kept nothing back from the Arabs. That is the important thing If we cannot escape responsibility, we must ensure that our action and our pledges are absolutely on all fours.
I come from that to the actual circumstances under which these new hostilities have broken out and this ultimatum has been delivered. Early in 1919 it was provisionally agreed between the French Government, the British Government, and the Arab Government, which General Allenby had established at Damascus, that the area which had been captured from the Turks by General Allenby's troops should be, divided into three—Occupied enemy territory South, to be administered by a British administration; occupied enemy territory North, to be administered by a French military administration; and occupied enemy territory East, to be administered by an Arab administration—and the boundaries of these three administrations were clearly defined and agreed between the three Governments concerned. We were parties to that agreement. If the Arab Government has committed any breach of that agreement, that is to say, if the Arab Government in Damascus is responsible for going into the French area, or into our area, or interfering in either area, of course, it is responsible and ought to be held responsible. I particularly do not wish to take sides in this matter, to appear to back our Arab Allies against our French Allies, or our French Allies against our Arab Allies. We are responsible for the breach of any agreement come to between the three Powers concerned, and the breach should be rectified and reparation made. But this is the point. A breach of that agreement, regarding the three areas is not the concern of the French alone any more than it is ours alone. The agreement between the three areas was an Allied agreement entered into by the Allies, and it was really an international agreement, and I am perfectly certain that it is quite wrong for any one of the parties under the agreement to take action without consultation with the other.
If the French have in any way violated the provisions of the Agreement come to it is quite as much our concern as theirs. We advanced up the country; we then withdrew, and replaced the British troops with French troops, and we were parties to this provisional agreement as regards the French, the Arab, and the British areas, which were to last until a permanent settlement was come to with regard to the future government of the country. The object of these temporary administrations—British in Palestine, French in the Northern area, and Arab in the Eastern area—was to tide over the time between the Armistice and the final settlement by the Allies regarding boundaries and regarding the terms of the Mandate. No settlement can be come to, and the arrangements are provisional, until such time as the Allies, to whom these territories have been ceded by the Turkish Treaty, have disposed of those territories, defined the territories, defined the Mandates, and submitted the Man- dates to the Council of the League for approval. That is the procedure. It has been made quite clear by Lord Curzon, speaking in another place on 25th June. On 25th June Lord Curzon went carefully through the circumstances regarding the setting up of a future Arab Government in Mesopotamia under British guidance and assistance. He explained that Mesopotamia was first ceded by the Turks to the Allies, that the Allies agreed to form Mesopotamia into an independent Arab State under British Mandate, that that Mandate was to be drafted by the Allies in consultation with and agreed among all the Allies, and that when it had been agreed among all the Allies the British Government were going to submit the terms of that Mandate to the Council of the League for their approval, and that when it was approved by them the new régime in Mesopotamia would begin.
That is what should happen in Syria. Meanwhile, until the mandate for Syria has been approved by the Council of the League, and a new Arab Government in Syria under French assistance and French guidance is established in Syria, there should be no disturbance of the status quo without the agreement of all parties, regarding the division of the area for the purposes of temporary administration, and that there should be no military undertakings without the common knowledge and common assent of the Allies and of the Supreme Council. It is essentially a matter for the Supreme Council, which it ought to have undertaken. It was sitting at Spa at the very moment that this ultimatum was being drafted and these operations were being contemplated. Had the British Government any knowledge of the fact, which I understand is a fact, that before the ultimatum expired the Allied troops began to move? They began to move in an area which is particularly likely to affect the British. They moved from Jerablus, on the Euphrates, where the great bridge crosses the Euphrates on the Baghdad Railway, and moved down south to Jisir-Sejur, and fighting took place between our two Allies. This is in the Euphrates area, and there is nothing more certain than this, that just as the Prime Minister explained recently in regard to Mosul, that Mosul, Baghdad, and Busrah, being on the same river, must hang together, so down the Euphrates the whole tribal connection and the whole political connection is one, and action on the Euphrates at Jerablus is bound to be reflected all down the Euphrates.
That military action was taken on the Euphrates without our being informed is most unfortunate and shows that the British and the French military authorities have not been working harmoniously together as they did work during the War in most of the operations. I want the Government to realise that just as peace in Europe depends upon the fullest and frankest agreement between Marshal Foch and Sir Henry Wilson, so, if you want peace in Asia a similar understanding and a similar agreement must be come to in every case, and that if one power—I do not care whether it is the British, the French or any other power—embarks upon operations in Asia without the knowledge and the full assent of the rest of the Allies we shall be in trouble before we have done. We shall never pacify these countries, we shall never wind up the War, we shall be nearly continuing the War in Asia unless there is the fullest and frankest agreement between the two Powers. The ultimatum looks like an attempt to alter the status quo, and to alter the provisional agreement in order to impose certain conditions which are essential conditions and which ought to be embodied in the mandate, such as questions of currency, the replacement of Egyptian and Syrian currency by French currency. That is a very proper subject for the mandate to define. It is for the mandate to say on what terms the currency is to be exchanged and taken over. Those are not the sort of terms which can be discussed or raised until the mandate is decided. It is essentially one of those things which has to be defined in the mandate.
This is part and parcel of the British Government's continual delay in the matter of these mandates. We have been discussing Naura. Continental questions were asked about the terms of the mandate in East Africa. Delay after delay has taken place and nothing has been done. British and French merchants are held up in Africa because nothing has been decided about the terms of the mandate for territories ceded over a year ago in the Treaty of Versailles. The delay of the Government in pressing forward this question of the definition of mandates is lamentable. One of the most urgent questions of the present time all the world over is the final settlement of the terms of these mandates. The governing principles that underlie them are very clearly defined in the Treaty of Versailles, and it ought not to be a very difficult thing to draft a document, based upon the Peace Treaty, which will give effect to these mandates. I want to know the exact committals which we have undertaken to the Arabs, how far we are committed to support them in their claim to independence against France, or how far we are committed to join the French in any military action to impose their authority over the Arab Government and over the four towns which I have named. I am certain that if war goes on between our Arab and our French Allies, it will reveal only the bankruptcy of British diplomacy. For years the Arabs have been our greatest friends in the East, and ever since the days of King Edward VII. France has been our closest and dearest Ally in Europe. Long may that alliance continue! If, then, hostilities break out, it will be an awful and lamentable confession of failure on our part. Of one thing I am certain, and that is that if the late Sir Mark Sykes had lived this would never have taken place. He had the confidence of the Kaid Hussein and of the Arabs, and he did more than anyone to ensure that British, French, and Arabs worked together hand in hand. I am certain that if this House had been spared the irreparable loss of his personality we should not have seen this sorry sight to-day of two Allies fighting in Syria when we ought all to be building up the prosperity of that glorious country. What is wanted is a spirit in the Foreign Office that is energetic, that is interested in these Middle Eastern questions, with foresight, with knowledge, ready to listen to people who have been in the country recently and not merely thirty years ago, and who will determine that the entente between Britain and France shall continue, and that that between Britain and the Arabs shall continue, and that will determine to bring them together and put an end to these months and months of procrastination. For months the Emir has been in London or in Paris. There have been conversations without end, but British statesmanship seems to have failed at the critical moment. It is now, when an ultimatum is just expiring, when hostilities likely to involve us in serious expenditure and loss-of life are once again commencing—it is-now for us frankly and fearlessly to say to our French friends and to our Arab friends what we intend to do, and, above all, to use our utmost efforts to restore the peace that is now being broken and to lay the foundations of a permanent peace, based upon freedom and upon the full recognition of all the obligations into which we have entered.
I beg to second the. Motion.
Everyone must realise the gravity of the question at issue and the responsibility that rests upon all our shoulders to-night to do nothing further to exasperate public opinion either in France or in Arabia. I would like to emphasise what my hon. and gallant Friend has said. There is an evident misapprehension in the minds of some hon. Members, who seem to think that in raising this question we are doing something that is necessarily hostile to France. Several hon. Gentlemen have come to me in the Lobby and have spoken on the subject. One hon. Member, whom I see present, ventured to express his opinion on an earlier occasion that this question was very unimportant compared with the interests of our friendship with France. Our alliance with any Ally who fought, by our side during the War is not unimportant. I would say to my hon. Friend the Member for East Nottingham-(Sir J. D. Rees) that, had he been in the East more recently than he has been, he would have realised that when you have had fighting at your side an Eastern people, if you show to that people after the War that you are not prepared to support them and their legitimate aspirations, you run the risk of losing the friendship of every other of your Allies, in the Middle and Far East. It is not necessary to stress overmuch the fact that the Hedjaz portion of Arabia that has come under the leadership of King Hussein and Emir Feisul had as much the status of an Ally during the War as any of the other small peoples in Europe. I press that on the attention of the hon. Member for East Nottingham and of those who think with him. If the situation in Western Europe was as unhappy as it is in the Middle East, and if, as a result of a dispute over the Peace Treaty, France had just issued an ultimatum to Belgium and was about to invade it, there is no one in this House or outside of it who could sit silent. It would be the first duty of the Government, and of every Member of this House, and of people outside, to offer our good offices to both disputants, and to try to prevent brothers in arms using against each other the force that they once wielded against a common foe.
9.0 P.M.
Exactly the same is true of Arabia. As one who fought with the Arabs, I resent more than I can say the sort of idea that the Arabs, because they are an Eastern people, are to be used during a was as Allies, and that, when that war is over, it is not worth while having a row with France for their sake. Everyone who fought by our side in the late War was an Ally, whether black, or white, or yellow. In just the same way I Hold that those among the subjects of the King who fought side by side are entitled to be treated in the same way as white soldiers. My hon. and gallant Friend has quoted a letter which was sent by the High Commissioner in Egypt, Sir Henry MacMahon, in the early days of 1914, to Kaid Hussein. I would like to quote one passage in a letter written by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in October, 1919. My hon. and gallant Friend has quoted the first portion of the letter, which contains some highly interesting information as to the views of the Government on the question of the territory to be allotted to the Arabs. My hon. and gallant Friend did not quote the closing portion of the letter, which is this: how valuable that military assistance was. There is no word too strong in praise of it, and the word used by the Foreign Secretary "indispensable" is not an exaggeration. The graves of the Arabs who died in the fighting are as much evidence of their conduct as are the graves of Frenchman or Englishmen. My hon. Friend, who moved, referred to the fact that this movement has been going on a very long time. It is the fact, which has never come out, but there is no harm in quoting it now, that an offer was made to a great British representative. In 1912 or 1913 the leaders of the Arabs had an interview with Lord Kitchener in Egypt. They said they were sick and tired of the Turkish Government, and of their tyranny and of the abuse of their Arab institutions and the outrages on their people, and they asked would the great British people, whom they regarded as the friends of justice and of the people of the East, help them to rise against the Turks.
