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Commons Chamber

Volume 132: debated on Wednesday 21 July 1920

House of Commons

Wednesday, July 21, 1920

Private Business

Huddersfield Corporation (Lands) Bill,

Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.

Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Bill [ Lords ] (King's Consent signified),

Bill read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Southampton Extension) Bill,

Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.

Oral Answers to Questions

India

Kut Prisoners (Regimental Allowances)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether, considering that the regimental pay drawn by regimental officers of the Indian Army has been proved to be not greater than the pay drawn during the War by officers of the British service, he will cancel the Regulation made by the Indian authorities depriving officers of the Indian Army taken prisoners in the defence of Kut of half their regimental allowances after the first two months of captivity on the grounds that they drew more pay than officers in the British service?

I regret that I am precluded, under the Resolution of this House of 1914, read in conjunction with the Government of India Act, 1915, from cancelling the Regulation referred to, unless the War Office are willing to provide the extra expenditure involved. This they are not prepared to do, as indicated in the reply given by that Department to the hon. and gallant Member on the 22nd June.

May I ask whether it is fair that men who went all through the siege of Kut should be punished by having half their allowance taken away from them?

The hon. and gallant Gentleman will see that the expenditure involved has to fall, by Resolution of this House, on the British revenue, and as regards that he must address himself to the War Office.

I have addressed myself to the War Office, and will the right hon. Gentleman now address himself to the War Office?

Immigration (British Subjects)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether proposals have been made in the Indian Imperial Council for legislation to regulate the entry into and residence in India of British subjects from the self-governing Dominions and Dependencies on a basis of reciprocity; and, if so, what is the nature of such proposals?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given on this subject to the hon. Member for Seven-oaks on the 14th July. I shall be glad to send him the same papers if he so desires.

Afghanistan

asked the Secretary of State for India whether the state of affairs on the Afghan border is now satisfactory; whether any Bolshevik organisations are now preparing an attack on the North-Western Frontier; whether there is any reason to suspect that the Afghan Government is not carrying out the terms of the armistice or peace treaty; whether an exodus of Mohammedans is now taking place from India to Afghanistan; and to what is this due?

I think the situation on the Afghan border may be regarded as satisfactory. India is notoriously the object of Bolshevik propaganda, but I know of no reason to anticipate an armed Bolshevik attack on the North-West Frontier of India. The answer to the third part of the question now is I have no reason to suspect the intentions of the Afghan Government. With regard to the fourth part of the question, my information is that between 500 and 600 persons have recently emigrated from India to Afghanistan, and 750 more are said to be on their way. The emigration may be ascribed to the Khilafat agitation. I am asking the Government of India for further information.

May I ask if the right hon. Gentleman will accelerate the movement of members of the Khalifat agitation across the frontier into Afghanistan?

That certainly might have a desirable result, but I would prefer to leave that to the Government of India.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the emigrants have been well received in Afghanistan?

I understand that some members of this emigrating party, having been convinced of the advantages of the British connection, have returned from Afghanistan.

H. R. H. the Prince of Wales (Visit)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether he has any information to the effect that Mr. Gandhi is now endeavouring to organise a boycott of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales's visit to India?

I understand that Mr. Gandhi has proposed a boycott of His Royal Highness's visit. I understand that, as the House would expect, this disloyal project has found little favour, and I am confident that His Royal Highness will receive a welcome in India which will equal if not excel in enthusiasm the reception he has received in other parts of the Empire.

Will the right hon. Gentleman make it publicly known whether he still regards Mr. Gandhi as his friend?

Nobody who suggests disloyalty or discourtesy to the Crown can be a friend of any Member of this House, let alone a Minister.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether or not Mr. Gandhi had expressed disloyalty last May when the right hon. Gentleman said he was his friend?

At the time I said he was a friend of mine I hoped, but found reluctantly that it was not so, that Mr. Gandhi's regret that his action had led to disturbances would have had permanent results.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Mr. Gandhi is the same person who stirred up sedition in South Africa until he was expelled there from?

Emir Ibn Saud (Subsidy)

asked the Secretary of State for India if he will state what is the total net amount of the subsidy that has been paid to the Emir Ibn Saud, of Nejd, since the Armistice was signed with Turkey; whether the whole of the sum has been paid in gold; whether the cost falls upon the British, the Indian, or the Mesopotamian taxpayer; what conditions are attached to the continued payment of the subsidy; and when the subsidy will cease?

The total amount of subsidy paid to Ibn Saud during the twenty-two months since the Armistice with Turkey is £110,000, of which practically the whole has been paid in rupees or currency notes. The incidence of the cost has not yet been finally settled. The subsidy is continuing to be paid on the conditions which Ibn Saud has accepted, that he will meet King Hussein with a view to reconciling their differences, will not disturb the existing state of affairs till the meeting has taken place, and will guarantee the good behaviour of his followers during the pilgrimage.

To the last part of the question I can give no answer at present.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether this meeting between the Emir Saud is likely to take place in the near future?

Railways (Committee of Inquiry)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether he will give the House an assurance that expert knowledge and personal experience of Indian railway administration will not be regarded as a disqualification for membership of the Committee to be appointed to inquire into the administration of railways in India?

The Committee will include members with expert knowledge and personal experience of Indian railways.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind how easily an Indian enquiry develops into an amateur's orgy?

Elections (Wage Earners)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether the Government of India proposes to pay a sum of money to all wage-earners in India who vote at the coming elections in compensation for loss of working time; and, if so, what will the total payment amount to?

New Councils (Convicted Persons)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether persons convicted of waging war and other crimes during last year's rebellion, and since pardoned by the executive, are eligible for election to the new councils; and whether the presence of such persons on these councils, the basis of which is cooperation with Government, is likely to produce good results?

The hon. Member is no doubt referring to the terms of Clause 2 of Rule 5 of the rules for election to the new councils. That rule excepts only persons who have received a pardon, and does not apply to those whose sentences have been remitted by the Indian executive in pursuance of His Majesty's directions for the exercise of clemency.

Are we to understand that as many as 1,700 persons out of 1,778 have been pardoned or let out, and will the right hon. Gentleman say how many of these will be eligible for election?

Individuals who have been let out have not been pardoned under the amnesty, and they will not be eligible until five years after the expiration of their sentence.

Political Agitators (Removal of Restrictions)

15 and 16.

asked the Secretary of State for India (1) whether, in order to secure a tranquil atmosphere during his visit to India, he suggested to the Viceroy that the restrictions placed upon Mrs. Besant and her co-workers, ordered by the Government of Madras, should be cancelled; whether, as a result of that suggestion, the Government of India did recommend the Madras Government to remove the restrictions forthwith; whether this is exerting influence over local governments;

(2) whether, in view of the fact that immediately after his appointment in 1917, he telegraphed to the Viceroy to suggest to the Government of India the desirability of removing the restrictions imposed upon persons who, solely on account of their violent or improper methods of political agitation, had been dealt with under the Defence of India Act, he will explain his statement that he leaves, and always has left, any question as to the necessary steps for maintaining order in India to the local governments and Government of India?

I hope the hon. Member will not wish to discuss again these events of three years ago. They were fully discussed in the House on 16th October, 1917. In so far as they have any bearing on the answers I gave last week, I do not regard any action I took then as being inconsistent with the general policy I have always pursued of leaving to the authorities in India decisions which have to be taken for the maintenance of order.

Will the right hon. Gentleman kindly answer my question, which is quite clear, that is, whether it is true that he suggested to the Viceroy that restrictions placed on Mrs. Besant should be removed, and whether he does not think that suggestion is exercising influence on the local government which he stated last week he had never done?

Before the right hon. Gentleman answers that question, may I ask whether it is not the case that at present Mrs. Besant is assisting the moderates in India against the seditious elements, and whether, therefore, it is not exceedingly undesirable to raise this question again?

I asked the right hon. Gentleman a definite question, not about Mrs. Besant, but about the right hon. Gentleman's own statement made last week that he never had influenced any local government in any way; namely, whether he now thinks this is correct bearing in mind that the evidence shows that he did send a telegram to the Viceroy?

What I asked the Viceroy to do on that occasion was to consider whether the time had not come for the liberation of certain individuals who were interned. The result of deportation or internment without trial is always a question of consideration whether that deportation or internment ought at a particular moment to end. There was no cancellation of the local Government's order. There was a consideration as to whether those orders ought not to be changed, but in my opinion that has nothing to do with the measures taken for the maintenance and preservation of order.

Is there any distinction between the wish of the Minister for India and the order of the Minister for India?

The hon. Member knows well that occasionally suggestions are made to the Government of India for their consideration and on other occasions orders are issued.

Having considered the matter, is the right hon. Gentleman still justified in saying that he has never in anyway exercised influence over the local government?

Mesopotamia

Native Chiefs (Subsidies)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether any subsidies are paid by the political department at Baghdad to any Arab or Kurdish chiefs or heads of tribes in the area under British occupation, and, if so, to how many individuals; and what is the total amount paid in this way per month?

I am informed by the Civil Commissioner that remuneration to recognised Arab and Kurdish chiefs takes several forms. Cash subsidies are given in some cases, the total amount of these being approximately £44,000 a year. The precise number of recipients cannot be stated without special inquiries.

Civil Administration (Estimates)

asked the Secretary of State for India if he will state what is the estimated revenue and expenditure on account of the civil administration of Mesopotamia for the financial year 1920–21?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answers given to the hon. Member for Central Portsmouth on the 30th June and to the hon. and gallant Member for Clackmannan on the 1st July, of which I will send him copies. I hope to be able to give figures very shortly.

Military Situation

asked the Secretary of State for War if he can give the House any further information regarding the position on the Lower Euphrates and on the Baghdad Railway between Ain Dibs and Tulul Bak?

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he can make a further statement as to the position in Mesopotamia; whether any and, if so, how many troops have been or are about to be drafted to that country; and whether he can make any statement with regard to the causes of the present disturbances?

The relief column advancing southwards is reported to be engaging an Arab force 2,000 strong a few miles north-west of Rumaitha on 19th. The situation in the Samawa area seems to have improved. The tribesmen have suffered heavily, and there are signs of dispersal. The rising in the Shamiyah district has not spread, and it is hoped that it has been checked. As regards the last two parts of Question 82, I have nothing to add to the statement which I made yesterday. It is quite impossible for me to go into questions of the political relations with the tribes in answer to questions addressed to the War Office. The raid between Ain Dibs and Tulul Bak was a sporadic attack—one of the many which occurred after the rising at Tel Afar, and does not appear to have any connection with the rising in the Middle Euphrates.

Royal Navy

Warships (Sale)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what warships have been sold without the obligation to break them up; to whom they have been sold; how many more warships are going to be sold without this condition and to whom; whether any warships have been disposed of without payment; and to whom they have been given or disposed of?

The following warships have been sold without restrictions, for the most part to shipbreakers: British self-governing Dominions, as-follows:

Canada:

1 cruiser,

2 destroyers.

Australia:

1 flotilla leader,

5 destroyers,

6 submarines,

3 sloops.

New Zealand:

1 cruiser.

Newfoundland:

1 sloop,

1 trawler.

Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the first part of my question—Were any warships sold to Powers other than our Dominions, without the obligation to break them up?

I have answered that question before. Certain ships have been sold, and I gave the reason for that sale.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider publishing a list of the ships to which he has referred?

As far as I recollect, a list was published and circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Royal Naval School, Greenwich

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that the privilege hitherto accorded to boys at the Royal Naval School at Greenwich of reduced fares for the holidays has been withdrawn; and will he consult with the Ministry of Transport and see if this privilege can be restored?

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty if his attention has been called to the increased railway fares with which the boys of the Royal Naval Hospital School, Greenwich, are being charged, causing their mothers a great deal of worry and distress, and of which the old and the new scales are as follow: (old scale) to Chatham and return 2s. 6d., Plymouth and return 15s., Portsmouth and return, 5s. 6d., Sheerness and return, 3s. 6d.; (new scale) Chatham and return, 9s. 6d., Plymouth and return, 57s. 6d., Portsmouth and return, 20s., Sheerness and return 12s.; and will he consider whether some substantial concession can be made, such as the granting of a half railway warrant?

The answer to the first part of Question 24 is in the affirmative. With regard to the second part of the question, and in reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth Central, the Royal Naval Hospital School, Greenwich, is not maintained out of, or supported by, Naval funds. I am suggesting to the Governing Body of the Hospital that representations might be made to the Ministry of Transport in order to ascertain whether some privilege could be granted.

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the mothers of these boys are mostly widows and the boys have been given this privilege because the pension has been so small, and if this concession is not granted many boys will have to stay behind and will not be able to go home?

My hon. Friend and other Members representing dockyards have put this case before us on many occasions and we have been most sympathetic in the matter. We have very little power as it all rests with the Ministry of Transport, but any little power we can exercise we are exercising on behalf of these boys.

Royal Naval Reserve (Skipper a. Wilson)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether his attention has been called to the case of Skipper A. Wilson, Royal Naval Reserve, of 43, North Street, Peterhead, who has been refused payment of a sum of £4 6s. 6d., being the balance of expenses incurred (as per detailed statement furnished by him) when travelling on Admiralty service from Peter-head to the Orkneys in May, 1919; whether he is aware that the sum of £3 18s. already paid to this officer represents less than one-half of the expenditure which he necesarily incurred on this Admiralty service; whether it is the intention of the Admiralty that officers of this rank should be compelled to defray out of their own pockets necessary expenditure in excess of the subsistence allowance, as per the scale in force at the date when such expenditure was incurred; whether the allowances for an officer of his rank have been increased since the date at which Skipper Wilson incurred these expenses; and what action he proposes to take in the case of Skipper Wilson?

The answer is a long one. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will allow me to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT?

The following is the answer:

The answer to the first two parts of the question is in the affirmative, subject to the following qualifications—firstly, that the expenses were incurred in May, 1918, and not in May, 1919, and secondly, that it, is not considered that the whole of them, amounting as they did to rather more than a £1 a day for lodging and subsistence, were necessarily incurred. As to the third part of the question, I would observe that the scale of subsistence allowance in force at the time was found generally to be adequate taking one journey with another, and to refund expenses incurred in excess of the scale allowances. for subsistence would defeat the two-fold object of the adoption of a scale which is to set a reasonable standard of expenditure on journeys on public service and to avoid the trouble which would be involved both for the officers making the journey and the Accounting Departments if statements of expenses actually incurred were to be required on each occasion. The answer to the fourth and fifth parts of the question is that the scale of subsistence allowance for naval officers was increased from the 1st July, 1919, but it is regretted that it is not possible to apply it retrospectively to May, 1918.

Naval Prize Cheques

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty, whether prize money is being despatched to naval pensioners and widows of naval ratings by means of naval prize cheques, and that this system of payment is causing difficulties by reason of the recipients not being able to readily get them cashed; and if he will make arrangements for payment in future by means of Post Office orders?

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty, if he is aware that prize money is being paid by way of naval prize cheques; and if he can have this money paid by money or postal order, inasmuch as many of the persons entitled to prize money have no banking account and tradesmen do not care to take the cheques, or if, alternatively, he will ask certain banks in each locality to cash these naval cheques?

I desire to thank my hon. and gallant Friend, the Member for Portsmouth North for his kindness in postponing his question from last Thursday. The Admiralty was not aware that the system of paying by cheque prize money amounts of over £10 was causing any great inconvenience to the recipients, but as soon as arrangements can be made and the necessary printing obtained, payments of amounts of less than £40 will be effected by means of the money order system.

Would it not be possible to accept the alternative suggestion that certain banks in the locality should be asked to cash these cheques?

We are trying to meet the difficulty in the way I have suggested, but I will explore the other suggestion at the same time.

Will that not open a way to fraud—to send open cheques in the post which anyone might cash?

Letters (Active Service)

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that prior to the 1st July letters from naval ratings on active service were carried through the post free of charge, provided they were sent from their ships and marked, On active service, and that since the date named that privilege has been withdrawn and, in consequence, the recipients in many cases have had to pay 4d. on each letter; and will he arrange with the Postmaster-General for the old position to be restored?

This was a special War concession, and its retention in existing circumstances could not be justified. Due notice of the withdrawal of the privilege was given to the Navy and to the public. A period of grace is being allowed by the Post Office before unpaid, or insufficiently prepaid, correspondence from His Majesty's ships serving abroad is surcharged.

Hong Kong Dockyaed

asked the Secretary to the Admiralty if he can make any statement as to the question of pay of the Home dockyard workmen serving under agreements at Hong Kong dockyard, and who are paid at rates fixed in local currency, and which question was engaging Admiralty attention in February last, when it was promised that there would be no unnecessary delay in dealing with the petition from the employés?

It has been approved to pay the employes in question 20 per cent. on their Hong Kong emoluments as from the 1st January, 1919. This decision has the effect of considerably increasing the payments, previous authorised, of 10 per cent. on rates of wages. The decision was communicated to Hong Kong by cable on the 8th June.

Questions

Shoreham Harbour (Towers)

asked the Secretary of State for War how it is proposed to use the two towers which are now apparently embedded in the mud of Shoreham harbour; and why they were built, and at what cost?

I have been asked to reply to this question. The Admiralty propose to use for experimental purposes the two towers now at Shoreham, which were in an advanced stage of construction at the cessation of hostilities. These towers were originally built as a part of certain defensive war measures, and the total expenditure and liabilities up to date amount to approximately £1,200,000. This sum includes not only the structures themselves, but also other important work which formed part of the original scheme, the details of which the Admiralty are not prepared to divulge.

How much additional cost will be involved in the experiments with these towers?

I should require notice of that. I answered only the question on the Paper.

Birth Rate Commission (Second Report)

asked the Minister of Health if he has considered the Second Report of the Birth Rate Commission; and what steps he proposes to take to secure constant consideration in future of the practical problems involved?

I have seen the report in question. All statistical aspects of the matter are kept under continuous review by the Registrar-General's Department, now working in close relation with the Ministry. Any steps that are desirable and practicable will be taken, but I am not clear as to any special action by the Ministry that is called for at the present time.

Have the Government any consideration on the social aspects or generally their own services that they lead the way as recognising the importance of the birth rate?

I am not quite clear what special action the hon. and gallant Gentleman has in mind.

Licensed Premises, London

asked the Minister of Health what is the rateable value of premises in the City and County of London licensed for the sale of intoxicating liquors; and what proportion per cent. of the expenditure out of the rates on pauperism, lunacy, and police in the City and County of London is borne by such licensed houses?

A return published by the London County Council shows that the rateable value of on-licensed premises in the City and County of London on the 6th April, 1919, was about £1,420,000, and it may be estimated that between three and four per cent. of the rates raised in the city and county for all purposes was paid in respect of those premises. The same proportion would apply to the expenditure on the three purposes men- tioned in the question. The above figures relate to on-licensed premises, which were separately assessed. I have no information as to the rateable value of those premises which were not separately assessed, or as to the rateable value of off-licensed premises.

Housing

Vacant Possession (Mercantile Marine)

On a point of Order. I tabled four questions on Monday, and only three of them appear. [HON. MEMBERS: Three only allowed.]

39. I beg to ask the Minister of Health if the right of vacant possession granted to ex-service men who have bought a house for their personal occupation can also be extended to those members of the Mercantile Marine who have served their country during the War?

Further legislation would be required to give effect to this suggestion, and I cannot undertake to introduce a Bill for the purpose.

Bricklaying

asked the Minister of Health if Belgian bricklayers are setting from 3,000 to 4,000 bricks daily while the British bricklayer limits his labour to the setting of 300 bricks daily?

An average of 300 bricks per day is a very small figure, but, although the output on housing schemes leaves much to be desired, I am glad to say that this average is generally being exceeded. I have no information as to the number of bricks laid per day by Belgian bricklayers.

Houses and Business Premises (Railways)

asked the Minister of Health whether houses and business premises let by railway companies come under the scope of the Increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Act?

Subject to the special provision as to increase of rent in Section 2 (1) ( e ), the Act applies to houses and business premises let by a railway company as it applies to other premises.

Russia

Naval Mission

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the naval mission accredited to General Wrangel has been withdrawn; if not, what is the reason for the delay; and whether he is now aware of the origin of the shipping which conveyed General Wrangel's troops to the northern shore of the Sea of Azov for his recent offensive?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As to the last part of the question, I can only refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply given to him on the subject on the 28th of June by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister.

Surely the First Lord is now aware what this shipping was that violated our agreement by carrying these troops to the assistance of General Wrangel? If he was not aware at the time, surely he can tell me now?

I am not aware of anything of the kind. I am not aware of any violation of any agreement. All I am responsible for is that it is not British shipping. That statement has been definitely made by the Prime Minister.

Soviet Government Deputation

asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to obtain from the Soviet Government of Russia an agreement that the Soviet Government shall honour debts to private persons and business firms in this country before the negotiations for the resumption of Anglo-Russian trade are completed; and, if so, under what conditions and arrangements will such Russian debts be paid?

asked the Prime Minister whether any conditions attach to the coming visit of representatives of the Soviet Government of Russia to this country, particularly in the matter of an embargo on propaganda; and why the objection to the presence here of M. Litvinoff has been removed, having regard to what happened when he was last in England?

I am sorry that I can add nothing to what has already been said on this subject.