They would rise against the English just as readily.
I do not know what the hon. Member means, and I doubt if he knows himself. Lord Kitchener replied, and it was a very proper reply, to those leaders that we were on friendly terms with the Turks, and that we could not possibly assist the Arabs to overthrow the Turks. Then came the War, when the Turks went against us, and again the Arab leaders approached our then representatives in Egypt, and asked that we should help them to rise and overthrow the Turks, and with what result is well known. We gave them assistance with the knowledge of our Allies, and I particularly put this point to the Leader of the House. In arming them against the Turks we supplied them with rifles and machine-guns, and a military training that was necessary. What then will be the situation if this unhappy conflict takes place and if the French and Arabs come to blows? In France, I am sure, 90 per cent. of the people are friendly to us, and equally I am sure that 90 per cent. of our people are friendly to France. Those people will say, "Here are people killing French soldiers with arms and munitions with which you supplied them." We supplied them for a perfectly legitimate purpose during the War in order, to equip them to overthrow Turkish domination which was hateful to them. Does not this position make it all the more obligatory on the Government to leave no stone unturned to prevent this unhappy contest taking place, and to prevent the possibility of French soldiers being shot with British rifles, and attacked with machine-guns, and even bombs possibly from British aeroplanes?
I am the last person to suggest that the Government is irresponsible in dealing with these matters, but I am bound to say that I regard with alarm the attitude that we cannot intervene. There has never been a more important issue as regards our position in the Middle East and the East generally in the lifetime of this Parliament than that which is presented to-night. I am perfectly certain that if once the Middle East is in a blaze, and the Arab population in different parts are roused, it will require more than the Regular Army of this country to put it down. I would ask in all seriousness the Government and the House, do they think that the people in this country are going to volunteer to go out and fight against a people who fought by our side in the War. This is one more instance of the difference between what Lord. Randolph Churchill once called the eternal problem between what ought to have happened and what actually did happen. I think I know quite well what the answer of the Government will be. They will say that the two hon. Gentlemen who raised this question failed to mention the attitude of Prince Feisul, the chosen leader of the Arab people, towards the Allied Supreme Council and France, and they will say, no doubt, that he is the cause of fomenting disturbance in Syria, and that, further, he was asked to come to the Allied Supreme Council meeting, as the result of the San Remo meeting, and did not do so. Let me deal with the second of those possible points first. Prince Feisul is the chosen leader of the northern portion of our Arab allies. Owing to the delay in settling these questions by the Peace Conference and the Allied Council, he has been so hampered and harassed in every way in setting up an administration, that it was utterly impossible for him a month or two months ago to leave his country. Prince Feisul is the John Redmond of 1915. He is a moderate Nationalist, anxious to come to terms, and in his country are hundreds of Arab Sinn Feiners who say, "Away with this man, and let us have people who will have nothing to do with the French or the British." Some of these people have been reading the newspapers, and have read of the results of extreme action elsewhere.
I am convinced to-day, as strongly as I could be of anything, that Prince Feisul has always been anxious to arrive at a fair settlement, but it is perfectly clear that he cannot make a bargain or a compromise that goes beyond the wishes of his people. The Arabs, so far from being, as some people seem to imagine, a people in whom there is no power vested in the people, have a very free form of government in which Prince Feisul is not hedged round like royalties in other parts of Europe. He is in constant touch with his people, and is in the position of one of the leaders of the middle ages who went into action at the head of his people, and he has the fullest opportunity of ascertaining their opinions. He has always been anxious to meet us as a reasonable ally. What has he done? He attended the Peace Conference and presented his case. We have never seen that case printed as a White Paper, and we have never heard the Government answer or the answer of the Allies Yet they make the point against Prince Feisul that he refuses to-day to come, as the result of a second summons, to see the Supreme Council. Why should he come? He is the leader of an Allied people, and he has put his case to the Peace Conference. That case should have been printed and distributed among the Parliaments of the Allies, but, following the usual practice of secrecy, with which these things are done, we have never heard a word in this House. We have never had his full case, or the considered answer of the Allies. All that we have had has been these half-censored references from Cairo and elsewhere and obscure replies from the Foreign Office in this House and another place. The point is made that he has been the fomenter of disturbances. What disturbances? If he has, is that any justification for any of the countries, whether France, ourselves or the Italians, taking action against an ally without the cause for that offensive action being known both to the Allied Supreme Council and the League of Nations? So far from it being true that he has been the fomentor of distubances, he has taken every action that he could to prevent agitators from stirring up trouble, and I am bound to say that he has not always been supported as well as might have been by some of the Allies.
I should like to mention the very sinister case of Mohammed Said, the son of an Algerian, who was with us in the (War, who was in the confidence of Prince Feisul, and who pretended that he was going to help him. All the time that man was in the pay of Djemal, the Turkish general, and he jeopardised all our lives, my life among others, by deserting and giving information to the Turks. I only wish that we had caught him and then there would be no Mohammed Said to stir up trouble in Syria to-day. He got away and gave information to the Turks, which resulted in a military disaster of the first order. This man was deported from Damascus by Prince Feisul, and it has been made the cause of complaint against Prince Feisul on the ground that the man was pro-French. He may have been pro-French—I do not know—but he was certainly pro-Turkish and a spy, and he certainly risked the lives of many British officers. There is only one place for him, and that is the gallows or in front of a firing squad. I say that a small ally has just as strong a moral right as a big ally to have his claim dealt with impartially. Who has judged this case impartially? Has the Peace Conference judged it impartially, and, if so, what was the finding? I cannot conceive that some members of that Conference—President Wilson, for example, with his well-known views on the League of Nations-—would like the idea of a conflict, one of the causes of which would be an attempt to impose the French currency upon Arabia, and it is said, though I cannot say with what truth, the French language. We are told in the newspapers that it is considered so serious by our French Allies that they have eighty battalions with tanks and aeroplanes ready to march on Damascus against our allies and brothers-in-arms.
I submit that the claims of France to the mandate in Syria are based and can only be based on the law of the League of Nations. I wish to make no cheap sneer, but those who believe that our action in raising this question is wrong are largely composed of those who were not in a position to fight in the War and who would not be in a position to fight in this war. I do not think that you would get any soldier to regard with equanimity the prospect of a conflict in Mesopotamia or Arabia or who would not be prepared to take any action, even at the risk of offending one of our Allies, to avoid it. I was amazed to see in a newspaper to-day a reference to the great historic positions of France in Syria. If it be suggested that France has any rights over those given her by the League of Nations then we are coming to a very dangerous argument. If it be contended that though there were no French troops fighting in Arabia the Turks were defeated before Verdun, well it might with equal truth be said that Alsace-Lorraine was taken in the North Sea. I do not agree with it, but I am going to quote what Prince Zaid, the brother of Prince Feisul, said, because it expresses the Arab point of view. Prince Zaid was having a friendly talk with a French representative who used that argument of one front, and he said:
What about Mesopotamia?
It applies to Mesopotamia, and my hon. and gallant Friend knows that I was one of those who pressed constantly for the administration of Mesopotamia by the League of Nations. There is one other point which I wish to make. It has been suggested that the Arabs are only a small, insignificant people, and that it is hardly worth while at the risk of a conflict with France to pursue this matter. It is commonly reported—I regret the Prime Minister is not here to say whether or not it is true—that at the Peace Conference Prince Feisul, who represented the Arabs there, was told by President Wilson, by our Prime Minister, and by M. Clemenceau that something which he regarded as a reflection on the sovereignty of Arabia was to be effected, that these three countries—and possibly Italy was concerned as well—would always do everything they could to help a small and struggling nationality. Prince Feisul said, "Tell the President of the United States, the Prime Minister of England, and the Prime Minister of France that when their ancestors were clad in skins and eating husks my people were an ancient and civilised people," and that is true. The civilisation of Arabia, however little you may agree with its code, is an ancient civilisation, and the people of Arabia are anxious to maintain their tribal life, such as it is, although you may not agree with it, and may regard it as bloodthirsty and brutal, but it is a form of organisation and, in a sense, of civilisation, and it is absurd to think that a people like that is an upstart people to be treated in a condescending way by the Supreme Council.
Those of us who are interested in Arabia have given plenty of warning to the Government over this matter, and I regard with the gravest apprehension what is likely to happen in the future. It would not be in order to refer to Mesopotamia, but let the House realise what is going on there. Prince Feisul and Colonel Lawrence went to the Peace Conference—Colonel Lawrence, who has been rightly described as the soul of Arabia—and they created a sensation in that assembly which can be better imagined than described. The idea of two fighting soldiers entering the Peace Conference, and the effect upon the extra additional aides-de-camp, and Army commanders, and personal private secretaries of the Prime Minister, and personal private secretaries of the personal private secretaries of the Prime Minister—the fact that two combatant soldiers, two men who had actually themselves fought, should come there to put their case, and put it with the genius and with the power which they were able to display, created a sensation in that august assembly. The case they put was a perfectly good one and a perfectly true one. They pointed out that the Arabs asked for certain things which they had been promised, and that they were apprehensive of what the result would be if their legitimate aspirations were not acceded to. Their warning was unheeded, and they were treated almost as maniacs. People said to me, "Who is this man who has dared to argue with General So-and-so, with Field Marshal Lord this, and Field Marshal Lord that?" I said, "He is just a fighting soldier, who has made a big success of his trade, and has managed to do more good for the Allied cause than thousands of red tabs and hundreds of generals." His words were not listened to, however, and the results are seen today. The men who were on the spot gave their warning, it has been unheeded, and the results are likely to be disastrous for the whole of our French and British interests in the Middle East.
I say the duty of the Government is plain. It is at once to make representations, both to our allies the French and to our allies the Arabs, and to ask that this matter may be put at once to arbitration, to ask that the whole case may be made public, to answer the questions which have been put in the Debate to-day by my hon. and gallant Friend, as to how far we are committed to the support of either party and whether we are prepared to abide by the letter and the spirit of our promises to the Arabs, and generally to define the position of His Majesty's Government in a controversy and a conflict which they must concern themselves with even if they did not wish to do so. In doing that they will only be doing the plainest justice to the interests of one of the disputants in the case, namely, the Arabs. They have not yet had that justice, either from the Peace Conference or from the Supreme Council, and I say that if we do not do them that justice, to look at it from a selfish point of view only, our own interests will suffer most vitally, and the interests of all the Allies will suffer, while the effect on the general unrest in Europe to-day, which is largely due to fear and insecurity about the future, will be very serious. I have no hesitation in saying that if we do not come to a settlement before many months are out we may see once again a huge conflagration re-started in the Middle East, and we may find ourselves committed up to the neck before we know where we are.
No doubt the situation is exceedingly grave, and I am sure the House has heard with interest the speeches of the two hon. Gentlemen who have special knowledge of that country. I have no claim to that special knowledge, but I have special knowledge of the High Commissioner who has issued the ultimatum which is to-night called in question, and I suppose it is often the case that the character of a man is even more important than the country with which you are concerned. I, therefore, plead with the House to hear the other side, because there is another side. The quarrel of the two hon. Gentlemen opposite with the Government is, that they have not sent a protest to France—[Mr. ORMSBY-GORE: "No"]—let me finish my sentence—or in some other way have not prevented the French from sending the ultimatum, which, as they say, in the phrase of the Seconder of the Motion, may cause endless suffering, and, in the phrase of the Mover, may involve us in a long and costly war—I paraphrase his words, but I think he agrees—which may cost us much money and many valuable lives, because we shall find ourselves confronted with a unified Arabia. The trouble is, apparently, that the ultimatum has been issued, and that the Government have not prevented them from doing it. The real issue—and we know it is so, you cannot say it if you are attacking, but only if you are defending—is as to whether the French are right or wrong in issuing this ultimatum. To that I propose to address myself for not more than 10 or 12 minutes.
Not only do I know the most gallant soldier in Europe, who is now the High Commissioner over whose name this ultimatum has been sent, but I do know what is the case which our Allies put forward in this matter, and to me it is a convincing case. The French, under the terms of the Treaty with Turkey, have got a force in Syria and Cilicia. In Cilicia they have a force not so large, I believe, as stated, but a considerable force—many battalions, many batteries, a good deal of cavalry and a considerable force of artillery which they have to maintain there under the terms of the Treaty, and, incidentally, whose presence there is the one safeguard of the unfortu- nate Armenians. I challenge anyone who knows the facts of that region to deny that, if the French withdrew their force from Cilicia—I speak only of Cilicia now, and not of Syria—it is quite certain that thousands, if not tens of thousands, of Armenians would be massacred. That force in Cilicia which I have described, for the purpose of provisioning it and providing it with all the necessaries of an army, was based upon the railway which runs from Mersina, more or less due east, to their headquarters, and for some time that force was so provisioned, when Mustapha Kemal rebelled against the Allies and took the field. He was followed by other Turkish bands all over Asia Minor, and the railway was constantly cut, and I have this from what, I think, may be called a competent military authority, who really knows all about it, a French officer who has recently returned, that that railway was cut so often that some times for days, and in one case for several weeks, in spite of the vigilance of the French on the railway, no trains passed over it at all, and the position of the considerable force in Cilicia was in real jeopardy if not in real danger. We who fought the South African War know how difficult it is to maintain a long line of railway——
Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that the Arabs until Emir Feisul cut the railway, or whom does he suggest did it?
I am sorry the Noble Lord did not hear what I said. I thought I was clear. I said that when Mustapha Kemal defied the Allies, and when the Arabs rebelled, they attacked the railway. They attacked the railway, and they rendered it almost incapable of transport, in one case for several weeks, and I was saying, when my Noble Friend interrupted me, that we who fought the South African War know the extraordinary difficulty of maintaining a long line of railway. General Gouraud, who is at one and the same time Civil and Military Governor of this region—for he is High Commissioner and Gommander-in-Chief—was in a position of extreme difficulty. He could not provision his troops by the Mersina Railway nor by the railway which runs due north, because that railway has been so much damaged during the War and it would take months to restore that line. What alternative remains to the French High Commissioner to provision his troops? There is only one—the railway line which runs due north from Palestine to Aleppo. General Gouraud accordingly sent to the Emir Feisul—and I would say, in passing, that my admiration for the Emir Feisul is quite as great as that of the Mover and Seconder of the Motion; I believe him to be a great patriot, but my point is that he has failed in this important matter —General Gouraud appealed to the Emir Feisul to allow him to provision his troops by the only other possible line of railway. He could not provision them by road, because the roads are practically non-existent. The reply was a hesitating one, and when at last the reply came in the affirmative, upon the French officers going to the station to forward the supplies, Arab officers were present to prevent the use of the railway. It would be wrong to say, because it would not be true, and if it were true in the case of the French Allies, we should not say that this French force is in danger of immediate starvation, because that would, of course, encourage the enemy, which enemy is not the Emir Feisul, but what my Noble Friend calls the Arab Sinn Feiners, a very numerous body. Mustapha Kemal has cut the railway which leads from the west to the east. The Sinn Feiners are threatening the whole front. I said General Gouraud asked for permission, and when he got it it was again refused.
The position is one of extreme gravity for a very large force, and I claim—and I hope the House will really support this view—that any British General put in the same position as the French High Commissioner has been put in would not only have been right to collar the other railway to save his troops, but we should have really condemned him if he had not done so. That is what General Gouraud claimed to do. But more than that, there are claims to ensure that the Treaty of Peace to which we are parties shall be respected. My Noble Friend said he was not aware that any of the Emir Feisul's troops had broken the railway or entered the French territory. I assure him he is wrong. On at least three different occasions attacks have been made on the French in the ports on the Cilician coast, which they must maintain if they are to maintain a force—attacks on barracks, in which heavy casualties have occurred on either side, and when the French were last attacked in three cases officers of the Sinn Fein Army were found amongst the attackers. The true parallel to the position of the French Army is the parallel between ourselves and Mesopotamia. To make the parallel complete, it is to be supposed there may be an alternative line of railway from Persia, and that our Commander-in-Chief in Mesopotamia, having failed to secure Persian agreement, insisted on commandeering Persian railways, and exacted guarantees in Persia in order to secure the safety of his garrison.
I put the other side, and I honestly believe it to be true, that there may be those in this House who say, "That is all very well, but the real object of the French in giving this ultimatum"—no one has said it yet here, but it has often been said outside—"is to extend their power." Are we to believe that the French High Commissioner is sincere in what he says? I do think this country is fortunate in that at this moment, when there is a danger of real tension between two countries which have suffered so much together, and on whom so much depends, there should be as High Commissioner at the danger point General Gouraud. We all know he is a man of that extraordinary simplicity of character, that if asked by the French to carry out a policy he thought wrong, he would object to it. Is he the kind of man who would, behind our backs, seek to embroil us with our brave Arab Allies? Who is this man—this General Gouraud? He is a man who commanded the French troops in Gallipoli. Whoever reads that tragic story will see that he was there until he was very nearly killed. He did everything to support the British. He exposed himself to every risk. Finally when with British officers by his side he had his right arm blown off he refused to be touched, though he was probably bleeding to death until the others had been attended to. He is a friend of the English. What else has he done? It so happens that he is my friend. I have met him often in France, I went all round with him, around-his trenches with the permission of the commander-in-chief in order to see whether they were better or worse than ours. I only say what I do in order to assure the House that I speak of what I know. I stayed with him three days—this most gallant man—a man who has been termed the Bayard of the War. He could not tell a lie. He assured me he was going to stay in the trenches throughout. He said that throughout his life he would be a devoted friend of the English. What was the sequel? Two years ago last Friday, I think, Gouraud was in command of the French Army in front of Paris. The House may perhaps have forgotten that thrilling moment, the climax of the War, but some of us do not forget the message which he sent to the French troops. I remember reading it. It was as follows:
I am sure the House will understand something of the hidden feeling which a Debate of this kind discloses. It is true, my two hon. and gallant Friends who moved and seconded the Motion did everything in their power to make it plain that they were not attacking the French Government or the French people. Unfortunately, however, no amount of explanation can get away from the fact that if this Motion be justified at all, it is justified only on the ground of improper attitude on the part of the French Government. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] Well, I shall try to prove that is so. My right hon. and gallant Friend who has just sat down said that the real question before the House was whether or not the French ultimatum was justified. The question is rather more complex even than that. The question before the House really is whether or not the action of the French Government is so unfriendly that we have the right to interfere with a country which has been duly appointed mandatory, and inquire as to the cause and nature of their ultimatum? That, I think, is the real issue. I would like to deal with one or two questions which have been put in this discussion. We have been asked whether or not all the correspondence between the Arabs and ourselves was shown to the French and vice versa? It was all shown. Then we have been told that a particular letter which was quoted by both hon. Gentlemen—a letter dated 15th October, 1919—was intended to establish an independent Arab State. The letter was read, but a part of it was not read, and it is an important part. The part that was referred to was this:
"Great Britain was prepared to recognise and support the independence of the Arabs within those portions of the territories claimed by the Emir Feisul in which Great Britain was free to act—"
and this is the part which was not quoted—
"without detriment to the interests of her Ally, France."
Can that be laid on the Table?
I do not know that I have any objection to that. [AN HON. MEMBER: "It has been published by being read."] We have been told that the case of the Arabs and of the Emir Feisul was not put clearly before the Peace Conference. No mistake could be greater than that. The Emir Feisul, as has been pointed out, was present at the Peace Conference. In addition to the part he took publicly at that Conference, there were endless negotiations, between him and M. Clemenceau, on the one side, and our Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary, and sometimes myself, on our side, to try and secure a complete understanding. Now we have had quoted by one of the Movers of this Motion, the saying of the late Lord Randolph Churchill, that "we have this eternal conflict between what has happened and what ought to have happened." That is true. But apparently my hon. Friend (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) and many other people are inclined to assume that what ought to have happened and has not happened is the fault of His Majesty's Government. That is not always true.