Ex-Service Men

Wollwich

asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been called to the fact that many disabled ex-service men at Woolwich are being deliberately given work which aggravates their disabilities or which their disabilities prevent from doing efficiently; and will he send an independent investigator to examine the evidence on this subject which is in the possession of the Woolwich branch of the National Union of Ex-service Men?

My attention has not been called to any cases of this kind, but if particulars are supplied to me I shall be glad to make inquiry. I cannot imagine that it is true that disabled men are deliberately given work which aggravates their disabilities.

On a point of Order. Ought not an hon. Member who makes such a suggestion as this to give some facts in support of it?

Venereal Diseases Officer, Bury

asked the Minister of Health whether the position of venereal diseases officer at Bury, Lancashire, a part-time appointment of nearly £350 a year, has been given to an applicant who did not join up for service in the Great War; whether 15 applications were received; whether the three selected for interview possessed at least equal academic status and experience to the one chosen for the position; whether these three applicants had each been over four years in the Army and had served overseas; whether, seeing that other qualifications being equal, an important public post, paid for out of Government funds, should be given to a man who has served in the Forces, and the appointment must be ratified by the Ministry of Health, what action does he propose to take in the matter?

I have not yet received any application for approval of this appointment, but I am communicating with the Bury Town Council in the matter.

Food Supplies

Meat (Exposure of Carcases)

asked the Minister of Health if he will take steps to prevent the exhibition of carcases outside butchers' shops, which for many reasons is highly objectionable; and will he insist on the prohibition of all blowing of carcases?

I have recently appointed a Committee to advise me as to the measures necessary to secure adequate protection for the health of the people in connection with the slaughter of animals and the distribution of meat for human consumption.

Questions

Sewage Pumping (River Erewash)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the Stapleford and Sandiacre urban council, Notts, have recently decided to cease sewage pumping during the night, thereby causing pollution of the River Erewash; and whether he will have inquiries made into this matter with a view to the abatement of this nuisance?

I am not aware of the decision referred to. I am, however, making inquiries into the matter.

Samoa (Chinese Labour)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will lay upon the Table the correspondence between the Imperial and New Zealand Governments as to the indenturing of Chinese coolies in Samoa?

I will consult the New Zealand Government with regard to laying the correspondence in question.

Aaland Islands

asked the Prime Minister whether he will lay upon the Table Papers in reference to the action of the Council of the League of Nations in the Aaland Islands question?

The Council of the League of Nations recently decided, with the concurrence both of Sweden and Finland, to refer certain aspects of this question to an international commission of jurists. The case may, therefore, be said to be still sub judice, and His Majesty's Government cannot, therefore, undertake to lay any Papers on the subject for the present.

Apart from the decision of the Council, is it not desirable that the case between Finland and Sweden should be published, and is it not very desirable that the House should receive official information in regard to a matter of that importance?

I think the answer is based upon what is the desire of the Council of the League of Nations, but I will inquire.

Will the right hon. Gentleman inquire particularly on the point I have raised, as the question of publication goes to the very root of the proceedings?

Transport

Railway Fares (Increase)

asked the Prime Minister if, in view of the widespread resentment caused by the Ministry of Transport not giving sufficient notice to the holiday travelling public of the increased rate of fares, the Government will re-consider its decision of making 5th August the date for the increased fares coming into operation and postpone them to a later date?

asked the Prime Minister whether, as the railway companies, in their evidence before the Railway Rates Committee, have stated that they made their calculation respecting increased fares on the assumption that there would be no increases in the month of August, he will, in view of the public feeling aroused by the decision of the Ministry of Transport to increase the fares after 5th August, make such arrangements as are necessary, including any requisite amendment of the law, so as to postpone the imposition of any increase of fares, at any rate, until the date contemplated by the railway companies, namely, 1st September, 1920?

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government will consider the advisability of postponing the date for the increase in railway fares until they have fully explored the possibilities of adjusting expenditure to income by getting those railways whose ton mileage rate and freightage load are much below the average of the other railways in the country, to effect such improvements in organisation as will reduce their working costs to the general average?

I cannot add anything to what has already been said in reply to questions on this subject.

Will the Government consider the advisability of giving 30 days' notice of any increase of fares from whatever date the Advisory Committee may recommend?

I do not think I can add anything to what I said yesterday. The House is aware that by Statute the right to recommend any increase necessary to meet a deficit depends upon the advice of the Advisory Committee. If we departed from that and did not take their recommendation at the beginning we shall be going behind the intentions of the Statute.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that return tickets hold good for two months, and can he say whether on tickets taken out before the increase the return half will have to pay the excess?

asked the Prime Minister whether he will state the annual amount now paid in dividends to the shareholders of British railway companies; and whether His Majesty's Government will reconsider the question of raising the cost of fares, which is equivalent to a tax on the wages of the working classes, and instead impose a levy on the amount paid to shareholders, who, with the exception of certain directors, render no useful service to the community to justify the receipt of the community's money?

I have been asked to answer this question. The approximate amount paid to shareholders of British railways for the year 1919 was £36,500,000, exclusive of £12,500,000 for interest on debenture stock and loans. Railway fares are a payment for a service rendered, and are in no sense a tax upon wages. If the service is rendered below cost, the community as a whole is taxed in order to subsidise the individual users, an arrangement in which I can see no social injustice. I do not agree with the hon. Member that those who have provided, capital for the railway development essential to the prosperity of the country rendered no useful service to the community.

Railways (Deficit)

asked the Prime Minister whether, if the Government had debited itself during the War with the railway rates and fares ordinarily chargeable to private traders and passengers for equivalent services, there would now be any deficit in respect of the railways which the travelling public and traders are now asked to make good; and, if so, what would be the amount of such deficit?

I have been asked to reply to this question. Since 1st April, 1919, all Government traffic has borne the same percentage additions as public traffic, the only material increase prior to that date being the 50 per cent. increase in passenger fares which took effect on the 1st January, 1917. As I informed the hon. Member on the 19th instant, I will endeavour, if he wishes, to have an estimate made of the amount represented by a 50 per cent. addition to military and naval passenger traffic between the 1st January, 1917, and the 31st March, 1919, but no detailed accounts exist. As the hon. Member is aware, the Government is entitled to special rates under the Cheap Trains Act, and it would not be right to credit railway working with the difference between full ordinary fares and those chargeable under the Act. No good purpose would be served by attempting to calculate the effect of such difference upon past deficits. As regards current railway revenue, Government traffic, both passenger and goods, is bearing the same percentage increases as public traffic, and the current deficit on railway working, which it is now proposed to adjust by increasing fares, rates and charges, is in no way caused by the fact that Government traffic was not accounted for in detail in past years and was exempted until 1st April, 1919, from the increase in passenger fares.

Is it the decided policy of the Ministry of Transport that they cannot continue to charge this at cheap rates, when they stepped into the shoes of nearly every great trade in the country, which, if they had been left to themselves, would have had their traffic carried at ordinary rates?

It is not a question of the policy of the Ministry of Transport. It is a statutory provision in the Cheap Trains Act, 1883.

Is it not a fact that this has created an artificial deficit, which is now to be made up by an actual increase borne by the public?

North-Eastern Railway Company

asked the Lord Privy Seal whether the sum paid to the deputy general manager of the North Eastern Railway, during the time he was lent to the Government and occupied the position of First Lord of the Admiralty, was £11,000 per annum, made up as follows: £8,000 salary, £2,000 for expenses free of Income Tax, and £1,000 in lieu of a house; whether these annual payments were included in the North Eastern Railway Company's expenditure to be met by the taxpayer under the State guarantee; and whether these sums were disallowed in view of the fact that the First Lord of the Admiralty could have been paid the salary of his office if he had not insisted upon serving without payment?

As I was Chancellor of the Exchequer at the time, I have asked my hon. Friend to put his question to me. The practice adopted with Railway managers and officials lent to the Government during the War was that they should continue to enjoy from the Railway Company their previous pay and suitable allowances in accordance with conditions of service, and it was in accordance with this practice that my right hon. Friend (Sir Eric Geddes) had been paid in the positions he had held in different Departments. In the middle of the War, he was requested to accept the office of First Lord of the Admiralty. This was a purely temporary appointment for the period of the War, and it seemed to me perfectly reasonable that he should not be singled out for less favourable financial treatment because he accepted an office which he did not desire, and the acceptance of which was urged upon him by the Prime Minister and also by myself.

This was, of course, an arrangement which, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, I should not have sanctioned in time of peace, but in the circumstances of the time I think it was right. It was clearly stated in the House, in answer to a question on the 15th August, 1917, that the First Lord of the Admiralty was paid in that way.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say when this exceptional payment of twice the salary of the Prime Minister ceased, and can he at the same time answer the question whether the £50,000 was paid by the North-Eastern Railway to the right hon. Gentleman during the time that he was First Lord of the Admiralty?

This payment was made when my right hon. Friend ceased to be First Lord, as far as I recollect, immediately after the Armistice. I cannot say certainly as regards the last question, but I believe it was made after he ceased to be First Lord and after this arrangement had ceased.

Is it not a fact that this £50,000 was received by the right hon. Gentleman during the time that he was a Minister of the Crown, whether it was as First Lord or as Minister-designate of the Ministry of Transport?

I do not think that arises, but I am not sure as to the question of dates. My impression is that this was arranged as soon as he ceased to be First Lord.

Are we to understand that the First Lord was paid his annual salary by the shareholders of the North-Eastern Railway when First Lord?

I made it quite plain in my answer. There would have been no question about this, I am sure, if my right hon. Friend had continued to serve, as hundreds of others did in departments, not as a Minister. I quite recognise it was irregular, and in time of peace I should certainly not have sanctioned an arrangement of this sort for a Minister, but in time of war I think is was quite right.

Is it not a fact that the Minister of Transport and the First Lord said that during his time of office he did not receive any payment whatsoever, and yet at the same time the Treasury are permitting the shareholders of the railway with which he was associated to pay him a greater salary than he would otherwise have received?

Is it not a fact that this £11,000 does not come out of the pockets of the shareholders of the railway, but is borne by the British taxpayer, under the guarantee to the railways of this country? Does the right hon. Gentleman think it is a proper thing that it should have been represented to this country that this right hon. Gentleman was receiving only his salary?

As regards the question which suggests that my right hon. Friend led the public to believe that he was receiving a small salary, that could not have been so, because I myself answered in this House a question stating that it was being paid in the way I have described. As to the question of my hon. Friend (Mr. Billing), it is true what he says, but it is not the whole truth. During the War thousands of business men were lent by their firms to serve the Government. The Government welcomed that assistance and encouraged it, and I am quite sure that at that time, if it had been suggested that because the railways were under the control of the Government they should adopt a different practice, the whole House would have objected.

asked the Minister of Transport when he will be in a position to announce the new interim railway rate charges; and how much notice he intends to give traders before they come into force?

Grouping Railways

asked the Minister of Transport whether, in connection with his scheme for grouping the railway lines, he will ascertain the views of the manufacturing communities as to local requirements?

The Minister of Transport proposes to ascertain the views of the manufacturing community as well as those of other interests. The Minister is having a first meeting with the Federation of British Industries to-morrow.

Congested Areas (Traffic)

asked the Minister of Transport whether he will consider the abolition of anything but mechanically-propelled traffic in congested areas during the busy hours of the day?

This matter is being considered, but, as the hon. Member is aware, legislation would be required if it was proposed to adopt the suggestion.

The hon. Gentleman gave me an exactly similar answer on this point three or four months ago, and has anything been done upon this question of horse traffic?

We have been consistent in the two answers. The matter has not yet been determined.

Will the hon. Gentleman defer the application of this rule until people have been fitted with flying attachments?

In the case of streets where heavy traffic predominates, will the hon. Gentleman consider the possibility of excluding taxicabs and private motor cars?

Season Tickets

asked the Minister of Transport whether he will endeavour to mitigate the hardship that the contemplated increase of fares would impose on the holders of season tickets on lines which now give only first and second-class season tickets by introducing third-class season tickets, thus reducing a serious burden upon the middle-class travelling public in certain districts and putting season ticket holders on all lines on an equality?

I will bring this point to the notice of the railway companies concerned, and ask them to give it the most favourable consideration possible.

Railway Tickets (Interavailability)

asked the Minister of Transport whether he is aware of the serious inconvenience caused on certain lines owing to the fact that on the 1st of July the interavailability of railway, season, and traders' tickets on two lines running between the same towns was suspended; and if he will see his way to introduce measures which will permit the interavailability of these tickets to continue?

I would refer the hon. Member to the replies given to the hon. Member for Wolverhampton West on 14th June and to the hon. Member for Rothwell on 7th July, of which I am sending the hon. Member copies. The interavailability of ordinary tickets is being continued.

Privilege Tickets

asked the Minister of Transport why upwards of a million railway men and their wives and families are still permitted to enjoy the privilege of free holiday travelling now that the railways are under Government control and subsidised from national funds, especially having regard to the fact that not only are no cheap holiday tickets being issued to other sections of the community, but the existing high fares are to be again increased in order to pay the further increases in wages recently demanded by the railway men, who are already in receipt of higher wages than many sections of the travelling public to whom holiday facilities are denied?

I can only refer the hon. Member to the answer given to the question on this subject which he put on 5th July. Section 7 (1) IV of the Ministry of Transport Act continues the same privileges to railwaymen as obtained at passing of the Act.

Does the hon. Gentleman think it fair that not only should ordinary members of the public not have cheap holiday tickets, but that the ordinary fares should be raised against them, whereas the railwaymen have free holiday travel, although their wages have been increased?

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the privilege tickets granted to railwaymen bring in at least £500,000 to the railway companies, in addition to which, in all wage advances, the privilege tickets are put forward as an argument for lower wages, and have been accepted —[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]—by every arbitrator?

Is not the reason why these fares have been put up to meet an ever-increasing wage bill of the railways, and why should these people who have these ever-increasing wages have benefits which the British public do not enjoy?

The question is not quite so simple as some hon. Gentlemen consider. There is a good deal to be said for the view which the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Thomas) put forward, that these matters have been the subject of consideration when railway wages advances have been considered. So far as the Ministry is concerned, it is bound by Section 7 of the Ministry of Transport Act, to which I desire to ask my hon. Friends' attention. That Section specifically retains to the staffs of railway undertakings the privileges which obtained on the passage of the Act during the period of control.

Are we to understand that if these free tickets were abolished railway workers would demand an increased wage, and will the hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of appointing a Committee of this House to inquire into this question?

Will the hon. Gentleman see that this matter is dealt with when the railway fares are increased and legislation is introduced to deal with the matter?

No legislation is needed for the prospective increase of fares; and without the repeal of Section 7 of the Ministry of Transport Act we cannot interfere with the rights given by that Section.

Questions

Indemnity (Germany)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in the British financial claim on Germany for costs of the War or reparation, any sum has been included for the cost of the carriage of men and material in this country during the War; and, if so, can he state the amount?

The damage in respect of which compensation can be claimed against Germany under the Treaty does not include the cost of the carriage of men and material.

Poland (Eastern Frontier)

asked the Prime Minister whether the provisional eastern frontier of Poland laid down last year by the Supreme Council was drawn in consultation with the Polish Government; if not, whether it was communicated to the Polish Government; whether the Polish Government accepted it; whether any persons of Russian birth were consulted about this frontier; and, if so, what were their names and official positions?

The provisional frontier to which the hon. and gallant Member refers was drawn up by the Peace Conference. It was not drawn up in consultation with the Polish Government, or with persons of Russian nationality, though the Committee on Polish affairs, on whose recommendations it was based, took every opportunity of ascertaining the views of the Polish Delegation in Paris on this and other questions.

Did they take the opportunity of ascertaining the views of any Russian politicians or diplomatists in Paris?

I cannot say, but I have no doubt that they would take every opportunity of ascertaining any information which was available on the subject.

May we take it that they did not ascertain the views of Russian diplomatists when this policy was being drafted?

Civil Service Commission (Staff)

asked the Lord Privy Seal whether the Civil Service Commissioners are in favour of the appointment of one or more women on the administrative staff of the Civil Service Commission; and, if so, what is the precise ground upon which such appointment is delayed or refused?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave to a similar question yesterday in reply to the hon. Member for Portsmouth Central (Sir T. Bramsdon).

Ireland

Republican Flag (Cork)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been called to the fact that the republican flag has been flying over the courthouse in the city of Cork, and that the recorder's court was held in the building; and whether he will take steps to see that the republican flag is removed from public buildings in which the King's courts are held?

My attention has been called to the facts. The General Officer Commanding at Cork has full power to remove the flag in question, and I am confident that he will.

Irish Volunteers (Conscription)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been called to the fact that at the Boyle rural disrict council (No. 2) a resolution was adopted to the effect that every man between 17 and 40 years be made to join the Irish volunteers to help in driving the enemy out of the country, and that they should levy a rate of 6d. in the £ to meet the expenses incurred in training and equipping the force and that the lists of valuations be given to the volunteers, who would compel the tax to be paid; and whether it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to permit such a course to be adopted?

I am informed that, though the matter was discussed, no such resolution was adopted. The second part of the question does not arise.

Crime, Limerick

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been drawn to the address of Mr. Justice Samuels to the Limerick county grand jury on 7th July in which he referred to the serious criminal character in the county, and stated that there had been 224 cases of a serious criminal character in the county since the winter assizes as compared with 67 cases in the same period last year; whether, in particular, the learned judge referred to an outrage in which a party of armed and masked men entered a house, dragged two young girls out of bed, conveyed them some distance from the house, and having tried them, sentenced them to be shot, which sentence was commuted to cutting off their hair, which was done; whether this outrage was committed because these young girls associated with police and soldiers; and whether any arrests have been made in this particular case?

My attention has been called to the address of the learned judge on the occasion referred to. With regard to the latter part of the question the imputation against the two girls was of walking with and associating with police. No arrests have been made, as although the girls probably knew some of the perpetrators, they refused to give any names or any information which would help to trace them.

Will the right hon. Gentleman indicate any occasion when any arrest has been made?

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will put down a question as to the convictions during the past fortnight, I shall be very pleased to answer him.

Clonmel Asylum Committee

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that at the last meeting of the Clonmel Asylum Committee, with the mayor in the Chair, it was unanimously resolved that the picture of Queen Victoria should be removed from the walls, as she was one of England's queens who was the means of having a reign of tyranny carried out in Ireland during her reign; that this resolution was carried into effect; and is it proposed to hand over, in the future, any moneys voted by Parliament to this Committee?

I am aware that such a resolution was adopted. With regard to the last part of the question, I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply given by the Leader of the House to a question asked on this subject on Monday last by my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for the Duncairn Division of Belfast.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his answer covered only certain grants? Is our money to continue to be paid to this council, which treated Queen Victoria's portrait in such a way?

No Exchequer grant or loan will be made to any council or local body in Ireland that does any illegal act. Further, no money is now being paid to any council which illegally, or by any other act, flaunts, defies, or ignores His Majesty's Government.

Poor Law Administration, Dublin

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what is the total cost of the administration of the Poor Law in the Cities of Dublin and Belfast, respectively; what is the amount of the rate payable in each city; will he inform the House whether serious defalcations have recently been discovered by the Local Government Board in the administration of the Poor Law in Dublin; what is the amount of the same; and whether legal proceedings have been taken in the matter?

The total expenditure of the boards of guardians of the unions of Dublin and Belfast (in which the cities are contained) for the year ended 30th September, 1919, the latest period for which particulars are available, was, respectively, £293,280 and £121,159. The cost of administration in respect of the expenditure is estimated at £37,209 and £34,124, respectively. The Poor Kate to meet union charges was 3s. 8½d. in the £ in Dublin and Is. 7d. in the £ in Belfast, for the year ended 31st March, 1920. As regards the latter part of the question relating to Dublin Union, the matter is at present the subject of investigation by the board of guardians.

Without attempting to flaunt or annoy the Government, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman to say what legal proceedings have been taken?

As I said, the matter is at present the subject of investigation by the Board of Guardians.

Murder of Colonel Smyth (Police Order)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether, in view of to-morrow's Debate and having regard to the grave misconception which has arisen owing to the publication of inaccurate versions of the late Colonel Smyth's Order, issued by him as Divisional Commissioner for Munster, he will cause to be included in tomorrow's Votes the Order in question, dated 17th June, 1920?

As the House is aware, it is not usual to publish Orders issued by the police authorities, but, in the special circumstances of the present case, I shall read the Order to the House.

The Order, which was signed by Colonel Smyth, is as follows:

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the intention of the gallant officer who is now dead was to stiffen and strengthen the moral of the Constabulary in Ireland?

Questions

Singapore (College)

asked the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies whether the Government is assisting in the establishment of a university at Singapore?

A scheme has been formulated for the establishment in Singapore of a college for higher education, to be known as Raffles College, which would be a memorial of the centenary of Singapore and the nucleus of a future university. The Colonial Government has provided a site and has undertaken, on certain conditions, to erect the buildings of the college at a cost not exceeding one million dollars, and to contribute fifty thousand dollars annually towards the upkeep.

Colonial Governorships

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies for what reason a member of the Colonial Service has not been appointed Governor of St. Helena; whether the chance of such appointments, if frequent, would fill a serious gap in the prospects of the Colonial Service; and whether it would be to the advantage of Colonial government in future to give preference to officers of proved value and experience in the Colonial Service?