I assure the House that we realised so fully the importance of a good understanding and a good arrangement not only with our French, but with our Arab Allies, that every possible effort was made by the British Government to secure a complete understanding as regards the region in Syria. What is the complaint made against the British Government? Up till now I have not been able to grasp that. It was that we made a promise that Arabia should be independent. That is true. We have tried, and we have succeeded in fulfilling that promise. It has been said that the independence of the Arab people was incompatible with the mandate. If that were so, what is the sense of of the Covenant of the League of Nations, to which my Noble Friend was a party, where the particular parts he refers to are described as coming under a certain mandate? If there be anything incompatible with our pledges in the setting up of a mandate and Arab independence, then it is a part of the Treaty which ought not to have been in, and according to that we should not have allowed the French to obtain a mandate in Syria.
Another statement was made that what the French were doing was quite uncalled for, and all that was necessary was to have the status quo, and everything would be happy. Does the House realise exactly what has happened? It was British arms that directed the operations, and as the result it was British troops which were in occupation of all these territories. The British Government came to the conclusion that it was not fair that we should be called upon to bear the burden of the occupation of all those territories in which later we should not have an interest. Therefore, we gave notice that we intended to withdraw the British troops. What happened? It had to be decided to what Power, or in what way, the mandates for those territories were to be given, and that was done. The mandate for Syria was given at the San Remo Conference to the French Government. I would like to point out that that was not done behind the back of the Emir Feisul. It was done, I believe, not only with his knowledge, but when he was in Paris, and he himself accepted the proposal that there should be a French mandate for that territory.
That being so, I would like to ask my hon. Friend what he suggests should be done in the meantime if disorder arise in those countries where a mandate has been accepted. We have accepted the mandate for Mesopotamia, and can we imagine the French Chamber of Deputies being engaged in such a discussion as we have had here to-day, with perhaps as complete knowledge of the facts as those who are criticising the Government. Can you imagine the French saying to us, "You promised the Arabs in Mesopotamia an independent Arab State, and what are you doing? You are using force in Mesopotamia, and you are doing it without consulting the French Government. You are breaking all the conditions which tend to the proper homogeneity of the Allies, by taking steps to repulse the troops which are attacking you, before you have communicated with the French Government." I think the analogy is complete. We are in Mesopotamia for the purpose of carrying out the objects of the mandate, not for setting up British administration, but for setting up an independent Arab State in that country. That is what we are trying to do, and mean to do; and yet, in spite of that, we are being attacked by the Arabs all through Mesopotamia. Our answer to the French Government is the same. If the French Government put this question to us, we should say that we have been entrusted with this mandate, and that we must carry it out to the best of our ability.
It is said that the action of the French Government in Syria is contrary to the whole spirit of the mandate and of an independent Arab State, but that is not so. In this very ultimatum to which reference has been made this has been admitted. It is the acceptance by the French of a mandate for respecting the independence and integrity of Syria, with Syrian authority properly invested with power by the popular will. This entails on the part of the mandatory Power co-operation in the form of collaboration and assistance, but it will not assume by the French the form of annexation or direct administration. That is precisely the principle on which the French Government tell us they are acting, and is the House of Commons really going to ask the British Government to go to the French Government and say, "You tell us that, but we do not accept what you say, and we ask you to allow us to interfere with you in the exercise of your authority!"
Let us look at it a little further. I say that the mandate, having been given to the French, it is clearly no business of ours to interfere unless the action be outrageous, and we have a right to say that it is not in accordance with the Peace Treaty, and would not be accepted by the League of Nations or any other independent body. That would be our only justification for interfering. Have we that justification? I think we have a right, at least, to assume that the French Government have something of a case for the action which they have taken. My right hon. Friend referred to this. I say that in either case it is a situation in which the French must decide on the necessity for taking action. They point out that a large number of French soldiers have been massacred by the Arabs. They do not say that the Emir Feisul was responsible for that; and I do not think he was; but they say that whether it is due to his responsibility or want of power to prevent it, in either case it is a situation which the French Government cannot allow to continue. With regard to the railways, the French say that they absolutely depend on the lines which pass through the territory that was under Arab administration under present conditions, for the support of their forces in dealing with the rebellion under Mustapha Kemal. They tried over and over again to get from the Emir Feisul the use of those railways for the troops, and they failed. They made remonstrances, and again and again they failed. They say that is a condition of things which they cannot allow to continue so long as they are responsible for the mandate of that country. That is their case, and I think it is a very good one.
This is really a very important matter. Is it suggested that the French have a mandate over Damascus, because that has never been accepted.
I think they have a mandate over the whole of Syria.
Never over Damascus. I may be mistaken on this, point, but I believe I am right.
When was the mandate given?
10.0 P.M.
It was given by the Supreme Council at San Remo. As regards this particular area, which is under Arab administration, there would be a case, I agree, if it were maintained, as a result of the steps which the French Government are now taking to secure order in that territory, that they meant permanently to occupy Aleppo and these other towns. On that particular point we have been in communication with the French Government. We have received a reply which is to this effect: They have no intention of permanent military occupation. As soon as the mandate has been accepted and order has been restored, the troops will be withdrawn. That is the purpose with which the French Government are acting. I am informed that I was right as to the mandate. This is the position: A great deal has been said about the case of the Emir Feisul. No one will recognise more readily than His Majesty's Government that he and his tribesmen did gallant service in the War. But I ask the House of Commons to remember that we are dealing not only with one Ally, but with another Ally, and while it is perfectly true that the Arabs did gallant service for us during the War, it is equally true that but for the sacrifices both of the French and ourselves, there would be no possibility whatever of King Hussein having any authority over Syria. It is idle to say, as my Noble Friend will admit, that because the French did not take a direct part in the conquest of Turkey, therefore they have no claim. It was one War, and though it is true that the sacrifices in Turkey were made by us, and we feel we have certain claims on that account. Yet we have never hesitated to admit that the sacrifices of the French taken all in all gave them claims in regard to everything which has happened as the result of the War.
As regards the Emir Feisul, it is not our fault that his case has not been considered even further than it was. As I pointed out, we saw him over and over again in London and in Paris. Then, when the question came of giving a mandate, on two occasions the French and British Governments sent a joint invitation to the Emir Feisul to come to Europe to discuss the question with them. One was early this year, either January or February; the other was after the San Remo Conference. He was not able to come, for one reason or another, on either occasion, but I say to the House that no case of any Ally or anyone in connection with the Peace Treaty was considered more thoroughly than his, and with more inclination to meet his views. Do not let the House be under any misapprehension. There is great trouble in the Middle East. Arab fighting adds to that trouble, and it is perfectly right, as was said by my hon. Friend, that what happens in Syria must have reflex action on Mesopotamia. That is perfectly clear. If he assume, as some hon. Members in this House are willing to do, that we in Mesopotamia are pursuing solely selfish objects, with no other objects, and if hon. Members assume that the French are pursuing Imperialistic aims in Syria with no other objects, then, of course, the case is hopeless. It is true, as my right hon. Friend has said, there is no Frenchman who has shown a broader mind or greater readiness to grasp the point of view of other people, than General Gourand. He is responsible for the action the French Government are taking. He has declared to the French Government, and he has declared to us, that no other step was possible to bring about order in the country. Therefore, to reflect in any way on the action of the French Government is a serious thing.
I think the speech we have just listened to is a complete justification for the action of my hon. Friend. Nothing could be more unfortunate for this House and for the country than a failure to realise that in these days the conduct of foreign affairs must be in the open, and I think the House owes a great debt of gratitude to my hon. Friend for raising this question, and thereby enabling my right hon. Friend to give an explanation which will undoubtedly go a very long way towards diminishing the anxiety and nervousness which some of us have felt in reference to this matter. I regret that my right hon. Friend should have tried to fasten on my two hon. Friends a desire to attack the French. I thought their speeches were models of moderation, and I see nothing at all improper or objectionable in reminding this House of the extremely delicate position we are in both as regards the Arabs and the French, and imploring the Government to take steps to prevent any breach between those two of our Allies. Unless the House of Commons is able to do that, the sooner it ceases to intervene in foreign affairs the better. I am not going to make any attack on the French Government at all. I do not know whether my right hon. Friend will try and fasten such an intention upon me, but I am sure if he does he will fail to convince anyone that I have any such desire. I realise the enormous importance of a good understanding between us and the French, and when I had the opportunity I did what I could to promote it. I certainly wish to preserve it, and shall say and do nothing to make it difficult for us to work together in the future. Still, in the interests of both it is far better we should express our views in this House, so that the matter may be dealt with in the open and discussed before it has time to fester and to produce ill-blood throughout the length and breadth of the country.
There was one observation which my hon. Friend a little over-stressed. It was in connection with his comparison between Mesopotamia and Damascus. In Damascus you have established an Arab Government by the action of the British Government. When Damascus was occupied, by the British the Arab flag was hoisted, and the area has been since that time under the control of the Arab Government. There is no part of Mesopotamia about which—unfortunately, as I think—that can be said. For my part, I think that, if the British Government had done their duty, they would years ago have established an Arab Government in Mesopotamia. As a matter of fact, it does not exist. There is nothing in Mesopotamia at this moment except the British occupying force; that is the only thing that represents government there. That is not in the least true of Damascus. There we have a most unfortunate state of things. We have two of our Allies, apparently, coming to very severe contention, to put it mildly. The Arabs are represented by Prince Feisul, for whom everyone who knows him has a great respect and admiration. The representative of the French is General Gouraud, who commands in a very special degree that respect and confidence which my right hon. and gallant Friend opposite (Major-General Seely) expressed in such eloquent terms. Here we have two of our best Friends falling out, and surely that is a very serious matter, which ought to an-gage the most anxious attention of the House. I was very glad to hear my right hon. Friend say that he hopes it will be only a passing difference of opinion, even if it is a difference of opinion expressed by somewhat strong action.