The emoluments of the Governor of St. Helena are, I am sorry to say, insufficient to make the post attractive to senior members of the Colonial Service who are eligible for governorships. In any case, however, it would not be in the interests of the efficiency of the public service that the field of selection for governorships should be narrowed, and in this connection I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to answers which I gave to the hon. Members for Wirral and Bournemouth on 13th November and 15th December last.

Is the narrowing so essential as to involve the total exclusion of the Service from at least five such appointments during the last three years?

If my hon. and gallant Friend will look at the answers to which I have referred, he will see that the proportion of governorships given outside the Service is, to the total number, a very small proportion.

West Africa (Coinage)

asked the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies if he will state the intrinsic value of the new West African coinage; if he will say to what extent it is legal tender; and whether, in view of the discontinuance of the old silver coinage, the native has now to accept as payment for his labour brass money or paper money which, owing to climatic conditions, tends to disintegrate and disappear; and whether, under the circumstances, he can see his way to put forward some alternative proposal?

I cannot state the exact intrisic value of the new coins, but it will be quite small. Like the silver coins which they will replace, they will be unlimited legal tender. Payment must be accepted either in the new coins or in notes, but the exchange value of both will be maintained by providing transfers on a par basis to this country. In the last few months over £4,000,000 sterling have been paid out in this country against notes paid in in West Africa. The reply to the last question is in the negative.

May I ask the hon. and gallant Gentleman under what Act of Parliament this money is issued, and whether the Colonial Office claim the right to issue base money of this sort and make it full legal tender in any colony it likes without reference to this House at all?

I do not accept my hon. Friend's contention that this is base money in any sense, any more than any paper currency is base money; but as a matter of fact this matter is entirely within the competence of the local Governments.

Does the hon. and gallant Member know of any other workmen in the British Empire who are paid for their labour in brass money of no value whatever?

The workmen of this country are paid in paper money, whose value is maintained in just the same way as that of the alloy money of West Africa.

British Army

Officers (Civil Disturbances)

asked the Secretary of State for War, in view of the Government pronouncements in connection with the Armitsar troubles on the duty of military officers in quelling civil disturbances, if he will secure such amendment or elucidation of military law, regulations, and instructions as will prevent any future misconception by officers of their duty under similar circumstances?

No, Sir. I cannot see that any amendment of regulations or instructions is called for in connection with the case to which the hon. and gallant Member refers.

Is it not a fact that every subaltern in the British Army is fully instructed in these matters?

Is it not the case that the officer in question was D. A. A. G. for five years for instruction in military law, and that according to the announcement of the Government he did not understand——

War Decorations

asked the Secretary of State for War whether, in spite of the fact that the Cape Peninsula fortress served as base for the German South Western Africa Expeditionary Force in exactly the same way as Marseilles, Bordeaux, Salonika, Cairo, and Basra served their respective war areas, those who served there have not been given the same recognition and will not therefore be eligible for war medals; and whether he will amend the regulations so as to remedy this anomaly?

The geographical limits of the "Theatre of War" of the operations in German South-West Africa in 1914, for which the 1914–15 Star was awarded, were settled after consultation with the Government of the Union of South Africa.

The area comprises the Protectorate of South-West Africa and Military Districts No. 12 and 13 of the Union of South Africa, and it is not proposed to extend the area.

Will these troops be eligible for the Victory medal or the British War medal?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some of these troops have been awarded D.S.O.'s and M.C.'s on the recommendation of the Commander-in-Chief in South Africa, and does it not seem very hard that they do not get a War medal?

This was settled in conjunction with the Union Government, and I think it would not be right to take any action without consultation with that Government.

British Divisions (Summary of War Service)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether the promised publication of the summary of service of the various British divisions who fought overseas, together with a representation of the divisional signs, is yet ready for issue or purchase; and whether the information therein contained would give an added interest to soldiers now serving in some of those divisions?

The Imperial War Museum have a collection of some 600 divisional and other signs, but I understand it is not proposed at present to reproduce these signs in book form. I might perhaps mention that a book containing a number of divisional and other signs has recently been published by Captain Wheeler-Holohan.

Durham County Royal Garrison Artillery (Territorial Force)

asked the Secretary of State for War what were the services of the Durham County Royal Garrison Artillery (Territorial Force) during the War; what were the casualties, if any, suffered by this unit when fighting the enemy from British soil; whether a knowledge of those facts would have value from a recruiting point of view; and if steps may be taken to publish the war record of this unit if its service was unique?

During the War, the Durham Royal Garrison Artillery, Territorial Force (Coast Defence) furnished for service overseas, personnel for the 142nd Heavy Battery, 41st Siege Battery, 94th Siege Battery, 149th Siege Battery and the 47th Ammunition Column. The personnel required to complete these units was supplied by regular troops. The Durham Royal Garrison Artillery, Territorial Force, manned the Tees defences on the occasion of the bombardment of Hartlepool, but I am unable to say without further inquiry what casualties they suffered. As regards the last part of the question, I would mention that other coast defence units provided personnel for units in the field and, excellent as is the record of the Durham Royal Garrison Artillery, I do not think it is in any way unique.

May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is not aware that this is the only coastal battery which was-in action against the Germans during the War, and that they suffered severe casualties, and will he give consideration to the whole question?

I have already mentioned the topic when other questions have been asked me on the subject of medals, and I do not think I have anything further to state at the present time.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it is seriously affecting, recruiting in the Northern Territorial Division, and will he give careful consideration to it now?

No, I have not heard that it is affecting recruiting there particularly. I have given a good deal of thought to the position of the units who were actually engaged at Hartlepool, but there are great difficulties in the way of opening a door which may mean that about 2,000,000 persons who did not go out of the country would get the War Medal and so deprive soldiers of the distinction which they have won by their war service.

If, as the right hon. Gentleman says, he does not know how many casualties occurred in the bombardment of the Hartlepools in 1914, may I supply him with such a list?

I said I had no knowledge of the number sustained by this unit. As a matter of fact, it would have necessitated reference being made to the Record Office of the unit, and there was not time to do that between the time the question appeared on the Paper and the time for its answer.

May I ask whether the members of that garrison who fought for an hour three German cruisers are not going to get any medal whatever?

Is there not just as much reason why these people should receive the medal as many officers and men who sat at Boulogne and other places?

I have gone into that a great many times. I think they have a very good case, but hard cases do not make good law. One must draw the line, and that line has been drawn for the present on the principle of every other war, namely, that those who went abroad to the theatre of war get the medal and those who did not go abroad do not get the medal.

Transport from Alexandria

asked the Secretary of State for War whether troops and nurses on their way home for demobilisation have been waiting in certain cases at Alexandria since the month of April; whether he can state what is the reason of the delay; and what steps are being taken to deal with it?

I have recently caused full inquiries to be made into the allegations that officers and nurses have been detained for long periods at Alexandria awaiting passages, and from the reports recently received it appears that, although there has been delay, it has been unavoidable. In a report received at the end of June it was stated that no officers or nurses had been awaiting passage for as long as three months, and only three officers had been awaiting passage for more than five weeks. On the 19th June there were 127 officers in the Camp altogether awaiting passage and 52 nurses, and a special ship was arranged for the transport of these. As regards other ranks, I am informed that there has been no delay whatever in their embarkation from Egypt since May last, as the third-class accommodation available has more than met the requirements.

Questions

Australian Defence Force

asked the Secretary of State for War under what terms and for what period a service the Australian defence force is enlisted?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the Defence Act, 1903–1917, of the Commonwealth of Australia. I am not in possession of detailed information on the subject.

Fiji

asked the Undersecretary of State for the Colonies if he can confirm the information lately received from Fiji that a number of Indians arrested in connection with the strikes in that Colony are still untried; whether an inquiry has been held in reference to the strikes; if so, whether he will communicate the result of the inquiry to the House; whether, as stated, in a recent representation to the Government of India by the Imperial Indian Citizenship Association of Bombay, a number of Indians in Fiji are awaiting return to their native country, but are deterred from returning by the absence of shipping accommodation; and whether steps have been taken to provide such accommodation without undue delay?

I am expecting a further report on the subject from the Governor, but it has not yet reached the Colonial Office. The final Report of the Commission on the Cost of Living and Rates of Wages is on its way, and when received the question of its publication will be considered.

Business of the House

May I ask the Leader of the House what business it is proposed to take on Friday next?

The Motion on the Government of India Act (Draft Rules); the Ministry of Food (Continuance) Bill, if not taken to-night; Pensions Increase Bill, Second Reading; and other Orders if time permit.

Motion made, and Question put,

"That the Proceedings on the Indemnity ( re-committed ) Bill, Ministry of Food (Continuance) Bill, and the Women, Young Persons, and Children (Employment) Bill be exempted at this day's Sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ Mr. Bonar Law. ]

The House divided: Ayes, 263; Noes 59.

Division No. 231.]

AYES.

[3.50 p.m.

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Edwards, John H. (Glam., Neath)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd)

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Elliott, Lt.-Col. Sir G. (Islington, W.)

Lloyd, George Butler

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Elveden, Viscount

Lloyd-Greame, Major P.

Armitage, Robert

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram G.

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Astbury, Lieut.-Commander F. W.

Fell, Sir Arthur

Lorden, John William

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Lyle, C. E. Leonard

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City of Lon.)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Lyle-Samuel, Alexander

Barker, Major Robert H.

Forestier-Walker, L.

M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P.

Barnett, Major R. W.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray

Barnston, Major Harry

Frece, Sir Walter de

Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie)

Barrand, A. R.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern)

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C.

M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W.

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Gardiner, James

Macmaster, Donald

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Gardner, Ernest

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Bennett, Thomas Jewell

George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Betterton, Henry B

Gilbert, James Daniel

Macquisten, F. A.

Bigland, Alfred

Glyn, Major Ralph

Mallalieu, F. W.

Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West)

Gould, James C.

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Blair, Reginald

Grant, James A.

Manville, Edward

Blake, Sir Francis Douglas

Greene, Lieut.-Col. W. (Hackney, N.)

Marks, Sir George Croydon

Berwick, Major G. O.

Greig, Colonel James William

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Martin, Captain A. E.

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Middlebrook, Sir William

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B.

Brassey, Major H. L. C.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Mitchell, William Lane

Breese, Major Charles E.

Hall, Captain Douglas Bernard

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Bridgeman, William Clive

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H.

Hanna, George Boyle

Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Hanson, Sir Charles Augustin

Morden, Colonel H. Grant

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel A. H.

Harris, Sir Henry Percy

Morris, Richard

Burn, T. H. (Belfast, St. Anne's)

Haslam, Lewis

Morrison, Hugh

Butcher, Sir John George

Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C.

Carr, W. Theodore

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Mosley, Oswald

Cautley, Henry S.

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, Yeovil)

Murray, Lieut.-Colonel A. (Aberdeen)

Chadwick, Sir Robert

Hills, Major John Waller

Nail, Major Joseph

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.)

Hinds, John

Neal, Arthur

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G.

Nicholl, Commander Sir Edward

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Clough, Robert

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Nield, Sir Herbert

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington)

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Hopkins, John W. W.

O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H.

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W.

Cory, Sir C. J. (Cornwall, St. Ives)

Howard, Major S. G.

Parker, James

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Pearce, Sir William

Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.)

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Jephcott, A. R.

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Curzon, Commander Viscount

Johnstone, Joseph

Prescott, Major W. H.

Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh)

Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Purchase, H. G.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke)

Rae, H. Norman

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Jones, H. H. (Merioneth)

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Dawes, James Arthur

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Raper, A. Baldwin

Dockrell, Sir Maurice

Jones, William Kennedy (Hornsey)

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Donald, Thompson

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple)

Doyle, N. Grattan

King, Commander Henry Douglas

Remnant, Sir James

Duncannon, Viscount

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Rendall, Athelstan

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Lambert, Rt. Hon. George

Renwick, George

Edge, Captain William

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford)

Rodger, A. K.

Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C.

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Norwood)

Sutherland, Sir William

Williams, Lieut.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Sykes, Colonel Sir A. J. (Knutsford)

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Talbot, G. A. (Kernel Hempstead)

Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud

Seager, Sir William

Taylor, J.

Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert

Seddon, J. A.

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John

Thomas-Stanford, Charles

Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Smithers, Sir Alfred W.

Tickler, Thomas George

Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde)

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Townley, Maximilian G.

Wood, Major S. Hill- (High Peak)

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Tryon, Major George Clement

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Stanton, Charles B.

Turton, E. R.

Yate, Colonel Charles Edward

Starkey, Captain John R.

Vickers, Douglas

Yeo, Sir Alfred William

Steel, Major S. Strang

Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)

Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon)

Stephenson, Colonel H. K.

Waring, Major Walter

Young, W. (Perth & Kinross, Perth)

Stevens, Marshall

Wason, John Cathcart

Younger, Sir George

Stewart, Gershom

Weston, Colonel John W.

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Wheler, Lieut.-Colonel C. H.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—.—

Sturrock, J. Leng

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Lord E. Talbot and Captain Guest.

Sugden, W. H.

Whitla, Sir William

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D.

Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk)

Hartshorn, Vernon

Robertson, John

Bramsdon, Sir Thomas

Hayday, Arthur

Sexton, James

Briant, Frank

Holmes, J. Stanley

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Bromfield, William

Irving, Dan

Sitch, Charles H.

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Spencer, George A.

Cairns, John

Kiley, James D.

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Cape, Thomas

Lawson, John J.

Tillett, Benjamin

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Lunn, William

Waterson, A. E.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Wedgwood, Colonel J. C.

Crooks, Rt. Hon. William

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe)

Malone, C. L. (Leyton, E.)

Wignall, James

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Mills, John Edmund

Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Finney, Samuel

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness and Ross)

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbrdge)

Galbraith, Samuel

Myers, Thomas

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Glanville, Harold James

Newbould, Alfred Ernest

Wintringham, T.

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

O'Connor, Thomas P.

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

O'Grady, Captain James

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool)

Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. Hogge.

Grundy, T. W.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Blind Persons Bill

Reported, with Amendments, from Standing Committee A.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 154.]

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed. [No. 154.]

Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 179.]

SALFORD CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to—

Redcar Urban District Council Gas Bill, without Amendment.

Duplicands of Feu-duties (Scotland) Bill.

Land Drainage (Ouse) Provisional Order Bill.

Hastings Tramways Bill.

Blackpool Improvement Bill, with Amendments.

Amendments to—

Bootle Corporation Bill [ Lords ].

Eastbourne Waterworks Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.

Land Drainage (Ouse) Provisional Order Bill.

Lords Amendments to be considered To-morrow.

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee B

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee B: Mr. Armitage, Mr. Betterton, Colonel Burdon, Sir Clifford Cory, Mr. Gould, Sir John Harmood-Banner, Mr. Thomas Lewis, Mr. Robert McLaren, Colonel Sir Alexander Sprot, Major Waring, and Lieut.-Commander Hilton Young; and had appointed in substitution: Lieut.-Colonel Allen, Commander Bellairs, Mr. Carr, Sir Arthur Fell, Mr. Frederick Green, Mr. Haslam, Lieut.-Colonel Hilder, Mr. Lonsdale, Sir Philip Magnus, Sir Charles Oman, and Mr. Ormsby-Gore.

Report to lie upon the Table.

Orders of the Day

Spa Conference

Prime Minister's Statement

Great Issues Settled

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Lord Edmund Talbot. ]

4.0 P.M

So much that has passed at the Spa Conference has been made known to the public that I am not sure I have anything new which I can communicate to the House of Commons. As a matter of fact there never has been an international conference at which so much, not merely of the decisions but of the actual discussions, has been given to the Press. Still, there are two or three points regarding the Conference to which I should like to call the special attention of the House First of all I should like to say something about the discussions as to Turkey and the general position. The Turkish reply was sent in before we met at Spa. The decision of the Allies was to adhere substantially to the terms which they had already submitted to Turkey with one important alteration, and that was allowing Turkey to have a representative on the Straits Commission. With that exception there was no substantial alteration. Perhaps the House would like to know something about the general position in Turkey.

The last time I had the privilege of addressing the House on the subject of Turkey the situation was by no means clear, and a good deal of alarm was expressed about the position. Mustapha Kemal was supposed to be marching with great forces to drive the Allies out of Asia Minor, and even Constantinople was supposed to be in peril. I never took that view myself. At that time we had a consultation with M Venizelos, the distinguished leader of the Greek people, who came over to London. He had considerable forces still under arms, and we had been told that they were not very much use. The Turk, on the other hand, was said to be a very formidable person indeed, especially when led by Mustapha Kemal. After going into the matter very closely, the British Government came to the conclusion that the best thing to do would be to use the force at the disposal of the Greek Government for the purpose of clearing up the situation. The assent of France and Italy was secured for that purpose. I need hardly say that we consulted our military experts upon the matter, and their advice coincided with our wishes and our hopes.

M. Venizelos, I will not say guaranteed, but expressed the opinion that he would be able to clear up the whole of the neighbourhood between Smyrna and the Dardanelles in the course of fifteen days. His forces were put into action and his plan was carried out. The Greek troops were well organised and admirably led; they fought with great dash and bravery and they behaved in a manner worthy of the great record of their race, and there is no race in the world that has a more brilliant record whether in peace or in war. Not only did they clear up that situation in fifteen days, but they did so in ten days. The Turkish forces were repeatedly defeated and order has been restored. They are now undertaking similar operations in Thrace. It is never safe to make any prediction in military any more than in political affairs, but I feel very confident that, although there are disturbing elements in Thrace which were not present in Asia Minor, the Greeks will achieve the same measure of success in Thrace as crowned their endeavours in Asia Minor. I think this shows the importance of facing difficulties and not running away from them.

What is the position in the Near East? Whether we like it or not, or whether Europe likes it or not, it has got to be realised. You have some of the most important countries in the world which have been under Turkish dominion, something that is called the Turkish empire. There are no more important countries in the world, whether you regard them historically or strategically or politically. There are certainly no more important countries for Britain from the strategic point of view. Unfortunately, they have been in the hands of an empire which, put at its highest, was thoroughly incompetent, administratively and militarily incompetent. In fact, the Turk has been living on capital which he had acquired by a long record of violent ferocity. In recent years he had dissipated even that capital. The Balkan Wars demonstrated that he was no longer the same formidable person. His armies melted before the Bulgarians, before Serbia, and before Greece that had been his vassal. That has altered the situation. The great powers had kept him together not because of any particular confidence they had in him, but because they were afraid of what might happen if he disappeared. There was no one there to take his place. He exercised some sort of crude and occasionally barbarous authority, but it was authority of a sort. They feared that the country might fall into the hands of a great military empire which would use it to the detriment of the interests of their rivals or that it might fall into anarchy and confusion. Therefore the great Powers had for generations agreed to keep this empire together, corrupt and incompetent as it was, and to preserve its nominal authority. The late War has completely put an end to that state of things. Turkey is broken beyond repair, and from our point of view we have no reason to regret it. She broke every promise ever made; she sold every friend including Great Britain. We stood by her through good and evil report. British treasure, British brains, and British blood have been expended on preserving her integrity and her power, and at the most critical hour in our history she sold us to our most dangerous and bitter enemy.

Therefore we could not trust her again. She might sell us again, even though she had signed a bond. Turkey is no more. Nothing will put Turkey together again as an empire. She is broken, and that is what we have to face. We have to find a substitute for the authority with which we have been accustomed to deal for generations in some of the most important countries in the world, and which has now disappeared. What has to be done? Europe, of course, will do its best, but Europe is over-burdened, and for the moment there are only three Powers in Europe available to do their share. Russia is not in. Germany, if it were desirable to bring her in, has far too much to do to restore her normal life without undertaking any obligations outside. America has refrained from taking any part, and there are no indications that she intends to do so. That leaves Britain, France, and Italy. These three countries have incurred overwhelming obligations in all parts of the globe, and those must be taken into account. Therefore it is essential that we should utilise such assistance as is available on the spot for the purpose of enabling Europe effectively to carry out its mandate in that part of the globe.

At one time the Bulgarians promised that they might be relied upon to assist Europe in the development of those countries. Unfortunately, after the last War we can no longer trust Bulgaria. Bulgaria owes a good deal to Britain, and certainly she was under an overwhelming obligation to Russia. Without the force of Russia, Bulgaria would never have been emancipated, and yet the moment when Russia was falling to pieces, because there was no means of getting at her through the Black Sea, was the moment chosen by Bulgaria to assist her most dangerous foes, and she bolted and barred the doors against us. Bulgaria certainly cannot be trusted. The Greeks, on the other hand, have shown strength, capacity, restraint, and statesmanship throughout this War. They are a highly intelligent, industrious, brave, and competent people, competent as sailors, as cultivators, and as traders. They have a great past, and they have the Greek gift, even to the present day, of throwing up great leaders, for M. Venizelos is a successor of great leaders, he is not merely a phenomenon. The Allies therefore, without hesitation, utilised the forces at the disposal of the Greek Government for the purpose of assisting them to restore order in that part of the world, and to enforce the Treaty. I think the experiment has been a success. It has been a gratifying success, a promising success, because it shows that when the Greek undertakes to carry out an operation it means that he has very accurately estimated his own strength and the resources at his disposal. That, I think, is one of the most promising features in that part of the East. We have given Turkey ten days in which to reply. I am not quite sure when the date expires. I am not going to predict whether they will sign or whether they will not sign. Personally I am very hopeful that Turkey's signature will be attached to the document, because they realise that it is the best way of enabling Turkey to preserve the Dominions which have been left to her by the Treaty and to enable her to start her life on a more sure and sound basis than she has experienced in the past.

I pass on from that part of our discussions at Spa to Poland, which has given us, as no doubt it has given everyone who has been watching what is happening in that country at the present moment, very great anxiety. I am not going to enter into a discussion of the Polish action in the past. I have expressed my mind very freely about it. I am not quite sure if I have done so in this House, but I certainly did so to the Poles themselves. I say at once that I think their action early in the course of the year— the action of the late Polish Government —was reckless and foolish. I protested against it and I ventured to point out what the consequences would be. I remember a little discussion I had in the course of a speech with an hon. Friend of mine here. I told him that I hoped my fears as to the consequences would not be realised, but that I was very doubtful about their action. I was sure it would bring disaster on the Polish nation. I wish I had been a worse prophet. The only excuse—and one must take that into account—was Bolshevik interference in Polish affairs. I must say this about the Bolsheviks, that they seem to resent with great intensity any interference by other countries in what they regard as their own legitimate sphere; but their policy of non-intervention never prevents them interfering with the affairs of everyone else. As a matter of fact, they have an elaborate organisation for subverting every Government in every land throughout the world. I have been, on the whole, against interference, but I have never closed my eyes to the fact that the last people in the world to complain about interfering with Russia is the Soviet Government, which interferes in the business of every other State and tries to subvert every other State in the world. [Cheers.] And there is this to be said for the Poles. There they were, with this terrible power just across the frontier. Nobody is very anxious to be friendly with them, except some individuals. No nation is very anxious to be friendly with them, and the Poles were rightly apprehensive of having them as neighbours and were anxious to have some form of buffer State between the Soviet Government and themselves. I think it was a risky enterprise. You cannot form States in that way. All the same it is a very legitimate apprehension on their part. But that is not what concerns us now. Let us assume that it was a mistake for the Poles to have pursued that policy of trying to set up a buffer community between Soviet land and themselves. If it was a mistake, a mistake of that kind does not justify a nation in being wiped out. Poland—independent Poland—is essential to the whole fabric of peace.

There are two grounds on which we cannot disinterest ourselves in the fate of Poland. The first is the covenant of the League of Nations. Article 10 says:

The second reason why we cannot disinterest ourselves in the fate of Poland is this. If the Bolsheviks overrun Poland they march right up to the frontiers of Germany, and Sovietland, after destroying the independence and existence of a free people, extends as a great, aggressive, imperialist power—(Cheers)—which has grabbed territories belonging to another race and another people—right up to the borders of Germany. You may say, "What does that matter," but my hon. and right hon. Friends have only to think what that means. I do not quite care to enter into all the prospects. It is a great temptation to Germany with her burdens, her obligations and her crushing debt just as it is to any other debtor to find a cheap, easy way out of his obligation. It is true they could only get it through anarchy. There are millions of people who are getting impatient in Germany. There are millions of trained men in Germany. Bolshevists are there as the next door neighbour. I only ask hon. Members to think whether it might not have the effect of depriving the Allies of the fruits of the dearly-bought victory. (Cheers.) We were bound to take that into account. Hon. Members may smile, but a nation that has made the sacrifices this country made for five years cannot regard this prospect with a smile. (Cheers.) Therefore the Allies came to the conclusion that they must take such steps as were available to arrest the destruction of Poland and the march of the Bolshevist armies through Polish territory. Hence a document was sent from Spa to the Soviet Government. It was sent after full discussion with all our Allies, with their full consent and at their request. Before it was sent we had to make it clear to Poland that if the Allies rendered assistance to Poland it was for a real Poland. It was not to assist Poland to annex territories which did not belong to her, it was to defend her own legitimate frontiers and her own independence. The Polish Prime Minister was there and he undertook on behalf of his Government—and I see that since his return they have sanctioned the undertaking which he gave—that they would be prepared to withdraw the Polish Army to the legitimate frontiers of Poland and to defend those frontiers and to seek peace upon that basis. We received a reply from the Soviet Government on Sunday night. I see my distinguished colleague, M. Millerand, describes it as impertinent; I would rather call it incoherent. There is a little bit for everybody in it. It is the sort of document that might be drawn up by a committee composed of the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme, the hon. Member for Hull, my Noble Friend the Member for Hitchin, the hon. Member for South Hackney, and my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby. You would first of all have very high ideals expressed. There would be a good deal of bluster in order to satisfy one Member; then, in order to suit another, there would be a great attack on the Government, the British Government of course, blaming them for everything and everybody. There would be a violent attack upon the League of Nations to meet the wishes of another Member, and there would be just a little business at the end to meet my right hon. Friend. That is the kind of document it is.

It is too long. The end is the only thing that really matters, and that is ambiguous.

I agree, it is largely propaganda. Those who have read it do not agree absolutely as to what it means. The meaning has to be made clear. That is all we want. So far as I can understand it, they say they are willing to negotiate direct with Poland. M. Lenin and M. Trotsky are in complete and emphatic agreement with my hon. Friend the Member for St. Augustine in deprecating a meeting in London. They are colleagues in that respect. They do not like meeting in London. They are willing to negotiate direct with the Poles. So far from their complaining of the boundary which we fixed for Poland, they say we have treated Poland very badly. They want to give more to Poland than we have indicated, and they are prepared to consider an armistice in a friendly spirit. But there are some phrases in the document which would rather indicate that they are only prepared to discuss this matter with a proletariat government. If that is the interpretation it is an intolerable one. They have no right to dictate what sort of government the Poles should have. [An HON. MEMBER: "We tried to do the same with Russia!"] Oh, no, I beg the hon. Member's pardon. All we have asked is that Russia should be free to choose her own government. The Soviet Government has not been chosen by Russia. It is as great an autocracy as its predecessor was. M. Lenin, in the remarkable letter which he wrote to English trade unionists, scoffs at their ideas of democracy. He has as great a contempt for democracy as Peter the Great or Ivan the Terrible. He is the lineal successor of these great autocrats. But Poland has chosen her own government by universal suffrage, and it is intolerable that any country from outside should come in and impose upon her a government which she does not want. However, in order to test the bonâ fides of this document we have advised the Poles to approach the Soviet and apply for an armistice with a view to peace. That is the proposal which we made at Spa, although it is ignored in the Soviet reply. Our proposal was that the Poles should make the initial advance, inasmuch as they made the first attack. In our reply to Moscow we were bound to make it clear that if, notwithstanding the application by the Polish Government to the Russians for an armistice, the Russian army still marches on, we shall have to give such assistance as is in our power to the Polish Government. The Poles have a very considerable number of troops. They have no lack of brave men, for they have been historically and traditionally a brave people. They have not always been well led, although they contain some of the greatest military leaders in history. What they lack is equipment, and especially organisation. Within the last few days they have raised, I am told, a voluntary army of 300,000 men. Students from the universities, men of all ranks and classes, have flocked to the flag. But they need equipment. France and ourselves could supply that. I think France and ourselves could supply them with the necessary means for organising their forces. It is entirely a question whether the Poles have to defend their own independence. It is to the British interest, it is to the European interest, that Poland should not be wiped out. It would be fatal to the peace of Europe that it should be wiped out, and the consequences would be disastrous beyond measure. Meanwhile we have sent this last telegraphic message, in which we have informed the Soviet Government—what we indicated to the Poles —that whether the Conference meets in London or elsewhere is a matter of no consequence to us. We thought there would be an advantage in getting the various war elements over here. If we had got these various elements together, such as Roumania and Czecho-Slovakia— if we could get all these conflicting elements gathered in London, I had hoped that it would he possible to get real peace in Europe. That is what is wanted, so that the world can get on with its progress. Still, we have certainly no desire to dictate, we have no desire to press a matter of that kind. On the contrary, in spite of these comments of the Bolshevik Government, the attitude we took up was of a totally different character. We encouraged this real negotiation, and so far as we are concerned it makes no difference to us whether the Poles communicate direct with the Soviet Government or whether it is done indirectly. All I say is, that if Poland, notwithstanding this, is attacked in her particular territories, Great Britain is bound by the covenants she has entered into, she is bound by her own interests, she is bound by the interests of Europe, and by the general interests of the world, to give every assistance in her power to the party which is assailed.

I have only two other words to say on this point. Two delegates were appointed by the Soviet Government to proceed to Great Britain for the purpose of discussing trade relations, but the document received from the Soviet Government was so ambiguous that I considered it very doubtful whether it was wise to let them proceed to this country until that matter had been cleared up. The Government therefore, have taken the necessary steps to stop these envoys from proceeding here until we have a more definite answer from the Soviet Government. They are now at Reval waiting until they hear what has been decided. The second point upon which I want to inform the House is this. Time is pressing, and the French Government and ourselves have sent special envoys to Poland to investigate the conditions and to report as to what steps can be taken in order to assist the Polish people to defend their own territory. We have sent our Ambassador at Berlin with a military representative, and the French Government, I believe, are sending General Weygand, and it may be that Marshal Foch will follow them if that course is necessary. That is the position so far as Poland is concerned.

I now come to the part of the Conference that deals with Germany. The Spa Conference was the first occasion on which we had a real talk with the Germans. It was impossible at Versailles. There are many who think that we ought to have entered into a prolonged discussion last year as a preliminary to the settlement of the Peace Treaty. I think it would have been quite impossible in the atmosphere which then prevailed. The events of the War were too recent. There has been no war which has inflicted such losses on the population as the Great War of 1914–18, and when people saw the path of the events of that War, I do not believe it would have been possible to conduct calm discussions with the delegated representatives of the enemy. What made it still more difficult was that no Congress that ever met has conducted its discussions under the same conditions. We should have had the Press present; everything would have been reported or distorted, even the ordinary courtesies would have been misrepresented, and that would have aroused a public sentiment which would have made it impossible to carry on a calm discussion so soon after the conclusion of the Great War. The lapse of over a year has enabled us to meet in a calmer atmosphere and with a temper slightly more reasonable on both sides.

I do not think it will be necessary for me to weary the House with a recital of the decisions taken at Spa. They have been published in the press very elaborately, and should anyone wish for an explanation I shall be very glad to give it later on in the Debate. I shall wait for questions in order to elucidate anything that is obscure to any Member of the House. I should like to give a general impression of the Conference, because a good deal depends upon that and upon the attitude of the German people as represented by their Government. I think the impression of every Allied representative there was that the German Chancellor and his very able coadjutor, Herr von Simons, were two perfectly honest upright men doing their best to cope with a gigantic task. What is important to us is that they were clearly men who had made up their minds to do their utmost to carry out the Treaty. They said so, and I think every Allied representative there believed that they were sincere in their declaration. They were not confident that they could do it, that German resources would permit things to be done, but they were firmly resolved it should be done, and it is very significant that Germany should have been represented by men of that calibre at the Conference. France and ourselves thought it was our duty to make the most of those who came there with that sincere purpose. Important decisions were taken.

There were, first of all, the decisions we arrived at amongst ourselves with regard to the distribution of the Reparation. That is not merely important for each individual country, but it is important for our unity as Allies. The knowledge not merely amongst ourselves, but amongst others with whom we are dealing that there are no differences between the Allies that would weaken them in council gives us greater strength and confidence. Therefore I attach enormous importance to the agreement that was arrived at between the Allies with regard to the distribution of the Reparation. It has taken a very long time. There have been negotiations extending over several months. My right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer was successful at one or two Conferences we had in establishing a complete understanding with France. France was the greatest sufferer from the War, and, as the greatest sufferer, she had the greatest need of reparation. We established that understanding some months ago at Conferences which my right hon. Friend attended, and an understanding was completed with the other Allies through the efforts of my right hon. Friend the Minister without Portfolio (Sir L. Worthington-Evans), who accompanied me to Spa. Now there is a complete understanding as far as that important, difficult, and very delicate question is concerned. It would have been dangerous—it would have been unpleasant—if any differences or disputes had existed among ourselves upon a matter of that kind. I am, therefore, glad in my heart that that difficulty is now out of the way, because it was very unpleasant when we met an Ally, who had suffered severely, to be appearing to grudge him his fair share of the reparation. But at the same time, we were there representing British interests, and had to see that they were not neglected. When one is fighting for British interests there is always a feeling that we are fighting against France, and unscrupulous people have even said so, forgetting that we were there primarily to look after the interests of our own country. We were bound to see that Britain had fair play without any injustice being done to our Ally. I am glad the question is out of the way.

The general character of that agreement has already been published. British interests are to get 22 per cent. and France 50, and I think that is a very fair summary of the relative damages suffered by the two countries. Italy gets 10 per cent. The important part of the agreement is the way in which we dealt with shipping. About 2,000,000 tons of German shipping—I mean mercantile shipping—have been surrendered to Great Britain since the Armistice. It is proposed that these, upon the ton for ton principle, shall be sold in the British market, and that the proceeds shall be credited, first of all, to the cost of the British Army of Occupation, and, secondly, to the British share of the reparation, including the advances to Belgium. This is subject to certain guarantees in regard to loans in which we assisted. The freights earned by these ships are also to be credited. I do not know what the market is now for British shipping; it was fairly high some time ago—it is less this year than last year; and I am told by my right hon. Friend it is now somewhere near the pre-War level, which makes the ton for ton arrangement a very fair one. That is as much as it is necessary for me to dwell upon in respect of that document.

5.0 P.M.

The second agrement entered into was with Germany with regard to coal. This is a rather complicated matter. It is a matter of vital moment to France, whose collieries were destroyed—in some cases very deliberately and wantonly. Germany undertakes to deliver 2,000,000 tons of coal per month to the Allies, and of that quantity 1,500,000 tons will be delivered to France. This caused a good deal of trouble, and at one time the Conference threatened to break down. The Treaty provided that in fixing the contribution of German coal we should take into account the needs of German industry, and those who regard the Treaty as a kind of rigid document which cannot adapt itself to the conditions of Europe have evidently overlooked governing phrases of that kind—vital phrases. This enabled the Reparation Commission of the Allies to fix the contribution of Germany at 2,000,000 tons per month, whereas, as a matter of fact, it should have been 3,500,000 on the estimate of the French losses. Great difficulty arose with regard to price. Those who know about the coal market in this country are aware that we have two prices, and so have they in Germany. We have an inland and an export price. The great question for Germany was whether she should be credited with the export price or with the inland price. If she was only credited with the inland price, she felt her only means of buying food would be taken away and that she would be deprived of the coal necessary for her own industries. The Allies met that by stipulating that the difference between the two prices should, as to five marks per ton, be paid in cash to Germany, and, as to the balance, be advanced to her for the purpose of buying food and clothing for the miners. There is no doubt at all that the population is grossly and gravely underfed in Germany, and there is a good deal of suffering. Figures were supplied with regard to infantile mortality which were perfectly appalling, and we were told that the miners were not in a physical condition to turn out their quota of coal because they were underfed. The investigations made by the French, the Italians, and ourselves bore that out. Therefore, by this agreement, a provision is made that something which represents more than half the commercial value of the coal shall be advanced to Germany, for the purpose of providing the necessary food and housing for the miners in different areas. That was an agreement which was better for Germany and better for the Allies. It is quite clear that an agreement which brings the miners in, and secures their free assent, is very much better for the production of coal for the Allies than any coercive measure which could have been imposed upon them. As has been pointed out, although you might occupy the coal mines area, you could not make the miners work unless they wished to do so.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say how the advances are to be repaid?

I have it here, and will answer in a moment. That is the arrangement with regard to coal. With regard to reparation, the Germans submitted a general scheme for liquidating the reparation proposals of the Treaty. It is a very able document, evidently very carefully thought out, but its real value, I think, consisted in the fact that it gave clear proof that the Germans had grappled with the problem of indemnity, and were making a real effort to meet it. We all thought that from that point of view it was a very satisfactory document. There were schemes for raising the money, for arriving at the amount, for enabling Germany to liquidate her obligations to the Allies. There was no attempt to evade them. On the contrary, there was a real effort to face them and to liquidate them, and we all felt that, from that point of view, it was an exceedingly satisfactory document. It was decided to appoint a small Special Committee of experts to discuss that document with the Germans, to elucidate its proposals, to see what it actually meant, and to discuss its details. That will be done in the course of the next two or three weeks.

With regard to war criminals, we had a discussion with Germany, and let me say at once that, after going into that matter and hearing what is to be said on all sides, I am not in the least clear that the responsibility for the delay rests entirely with the Germans; in fact, in some respects I am sure it does not. But I am glad to be able to say that the arrangements which were made at Spa will enable that question to be dealt with promptly and, I think, effectively at an early date.

I come now to the last question discussed at Spa, and that is disarmament. This was, I think, on the whole, the most difficult problem that we had to face. As far as naval disarmament is concerned, I think the progress made has been very satisfactory, and that is the general feeling. There are a few more ships and there is a little more naval material to be surrendered, but, in the main, the great battleships have either been surrendered or sunk, all the submarines have been surrendered, the best torpedo boats have been surrendered. There are just two battleships, not of the best, that have not been surrendered, and a few cruisers and some second-rate torpedo boats; and there is a little naval material. Our Naval officers there, however, were confident that by the end of September the naval programme will have been completed. That is not the case with the military aspect. It is not true that nothing has been done. I saw a statement of that kind in a French paper yesterday, but it is not in the least true. A good deal of progress has been made. It is difficult to give reliable figures, because figures can always be disputed in these matters, but I will give the figures supplied to me by the War Office, who, I believe, had them from Berlin. The war material surrendered to the Allies includes 25,000 guns and gun barrels. The Germans, I think, still have about 2,000. There are 55,000 machine guns, a very large number of trench mortars—I do not like to give the figures, because there is some doubt about them —1,500,000 small arms, 176,000,000 rounds of small-arm ammunition, and 25,000,000 shells.

Most of the aeroplanes have been surrendered. The Army has been reduced to 200,000 men. Now I will give some figures which made us uneasy. There are still 3,000,000 rifles in Germany which have not been surrendered. Although the guns have been surrendered to the Allies, they have not been destroyed. Half of them have been destroyed, but there are still 12,000 left out of the 25,000. They are destroying them now at the rate of about 1,000 per week. There have been delays. Of trench mortars there are still, I think, some thousands about, and there are at least 6,000 machine guns. Of the rifles, 700,000 have been given to irregular auxiliary forces, which means that there are still 900,000 armed men in Germany, apart altogether from the millions of rifles amongst the population. There is too much war material spread about in Germany for safety. The dangers are two-fold. The last German election showed a tendency on the part of the population to gravitate towards two extremes. One part of the population rather rushed to the extreme right, which means that they were rather inclined to support the old system. Another part of the population left the Moderate Socialist party and rallied to the Extreme Socialist party. That shows that people are beginning to think a little in extremes, which is always what happens to a distracted half-starved country that does not know its purpose and its aim. It is divided; it is distracted; it is baffled; it is discouraged; it is almost in despair— that is the impression conveyed by everything in Germany I came in contact with —and on the point, at least on the brink, of disintegration. Bavaria says she will not carry on. Würtemberg says the same thing. They will take no orders from Berlin. The Rhineland is rather disposed to the same thing. Under these conditions, you will find extremists acquiring greater momentum on both sides. Both these extremes are dangerous to the peace of the world.

Why are they not surrendering rifles? They are not surrendering rifles because they distrust each other. It is not because they distrust the Allies. The Extreme Socialists say, "Here you have 900,000 rifles in the hands of men who mean to crush us; we will not give up our rifles until you give up yours." That is the position; they are watching each other. One man will not give up his rifle unless the other man gives up his, and the result is that no one gives up his rifle. That is why the Allies, in the demands they made upon Germany, insisted upon both sides delivering them up. I do not believe you will get the rifles out of the hands of the population as long as you have these Einwohnerwehr with 600,000 rifles. On the other hand, the Einwohnerwehr are not going to give up their rifles if they think there are 2,000,000 rifles in the hands of people who might set up a Soviet Republic. That is really the explanation of the difficulty experienced in getting those rifles, and the same thing applies to machine guns. Meanwhile the position is a dangerous one. We therefore insisted upon a proclamation being issued demanding that both the Einwohnerwehr and the civilian population shall surrender the whole of their rifles, and that they will be expected to do so by September. That, roughly, represents what has been done.

May I just say one word about these Conferences in general? There has been a good deal of rather cheap and silly gibing at them. I want to say a serious word about that. The more European statesmen meet to discuss these difficulties, the better for the peace of the world. As for the idea that it is a sort of cheap and pleasant holiday, you had better ask the journalists who were there—and they had only to report what we had taken hours to prepare beforehand. I do not believe anybody who was there would ever treat this as a cheap and certainly not as a very comfortable holiday. If, before 1914, we had had Conferences of this kind, we should have had no War. We were at breaking point at least, twice in this Conference. What happened? Private conversations, talks, interchange of views, attempts to find out whether something else could be done—the usual thing that happens at conferences—and the crisis was past. That would inevitably happen if you could get these people to come face to face, and that is the way to avert war. We have cleared things up that years of correspondence would not have been able to deal with. The real value of the League of Nations, in my judgment, is not its elaborate machinery, but the fact that it provides a machine for Europe—for those who are responsible for conducting the international affairs of Europe—to come face to face. That is the real test. Can you imagine a Cabinet doing work by correspondence?