Let me again remind the House of the extreme stringency of our pledges to the Arabs. They began in October, 1915, with the MacMahon correspondence. They there came, incidentally, the Sykes-Picot Agreement, which did not add to our obligations to the Arabs, but did not in any way diminish them; it made them absolutely binding. Then there came the declaration which has been referred to in this Debate, and which seems to me to be at least as strong as any, namely, the Anglo-French declaration of the 7th November, 1918. I have only been able to get a French copy of this, and have made a very rough translation of its principal passages, which, perhaps, the House will forgive me for reading, as I am aware that it is not such a translation as ought to be put before them. It sets out that the object which France and Britain had in view in the war in the East—this was just before the Armistice, before mandates were thought of—was:
I do not think it is possible to have a more specific and definite obligation than we have undertaken to the Arabs. Of course, I accept the assurance of my right hon. Friend that the French Government fully recognise this obligation, and that in the operations they are undertaking they do not intend in any way to interfere with the independence of the Arab nation. I am sure if my right hon. Friend says so, and quotes the assurance of the French Government, there can be no doubt that that is so. When my right hon. Friend goes on to say that the only case in which we should have a right to interfere would be if the French Government's conduct had been so outrageous that we had a right to interfere in her action in a place where she has been appointed mandatory, I disagree entirely from my right hon. Friend. The fact that she is a mandatory gives us a right to interfere, because she is a party to the League of Nations.1 My right hon. Friend tells us, no doubt rightly, that the French Government do not intend to interfere with the independence and free action of the Arab nation. The only thing I will ask him—I daresay there is an explanation, but he did not explain it—is why they have insisted on the acceptance of the French as Syrian mandatory and the punish- ment of revolutionaries. I should have thought they were both far beyond anything that they were entitled to do in the strict exercise of the rights which I have recited as coining under the League of Nations. But I daresay there is an excellent explanation. All I want to say to the Government is this. It is no use deprecating, as they always do, any discussion of foreign matters. It is no use concealing all these documents, as they always do, and reading from documents which the House has never seen. They must treat this House with confidence and candour if they desire to see their policy accepted in the country. There is a growing feeling that, so far from having made an end of secret diplomacy, it is just as bad as it ever was. There are meetings at this watering place and that watering place and no information is given to us as to what is going on, and no papers are ever laid on the Table as to what has taken place. I rejoice very much that the discussion has taken place. I quite admit that the explanations of my right hon. Friend have done much to mitigate the anxiety which is felt, and as far as I am concerned I shall not vote for the Motion for the Adjournment.
I want to refer to one point which was made by the Noble Lord. He referred to the power of mandatories under the League of Nations. He contended that this nation and other nations which were parties to the League of Nations had a right to interfere with the action of mandatories for some reason less than that the action of a mandatory was outrageously incompatible with the interests of all the surrounding nations. I cannot help feeling that the Noble Lord spoke perhaps without full consideration of the effect of that doctrine on the very existence of the League of Nations of which he is so prominent an advocate.
My hon. Friend is doing me an injustice. I was referring specifically to such provisions as Article 11 of the League of Nations.
As I understand it, the question is simply the broad question if you are to have a system of mandatories acting under the League of Nations, and if that system is not to lead to more quarrels than it prevents, you must give the fullest reasonable freedom to your mandatories to act. They are acting in the presence of the whole world and they are entitled to trust until after the fullest consideration and the fullest knowledge of the facts the sense of the world is against them. Not only is that so from the point of view of the success of the League of Nations itself, but it is also a matter of the highest importance when you come to consider the position of this country and this Parliament as perhaps the chief of the mandatories under the League of Nations. We have accepted more mandates than any other Power. The British Empire is responsible as mandatory for a very large portion of this world, and if we were to set an example of interfering, without full inquiry, with the action of other mandatories, we are inviting trouble for ourselves. I simply utter these words, without labouring the matter, but I felt some surprise in hearing the doctrine laid down by the Noble Lord, who is so prominent an advocate of the League of Nations.
I was very much surprised by the doctrine laid down by my Noble Friend. He knows so much about the Covenant of the League, with which he had a great deal to do, that it is only with the very greatest diffidence that I question his reading of it; but it is certainly a startling doctrine to be told on his authority that if one member of the League of Nations holding a mandate acts in a manner which appears inconsistent with that mandate to another member of the League of Nations, that individual member has a right thereupon to interfere.
Article 11 of the Covenant expressly declared that any war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the Members of the League or not, is a matter of concern to the whole League.
—"and the League shall take any action that may be deemed wise."
That confirms my impression of the document. I understand that it gives the right to any other Member of the League to bring the matter, not before the other Member, but before the League.
Hear, hear.
I am glad to have that explanation from my Noble Friend, because it was not the impression he gave to me or to the House. If that is so, I do not quite see its bearing upon the particular matter we are discussing.
I should deprecate a Member of the League interfering by itself with another Member. It must bring the matter before the Council of the League, and if I did not say that. I am sorry. I intended to say so. I was protesting against the statement of the right hon. Gentileman that you cannot take any action against a mandatory unless the mandatory has acted outrageously against the terms of the mandate.
I cannot quite see the bearing of that particular doctrine upon our discussion. Let us remember the circumstances under which we are debating this matter. This is a Motion for the adjournment of the House as a definite matter of urgency. That is a very material point when we are considering the whole of this discussion. My Noble Friend said at the beginning of his speech that he thought the House owed a debt of gratitude to the Mover and Seconder of this Motion, because they had enabled the Leader of the House to make his very valuable contribution to the Debate. I entirely agree that it was a very valuable contribution, but I cannot agree that on that account we owe a debt of gratitude to those who brought forward this Motion. My two hon. Friends could have got that valuable reply by raising the question on the Foreign Office Vote or on the Consolidated Fund Bill, or on one of the many other occasions on which it is possible to debate foreign affairs. Let the House remember the particular occasion chosen for this Debate. Suddenly, after questions, the matter was raised as one of urgency. Why urgent? Because this very night, or possibly last night, there expired an ultimatum presented by our French Allies to our Arabian Allies. A less appropriate occasion for eliciting the doctrine of my Friend, that under certain circumstances a matter may be deliberately brought before the League of Nations, you could not possibly have. My hon. and gallant Friend who opened the discussion asked a number of very important and legitimate questions. He wanted to know whether all our commitments to the Arabs had been communicated to the French, and whether all our pledges to the French had been communicated to the Arabs, and so forth. There was no occasion to ask those particular questions as a matter of urgency on the expiration of an ultimatum. Those are matters of general policy that it is very important this House should know, and I agree that we are not told half enough, but I submit that it was very unfortunate at this particular juncture to raise such a matter if it was only to bring out these things, important as they are, but about which there is no particular urgency at this moment.
Therefore, so far from thinking we owe a debt of gratitude to the mover and seconder of this resolution, I think it is a matter for the greatest possible regret that al this particular juncture the House of Commons should have this Debate. My hon. Friend was unfair to the Leader of the House in one respect. I think he accused the Leader of the House of saying that the mover and seconder of the resolution had attacked France. I understood my right hon. Friend to say exactly the reverse. I understand that he complimented my two hon. and gallant Friends on having, in very difficult and delicate circumstances, successfully avoided attacking France. My right hon. Friend did go on to say that, notwithstanding their care not to attack France, the very circumstances in which they raised the Debate inevitably showed that it was the conduct of the French Government which was causing them to take exception to what was going on. I think my right hon. Friend was perfectly justified in saying that, because it was perfectly clear, however much my two hon. and gallant Friends may interpolate expressions of their abhorrence of attacking France, that what had raised their apprehension and made them attack his Majesty's Government was that the French had presented an ultimatum to our Arab Allies, and they were apprehensive of the effect that that might have upon the Arabs in consequence of the pledges we had given to them. I do not want to say a single word against our Arab Allies. God forbid! I am an unequivocal admirer of that splendid race and of the gallant way in which they fought at our side during the War. For that very reason I find it most embarrassing to have to speak at all on a matter of this sort at this particular juncture when whatever action you take or whatever you say must almost inevitably become on either one side or the other, for or against one or other of our Allies as to whom we wish to hold the balance evenly. I extremely regret that this matter should have been raised.
I should not have intervened at all except for the speech to which we have just listened. I differ entirely from the hon. Gentleman. I speak, I am certain, for a large number of Members on this side when I say that we are very grateful to both the hon. and gallant Members who initiated this Debate. To be perfectly frank, I may say for myself, that I knew very little about the facts of the particular matter which we are now discussing, and I depended on what I read in the newspapers. I read the most diametrically opposite views expressed in newspapers. I have come down here and I have learned a great deal about the situation. The Mover and Seconder spoke, not only with a sympathy, which did very great credit to them, but also with an amount of personal knowledge which impressed everybody who listened to them. What was the result of their presentation of the case from their point of view? It was to draw a speech of great value from the Leader of the House, and a speech which had the effect, in my mind, of very much mitigating the alarm with which I read the newspapers this morning. It was said that this was an unfortunate occasion. I cannot imagine a better occasion. An ultimatum was presented, which expired last night. I do not know what is going on in the East to-day. I may read something about it in the morning, but I shall do so with very much better knowledge, whatever may happen. It is entirely due to this Debate, as far as I am concerned, that I shall be able to appreciate those events with a very much better sense of perspective than otherwise would be the case.
I join most heartily with what the Noble Lord (Lord R. Cecil) said when he stated that it is of the utmost importance even at the risk of being misunderstood by some of our Allies that the people of the country should understand what the foreign policy is. It might have been the case in the old days that with a certain amount of safety you could carry on the old diplomacy with an amount of secrecy which was acquiesced in by this House and by the country, but we have estab- lished a new order of things, and unless in that new order of things you are going to carry the confidence of the people with you, which can only be based on some knowledge of the facts, then I think the better day which we all hope for will be indefinitely postponed. As far as we are concerned, we are very much indebted to those who initiated this Debate, and we are very glad to hear what the Leader of the House said that fears we entertained this morning are not reasonable.