This deprecation of these Conferences is a serious mistake. I cannot imagine any greater. Of course, you have the cantankerous person who disapproves of everything and everybody except his own policy. But, apart from that, I cannot imagine anybody protesting against this Conference except a lunatic or the proprietor of a sensational newspaper. Then, very foolish things have been said about the costs of the Conference. I am sorry to refer to it, but it looms so large. As a matter of fact—certainly compared with the issues involved—they were insignificant. The Conference did not, as a matter of fact, cost much. I doubt very much whether the Spa Conference cost more than a few hundreds to Great Britain, and the San Remo Conference certainly did not. What has been said? That the country has been spending money on experts. If any of my hon. Friends were to go to a great conference to discuss financial matters, military matters, diplomatic matters, commercial and industrial questions, food questions, without taking any experts at all. I know what would have been said. It would have been said that they should, at least, have taken someone who could have informed them and who could have told them what to do. As a matter of fact, the delegations were all about the same size, and they were all of them very hard worked. I took the trouble to find out if we were taking more than anybody else, and I think we took fewer. I doubt very much whether the expense would be equal to the expense of the August holiday of one or two of our critics.

Finally, I should like to make a plea which I have put in before, but which, I think, is very necessary, and that is a plea for patience on the part not merely of the British public, but of the European public generally, in the difficulties which the world has to get through. A world ravaged by such a war as that we have gone through is not easily appeased. The real enemy is impatience. The world is over-strained. It is suffering a little from the restlessness of neurasthenia. Those who expected the world, immediately the War was over, to fall back again into the old grooves with a click did not realise that fact. Everybody is impatient to get the finished result at once, not merely here, but everywhere. The Arabs, after centuries of despotism, are recovering their liberty, and they expect in a single year to attain to the full measure of their ancient pride, without waste of time or without any assistance. That is impossible. As to indemnities, there are people who expect a cheque paid into the Bank of England in a year. Everything must be settled straight away, and the situation cleared up. The League of Nations—that will take time before it comes to its full measure of perfection and maturity. Why, Bolshevism is only a symptom of that temper—impatience, the desire for a short cut. It is an organised impatience, and we are getting it all round.

Let us look at what has happened. At Spa we began to realise how far we had advanced. Two years ago, almost to the very day, the Kaiser started from the villa occupied at Spa by the French and English delegation, proceeded on his journey, and issued a message stating that his next stop would be Versailles. Russia was destroyed—a country with six millions of troops swept away from the Allies; Rumania destroyed; Serbia out of the way; France and Britain practically stood alone so far as Germany was concerned. America was hardly in it at that moment; she had three or four divisions in the fighting line. The German armies had broken through at three points in the Allied front. The Kaiser was starting to march at the head of his victorious army of millions in the last push to Paris. Our ships were being sunk upon the high seas. That was the condition we were reminded of at Spa when we looked on the place the Kaiser started from two years ago.

When we met now, what was the position? The Allied troops on the Rhine; the great army of Germans reduced to 200,000; her great armaments surrendered and half of them destroyed; Germany pleading for consideration for delivering her coal to the Allies, and seeking advances from the Allies to feed her people; her submarines interned in British harbours and her great fleet sunk in British seas. The burdens of victory are great, the burdens of defeat are intolerable. Supposing the picture had been reversed! The toil that comes from great success is easier borne, though it may be greater, than the toil that comes from failure. The temperament, the encouragement, and the spirit is behind it. That we have got. I felt it when I saw the representatives of Germany, which was once the mightiest military Power in the world, there arguing with France and Britain, with Belgium in the chair. Germany despised Belgium. She did not recognise her. Belgium presided over the Conference, where she was demanding their rifles and their coal and their materials, and discussing what we should do with Germany during the years to come. When we think of our own difficulties—and they are great—let us think what we have got through, and, in the spirit that enabled us to get through, let us push through to the end.

I think we shall all agree that the Prime Minister has well performed the duty which falls to his lot, and that we shall all acknowledge his action in allowing as short a time as possible to pass since his return from this important Conference at Spa before giving to the House of Commons and through the House of Commons to the country and to the world the detailed lacid, elaborate—but not too elaborate— explanation to which we have listened just now. The whole House is indebted to him for the account and for the freedom from reserve which has been characteristic of his treatment of it. I will venture, however, to make a suggestion to my right hon. Friend which I think, if it were carried out, would make the task of comment or criticism easier than it is when one has to deal on the spur of the moment with oral statements. It is now rather more than a year since the Treaty of Peace was signed at Versailles. Since then there has been not only a considerable interchange of diplomatic notes, but there have been Conferences at San Remo, I think at Boulogne, at London and now at Spa. I would suggest to the Government it would be a great public convenience if they would issue in the form of a White Paper—perhaps the bulk of the documents might more appropriately take the shape of a Blue Book—of the various communications and decisions taken from stage to stage and from time to time since the Treaty of Peace was completed, in order that the House of Commons and the country might have a report as a collective whole on the modifications and the supplementary provisions which have since been introduced. It is very desirable that we should have all these documents before us. We could not have a better illustration than that which was furnished by my right hon. Friend just now. He described at considerable length, and with a good deal of mordant humour, the reply which the Government had received from the Bolshevist Government to the recent Note. The Prime Minister had the advantage, which very few of us possess, of having read it. It appears from his description of it to be a conglomerate document, a specimen of Coalition rhetoric which perhaps, for aught I know, will form a model when my right hon. Friend and the Lord Privy Seal issue their next joint manifesto. At any rate we should be in a better position to weigh the Prime Minister's comments on that if we had it before us. And that applies not only to the reply of the Bolshevists, but to a great many other documents which are material to forming a correct judgment upon this complicated aspect of the international situation. I would only say two or three words upon what my right hon. Friend said about Poland. I was glad to hear his very outspoken denunciation of the original Polish adventure. I could wish, and many people would wish, as the Powers who disapproved of that adventure thought it, as many of us thought it at the time, as the Prime Minister thought it at the time, as the whole world now thinks it to be, a reckless and foolish adventure, that more effective pressure had then been exerted to prevent its inception and prosecution. I myself more than once said I thought it was a case in which at the very earliest stage the authority of the League of Nations might well have invoked in order to stamp, not merely with the more or less unofficial discouragement of two or three of the great Powers, but to stamp with the collective disapproval of the League of Nations as a whole.

Official if you like, at any rate to stamp it from the outset with the collective disapproval of all the civilised nations who are parties to the covenant of the League of Nations. It has failed, as it deserved to fail. Poland has been driven back within her frontier. She is now threatened by way of reprisals with the very disaster which she thought to impose upon others. I entirely agree that it is not desirable, and it would be wrong in the interests of the civilised world and not only of Poland herself, that this new Polish State, confined within her proper geographical boundaries, should be allowed to be overwhelmed and overrun by any other Power. I do not in any way differ from the conclusion of the Prime Minister in that respect. There again it seems to me, whatever executive steps are to be taken—and it might be necessary that they should be taken—by this, that or the other Power to prevent a catastrophe of that kind occurring, should be taken under the authority and, if possible, on the initiative of the League of Nations itself. You will never get the League of Nations in working order and you will never get the world to recognise that it is meant to be the authentic organ and exponent of the will of the civilised world, unless, even at this stage, matters of this kind are submitted to its decision. There is a very great difference in point of moral authority between a mandate, or a veto——

My right hon. Friend is under a disadvantage, I can quite see that, but he will be rather surprised if he sees the document to find that one of the most vehement portions of it is a refusal on the part of the Bolshevists to have anything whatever to do or say to the League of Nations.

So much the worse for the Bolshevists. I am not a pro-Bolshevist, I really am not. I am very anxious to see Russia, under whatever Government Russia freely chooses for herself, a party to the covenant of the League of Nations, just as I am anxious to see Germany a party to the covenant of the League of Nations, and I hope before, I will not say many months, but many years are over, we shall find those necessary gaps—for they are gaps— transitory as I hope, and soon to disappear, will be filled up. But although the League of Nations is for the moment to that extent lop-sided, although two of these great European territories are not represented, it seems to me that it is not the less but the more reason why the Powers which are parties to the Covenant and members of the League should lose no opportunity of invoking and asserting its authority as the organ, not of this or that particular group, but of all the civilised communities of the world. I quite recognise, in addition to the disastrous results which would follow from the submergence of an independent Poland, that to bring the Bolshevist Dominion, or whatever name you like to call it, in Russia into a geographical position in which it would be co-terminous with Eastern Germany would be a serious danger to the peace of the world and impose, or rather interpose, new difficulties in the way of German disarmament. That is a very important consideration. From both points of view it is of the highest importance that under the authority, if it can be obtained, and I am sure it could be obtained, of the League of Nations, this adventure also should be stopped.

I come now to say a few words in regard to the actual decisions of the Conference at Spa. In my judgment, the real importance and significance of the Conference —I think it is the most important and significant by far of all the conferences which have been held since the conclusion of the Treaty at Versailles—is twofold. In the first place, it is the first time—this is a matter of procedure, but though of procedure, it is a matter of "very great urgency—that representatives of our late enemies have met round the conference table with those who were recently their enemies and their victors. The right hon. Gentleman has told us— I was very glad to hear the language which he employed—of the favourable impression which the German plenipotentiaries produced, both as I gather from the comparative moderation and reasonableness of the manner in which their case was presented, and what is still more important, their spirit of acquiescence, not necessarily in all the provisions, but in the general trend and object of the Treaty itself; a real and sincere disposition, so far as they could represent Germany, to see the provisions of that Treaty in spirit carried into effect. It shows the advantage of the new procedure. The second point in regard to the Spa Conference which deserves to be noted is that whatever the form of language you may employ it has been really, and in effect, a conference for the revision of the terms of the Treaty.

Yes, I can demonstrate that from the speech my right hon. Friend made just now. I do not care what form of words you employ, a revision it is in fact, for what are the decisions the Conference has led to? I will take two of the most significant, although not perhaps in themselves quite first-rate. First, the decisions as to coal. I entirely approve of those decisions. I think they were in the right direction, but it is impossible to contend that when you have, as I think quite properly, reduced the contribution in terms of coal that Germany must make to the Allies from 3,500,000 to 2,000,000 tons, in any sense of the word which is hot an abuse of language, that is not a revision of the terms of the Treaty.

Really, that is a very important statement for the effect it will have in France. Therefore I canot allow it to go unchallenged. As a matter of fact by the terms of the Treaty the Reparations Commission are bound to take into account in fixing the amount the industrial exigencies of Germany. I have not the exact words, but that is the effect of them. That is what they have done in this respect. They came to the conclusion that having regard to those exigencies, 2,000,000 tons was a fair amount to exact, but it is under the terms of the Treaty.

Does my right hon. Friend tell us that the Reparations Commission recommended the 2,000,000 tons?

Certainly, in Paris. It was with their consent. And if my right hon. Friend will look at the terms it is subject to the formal approval of the Reparations Commission. The individual members approved it, but they have to pass their formal adhesion to that later on, otherwise it does not go through. But, individually, they agreed to it.

The Reparations Commission, after all, are only a delegation from the very Powers who are parties to this Conference. No one can pretend that they could have independent authority to override or veto the proceedings of the Conference itself. The Conference very wisly fixed the figure of 2,000,000 tons, which is only for six months.

What it will be after the six months we do not know. I think it was a perfectly wise proceeding, but to say it was not a revision seems to me to be a misuse of language. The same thing applies to the decision of the Conference in regard to disarmament. I have a very strong opinion that it is of the utmost importance in the interests of European peace that German disarmament should become an accomplished fact. I agree with the Prime Minister that the diffusion throughout Germany of an indefinite quantity, but certainly amounting to millions of rifles, some in the hands of these organised bodies of so-called police or auxiliary forces, each of which, as my right hon. Friend truly said, was keeping watch on the other, is a danger and a menace, not only to the restoration of the economic life of Germany and the development of a really free Government in Germany, but a danger and a menace, potentially at any rate, to the peace which we have so laboriously achieved. I do not hesitate for a moment to give the heartiest approval to all practical proposals to make German disarmament an accomplished fact. Here, again, I think the Spa Conference acted very wisely. Instead of insisting on the letter of the Treaty, which would have required the Army to be reduced by 30th March this year, they have given them, in fact, another nine months before they reach their limit of 150,000 men. These are very proper decisions. I am not quoting them in any polemical sense, but they do show the enormous advantage of not treating the provisions of the Treaty as though they were inspired, unalterable, and something sacrosanct, which belongs to no other human document; but, recognising what common sense ought to lead us to recognise after our experience as time goes on, that we ought to be prepared in our own interests quite as much as, indeed, more than, in the interest of our late enemy, to see that the Treaty is brought into accordance with the dictates of humanity and justice and of progress. I recognise that as one of the most important results of the Spa Conference.

In regard to reparation, there is one point on which I am not quite clear. As I understand it, the practical decision of the Spa Conference in regard to reparation applied only to the distribution of the proportions as between the different Allies who are entitled to them, so much per cent. to France, so much to Belgium, so much to Italy, and so on. I have no doubt that those proportions so arrived at were calculated, roughly, in accordance with the principles of justice and equity; but I want to know quite clearly whether in the Conference which is about to take place at Geneva, and to which, I understand, German representatives are to be admitted, one of the functions of that Conference will be to fix the total amount of German liability to the Allies. This is a matter on which the country will be very anxious to be informed.

Whether the final figure will be fixed is very doubtful until the decision about Upper Silesia is announced. Obviously that will make a very great difference. If that important coalfield is torn out of Germany and handed over to Poland, it will make a very considerable difference to the capacity of Germany. The Germans feel they are not in a position to give their final figure, but I think they will give a provisional figure, and they were prepared to do it now, but they thought it better first of all to have a discussion amongst the experts, and that will take place at Geneva within the next few weeks.

I am very glad to have elicited that interesting statement. I think the statement will give great satisfaction. It must obviously be of enormous importance to the figure finally fixed as to what is the decision in regard to Silesia, and its important coalfield. If the object and the intention—all these relevant features having been taken into account, and some margin having been allowed for possible eventualities in future—is to arrive at a fixed and definite sum, then I think we shall be removing another very great stumbling block in the direction, not only of the economic development of Germany, but of the rest of the world. It is all important, both for Germany and for us, that we should know what is the limit of Germany's indebtedness. While the thing remains indefinite, nebulous, and subject to all sorts of calculations and speculations, more or less well or ill founded, there is the greatest possible difficulty in re-establishing your economic system on anything like a sound and settled basis. I am certain that if, as I hope, the proceedings of that Conference at Geneva result in the ascertaining and liquidating of a fixed amount, subject to the contingencies which my right hon. Friend has mentioned, we shall have advanced many more steps on the road towards a settlement. These are two or three points which seemed to me to be important in regard to matters mentioned by my right hon. Friend in his speech. As to the results of the Spa Conference as a whole, I hail them with unmixed satisfaction. I am not one of those who deprecate the holding of these conferences, nor, indeed, are they quite such a modern invention as my right hon. Friend seemed to suggest.

The right hon. Gentleman said that if we had only had conferences before the War there might never have been a war. I took part, and I think he took part, and certainly Lord Grey of Falloden took part, in several conferences between 1910–14 which undoubtedly did avert war. There was the Balkan Conference, which was a very complicated and difficult one, at which all the Powers were represented and which lasted for weeks. I took part in many of its deliberations. It was a most tangled affair, and, to the credit of the old diplomacy be it said, the Conference achieved its results, and under very dangerous and combustible conditions prevented an incendiary outbreak which would have consumed practically the whole of Eastern Europe. The machinery of conference was well known and was practically applied with the best results before the Treaty of Versailles. The more the Powers come into conference the better. I end as I began by saying that in my judgment it is of the utmost importance to get to the time when, instead of having these conferences between groups of powers, we should have the machinery of the League of Nations brought into operation as the normal organ for dealing with these matters. The great advantage of that is that the League of Nations, unlike the Supreme Council, unlike even the Spa Conference—though that was a great improvement on any of its predecessors in that' it had not only Belgians there, but Germans also —represents the small States as well as the large States. There are 35 Powers who are signatories to the Covenant of the League, and if you are going to show your real faith in the importance of the League, here is an opportunity. Remember that the Covenant of the League stands in the forefront of every one of the Treaties you have made. In the Treaty with Germany, the Treaty with Austria, the Treaty with Turkey, the covenant of the League is set out as the governing and initial consideration to be applied to everything that follows. If you are going to convince the world of your real faith in the efficacy of this new instrument, you ought to put it to the test at the earliest stage, and with the fullest authority you can possibly give it.

From the point of view of those for whom I am speaking, as well as from my own point of view, one of the most pleasing things in connection with the Spa Conference was the publicity that attended its deliberations. The more the light of day enters into diplomatic affairs the less cause will there be of war and the more chance of avoiding future wars. We have had a rather gloomy picture presented in regard to the Near East, and the East of Europe, but the picture has not been quite so gloomy as the situation really is. There is a very great danger that if our policy be not reversed we may find Russia and Germany together, and we may also find Russia and Turkey together. Therefore, it is not merely a Russo-Germanic working together which is possible, but it is a Russian Eastern aggregation that we have to fear, which may inflame not only Turkey and Persia but India, and cause possibly the greatest dislocation to our Empire that we have ever had to contemplate. I was pleased to hear the Prime Minister speaking about the restoration of normal life in Germany. Anybody who has travelled in Germany recently and has eyes to see does not need evidence from books as to whether or not the people are suffering from lack of food. The marks of suffering are quite evident, and nowhere so evident as in the case of the children. From the merely commonsense point of view, from the merely commercial point of view, and from the point of view of the nations which desire to extract from Germany as much as possibly can be extracted in the way of indemnities, it is necessary that the German people should be fed in order that they may produce the goods that we require from them. But I am not basing my argument on that point of view at all. I am basing my argument on what I consider to be a higher point of view. It is necessary in every possible way to help the Germans to feed their children properly, because children ought to be fed and ought not to suffer for the faults of their fathers. I hope that the old British tradition that when you have beaten an enemy you will not jump on him will be our policy in future, and that in the League of Nations British influence will always be thrown on the side of that policy. The League of Nations, so far as the East of Europe is concerned, and so far as Germany is concerned, really consists of three nations, Britain, France and Italy, and against them, if not in actual warfare, are Germany and Russia. An important thing for the League of Nations is not simply the nations in Europe that are in the League, but what nations remain outside. Those of us who believe in the League, and who believe that the whole good future of the world is bound up with the League of Nations, ought to do whatever we can to bring into the circle of the League not only Germany but Russia in order that peace may be assured in Europe, and the development of the whole Continent may take place. The references to Greece have a certain element of danger in them. It may be true that Greece has a glorious past, that her population is brave, that her statesmen and her military men have always been great and that they are in the succession of great men, but it is also true that there is a religious question in Turkey, that that religious question excites a great deal of anxiety amongst many Moslem subjects of the British Empire, and it is extremely dangerous to play with these religious sentiments. Therefore, I hope that our statesmen will bear that point of view in mind in any action they take against Turkey.

6.0 P.M.

When the Prime Minister spoke of Poland, I must admit that I was not carried away. His excuse was that Poland had gone into the War to prevent herself being attacked by the Bolsheviks. I do not believe that that was the reason why Poland went to war. There has been no word to prove any such suggestion. We claim that all the evidence at our disposal is against that suggestion, and that there is no reason to assume in the slightest degree that Poland went to war with Bolshevist Russia because Poland was afraid of an attack being made on her by Russia. I got into Warsaw when the frontiers had been closed. I got in by the courtesy of our military representatives in Dantzig, and I found that the frontiers were supposed to be closed for the purpose of stamping Austrian kronen notes with the Polish stamp, so that Poland should not; be responsible for any more kronen notes imported from Austria, because Austrian kronen notes in that part of Poland for- merly Austrian had a greater value than notes circulating in Austria. That was the reason given by Poland. In Warsaw I met a man well known in French political circles. I know that Petlura was in Warsaw at the time and I know that an interview was arranged between the gentleman to whom I have referred and Petlura. I was asked to be present at the interview. Unfortunately it did not take place, but I was told not only that the Poles were going to attack, but where they were going to attack, and what the bargain was.

About three weeks after Easter. At any rate, it was while the frontiers were closed for the purpose of preparing the attack. As the first two items of information, as to the date of the attack and the place of the attack, were absolutely accurate, I assume that the third piece of news, which was that Petlura had struck a bargain with the Polish Government in return for help when the victory was gained, which bargain was that Poland should receive certain parts of the Ukraine to add to her country—I presume that that also was true. That was the story told to me in Warsaw, and as it was told in conjunction with other information which was absolutely accurate, I claim that I have more reason to assume that Poland deliberately entered the War for territorial conquests than the Prime Minister has for his suggestion. I want to repeat to the House what I said on a previous occasion. According to the estimate of the statisticians, Poland has from one-sixth to one-third of her population Jewish. Excesses of every kind are being perpetrated against them daily. Unfortunately, part of her territory was ravaged by typhus and she had no organisation for dealing with it. Her towns were, dirty and she had need of every ounce of the energy of her people being put to the cleaning and sweetening and the making healthy of her own country. But she madly went to war without reason, for territorial conquest. If ever there was a case in history of a nation going mad in a military sense, I believe that is the case now in Poland. I saw in Warsaw a military display greater than ever was a military display in Potsdam before the War. Before he insinuated that Poland had gone to war because she was afraid of Bolshevist aggression, I think the Prime Minister might have made certain whether there was any danger at all of Bolshevist aggression, and whether Poland's object was not the grabbing of more territory, when the territory she already had was not sufficiently well administered to meet our more Western ideas of what civilisation ought to be.