The Mover and Seconder of this Motion spoke with great energy and enthusiasm, and in the case of the Noble Lord his powers of resentment outstripped his sense of courtesy and his indignation ran away with his usual good manners. My sole reason for rising was not to put forward views which my Noble Friend with perfect courtesy suggested might be out of date. The Arabs are an ancient people, and they do not change very much. When my right hon. Friend (Sir D. Maclean) said we were inaugurating a new state of things, he spoke with a confidence not borne out by past experience. We are not introducing any great change. On the contrary, I firmly believe that the Arab, whatever we do, will dislike us. Hon. Gentlemen who have spoken are under the impression that the great factor in this case is the detestation which the Arabs have for the Turks, their kinsmen and brother Mohammedans. The dislike that they have to that easy-going, sometimes revenue-collecting spasmodically governing person, the Turk, is absolutely nothing to the hatred that they have to anything like a regular scientific Western system of Government, with its punctual collection of taxes and its perpetual interference with everything that is dear to a nomad people. I confess, though I spent some time among them learning their language, that my knowledge of them is out of date; but when my hon. Friends said that the Arabs were one people, and that anything that happened in one quarter of the desert—the centre of which is uninhabited and the coasts and sides of which are parted by such immense distances of barren sands that the language which is spoken on one side differs so considerably with that spoken on the other that they can hardly understand one another—concerned them all, and that we had guaranteed independence to an independent Arab nation, they said what I believe to be utterly contrary to the fact. I confess that it produced some little doubt in my mind whether the later propositions which they advanced with such confidence may not have been to some extent erroneous. It is an astounding doctrine that the origin of every nation's position in the world is in the League of Nations. The original position of France in Syria, apparently, counts for nothing; it is the mandate of the League of Nations. I was under the impression that Partons pour la Syrie was rather more to the French than the Marseillaise. It is actually suggested, as I understand, that some slight has been put upon that august body, the League of Nations, and because of that, as much as anything, they have initiated this exceedingly untimely, unfortunate, and unnecessary Debate. How it can be seriously contended for one moment that a body which hardly exists, and which has nothing, pounds, shillings, or pence, horse, foot or artillery, can regulate the affairs of the world passes my comprehension. What does it mean if you pursue it to its conclusion? This body is to meet once a year, when two or three are to be gathered together in the sacred name of the League of Nations, and there will be one or two individuals representing different nations. It may be said I totally, misunderstand it. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] That is always possible with me, and the only difference between myself and some of my hon. Friends is that I know it and they do not. If you follow this out to its logical conclusion, surely it means this, that the British Parliament, the British Government, and the British nation are to be under the orders, or at any rate under the influence, of whom? Why, it will actually be of my Noble Friend the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil). If the League of Nations is to be supreme, and he is going to represent this country on the League of Nations, it really means that the British Parliament, the British Government, and the British nation are to take their orders on the knee from one hon. Member, however eminent and distinguished, of this House, who will be the member for Great Britain upon the League of Nations. I am sure I shall be likely to get into trouble with my Noble Friend for saying these things. Sitting just below him, as I do, I am accustomed to his buffets, but I in this particular renounce his arguments, I reject his conclusions, I defy his incantations. "My head is bloody, but unbound."
The time is so late that now I have risen, Mr. Speaker, I am almost sorry I have caught your eye, and I shall try to reduce my remarks to the briefest possible compass. In the speech that we heard to-night from my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House there were, I think, two things that must have struck the attention of most of us here. The first of these things was this. He regretted this Debate, because it might possibly give offence to our French friends, and he did not wish to see anything in the nature of the pot calling the kettle black. May I assure my right hon. Friend that as far as I am concerned I am prepared to say much harder things of my own Government than I am of the French Government, and that if the pot prefaces its remarks by referring to its own dinginess, the kettle will have no very grave complaint to make. I remember once that a friend of mine denned the difference between the English and the French nations in this way: "The English nation are conceited, and the French nation are vain"; and I think that is true. The Englishman wakes up in the morning and says, "Well, thank God, I am an Englishman," and then he rolls over on the other side and goes to sleep again and thinks no more of it, because everything else is irrelevant. On the other hand, when the Frenchman wakes up in the morning he wonders if the world recognises how much France has done in the past for civilisation, and if the world is aware of it at the present moment. Therefore, we, being of that coarser fabric, will guard our words as we speak of a people with qualities at least as fine and often finer than our own, but rather fewer skins than we have.
My Noble Friend drew a number of distinctions between friendships—the friend ship you feel for the rich man, and the friendship you feel for the poor man—and with everything he said I agree; but I would like to add one word, and that is that there is only one friendship in this world that counts, and is worth while, and that is real and true friendship. The friendship of cupboard-love is waste of time, because nobody is ever convinced by it, and that is one reason why I would make no difference between our friendship for the Arabs and the French. We all know that the French have been, and must be, our neighbours. We have known them in peace and war, in friendship and hostility for the last 500 years. French blood runs in our veins, and we have steeped our blood in France, and France is the last nation with whom we ever want to have a difference of opinion. But when you have said that, you have not said all. A time must come to every man when he cannot pay the debts of his nearest and dearest, if his nearest and dearest are going bankrupt, and that is especially the case when the man himself, owing to his past extravagance, is very nearly bankrupt, which is our case. The point at which we have arrived seems to have given a certain amount of surprise to the Government—the only people whom it has surprised. Everyone of us who has been in the East knew this was coming. I told my constituents six months ago this thing was going to happen, and that the Government ought to provide for it. What has happened? The Arabs have attacked us in Mesopotamia and the French have attacked the Arabs in Syria. The first thing is to recognise how far we ourselves are responsible. We have the main responsibility for all this. We went first of all to Mesopotamia. We went to Mesopotamia to attack the Turks and not to possess the oil. We went there to free the Arabs. Having got to Mesopotamia—what I am saying is not popular, but somebody has got to say it—we have proceeded to tax the people something like three times as much as the Turks taxed them, and when we have trouble we can attack them with tanks and aeroplanes, which the Turks could never do. That was no part of our programme when we went to fight. When we went to Syria to fight the Turks the Arabs fought with us, and we promised them their freedom and complete independence. How is that ending? That is ending by these people being subject to rules which were not even enforced in the time of the Turks.
One constantly hears "My country, right or wrong," It seems that when your country is attacked, as we were in 1914, by an immense power like Germany, that is a proper creed for every Power to hold, but that is not the proper creed to hold when it is a big Power attacking a small Power. It is not the creed the Prime Minister held in the Boer War, and it is not the proper creed to hold at a time when peace ought to have arrived, because, after all, the function of the Opposition is a proper and constitutional part of the State. I have spoken of this from the point of view of the people directly concerned, that of the Arab people to whom we have pledged our word. Let me say one word from the point of view of our own people. We are now going to have a campaign in Mesopotamia. We do not desire to use——
May I remind the hon. Gentleman that we are not now discussing Mesopotamia.
I obey your ruling, Mr. Speaker, but the Leader of the House spoke to a certain extent of Mesopotamia, and I was trying to make some answer to his points.
The right hon. Gentleman only cited Mesopotamia by way of analogy to the case of Syria. If the hon. Gentleman had confined himself to that, I would not have interrupted him.
I will confine myself to that. I will take that analogy. It is far from being a perfect analogy. When we went to Mesopotamia we did not promise the same kind of freedom as to Syria. But let that pass. This is the point to which I come; the spirit in which we began the War. The spirit in which the soldiers fought is very different to the spirit of that in which the Peace Conference has thrown the world at this present date. If you want a just and generous peace you must go back to the spirit of the volunteers of 1914. You must be prepared to sacrifice something. It was quite obvious to everyone of us who fought in the East that things could only end in one or two ways. Either for every man to grab all he could, in which case you would have a body enormously swollen standing on weak legs, or for everyone to be prepared to give up something. If the latter, you may look forward to prosperity, tranquillity and peace. We are the only people that can give up something. If we can give up something we will obtain what we are now losing—the respect of the whole East. Let us make our posi- tion clear with respect to Mesopotamia and our example will be followed by our friends the French in Syria, and by the Italians elsewhere.
I can assure the House that we on the Labour Benches take a very intelligent, I might almost say a keen, interest in foreign affairs as between two bourgeoisie parties in the House. I do not think we could have had a, better example than the admirable parallel drawn by the Leader of the House between Syria and Mesopotamia. Apparently the House accepted it as a correct parallel. But is it? Have the French Government made any promise to the people of Mesopotamia as to their independence? Did the people of Mesopotamia fight beside the French for three years? Is there really no claim by the Arabs of Syria upon the people of this country? I should say that not only our pledges to the people, not only the pledges of Lord Curzon and others guaranteeing their independence, not only the Sykes-Picot Treaty, but the fact that the Arabs have trusted us, relied on our word, and fought in our ranks, should constitute a claim which should put them for all time in a different position to the Arabs of Mesopotamia. I thought that parallel was so useful, as typical of the diplomacy of our Foreign Office. They will be able to say in future, "Observe the noble attitude we struck when some ill-advised people in our Parliament ventured to criticise the attack by France on Syria." They will be able to refer to this Debate to prevent the United States, or France, or any other country, venturing to criticise the way in which we should carry our mandates. This will be such a convenient precedent, and precedents are the life-blood of the Foreign Office and the old diplomacy. We are told that this Debate is dangerous, for fear that we should say something that France would not like. We do not like the French Government, and we are distinguishing between Governments and the people——
The rule of the House applies to Governments, and it would not be in order to say anything disrespectful about the French Government.
It must be -plain to all the countries of Europe that we are an international party, and we have no more desire to be tarred with the brush of our Government than we have to tar the other people with the colour of their particular Government. We are not terrified by an association of the descendants of St. Louis coupled with Constantinople finance. Governments play their little game, and the bourgeoisie parties back them up in Debates like these and then we learn the shifts to which all these Governments can be put in order to try and prevent the League of Nations or any other body bringing an end to their foreign policy and they are trying to prevent the League of Nations from having any effect upon affairs. They say, How honest it would be to be able to say, "We have both made mistakes. We have grabbed Mesopotamia and you have grabbed Syria. We have grabbed Mesopotamia because our people believed that the Garden of Eden was there. Let us admit that in the interests of the people of this country we had both better retire and hand the question over to the League of Nations to decide, but we could not do a thing like that really because we have spent millions in Mesopotamia, and we have to make the Garden of Eden flourish by the labour of Indian and Mesopotamian coolies. Therefore we cannot ask you to withdraw from Syria and stop butchering the Syrians."
Offensive observations of that kind in reference to the French Government I cannot allow, and I must ask the hon. and gallant Member to resume his seat.
It being Eleven of the Clock, the Motion for the Adjournment of the House lapped, without Question put.
Nauru Island Agreement Bill
Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question, "That the Bill be now real the Third time."
Question again proposed.
I am reluctant to leave the golden sands of Syria for the green wastes of the Pacific, but the clock has made it so, and I presume with a few observations on another mandate, that on the Nauru Island. I was endeavouring to point out to the. House that, whereas the hon. and gallant Member, in charge of this Bill had assured us we were making an extremely good bargain, which some of us on these Benches were objecting to, the hon. Member who opened the discussion on the Third Reading pointed out very clearly and lucidly to the House that we made a bad bargain, and he begged the support of the hon. Member who had voted against the Government on an earlier stage of the Bill on the grounds that the bargain was so good and profitable that it was not compatible with the ideals of the League of Nations. I do not agree with him. Because the Government made out a good bargain and then, after reading the report of the company's meeting, we find it was a bad one, does not, in my mind, exonerate the Government from the censure that has arisen from all parts of the House. In law it is the intention that counts, and the intention here was to grab a rich part of the world and to exploit it to the exclusive benefit of this country and her two Dominions and because we consider that contrary to the whole declared objects of our rulers in inducing our people to fight the war that we on these Benches, small as this sum is comparatively—it is only a matter of £3,000,000 odd—small as is the area of the territory involved, small as is the number of educated people affected, yet the principle involved is tremendous. It strikes at the whole root of the mandatory system of the League of Nations, and we feel compelled to resist the Bill, even with the modifications. It was divided against at all stages down below and it then went up to Committee, and I must say a small improvement was there made. It is much to be regretted that the Report of that Committee is not available for hon Members who were not able to attend. I personally was not placed on that Committee and was not able to attend because I was sitting on another, and it is impossible for me to follow the arguments used by the Government, but, at any rate, a very important modification was put into the Bill through the attention and efforts of the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin. The agreement now is only confirmed subject to the provisions of Article 22 of the League of Nations. There may be friends of the Bill who say that that Amendment will have removed our great objections, but I want very briefly to point out that it does nothing of the sort for the schedule remains as objectionable as ever. The rules laid down for the disposal of the natural rights of this island are contrary to the spirit of the League, and therefore these words, although I admit they rather improve the Bill, only show up in greater relief the hypocrisy and, if I do not use too strong a word, the wickedness of the provisions of the Schedule for dividing up, for the exclusive use of these three Governments, the natural rights of Nauru Island, and therefore, though I say there is some slight improvement, there is the slight tribute that vice pays to virtue, now inserted in Clause 1 as a result of the efforts of the Committee, nevertheless the Schedule is so seriously against the whole functions of the mandatory principle that we are still bound to vote against it, and I hope hon. Members who think with us will not hesitate to do the same. It is, as I have said, a matter of only 3,000,000, and under the best possible circumstances it will give us only 6½ per cent. The island is not going to be under ordinary Government control; it will be put under the management of political exiles, for whom jobs will be found. I am afraid that that is one of the attractions of this precious scheme. The business will be run in a restricted market, and I should not be surprised a few years hence to find that it is being run at a loss. The main object is to create jobs for men, of course, on the winning side. I shall never be on that side. I believe, however, it will do us great harm by barring us from great areas where we might naturally expect to trade through the open door, and all because the Government cannot resist the temptation to grab these phosphates. I hope that even at this late stage, the House will be able to realise how unsatisfactory an arrangement this is.
The criticisms offered to this Bill have been two-fold, and although the hour is late I feel I must say a few words in reply. As regards finance it has been said we have misled the House and that this is a. bad bargain. Before this agreement was entered into it was care- fully examined not only by the British but by the New Zealand and Australian Governments and I have the authority of Mr. Watt, the Treasurer of the Australian Commonwealth, for saying that he carefully examined the financial part of the agreement and it met with his approval. It was examined, as any financial agreement naturally would be, from two points of view—firstly as regards the profits of the business, the price of the shares, and the dividends paid by the company before purchase; and, secondly, as regards the prospects in the future for the purchasers of the Company. In arriving at what the profits of the Company were, one can only take, in order to get a fair average, those years in which the Company was fully working. Shipping operations to Nauru did not commence until 1907; 1908 was the first full working year there; 1914 was the War year, and normal conditions are not yet resumed. Therefore, to get a fair average, I think I am justified in taking the years 1908–13, and the average profit for those years was £218,618.
Was an export duty in force?
No, there was no export duty. As my hon. Friend the Member for Southwark (Mr. Dawes) said, the purchase price of £3,500,000 represents, as nearly as possible, 16 years' purchase, and that is a very moderate valuation in such cases. The House must realise that the phosphate deposits in Ocean Island and Nauru have not nearly reached their full capacity of output. With regard to the authorised and paid up capital, I said on the Second Reading that the authorised capital was £1,200,000, of which there had been paid up £787,500.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman did not say that. He said twice that a dividend of from 25 to 50 per cent. was paid on the authorised capital, but he did not say anything about the paid-up capital.
I do not think my hon. and gallant Friend is correct, though I have not it here. In regard to the nominal capital and the paid-up capital I made a distinct difference, and clearly explained to the House how much had been paid up, how much partly paid, and how much was not issued. The paid-up capital includes 125,000 preference shares and 100,000 second preference shares. In order to arrive at the present-day value of the shares, or the amount which would be paid to the shareholders at the present time on the liquidation of the company, I am entitled to take the preference shares at par, namely, £125,000. I took the compensation paid to directors and staff at £150,000, and I should like to say a word about that. The House will realise that it is not a question for the Government as to what the company do with regard to compensation to their staff, but my hon. Friend made the point that only £8,000 was paid to the staff, and the remainder to the managing director and other directors. I should like to point out that the £8,000 is not paid as compensation for loss of office, but by way of honorarium, as the staff is going over to the Government; but the payments to the higher officials, to which my hon. Friend alluded, are under agreements, and the directors are only actually receiving some five or six years' purchase of their remuneration. My hon. Friend said that the market rate which it was fair to take for the fully-paid shares was 79s. 8½d., and the date he fixes as a fair date to take is October, 1918. That is a very unfair date to take. The war was still on, and surely the dividends paid by the Company at that date were only at the rate of about 7½ per cent. If you take a later date, in 1919, and before there was any indication whatever of the intention of the Government to buy out the company, the markings of the shares were over £5 for fully-paid shares and over £3 for partly paid shares. I need only allude to the meeting of the company itself when it was said:
"With regard to the price I mentioned to one of my personal friends that I purchased shares in this Company before the War at something like £7 a share, and he mentioned to me that he was disappointed to find that the shares he had purchased at £7 were being sold to the Government for £4 8s. 4d."
What did the German holding amount to that was sold in 1917?
I cannot keep the figures in my head. It may seem that they were sold for a small amount, but they were sold at public auction. There was no concealment about it. They were advertised by the Public Trustee and sold by public auction.
Why did not the Government buy them then?
The War was not over. It is hard to see into the future. My right hon. Friend could have bought them himself, and they would have been a very good investment. I will say one or two words with regard to the prospects in the future. On the second Heading I said, taken at the lowest estimate, there were 100,000,000 tons of phosphate rock in sight. The present price of phosphate rock is somewhere about 45s. a ton f.o.b. If you deduct from that the working expenses—they cannot possibly, according to my information, exceed 18s., allowing for sinking fund, interest and the administration—that leaves a profit of 27s. At present Australia is purchasing phosphate under pre-War contracts at about 32s. per ton and would therefore benefit to the extent of not less than 14s. per ton f.o.b. as compared with pre-war prices. New Zealand will benefit to a considerably greater extent. As regards the United Kingdom the current price of phosphate is some where about £7 5s. 0d. per ton c.i.f., and certainly fully this price can be obtained for Ocean Island and Nauru phosphate. If you deduct from this £7 5s. 0d. the cost of working the phosphate, there is left over £6 7s. 0d. I am not going to prophesy what the freight is going to be, but I cannot imagine it being anywhere in the neighbourhood of £6 a ton, and it ought to come down in the near future to some where in the neighbourhood of 80s. 0d. The indirect benefit which will come from this agreement will be that the price at which phosphate can be sold in this country will have an effect in keeping down the price of phosphate bought from other parts of the world.
The Amendment which has been inserted in the Bill in Committee was carried by a majority of one, and I, on behalf of the Government, resisted the Amendment and explained my reasons, which I still hold. My first reason was that as the agreement had been signed by the Prime Ministers of Great Britain, Australia, and New Zealand, and as these three Prime Ministers had also put their names to the Treaty of Peace and to the Covenant of the League, it seemed to me that it was almost tantamount to saying that they were not prepared to carry out the provisions of the Treaty to which they had put their names if it was believed that they did not intend to carry out the terms in accordance with Article 22 of the Covenant of the League. My second reason was that the agreement was in strict accord with Article 22 of the Covenant. There was another reason of which I was a little in doubt at the time, and that was whether it was possible for two Governments to ratify the agreement without any modification and for the third Government to confirm the agreement with a proviso such as the one which has been inserted. The House is always very averse to disturbing a decision which has been arrived at in Committee upstairs unless it is absolutely essential. If in this case the Amendment had struck any vital blow at the agreement which had already been confirmed by two Governments of the Empire and had passed its Second Reading in this House, it would have been necessary to have asked the House to alter that decision but in the opinion of my Noble Friend it is not necessary to do so. The acceptance of the Amendment makes it doubly clear, if it was not already clear, that the agreement attached to the Bill is strictly in accordance with Article 22 of the Covenant. The other Governments concerned fully realise that it is strictly in accordance with the Article. It was only a few days ago that the Australian Minister for the Navy said that Australia would comply with all the obligation and limitations imposed on her by the Treaty in the Nauru Island agreement. There was one point raised in Committee which I want to make clear to the House. The opinion of the Government is that the agreement is to be subject only to such provisions of Article 22 as are applicable thereto. It is a well established rule, both in practice and in law, that if general words are used in a Statute they are to be construed in particular if the intention of the Legislature is particular as it is in this case. The effect of the Amendment was to make the agreement subject to the relevant paragraphs and passages of Article 22, and more particularly to paragraph 6, and not that part of paragraph 5 which refers to equal opportunities for trade for other members of the League. I know my hon. Friend the Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley), who moved the Amendment in Committee, acknowledged then, as he acknowledges now, that, it was an arguable point as to whether he was right and the Government was wrong. Evidently, in his heart of hearts, he thinks he is not right about this. At any rate, he would not press it so far as to go to a division upstairs. Anyone who reads the Article must realise that the position the Government takes up on this question is the only obvious one.