We are told that if Russia attacks Poland on Polish territory the Covenant of the League of Nations makes it imperative that we should take arms in defence of Poland. That is to say that a nation may embark on a mad war and if she is to be punished we must take up arms in her defence. I hope that the Bolshevists will have more statesmanship than the League of Nations and that they will not attempt to carry the war into Polish territory. I quite agree as to the dangers which exist if Poland is overrun by foreign troops and my hopes are centred not in the Poles, but in the Russians themselves and in their common sense in avoiding a war which inevitably will bring the Allies on their backs. When we hear of Clause 10 which makes it obligatory on the parties to the League to go to war in defence of one of their members attacked on its own territory, why do not we hear also of Article 11? It provides that any case of war or threat of war, whether immediately affecting any of the members of the League or not, is declared a matter of concern to the whole League, and that the League shall take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of nations. It provides also that in case any such emergency shall arise, the Secretary-General shall, on the request of any member of the League, forthwith summon the members of the Council. Therefore the League had power, knowing, that Poland was to attack Russia, to call the Council of the League and to restrain Poland from making the attack. There is absolutely no proof that Poland went to war to prevent aggression. There is evidence that Poland's object was to get further territory. There is a greater danger of Poland rising with the Bolshevists than there is in the case of Germany. If my information be of any value, and I think it is, because it comes from reliable sources, Poland is very near revolution against her present Government, and the danger is that if the Bolshevists continue their attacks on a country divided against itself, with one-third of the population refusing to take arms of any kind and a considerable proportion of the remaining two-thirds more likely to fight against the Polish Government than with it, our troubles will increase. The necessity for open, frank and plain speaking is now more imperative than ever it was, if the peace of Europe is to be secured.

I quite agree with the Prime Minister that the Bolshevists are propagating their ideas throughout the world. Of course they are. I know, and the Prime Minister with his acute intuition knows, that if they use their present methods of propaganda there is no likelihood of fruition in this country at any rate. Probably the best thing that can be done is to allow the Bolshevists to conduct their propaganda in this country quite freely. They are men of very great frankness; they do not hide anything under a bushel. They are not diplomatic enough to make you believe that the things they say are the things they do not mean. What they say they say and they mean what they say. If they believe that the League of Nations is a combination of countries that is not good, they say so. If they believe that the Prime Minister of England is a bourgeois and a dishonest man, they say so. Whatever may be thought of their mental attributes and their capacity for judgment, there can be only one decision as to their capacity for telling the truth, because they do tell the truth as they see it, although the truth as they see it looks a very distorted image when seen by many other people.

Of course they have said the same thing of the Labour party, but the Labour party does not get rattled and nervous and frightened; it makes an appeal to other people not to lose themselves, but to see things in their proper perspective. As a matter of fact I believe they said the same things about me. We are told that an independent Poland is necessary for peace. I think that all members of the Labour party will agree with that statement. An in- dependent Poland is necessary for peace —an independent Poland which will devote the whole of its energies to solving its great problems, an independent Poland recovered from its war lust and its madness, bent on sweeping its cities, clearing away its typhus, giving liberties to its Jews, redressing the grievances of one-third of its population. A Poland like that would be in the interests of peace; but a Poland that is gone mad, a Poland that goes to war for territory when it has more than it can administer, is no good for peace, and is a fit subject to be treated under Article 11 of the League, which enables the League to give friendly advice and, if necessary, to exert the pressure requisite to prevent a country going mad on any future occasion. The Covenant of the League is a very valuable document indeed. It ought to be too sacred to have one Clause lifted out of it when it suits anyone's purposes, and another Clause carefully concealed. It inflicts the obligation to defend your ally from attack, but it also inflicts the obligation to see that your ally does not unjustly attack others. Both obligations ought to be met. Then in the long run we shall probably get a League that is really efficient, honourable, straightforward, and making for peace. We are told that the Bolshevik answer is incoherent. I do not know exactly what the Bolshevik answer is, but I suspect that there will be in it a clause about a thing which the Prime Minister never mentioned at all. When Poland was attacking Russia, General Wrangel was also attacking Russia from the Crimea. The Prime Minister has very carefully refrained from mentioning that little fact. When Russia was involved in war with Poland, she was also involved in war with General Wrangel, who was fighting with ammunition that we had supplied. Does anybody wonder that the Russian answer is incoherent, that the Russians do not take our words at their face value? There is no question as to whence came the munitions used by General Wrangel. Why have we not had some information as to whether the League has had anything to do with General Wrangel, as to whether its organisation intends to deal with his attack, and as to whether we have supplied the munitions, and what steps we are going to take in order to see that General Wrangel does not attack the Bolshevik Government under our auspices?

I would like to say a few plain words about the Bolshevik Government and about Russia. I am no Bolshevik. I still hold the political belief I had from childhood, that every man and woman of adult age has the right to a voice and vote in the affairs of his or her country. Bolshevism does not give that, and I am against it politically. In industry I believe that a man ought to have a very liberal amount of freedom, to work where he likes so long as his work is good. Bolshevism does not provide that. Under Bolshevism labour is militarised ruthlessly; but please do not assume that it is militarised against its will. There is every reason to believe that all sections of the people in Russia at the present time are behind the Bolshevik Government, and they will remain so as long as that Government is faced by aggression from outside. I spoke personally with dozens and dozens of people in Moscow, in Petrograd, in hospitals and in many other institutions, with people of the old régime, with intellectuals, with Mensheviks and with social revolutionaries who are in deadly opposition to the Bolsheviks, but never on a single occasion did I hear a word which suggested that there was any danger to the Bolshevik Government as long as aggression from outside continued. The very thing that has been done to injure the Bolshevik has made him possibly at the present moment the most secure Government in Europe. I think that is a fact. There is not in Russia at the present moment any party that sets itself against the Bolshevik party so long as these aggressions remain, and there is something much more serious than that.

Russia is rapidly becoming a militarist country. Its discipline in industry and in military matters is more rigid, perhaps, than has ever existed in Europe before. People are making a god of physical culture and military training, and at the same time, rightly or wrongly—for the moment I am not arguing that—these people, believe that the sufferings they are now enduring are due to us. They believe, rightly or wrongly, that our blockade and our help to Denikin, Koltchak, and Yudenitch are the causes of their poverty. These people are going on their way to rigid militarisation, and at the same time acquiring a hatred of us that is beyond words, and I ask the House to consider seriously what that means. Bolshevism, whether we like, it or not, is a perfectly stable form of government in Russia. The Russian people, through starvation, are working their way to success. In a few years from now, granted that we maintain our present policy, all the probabilities are that the Russian people, at any rate, will be fed, that they will be extremely strong in a military sense, that they will be imbued with a hatred of us and a desire to strike back for what they consider our wrongdoings in their time of need, and does it need any argument, if my deductions be accurate, to prove what that may mean to us? With 160,000,000 to 180,000,000 of people inhabiting one of the richest countries, so far as natural resources are concerned, in the world, gradually working its way from starvation to success, with India, Turkey, Persia as its doorsteps, does it need any argument to prove, if my deductions be accurate, what might be the inevitable consequence of the policy that is being pursued by us and by our allies? Because I believe it is possible now to make a real peace with Russia, because I believe that the only chance of securing the peace of Europe is to make a peace with Russia, I appeal most earnestly to the Prime Minister to consider carefully and to be generous, not only to Germany, but to Russia as well, and to try to bring Russia into that great comity of nations which alone can secure the peace of Europe in future. I hope that there will be no attempt on the part of the Bolsheviks to destroy Poland. I hope the Bolshevik policy will be saner and wiser than that of Poland and the League of Nations. That is the only hope that exists.

May I say a word or two about our policy in Russia and what it has lead to? It seems to be assumed that in some way Russia let us down very badly at a vital point in the War, without excuse and with deadly results to us? There are two stories even about that. At the time of the first revolution in Russia the American Red Cross arrangements for helping Russia were in the hands of Colonel Raymond Robins, who, having to move his supplies of food all over the country, knew what was transpiring. He was in Russia at the time of the second revolution, and was actually present at the conference which decided to sign the Peace of Brest-Litovsk, and his story is that, if the Allied diplomats in Petrograd could have been got to see the living realities of the situation in Russia, first of all, they could not only have kept the President of the first revolutionary Government in power by helping him, but by recognising even that the second revolution had taken place, they could have kept the Bolsheviks in the War, and the Bolsheviks were prepared to keep in the War if they had been recognised and helped by our own people.

That may or may not be true. My authority is that of a man who claims to have been in daily personal contact with our diplomats and with Lenin and Trotsky, a man whose word, as far as I know, is as good as that of any honourable man in the world, who is actually armed with written documents that seem to prove that his case is correct. If the British Government is not aware of these facts, it could easily be put in possession of them and given photographs of the documents to which I refer. That is the story from the other side as to what took place in Russia, but whatever took place in Russia or did not take place in Russia in 1916–17, the fact remains about which there can be, I believe, no doubt, that there is a stable Government in Russia now. Whether it is a Government to our liking or not is a matter of opinion. It is not a Government to my liking—neither its methods nor its men are to my liking— but there it is, and we can either make peace with it or we can continue our policy, which is equivalent to a policy of enmity. Which is the better thing to do, from the point of view not only of morality but of self-interest? In my opinion the better thing to do is publicly and openly to hold the hand of friendship, forgetting Lenin and Trotsky for the moment, to the 160,000,000 to 180,000,000 of Russian people, to say to them frankly and openly, "We are willing to make peace with you, we are willing to see that the seas are open, we are willing to help you, as you can help us, on fair and equitable terms. You shall not interfere with our internal affairs and we will not interfere with your internal affairs." That, I believe, would be a true statesmanlike step that would lead to peace in Europe, and it would make peace secure.

But to continue in our present attitude is, I believe, inevitably leading to disaster. Not only have yqu got to face the possibility of the Bolshevik troops marching, aided by Poles, through Poland to the German frontier, and the German revolutionaries throwing in their lot with them, but you have got to face the Near East and the Far East as well. You have got to face all these possibilities, and I hope that the next Conference which is held will take into serious account the question of the peace of Europe, of peace with Russia on genuine friendly lines, and in a way that will lead to us maintaining our Empire not only as great as it is, but with the added lustre of the confidence, and the love, and the friendship of 180,000,000 of people who are not responsible for their leaders and who really believe that we are their enemies and are responsible for their starvation.

There was one observation which my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister made with which I find myself in very hearty and complete agreement, and that was the passage in his speech in which he defended the praetise of International Conferences. I entirely agree with him in that respect. I have never myself made any criticisms whatever on the existence of these International Conferences, except that I think it would be a far better plan if at the earliest possible moment the Supreme Council were to be merged into the Council of the League of Nations. My right hon. Friend said incidentally that in his mind the great merit of the Covenant of the League of Nations was that it did provide for conferences between the statesmen of the various countries in Europe. I quite agree. I think it is its greatest point and that the Assembly of the representatives of the nations for which it provides is the foundation on which the whole of the League rests. My right hon. Friend said, not for the first time, something which appeared to me to indicate some fear in his mind about the machinery of the League of Nations. I do not want to get into controversy with my right hon. Friend over this point, I assure him. I know he has the strongest suspicions of everything I say and do——

But, really, he must not judge everyone by himself. Perhaps we are both angels of light and mis-Understanding one another, but whatever the personal factor may be, I do ask him not hastily to assume that the Covenant of the League of Nations provides, as I am afraid he does assume, a kind of cast-iron machinery which is unworkable. That really is not so. If he will be good enough really to study what the machinery is, I am sure he will agree with me that it is of the least elastic description possible, and was so designed. Indeed, the criticism that we have had to meet, those of us who were concerned in framing it, is much more, and particularly from every Continental critic, that it was so elastic and so un-cast-iron that it really was scarcely worth putting together at all. If he would only realise it, as far as that part of the machinery which provides for the settlement of international disputes is concerned, it really only gives this great power, that a Conference will come together, if not automatically, at any rate on the demand of any single member of the League, at a moment of danger. That is the great point of it. He said that if conferences had taken place before the last War, the War might never have taken place. I agree fully, and I have used the argument a thousand times in defending the League of Nations just on that ground. It is no use unless you have enough machinery to bring the conference together apart from general agreement. You will never get them together in an emergency unless you have enough machinery to get the conference to come together automatically, as it were. I most heartily welcome the International Conferences that take place, and I very much welcome the departure which was made at Spa of having that Conference with the Germans as well as with the Allies, but I venture very respectfully to say that even so it would be a far better plan if you could bring into these conferences the opinions of the small nations and of the neutrals, and bring the whole weight of the public opinion of the world to bear, if ever such a thing should take place, on any recalcitrant and unreasonable Power who might be sitting in that conference. I only wanted to say that because I wanted to make my position in this matter clear, if I could.

As to the actual working of the Spa Conference, my right hon. Friend dealt with what was done about Germany, and I do not want to say more than a word about that. I am very glad that the proportions of the reparation have been settled, though I am not sure how much that will actually result in in point of money, but all I can venture to say about that is that I personally rather regret that there has been so much wrangling about the exact percentage. I do not think that is a matter which need have disturbed us so very much. As to the question of coal I feel sure it is quite impossible for anyone without expert knowledge to say whether the coal settlement is a good one or a bad one. I should have liked if my right hon. Friend had been able to say exactly what is the provision so constantly referred to in the newspapers, for the occupation of German territory in case the coal supplies are not granted. That step may be quite necessary, I will not say anything against it, but I think most people will agree that there would be much more likelihood of getting the coal by the consent of the German miners than by the occupation of territory by force. The last point the right hon. Gentleman touched on was with regard to disarmament and as to that I have no qualifications or no doubt at all. I am quite sure it is of the utmost possible importance that Germany should be disarmed, both in her own interests and in the interests of the world, and it is particularly important, because you cannot expect anything like general disarmament until Germany is disarmed. It must be the first. I am confident myself that once the people of the world, I am not talking about Governments, are convinced that Germany is really disarmed and has no power or intention of aggressive military action, then it will be quite impossible to induce them to maintain the vast expenditure on armaments under which they are at present labouring, and that we may get to something more reasonable than the present reckless expenditure on armaments, which we are forced to endure so long as Germany is not disarmed.

Let me say a word about Turkey. I want to be very careful as to what I say about this subject, because nothing would grieve me more than that anything I should say should be interpreted as implying anything like distrust or a want of goodwill or a want of the best possible wishes for the success of M. Venizelos and the Greek people. I think we owe a great deal to the Greek nation and particularly to M. Venizelos. None of us can ever forget that he stood by this country under conditions of very very great difficulty, and when it would have been much easier for him, superficially, to have thrown in his lot with those around him. All I have to say about the Turkish position is this: I recognise that there is a great deal of force in what my right hon. Friend has said. But there is this to remember, that if you impose on Turkey impossible conditions, and I am not saying you have done so, they will not in fact be carried out and you will have a perpetual sore existing in that part of the world that will prevent that peace which we all so much desire.

I come to what is, to my mind, by far the most important part of my right hon. Friend's speech, and that is the part in which lie referred to Poland. The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken drew a very gloomy picture of the possibilities of the immediate future of Russia and the complete militarisation of that nation, and the danger that she would be to our interests in the Far East and East, and as to the possible invasion of Europe and so on. I do not deny that those dangers exist, but personally I do not myself fear any immediate danger of that kind. What I do feel very strongly is that the policy of the Allies has been of direct assistance to the Bolshevists, and that seems to me almost the gravest charge that can be made. In my view, and I may be entirely wrong, I understand that the Bolshevist policy is this. I believe that the dominant feeling amongst the Russian people for months, if not for years past, has been an earnest longing for peace, I mean the great masses of the Russian people. I believe that the Bolshevist rulers are afraid of peace, I do not mean all of them but a considerable section. They know that if peace were restored they would, have no excuse for maintaining the military system on which their power really rests. They are therefore secretly anxious to maintain war.

On the other hand, if they once announced to the Russian people that they desired to maintain war their power would be gone. The Russian people, docile and unlearned as they are, would hate that to such an extent that they would never submit to be ruled by any kind of Government which professed its desire for a warlike policy. Therefore their policy right through has been, as I read it, to get themselves into the position of being forced to go on fighting by the aggression of other nations. No doubt they have twisted the facts to their own people to maintain that position, but that has been what they have aimed at. They have aimed at being able to say to their people, "It is not that we want to go on making war but here is this person and that person attacking us, and so long as that goes on we cannot make peace." It seems to me that our policy ought to be directed, I mean the policy of the Allies for I am not saying that the British Government are solely or mainly responsible, to making it quite clear that it was the Bolshevist Government that was maintaining war. I believe if that had been done you would have made the position impossible for the Bolshevist Government and we would have had either peace or the destruction of the Bolshevist Government.

What have we done in Poland? Our policy with regard to Poland seems to me amazing. My right hon. Friend tells us, and I was very glad to hear it, that he warned the Poles over and over again and quite strongly against an aggressive policy. It is rather unfortunate if that was so that we were never told that in this House. Over and over again in answer to questions the Government said here, "We have given no advice to Poland, we repudiate all responsibility for what Poland is going to do. She must choose herself and do what she thinks right, and we can take no responsibility for her action." I happen to remember an answer to a question which was given in this House on 16th February last by the Lord Privy Seal. He was asked: the policy of the Government ought to be. But I think it is right to say in the first place that I regret very much that the Government should have based the action on Article 10 of the Covenant of the League of Nations. I do not read Article 10 in the same way as the Government. To my mind Article 10 says this and this only. Each of us guarantee the territorial integrity and political independence of one another against external aggression. I have great difficulty in believing that that can be made to cover this present case. But even if it does it goes on to say what is to be the result if that Article is brought into operation in these words:

I remember not so many weeks ago that we desired to debate this question, because some of us saw how serious it was going to be for this country. You, Mr. Speaker, were good enough to explain to us that we could not debate the subject; that there were difficulties in our criticism of the foreign policy of Poland. May I very respectfully submit that events have shown that you can no longer say that the interests of this country are not affected by the mismanagement of policy in other countries? The whole of the countries of Europe are one. You cannot really shut out of discussion in this House, or anywhere else, the great errors Poland has committed, even if the principal criminal, or the principal country, is a foreign country, and if this House is to discharge its duty of the guardianship of the interests of this country, and the policy, foreign as well as domestic, of this Empire. I regret very much the mistakes that have been made. I abstain from criticism as to the course which the Government are now pursuing in default of further information. I do, however, say that until the Government have really induced their Allies to transfer the management of international affairs from the Supreme Council to the League of Nations, until we can do that, I myself do not hope for any real permanent and effective pacification of Europe.

The situation is particularly serious at the present time. I think the Prime Minister has by no means as yet secured the victory in his own Cabinet. The position has been this throughout the whole of the last year and a half: All that time the Prime Minister has had the instinct of what is right; all that time he has had the vast bulk of this House of Commons against him. Now this speech to-day is a further proof that throughout he has seen right and his colleagues have seen wrong. I do not want in any way whatever to make things more difficult for him. The best part of his speech to-day was what he did not say. We do not know what was the Soviet message to England, nor do we know exactly what was the reply of His Majesty's Government. What the Prime Minister told us was admirable. I hope that that was all the reply that was sent. What struck me most about the speech of the right hon. Gentleman and the answer of the Government was that nothing was mentioned about General Wrangel. Obviously, that must have been a very difficult point to meet. Obviously, the Prime Minister, had he wished to do so, could have secured the cheers of his followers in this House by a fierce declaration on behalf of General Wrangel. I am glad that declaration was not made, because I hope that that indicates that Poland, and only Poland, is now at issue between the British Government and the Soviet Government. Really, I think we owe almost a debt of gratitude to the Soviet Government for the wit and humour of their reply.

I do not think we need take it too much to heart if, for once, the staid and sedate British Empire is positively laughed at by these persons in Moscow; and we can put up with a bit of their humour when they lightly rake over the ashes of our half-dead past. I am glad the Government, instead of getting on its high horse, which seems to have been expected across the Channel, has dealt with this message from Moscow as if it contained the hopes of settlement, have pocketed their pride, and have sanctioned the opening of peace negotiations between Poland and Soviet Russia, if not for any other reason, at any rate, because of the last hope of securing peace. I think peace exceedingly problematic at the present time. As the Noble Lord has just said, every military man in Russia, every man whose position depends on the present aggressive policy, must be in favour of continuing the war. Only the people are in favour of peace. Therefore, you will have openly, or under the rose, a vast mass of the governing opinion in Russia in favour of perpetuating the war. If they really intend to continue an Imperialist policy, then, indeed, is the country in a very parlous position. It is beginning over again the Napoleonic Wars. We have got to think what we must do if the Russians do take Warsaw. I think we cannot lay our plans for that too soon. The plans of the Government have seemed to me to be wholly illusory. They suggest that we should supply unlimited numbers of brave men in Poland with arms and munitions. We have been doing that with extreme frequency during the last year and a half. Uniforms, munitions, tanks, have gone out to Koltchak, Denikin, Yudenitch and the Poles, and have uniformly found their way to the Soviet ranks.