In view of the geographical position, may I ask whether Nauru is considered, for matters of administration, to be an integral part of Australia or of New Zealand, or of the United Kingdom?
The mandate was granted to the Empire, and it is to be an integral portion of the British Empire. There is no doubt from the papers laid on the Table of the House, and from the mandate for S. W. Africa which has been accepted by that great exponent of the League of Nations, General Smuts, that there never was the slightest intention that Class C. mandates should be subject to the principle of the open door.
The party with which I am associated will vote against the Third Reading, for the reason that this is bad finance and bad morals. The purchase-price is 16 years, and now with 8 per cent. preference shares it means 12 years, and that is being paid for a wasting asset. Four hundred and thirty thousand of the shares were bought from the Germans during the war. Some time ago the shares were 30s. or less, and it is said we were fools not to buy then, and that those who did not do so deserve what they got. I regret to say what they have got has been solely the result of the hon. Gentleman's Department. The Government could have told whether the shares of the Pacific Phosphate Co., would rise, and if they had wanted to make money out of Nauru Island they could have put an export duty on the phosphates just as an export duty was put on the West Coast of Africa on palm kernels, where the natives received a smaller price and the Treasury received the difference. If the Government had done so they would have got money to help to pay off our debt instead of paying larger compensation. When we are paying income-tax and super-tax, corporation tax, and excess profits duty there might have been an export duty on the phosphates of Nauru Island. What has happened is the result of finance Colonial in origin, and accepted here more or less because it has been accepted elsewhere. If this bargain had been originally brought forward by the Treasury here, I do not think it would have been sanctioned. If the finance of the Bill is bad, the morals of it are even more tainted with the modern profiteering spirit. Up to the time of the War all our Colonies were open to the trade of all nations and we were rather proud of the fact that the British Colonies alone were in that position. In the case of French and German Colonies there was the policy of the closed door. It was on this open principle that our Colonial Empire developed and prospered. All that has gone by the board, and on the West Coast of Africa we have differential duties and in Nyassaland, and now there is the most glaring example of Nauru Island. It is mandated territory, and it is not only to be sealed against all other nations but also against half of the British Empire. This is done as an example of what the League of Nations means. If mandates under the League of Nations are to give to different States the power to close markets far greater than were ever exercised before the War, then the sooner we bury the League of Nations the better. Is not this an opportunity of doing something not only for the League of Nations but to restore our reputation? Everybody knows that this is a test case, and, if the British Empire came forward and said that they would submit this agreement, not merely as to the treatment of natives, but also as to the closing of the door, to the League of Nations and take their decision, then their action would do more to establish the League of Nations than anything else that they are likely to have it in their power to do. It would not only establish the League of Nations, but it would be a pledge of good faith given by the British Government to the rest of the Governments of the world. Our reputation and our good name in the world would be more assisted by such action than by anything else that the Government could do. Here we could take the first step, and if we did take the first step in sacrificing our own material interests for the interests of the rest of the world, other countries might act on the same lines. We are all waiting for some country to begin giving up something, and, if we began and took the first step in surrendering some of our national rights in favour of the principles of internationalism and the League of Nations, we should be leading the way as England always ought to lead the way in the right direction and doing something to carry out the old traditions of the British Empire.
Although we cannot be expected to convince the hon. Gentleman who represents the Government, I would respectfully draw his attention to the fact that the words
"subject to the safeguards above mentioned,"
are between commas, and, if they were taken as between brackets, it would alter the whole point that he made. I would submit further that, if he says that this article is limited to the interests of the indigent population, even then he does not rule out this question of equality of opportunity of trading as provided by paragraph 5. Surely, if you do not allow equality of trading you are creating a close market for these particular products, and in as far as you are creating a close market reserved to this country, Australia, and New Zealand, you are thereby paying a smaller price for these products than you would in open markets; otherwise, what is the advantage? And if you are creating a close market and paying a smaller price, surely that is not in the interests of the indigent population to whom these phosphates by origin belong. Therefore, if you are considering the right of the indigent population, these phosphates are their national and natural heritage, and it is only fair that they should get such a price as would be governed by the markets of the world and not by a close market. Other Members who do not claim as a leader the hon. and gallant Member (Colonel Wedgwood) who has represented Labour to-night, feel equally strongly with him that we are laying down a precedent as to the conditions under which mandates shall be carried out, and it is most important that we, who are supposed to have more faith in the League of Nations than some other countries, should set an example, and that even if it should seem to cost a slight commercial sacrifice, we shall gain many times over in the future peace and well-being of the world.
Question put, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
The House divided: Ayes, 116; Noes, 31.
Division No. 228.] AYES. [11.45 p.m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W. Gange, E. Stanley Pollock, Sir Ernest M. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Baldwin Rt. Hon. Stanley Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Purchase, H. G. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Goff, Sir R. Park Rae, H. Norman Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Raeburn, Sir William H. Barlow, Sir Montague Greenwood, William (Stockport) Rankin, Captain James S. Barnett, Major R. W. Greig, Colonel James William Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Bennett, Thomas Jewell Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Reid, D. D. Borwick, Major G. O. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Remer, J. R. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hinds, John Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hood, Joseph Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Breese, Major Charles E. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Bridgeman, William Clive Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shortt, Rt. Hon E. (N'castle-on-T.) Broad, Thomas Tucker Hopkins, John W. W. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Steel, Major S. Strang Casey, T. W. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Stephenson, Colonel H. K. Coates, Major Sir Edward F. Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Sturrock, J. Leng Coats, Sir Stuart James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Sugden, W. H. Cobb, Sir Cyril Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Sutherland, Sir William Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead) Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Courthope, Major George L. Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Townley, Maximilian G. Dawes, James Arthur Macquisten, F. A. Tryon, Major George Clement Edgar, Clifford B. Manville, Edward Turton, E. R. Edge, Captain William Mitchell, William Lane Vickers, Douglas Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Wallace, J. Farquharson, Major A. C. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Wheler, Lieut.-Colonel C. H. Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Moore- Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Whitla, Sir William Ford, Patrick Johnston Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Forestier-Walker, L. Neal, Arthur Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert Winterton, Major Earl TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Younger, Sir George Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Ward.
NOES. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Johnstone, Joseph Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Spencer, George A. Briant, Frank Kiley, James D. Swan, J. E. Bromfield, William Lunn, William Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Ciltheroe) Morgan, Major D. Watts Wedgwood, Colonel J. C. Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness and Ross) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Hayday, Arthur Robertson, John TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, Yeovil) Rose, Frank H. Mr. Mosley and Major Barnes. Hirst, G. H. Sexton, James
Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.
Bank Notes (Ireland) Bill
Not amended ( in the Standing Committee ) considered.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
This Bill, I consider, is unnecessary at this stage. The Bank of Ireland has got on without the power to issue its notes in the Provinces for a great many generations, and I do not know why it should now come to this House to ask for the same powers as the Bank of Scotland. I think this might very well have been left to the new Council that is being set up for all Ireland. It is peculiarly a matter that most think uncontroversial, into which, at any rate, religion does not enter, and which certainly affects every part of Ireland. If the Government had been in earnest in the Bill which they have now temporarily suspended, one would have thought they would have had the decency to have left a matter of this sort to the new Irish Legislative bodies! As a Member in favour of Home Rule for Ireland, to be consistent with hon. Members on my own side of the House, I may say I cannot see my way to support the Government. It is a small matter. [HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed!"]—yes, but it contains a large principle! How can we expect the more moderate element in Ireland to look upon us as serious when we continue legislating for them on the eve of establishing legislative assemblies in Ireland.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read the Third time, and passed.
Resident Magistrates (Ireland) Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
I beg to move: "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
This Bill provides for an increase in the salaries of the resident magistrates in Ireland. The sum involved, as stated recently, will be in the first instance, £8,000 per annum. There are sixty-six resident magistrates, divided, at present, into three classes. Class 1 receives a maximum salary of £625 per annum; Class 2 of £550; and Class 3 of £425. It is proposed to throw the three classes into one with a salary of £500, rising to £700 a year, at an additional cost, as stated, of £8,000. The salaries were fixed in 1874. The duties of the resident magistrates have increased very largely, and have become exceedingly onerous, and I do not think the proposed increase errs on the side of extravagance. The matter has been discussed fully by the House within the recollection of hon. Members.
Does this Bill affect any hon. Members in this House?
I do not know that I am prepared to vote, at the present time, for increasing the salaries of the resident magistrates. This is not because I have not sympathy with the dangers they run: it is because there is practically, in the Anglo-Saxon sense, no law and order in Ireland, except possibly in very small areas in the North and East. I do not feel inclined to waste public money—for it is that—by paying resident magistrates to preside over courts to which nobody goes; and where even Unionists and Protestants—people quite opposed generally to the Nationalist and the Sinn Fein movement in Ireland—place their grievances and their property matters before the local popular courts which have been set up, and there is no business in your courts. Under these circumstances I do not think it is reasonable to ask this House to vote this money. The Treasury is not overflowing with gold and we cannot afford to spend £8,000 for a useless purpose. It would be better to let the resident magistrates go away on a holiday and go on paying their present salaries. When we have come to some settlement of the Irish question then we can handsomely and generously pension oft the resident magistrates. I think it is asking too much to pay increased salaries to these magistrates, however estimable and honourable they may be, who have no work to do.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
It being after half-past Eleven of the clock, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at One minute before Twelve o'clock.