What is the good of increasing the supplies of Bolshevik munitions of war? They cannot make, any munitions themselves, or very few; instead they seem to rely upon our factories to supply them with munitions via these Expeditionary Forces! Do let us not repeat that by handing over to the Poles the munitions in Germany and thus supplying the Bolshevik Government with fresh munitions of war. I do not think, either, that you can supply organisation. I do not believe in a number of French generals going to Poland now, or even those who have been in Poland continuing, for there has been a French Mission there. I do not think they are really capable of reorganisation—I mean the Poles. You cannot train 300,000 new recruits to fight in a few weeks. It is only the question of a few weeks if the Bolshevik Army continue advancing at the present pace. Warsaw will be in their hands inside of three weeks, and in that time you cannot train troops to fight. What is to be the position? I think there is still hope.

No doubt the present Polish Government will sue for an armistice. We have got to reckon with the possibility that the Russian Government will reply that they will only deal with a Revolutionary Government in Warsaw. After all, that is not such a very terrible thing to say. It is what President Wilson repeatedly said to Germany, with very useful effect. I think that it may very well be said to Warsaw, "Get some sort of revolutionary government set up which will treat with the Bolsheviks." I think we ought not to turn that revolutionary government down beforehand. We ought to welcome peace even if it is a peace between Soviet Russia and Soviet Poland. What we want first of all is peace, not the repression of Bolshevism within the boundaries of Soviet Russia, but peace; because every sane man knows that peace is the best cure for Bolshevism, even if Poland as well as Russia goes Bolshevik. As soon as it does go, these countries will settle down, and the inevitable result must be to admit into the governing ranks the intelligensia and other classes of the community. All is not lost if the Poles become Bolshevik. That is what I want to impress upon the House because I think it is a very likely thing to come about. It would, indeed, be futile if we found that, after we had supplied munitions to the Poles, they were still unable to resist the Russians, and that then we had to send troops in addition to munitions into that desert and distant country.

Nothing pleased me about the Speech of the right hon. Gentleman more than the specific way in which he laid it down how assistance might be given to Poland, because he did not mention sending troops. I cannot believe it possible that troops should be sent there, even if Warsaw goes Bolshevik. I do beg of the Government not to contemplate for one moment sending British troops to that country. I do not believe the people of this country would stand it. I do think you might get a settlement, even if Poland went red, because there is one thing quite clear: that the Russian Soviet movement is not an Imperial movement in the old sense of nationality. What they want to spread is a dictatorship of the proletariat. One of the wittiest parts of the Soviet reply was that with reference to the Polish boundary. They pointed out they were quite willing to allow Poland a larger area of territory than the Supreme Council suggested for Poland, because, said they, this boundary was fixed up between you and the old Imperialist Russia, and we are quite content to allow the Poles more territory, because we believe in the people governing themselves. That was not only a humorous touch, but there is something right behind it from the Russian point of view. They are not out to extend Russia, but Marxian Socialism, or whatever they call it. Therefore, I think it is possible to contemplate not wholly as a disaster the victory of the Russian Government over Poland which should result in the setting up of a revolutionary Government there. Poland would be reconstituted after the peace, and the people would find that Bolshevism was merely a question of one form of tyranny over another. At the same time, we should not have this awful calamity which has been painted for us over and over again—a union between Soviet Russia and reactionary Germany to restart the whole of the European war. Denikin offered it, I know. But I do not think you can ever mix fire and water. To try to mix Prussian militarism with Bolshevik revolutionaryism seems to me to be utterly impos- sible. Co-operation between them seems to be difficult at the present time.

7.0 P.M.

That is what I wanted to say about the Polish situation. Do not let us contemplate the possibility of having to send British troops to Poland, because it would be resisted by the people of this country. It would be a wanton waste of public money, and might restart the Napoleonic wars again. With regard to the arrangements made with the Germans at the Spa Conference, I want the House and my colleagues to consider the possibility and advisability of having conscription in Germany instead of a standing army. I am quite sure that the standing army in Germany, consisting of 200,000 men, are all reactionaries and militarists, and that force is composed very largely of ex-officers and ex-non-commissioned officers of the old German army. They are distinctly a reactionary force in Germany. Under the Peace Treaty we refused them conscription, and they have to keep a standing army which is to be cut down to 200,000, with the result that the force which is represented by this standing army is solely a reactionary body. For my part I should prefer to see conscription in Germany so that the army of 200,000 men should be drawn from all classes of society, and not merely from the militarist element. In that way you would get a far more stabilising force than you can possibly get in any other way. With regard to this disarmament problem, I agree that it is the most important question which was raised at the Spa Conference. You have all over Eastern Europe two warring factions armed. They always hated each other, but they never had the weapons to fight with. Now they have got those weapons. Therefore, I think the problem of disarmament would be enormously facilitated if you could Secure that the standing army in Germany and Hungary was raised by a modern form of conscription.

I am not talking about conscription for this country. I am advocating a form of Government that will not be opposed by revolution. There is no such danger here. Unless you can get some form of stable government which has a public force, you will find it difficult to secure the stability of any government. So far as the coal question in Germany is concerned it seems to me that there are before the Germans, two alternatives. One is to have their country occupied and to have to work, under forced labour under the police of the Allies; and the other is to have to work under forced labour for the German barons. I do not think the people in the, Ruhr are interested in how much coal they are going to supply to France, so much as they are interested in the question as to how they are going to get any food or clothes.

As I understand the terms, they have been made as palatable as possible to the Germans, and I hope this is a precedent for dealing with other German questions. We must first of all get these people on their legs again, and get their productive power restored to them. We must not shut our eyes to the grim fact that although this War was not like the wars of the past which forcibly and obviously enslaved the people, it has resulted in turning the German workers into helots far more than we realise at the present time. The Germans are now working for alien capitalists or alien powers. American, Italian, and French capitalists have bought up all the big concerns in Germany including the factories, the mines, the houses and the land, and the whole of the population of Germany are aliens on their own soil working for others. What is now proposed is only one more step in the same direction, and I do not believe you can ever get any settlement or any real peace until the workers of Germany are restored to their own land and are working for themselves instead of for a foreign master, and that is the duty of the League of Nations to achieve.

The hon. and gallant Member who has just sat down appears to have one great advantage over the rest of the House, and it is that he seems to have seen the reply of the Bolshevik Government to our own Government. [An HON. MEMBER: "It was in the 'Daily Herald.'"] If that be so, then it is a curious state of affairs that information of this kind should be sent to a paper like the "Daily Herald" instead of being announced in this House. With some of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's argument I hope to deal with later, but let me say at the outset, and it will remove any misapprehension as to any criticisms that I may make, that I am most grateful for the work of the Spa Conference, and the part which the Prime Minister has taken in it. It seems to me that, contrary to the expectation of many people, the objects of the Spa Conference have been, to a great extent, achieved. I am not sure as to whether its principal object has been achieved. The House will remember that when at the end of April the Prime Minister spoke upon the results of the San Remo Conference, he referred to the project of the Spa Conference, and he then said that the German delegates who were coming to Spa must bring definite proposals in regard to the sum that can be paid and in regard to the method by which they propose to pay it. He also said they must state the annuity they proposed to give, and indeed any other suggestion which they have to make for the liquidation of their liabilities. He also said that they would be guaranteed a very fair, impartial and just consideration of any proposals they put forward, but they must come there "as people who meant business, and they must come upon the basis of the acceptance of the Treaty."

On this point I hope that I am wrong and that the Prime Minister is right. I am only speaking with the ignorance of a private Member, but I frankly say that certain incidents at the Spa Conference make me wonder whether the German delegates really did come as people who meant business on the basis of the acceptance of the Treaty. It seems to me that instead of coming with definite proposals on more than one occasion the German delegates entered into long discussions about the total impracticability of the Treaty. Even in the simple matter of disarmament, if the information published in the Press is correct, the German delegates came with no definite proposals at all. The Council had actually to adjourn to await the arrival of the Minister of National Defence from Germany before any proposals could be made. It seemed to be Very much the same in the matter of reparations. There again the delegates seemed to come much more with the intention of repudiating the terms of the Treaty than of suggesting methods and machinery for carrying it out. The Prime Minister said that they handed to the Conference a memorandum based upon the acceptance of the Treaty, and deal- ing with the methods under which payments should be made. I was very glad to hear that statement. I had read in some French newspaper that they handed in three memoranda in which it seemed to me that they did not accept the terms of the Treaty, and that instead of acceptance, they made a variety of proposals, such, for instance, as the retention of Upper Silesia, the restriction of Polish sovereign rights, and a number of other proposals of that kind, and that really went to the whole foundation of the Treaty at Versailles.

I hope that I am wrong, but one is anxious when one sees an incident like the speech of Herr Stinnes upon the coal question. If the report is correct, he actually told the Allies that they must cure themselves of the malady of victory. I hope that the German Chancellor and the Foreign Minister represent German public opinion much more than this representative of German militarism. Whether that be so or not, and whether it be a fact or not that the object of the Spa Conference in obtaining the co-operation of the Germans in the execution of the Treaty was achieved or not, none the less I say that there were other most excellent results that will certainly follow from it.

It seems to me that the Conference has done three things. In the first place, it has proved the fact that the execution of the German Treaty depends directly upon allied foreign policy generally. I hope to say a word or two about that in a moment. Secondly, it has proved to every Allied country that the first condition of peace in Europe is German disarmament. Thirdly, it seems to me to have proved that the Anglo-French aliance is even more necessary to-day than it was during the years of the War.

Let me say a word or two about each of those three results. I said first of all that the Spa Conference has shown very clearly the interdependence of the execution of the German Treaty upon Allied policy in other parts of the world. I mean by this that, as Allied policy fails or succeeds in other parts of the world, and particularly in the East, so the execution of the German Treaty is carried out or ignored. If British prestige suffers, then immediately it allows a number of militarists in Germany to drive a wedge between the Allies, and to attempt to repudiate the terms of the Treaty. I believe that when Herr Stinnes made his truculent speech he was looking not at the faces of the Allied delegates, but behind their backs to the reverses that Allied policy had suffered in other parts of the world. He was thinking much more of the advance of the Bolshevists upon Warsaw than he actually was of the details of the German coal supply. If that is the correct state of affairs, I draw this conclusion—British foreign policy must not undertake greater commitments than it can carry out. If its forces are dissipated in other parts of the world the first result will be a revival of German militarism and an attempt to break up the Peace Treaty. It seems to me just as necessary now in time of peace as it was in time of War to concentrate our main resources when the execution of the Versailles Treaty.

If that be so, I believe it leads to two conclusions. First of all, it points to the immediate necessity of making peace in Asia with Turkey, and in that connection I agree entirely, holding as I do very strong anti-Turk views, with the remarks that have been made by the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil). The second conclusion I believe to be that, if the execution of the Treaty is to be carried out and our commitments in the world are not to be exaggerated, it is clearly necessary to have peace in Eastern Europe. There again, I have held very definite views on the subject of Russian policy. But whether I was right or whether I was wrong, I have, during the whole of that time—[LIEUT.-COMMANDER KENWORTHY: You were wrong!]—been guided by the most sincere desire to see peace in Russia and in Eastern Europe. I believe, and I do not in any way repudiate my belief, that if it had been possible to inflict a military defeat on the Bolshevists in Russia we might have had Eastern Europe in peace at the present time. Be that as it may, and be my views right or wrong, I do welcome most sincerely the proposal that I believe came originally from the Prime Minister for an East-European Peace Conference. I feel that whether the Bolshevists refuse this proposal or whether they do not it will be found in actual practice that you cannot isolate particular questions in Eastern Europe.

May I interrupt the hon. and gallant Member for one moment? When the Prinkipo proposal was made did he or did he not support the Prime Minister?

If the House will allow me I am not going to be drawn aside from my argument by these interruptions. The House will be in a position to judge of my views when I have finished the few sentences which I have to say. I believe it will be found that, whatever be the immediate answer of the Bolshevist Government, these East European questions will have to be treated as a whole. That really is my main objection against trade negotiations between this country and the Bolsheviks. It seemed to me that whilst you might begin with trade negotiations sooner or later you would be brought up against a number of political questions, and that is what I think has actually happened. I believe the quickest way—although it is a very difficult way—to attain peace in Eastern Europe is for a Conference to be held, in which all parties, great and small, and in which all questions, the difficult question for instance of the relation of the Bolshevist Government to the national Governments of Western Europe and the equally difficult question of the relation of the Bolshevist Government to the border nationalities of what was once Russia—will be treated together, and I cannot help thinking that if the Prime Minister is successful in his proposal for an East European Conference and if its terms can be extended to cover all the interests involved, I believe that we may see at no Very distant date what I desire as much as anybody in this House, peace in Eastern Europe.

I desire it for itself and I desire it also because I believe it to be a necessary condition of the execution of the German Treaty.

I come to the other excellent result of the Spa Conference, the fact that the attention of Germany has been forced upon the question of disarmament. I have always thought that German disarmament was the first condition of peace in Europe, just as it is the predominant factor in any general reduction of armaments. The Prime Minister to-day gave a number of figures which go to show that Germany has at any rate been making some attempt to carry out the disarmament Clause of the Treaty. I am quite aware of the difficulties that face the German Government. The German Government is a Government with very little power behind it and, as an hon. Member has said, it is a very difficult thing to disarm a population, practically every member of which has an arm of some kind. But, even allowing for the difficulties of the German Government, it does seem to me to be an occasion of great anxiety that whilst the Treaty declares that the German armed forces may only amount to 100,000 men, there should be no less than 1,000,000 in some kind of military formation, that instead of 100,000 rifles there should be 4,000,000 rifles in Germany unaccounted for, that instead of 250 trench mortars there should be 4,000, as well as 70,800 guns, unaccounted for, and that a large amount of aeroplane material has recently been discovered. It does seem to me, in view of those figures, that even allowing for the weakness of the German Government, much greater progress ought to have been made with disarmament than has actually taken place. It seems to me also that the Spa Conference has emphasised the overwhelming necessity for the solidarity of the Anglo-French Alliance. As soon as there is any kind of real or unreal differences between these two countries, the German militarists make capital out of it and try to drive a way between the Allies, and to avoid the execution of the Treaty. It is a most unfortunate fact, but it is a fact that cannot be blinked, that there have been differences between our policies. There have been inevitable differences, particularly in our policies in Turkey, Syria, Mesopotamia, and, I believe because they are wrongly informed, the French have drawn the conclusion that our policy has been based upon material and commercial considerations. Much unscrupulous propaganda has gone on in the Press on the subject, and a very large section of public opinion in France does genuinely believe that in the East we have been thinking chiefly of oil, of trade concessions, and other things of that kind. I want to see these suspicions once for all dissipated. I believe they are quite unfounded. I should like to see some definite and arresting action taken to show that our foreign policy is founded upon no such material reasons. On that ground I would venture to make a suggestion to the right hon. Gentleman. As every Member of the House knows, the French nation owes this country £515,000,000. I am one of those who believe that sooner or later, and I hope sooner, all these inter-allied debts will be wiped off. I quite agree that in the meanwhile, as long as the United States is unfortunately isolated from Europe, it is impossible to carry that out, but I would suggest that in the meanwhile it would be a wise action to say to the French people that so far is our policy from being based on material considerations that we are ready at once to wipe off any liability to pay interest upon this sum. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Hon. Members disagree. That, at any rate, is my view. I believe that if we did that we should be taking a very wise course; and that we should be showing that our policy is not based upon a purely material outlook upon the world, but that it is based upon ideals that brought us together six years ago, and must keep us together if the peace is to be carried out and the world is to be kept safe for civilisation.

I will only keep the House two minutes while I put one question to the Prime Minister. He will recollect that shortly before he left for the Conference at Spa I put a question to him with regard to Germany and the League of Nations. I asked when it is proposed to invite Germany to become a member of the League, and his reply was that when Germany showed a real disposition to carry out the terms of the Peace Treaty they would consider that question. The right hon. Gentleman did not recollect that he had already said in the House that in his opinion Germany had shown that disposition; but he will recollect that to-day that statement was made in the House, a statement which gave me very great pleasure. It was the most hopeful of all the statements that were made, that in his opinion and in the opinion of the Allies who met at the Conference, Germany was honestly endeavouring seriously to carry out the terms of the Peace Treaty. In view of that, I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman when he proposes to invite Germany to become a member of the League.

I also rise to ask two questions. May I first congratulate the hon. Baronet opposite on his statement about oil and natural riches. My only regret is that, because of that, we will never see him on the Treasury Bench of a Tory Government. I would like to ask the Prime Minister a question about Eastern Siberia and Japan. If that question was not discussed at the Conference at Spa, I do not expect him to stand at the box and make an authoritative statement upon it without consultation with his Allies. Japan is our Ally. She was our Ally before the War. With the exception of Portugal, she is our oldest Ally in the world. When she was engaged in aggresive action in Siberia why did he not intervene? Why does he only intervene when Poland is beaten? How can we expect the Soviet Government to take us seriously when we adopt such a policy as that? If we are sincere we should offer our good offices for arbitration between the Government in Eastern Siberia and the Japanese Government. We should make our position very clear, otherwise a charge of insincerity can be made against us. The other question I have to ask is in connection with General Wrangel. To-day in all the bazaars and cafes in the East a very serious, charge is made against this country. It is said that when General Denikin was defeated and 60,000 men laid down their arms, they were given an amnesty and were well treated, and so were the Russian troops who were left at Murmansk and Archangel when we retired from the northern region last year. But British ships carried a few thousand of them oversea to the Crimea under General Wrangel. They were hard pressed, and we appealed to the Soviet Government to spare these men on the grounds of humanity. During the negotiations which proceeded between British officials and Messieurs Litvinoff and Kerensky at Copenhagen they were told that the resumption of trade would depend on their granting an armistice, and the Russians took us at our word. They did give an armistice. We sent 200 or 300 officers as military instructors, and we poured in ammunition to this man Wrangel. The excuse made by the First Lord of the Admiralty and the Lord Privy Seal, when the Prime Minister was not here, was that it was necessary in the interests of humanity, and we could not allow the place to be in danger. General Wrangel's representatives came over here and there were sub rosa conversations with certain people here and in Paris; and the Minister for War presumably played his usual game in Russian affairs. I suppose the Member for Chelsea (Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. Hoare) acted as go-between. Then we got a statement in the press that Wrangel was going to attack—and attack he did. We have been dishonoured by this man Wrangel. Is it any wonder that we are accused of bad faith in our intervention in favour of Poland? I hope there is going to be no question of trying to set up a British Enclave in the Crimea. There are certain elements in our Staff who think they could make a British Gibraltar of Sebastopol. The Prime Minister, in talking about Turkey, mentioned the strategical importance of the parts of the former Turkish Empire. These same factors affect Russia. The Crimea commands at sea the approaches to the great port of Odessa, and the mouth of the Volga. It is essential to them that the Crimea should be free. For the welfare and safety of the Russian people no attempt could be tolerated to make such an Enclave in the Crimea. If we are asked to continue war, to cut ourselves off from the riches and trade of Russia, for the sake of the Crimea, for the sake of the "White" troops there, the people of this country ought to be informed. The Prime Minister will not get any support from us. The statement I am making is made with a great sense of responsibility. I have one last point. I am as much in favour of Polish freedom as anyone in this House. It is an old Liberal tradition. I have looked upon the suffering of Poland in the past with great sympathy; but Wrangle and Kolchak are not the friends of Polish freedom. We are now making a great pretence of supporting Poland, but Mons. Kerensky, when he was in Paris recently, declared that there had been discovered a secret treaty, signed in 1916 with the Czar, in which the full possession of Poland by the Russian Empire was guaranteed by the French, who are now sending troops and munitions to Poland to defend it.

I wish to answer briefly the questions which have been addressed to me in the course of this discussion. I think I have answered the questions which my right hon. Friend the Member for Paisley put to me. I regret that the hon. Member for Preston is not here because he made one or two statements that I should like to correct. He delivered a very able and powerful speech—a very well informed speech—but unfortunately there were very few Members in the House at the time. There were, however, two statements which I must at once challenge because they are dangerous. I do not quite understand what he meant when he suggested that the British Government and the Allies were responsible for the fact that the Bolshevik Government did not join the Allies in the attack upon the Germans. So far as I understand, he says we did not recognise the first revolutionary Government. I think it was the Lvoff Government. We certainly did. We recognised the Kerensky Government and offered them every assistance. We certainly recognised both these Governments. We sent a message of felicitation on the first revolution; we offered every support and, not only that, we offered them material. We offered every assistance we possibly could to these two Governments. My recollection is that we recognised the Bolshevik Government as a de facto Government, and we dealt with them. We had our representative in Moscow at the time, and we corresponded, I think, with Monsieur Trotsky.

We communicated direct with the Bolshevik Government. We would not treat with them as a de jure Government because they had only part of Russia. The other Government represented the whole of Russia, but the Bolshevik Government only represented part of Russia; and our policy was to treat with de facto Governments in every part of Russia. Koltchak was in command in one place, Alexieff and Trotsky in another. We simply dealt with the de facto Government until it was absolutely impossible to do so any longer in consequence of the actions of the Bolshevik Government.

They murdered one of our emissaries—a very gallant man—and they imprisoned a number of British subjects. It made it quite impossible for us to continue to have direct communication with them any longer. I wish the hon. Gentleman had been a little more explicit in what he said about Poland. He was very full of the wrongs of the Soviet Government. He was full of criticism of what the Allies had done and had neglected to do, but when it came to the question of supporting the independent existence of the Polish people he had very little to say, and, indeed, he would have said nothing had it not been for an interruption. I hope that that does not represent the attitude of the Labour party towards the independence of Poland. I should have expected something more explicit in the way of sympathy with them and with their struggle for independence.

The Member for Preston did express the views of the Labour party, and they were these, that if the League of Nations is to be used as an instrument in the one case against Russia, it ought to be used when Poland is the aggressor.

That is what I call criticism of the past. I want to know what is the attitude of the Labour party now. Has Poland the sympathy of that party in its struggle for its national existence? Not a word of sympathy with Poland was said, not a word indicating that they support Poland, and I think my right hon. Friend, by his interruption, which was confined to a criticism of the past, has justified my demand for an explanation from the hon. Member for Preston. Now I come to what my Noble Friend (Lord R. Cecil) had to say. He wanted to know something about the Ruhr occupation. We agreed that if the terms of the arrangement with regard to disarmament and coal were not agreed to we should associate ourselves with the French and the Belgians in the occupation of the Ruhr Valley, or of some other part of Germany, and in my judgment that was a most effective plan. I go on to what my Noble Friend said about Turkey, and I would ask him what his attitude is? He hinted, rather than said, that our terms to Turkey were too severe. Some time ago he attacked us very strongly because we did not drive the Turk out of Constantinople. Then, apparently, our terms were not severe enough. Now they are too severe. I wish he would tell us what it is he has in his mind.

I would rather not do that, unless my right hon. Friend presses me very strongly, especially as the matter is still the subject of negotiation. I merely wish to say, and I am sure the right hon. Gentleman will realise it, there is a point beyond which we should not go.

As a general proposition I think that is very sound, but it applies to anything. There is a point beyond which we cannot go. I am not disposed to disagree with my Noble Friend in that. But when he comes to Poland he seems to me to be much more concerned to find fault with the Government and with the Allies than to save Poland from perishing. He devoted a good deal of his time to saying, "You are to blame here, you are to blame there, here you are in fault." Let us take all that for granted. If he were here at this table at this moment, free of all these things, and with an absolutely blameless record, will he tell me what he would do? I would like to avail myself of the advice of one with such a blameless record.

It is not very usual for a Prime Minister to ask a private Member for advice as to the conduct of affairs.

The first thing I would do would be to read the despatch of the Bolshevik Government.

My only answer to that is that it is a pity, if the Noble Lord postpones his advice until he has read that despatch, that he did not also withhold his criticism until then. I think he will find, when he reads the document, and I hope he will read it very carefully, that on the whole my criticism is a very fair one. The Noble Lord, by his remarks, seemed to suggest that all now is wrong and that nothing will be right until the League of Nations takes charge. Let me point this out, when he reads this document he will find that the one interference which the Bolsheviks will not have is that of the League of Nations. They do not like the British Government. They dislike the Allies; they do not like General Wrangel; they do not like Poland; but their one abomination is the League of Nations. That is what he will find if he reads this document. They simply treat it with contempt and pour scorn on the League. I am not sure but that he will alter his views about the Bolsheviks after he has read the document.

Well, it is a matter of time. The Bolsheviks are advancing rapidly in some directions. Here is machinery in the League of Nations which you certainly cannot use quickly. This, however, is a matter which must be decided instantly. We cannot wire to the League of Nations and ask it to summon a meeting of the League to consider the Polish situation. There is no time for that, and there was no time, for it when we took the decision we did. The right thing was to take the decision promptly, otherwise it was not worth taking at all. If the League of Nations had intervened, I doubt if the Bolsheviks would have given a reply. They did give one to the Allies, but they probably would have given none to the League, which they dislike so much. Let me say one word about General Wrangel. We have no responsibility for his attack on the southern part of Russia—none.

Yes, we tried to stop it. The munitions which General Wrangel had were supplied to him before the 31st March. We have, in fact, supplied no material since February, so we have no responsibility beyond that. There is British equipment there, I agree, but that is equipment which we asked the permission of the House to send. We stated it quite openly. We told M. Krassin we were doing it. I am prepared to defend that policy. What we did, we did quite openly, declaring it to the House of Commons and to the whole world. The last consignment was sent in February.

No. As a matter of fact, there was not very much there. General Wrangel undertook these operations on his own responsibility and after we had told him we would have no. responsibility for them. True, negotiations were carried on for saving General Wrangel's army; they were perfectly bonâ fide. The idea which is fostered by the Bolsheviks in this preposterous document is that we want to annex the Crimea, or to establish a British Enclave there. It is really too preposterous a thing to discuss. I never heard anyone in his wildest moments ever suggest that, either in public or in private.

But not in the British Press. I do not know of any British newspaper that ever suggested it.

It was suggested in letters which they published from a leading Russian.

8.0 P.M.

A leading Russian! Then it is not a British proposal. I venture to assert it has never entered the head of any statesman, responsible or irresponsible, that we should annex the Crimea. I had heard suggestions of annexing all sorts of places between the North Pole and the South Pole—all sorts except the Crimea. Even when we had a great Army there we never dreamt of annexing it. It is the last place in the world we should ever think of annexing. Therefore the whole thing is ridiculous. We are not out to pick a quarrel or make a new war. That is the last thing in the world we want. We want peace and we want also the independence of Poland. With regard to the remarks of the hon. Baronet the Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare) the independence of Poland is part of the Treaty of Versailles—an essential part.

I think the right hon. Gentleman must have misunderstood me. I did not suggest that it was not.

My hon. Friend made the suggestion that there should be an Eastern Peace Conference. That is exactly the suggestion we made. We did not insist on a Conference here, because we did not want to interfere in the slightest degree with Poland or with Russia. It is quite clear from their reply that there are no difficulties with regard to Russia. It is purely because we think the time has come for clearing up the whole situation in Europe and making peace. I believe it would have led to making peace. In the atmosphere of suspicion, which may be justified or may not—at any rate it is a fact—every proposal which is made, by either one government or the other, is distorted by somebody either here or there. That is the real trouble. You are not dealing with realities; you are dealing with illusions, myths, and ghosts. Soviet Russia picture us as Imperialists, out to grab the Crimea or having some other sinister purpose. They think we want Latvia, Lithuania, Esthonia, for some desperate British purpose. What on earth it is I do not know. They are firmly under the impression that we are organising some great scheme there. In that atmosphere it is really almost impossible to negotiate. I sincerely regret it, but, if that is their impression, let them make their peace with Poland. That is all we want. We want to save the life of Poland. We cannot allow it to perish. It would be a disaster to the world; it would be a crime. Whether Poland has made mistakes or not, that is no reason why we should destroy a nation. There are people who believe that the French Emperor made a mistake in 1870, and that he brought that disaster upon himself; but that was no reason why France should have been destroyed and wiped out. If any Polish statesmen have made mistakes in their impetuosity, they have not had a long experience of government. They have either been under the heel of Germany, of Austria or of Russia. Thre is no Pole who has ever had an opportunity of practising the art of government. Naturally, when people like that come for the first time into government, and begin to deal with great situations, they are apt to be impetuous and make mistakes, and not to look round the whole situation. But is Poland to perish for that reason, with its 26,000,000 of the most gifted people in the world?

It is our duty to do what we can. We can do a good deal. I am convinced that, if the Bolshevists advance, they will regret it; there are more formidable forces than they imagine. The Poles may be dissolved when they are fighting on foreign territory for an Imperialist purpose; but when a man is fighting for his own home, for his own race, for his own land, it is a different question. I do not believe what the hon. Member for Preston (Mr. Shaw) said, namely, that the Poles will be disunited, will break up into parties. People forget all that when their country is in danger. They did it here, and they will do it in Poland; they are doing it now. The Socialists, I am told, are just as enthusiastic as anyone else in ranging themselves behind the Government for the defence of their homeland. That is the material we have to deal with. I think the Bolshevists will commit the error which the Poles committed when they advanced into Russian territory. They will commit the same blunder when they advance into Polish territory, and they will find that to deal with a nation in arms, fighting for its land, is a very different problem from dealing with an army which is trying to defend frontiers to which it ought never have advanced. I am sincerely desirous that the negotiations, which I hope the Poles will initiate, will end in peace, but it is our business to prepare for the other contingency, and to see that the Poles are properly equipped. We can do that. The time may never come, and I hope it never will come. If it does come, I shall, of course, put the whole position before the House of Commons. It is obviously a matter for the House of Commons, and the House has a right to be informed of it. I hope it will not be necessary to do so. We sent our telegram yesterday to Moscow, and the day before to Poland, as soon as we got the Soviet answer. I hope there will be an answer before the end of the week, and then the country will know whether this document represents a real intention on the part of the Soviet Government to give peace to Poland on fair terms, or whether it is simply a subterfuge—I do not suggest that it is—in order to gain time and in order to make conditions imposing a proletariat system on Poland which she does not want.

I only rise because the Prime Minister asked a question, which I will answer. I am sure he was not making a debating point; it is far too serious for that. I want to say quite clearly that, as far as the Labour party's position with regard to Poland is concerned, it was made perfectly clear by my hon. Friend (Mr. Shaw), but I will repeat it now. In the first place, we agree with everything the Prime Minister has said. We agree that a people, regardless of their differences, will fight for their country. That is exactly what the Bolshevists did when Poland was the aggressor, and the attitude of the Labour party, on the advice, and with all the information and first-hand knowledge of the deputation, was that they stood then, as we stand to-day, for the independence of Poland. On the other hand, we still feel that the Government should have acted more promptly in dealing with Poland when she made a mistake, because, so far as Russia is concerned, Russia has said nothing up to now that conflicts with the Prime Minister's view. The Bolshevists have given no intimation or indication that they desire anything else than the independence of Poland. That is the attitude of our party. On the other hand, I hope the House will take note of the significance of the Prime Minister's statement. He repeated it twice to-day, and I can only assume that he repeated it deliberately, although it appears to me that the House have not attached the importance to it which I attach to it, and which I know the Noble Lord (Lord R. Cecil) attaches to it. Twice the Prime Minister has intimated to this House that the situation is more than dangerous. He has made that perfectly clear. It means, in other words, that we are dangerously near, perhaps, another war. There can be no mistake, whatever this House might think, about the feeling of the country about another war. I feel that there is nothing the people of this country are so sick of as war. On the other hand, the issue has to be put clearly before them, and I want to say to the Prime Minister that we will hold him clearly and definitely to the letter of the statement he has now made, that, before this country is committed in any way, Parliament is to be further consulted. That is the intimation he has just given. [HON. MEMBERS: "He said so."] I know, but hon. Members were not in this House in 1914. We have had other statements and I want merely to attach the same importance to this which the Prime Minister attaches to it. He would not have repeated it twice if he did not attach that importance to it. I want to say, so far as the Labour party is concerned, that we believe you have an opportunity now both of saving Russia and saving Poland, as well as saving our selves. We believe that the right road is clearly to stick to our guns, and say that we do believe in, and are going to do all we can, to maintain the independence of Poland, but that we are also going to avail ourselves of every opportunity of reaching a complete understanding with Russia. Both those things are essential; the one is dependent and inter-dependent upon the other. I only rose for the purpose of making it quite clear—not as a debating point—what the attitude of the Labour party is.

I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Motion.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Indemnity [Recommitted] Bill

Considered in Committee. [ Progress, 20th July. ]

[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]

CLAUSE 2.—(Right to Compensation for Acts Done in Pursuance of Prerogative and Other Powers.)

(2) The payment of compensation shall be assessed in accordance with the following principles:—

(iii) In any other case, compensation shall be assessed as follows:—

( a ) If the claimant would, apart from this Act, have had a legal right to compensation the tribunal shall take that right into consideration, and in assessing the compensation shall have regard to the amount of the compensation to which, apart from this Act, the claimant would have been legally entitled, and to the existence of a state of war:

Provided that this Sub-section shall not give any right to payment or compensation for indirect loss.

( b ) If the claimant would not have had any such legal right, the compensation shall be assessed in accordance with the principles upon which the Commission appointed by His Majesty under Commissions dated the thirty-first day of March, nineteen hundred and fifteen, and the eighteenth day of December, nineteen hundred and eighteen (commonly known as the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission) has hitherto acted in cases where no special provision is made as to the assessment of compensation.

(3) Where before the fifteenth day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty, any claim for compensation has been made and disposed of by award or agreement, or has been rejected, or any payment (other than a payment expressed to be made on account) has been accepted in respect thereof, and such claim is one to which paragraph (iii) of the last preceding Sub-section would nave applied, no claim for compensation or further compensation under this Section shall be brought without the leave of the tribunal, and the tribunal shall not grant such leave except on proof of a material change of circumstances or new evidence not previously available being adduced.

(4) A certificate by the said Board of Arbitration or Commission as to the principles upon which they have hitherto acted shall be conclusive.

(5) The tribunal for assessing compensation shall, where by any of the Defence of the Realm Regulations any special tribunal is prescribed, be that tribunal, and in cases where the claim is made under paragraph ( a ) of Sub-section (1) of this Section be the said Board of Arbitration, and in any other case be the said Defence of the Realm Losses Commission.

(6) A Judge of the High Court of Justice shall preside over the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission, which Commission shall hereafter be styled and known as the War Compensation Court.

(7) A person may be compelled to attend and give evidence or produce documents in proceedings before the said Board of Arbitration or War Compensation Court in like manner as in proceedings before an arbitrator, and the Board of War Compensation Court shall have power to require any person appearing before them to give evidence on oath and to authorise any person to administer an oath for that purpose.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (2, iii, a ), to leave out the words:

"Provided that this Sub-section shall not give any right to payment or compensation for indirect loss."

I should like to have some explanation from my right hon. Friend as to the actual result of leaving in these words. To my mind, it seems that, if we leave them in, we might be doing an injustice, whereas, if we leave them out, surely whatever court is set up would decide in a reasonable and proper manner what the amount of the compensation should be. We had a discussion yesterday upon the proposal that the compensation should be based upon the cost of production, and I do not, of course, want to go into that again. If that is to be the basis upon which the compensation is to be calculated, and if no consideration is to be paid to any indirect loss, although that might be fair in a certain number of cases, it might work disadvantageously and wrongly, and might cause considerable injustice in other cases. Take the case of a manufacturer who is desirous of making goods for sale. He is approached by a Government Department, and asked to make a certain number of those articles, the Government compensating him on the basis of cost of production, plus a reasonable profit. That is reasonable enough. If he is asked to produce a larger quantity than he would have produced if there had been no war, and if he is allowed a reasonable profit on the cost of production, I do not think anyone can deny that that is a very reasonable proposition. Take the case of a man whose house has been commandeered. My hon. Friend below me (Mr. Inskip) tells me that this Clause does not apply to that case, and if the Solicitor-General confirms that I shall have nothing further to say on that. But take the case of a man who has had his hay confiscated, and who has been offered the cost of the hay, plus a reasonable profit. He has had to rebuy hay to feed the cattle. Does that case come in? These are only two cases which suggest themselves to me, and I do not want to elaborate the argument or to bring forward other cases, but there are innumerable cases, and I do wish to make this point, because yesterday some hon. Members rather held that it was impossible to argue that the cost of production plus a reasonable profit was unfair. I understand the question of hay would be included in the Sub-section, and therefore I move to leave out the two lines.

I am very glad to explain the purpose of these two lines. In the previous part of the Bill we have laid it down that compensation should be paid for direct loss. When this Sub-Clause (3), in which these two lines are a proviso, was before the Select Committee, this new Clause was put in providing that there should be compensation in the specified cases which fall within it. In order that there should be no doubt that some measure of compensation was provided in this case, as it had already been provided in all others, this proviso was put in in order to make it quite plain that in setting up the system of compensation in Sub-section (3) no one was to suppose that compensation for indirect loss was to be given in this case any more than in any other cases. As a precaution that compensation shall not be paid for indirect loss, these words are necessary, and in my opinion must be retained in order that the same measure of compensation for direct loss should be given in this new category of claims inserted by the Committee.

Will the hon. and learned Gentleman say that the statement that this does not apply to houses is correct?

I would not be prepared to specify the cases, because it applies to all the cases which fall within Sub-clause (3), and those are the cases where a legal right to fair compensation is given, and the scale is given under Sub-clause (3) in acordance with the undertaking which we gave upon the Second Reading. This Clause was inserted by the Select Committee, and they accepted these words in order that the same measure of compensation for direct loss should be the standard applicable to the cases which fall within Sub-clause (3).

I personally think, with all due deference to the Select Committee, that they made a mistake in the case, because I think a very considerable hardship will be inflicted on people in the two instances which I have mentioned. However, it is not any use continuing the discussion in the present state of the House. I think the Amendment is a proper one, and therefore, though I shall not attempt to divide, I will not withdraw the Amendment, but prefer to have it negatived.

Amendment negatived.

I beg to move, at the end of the Sub-section (2, iii, b), to add the words "set forth in the Schedule to this Act."

I think my hon. and learned Friend is prepared to accept this Amendment with a view to adding to the Bill a Schedule which appears on the Order Paper and which is now in a slightly different form.

The Committee will remember that I was pressed very strongly last night not to leave the Bill in the condition in which it stands at present, that is to say, containing words by which you are to find out the principles on which compensation is to be paid by referring to a number of reports. Objection was taken to that on the ground that it was legislation by reference, and I was pressed to try and insert the principles definitely into the Bill. My difficulty was lest I should be in some danger of altering the principles hitherto adopted because it was not intended by the Select Committee that we should establish a different Measure. We were all concerned to try to see that no profiteering should be allowed and that the standard should be maintained with due regard to the interests of the State. My hon. and learned Friend (Mr. Inskip) saw me upon his Amendment. This Amendment is for the purpose of bringing in the Schedule on page 3293. My danger and difficulty is overcome. He proposes to use the words, "set forth in the Schedule to this Act," and I think at present the right course is to accept that Amendment in that form, although I am not quite certain whether that is the best form in which to insert it. We want to make these principles clear so that a person who takes the Act can find out what the principles are. But for the purpose of setting the precedent which has already been laid down, it is all-important from the drafting point of view that we should not remove the lines out of this Clause which refer to the principles which have been adopted by the Commission in the past, and therefore the Clause would then read:

"If the claimant would not have had any such legal right, the compensation shall be assessed in accordance with the principles upon which the Commission appointed by His Majesty (commonly known as the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission) has hitherto acted in cases where no special provision is made as to the assessment of compensation set forth in the Second Schedule to this Act."

And the Second Schedule will declare those principles without it being necessary to rummage about among reports or elsewhere. A man who desires to find out what the principles are will find them declared in the Schedule. I believe the improvement is exactly what I was asked to do last night by Members in different quarters of the Committee. We have spent a good deal of time to-day in order to carry out what their purpose was, which I have yielded to now, and I hope the Committee will feel that I have met their wishes by adopting the suggestion of the Amendment. The Schedule which will be moved by my hon. and learned Friend is Part 2 as it stands at present, with small alterations which are necessary, partly for drafting and partly to cover the principles which are laid down. This alteration involves that I should also, on the Report stage, embody in the Schedule principles which apply to the Board of Arbitration and which form the first part of the Schedule on Page 3293. As we have passed the portion of the Bill where I could properly give a reference to that part of the Schedule, I must do that on Report, but I think there is no reason why, while the Committee is in possession of the matter, I should not at once indicate that I have adopted the suggestion made to me by the Committee and carry it out by accepting this Amendment and that part of the Schedule which would be appropriate thereto.

I give the hon. Member a direct assurance that there has been no capitulation at all about it. There is no alteration of the measure or standard at all. The only difference is that by taking a good deal of trouble in draughtsmanship they have removed the hesitation and doubt which I felt and which all Members of the Committee feel, that it is better to write as plainly as you can what you mean in an Act of Parliament. I have done that. I take the opportunity of saying that, of course, I will go over the matter before Report, and should a word or a comma be necessary in order to make the meaning more clear, I would reserve to myself the right to put that in. But my belief is that we have fully safeguarded the principles which the hon. Member desires to safeguard.

I understand the first part of the proposed Schedule has gone altogether, and the hon. and learned Gentleman does not intend to insert the first part of the Schedule in the Bill at all, but merely the second part of the Schedule. Further, in opposing this Amendment we are not depriving ourselves of the right to amend the Schedules when they come up for consideration.

If I were to insert an Amendment dealing with the first part of the Schedule, that is as to the principles on which the Board of Arbitration works, it would be necessary to insert on page 4 of the Bill—in accordance with the principles on which the Board of Arbitration has hitherto acted—the words, "set forth in the First Schedule to this Act," then I should be able to bring in, and I will on Report, the first part of the Schedule. As we have already got past that point, it is not possible to put a reference to the Schedule in there. Hence I must content myself with dealing with the second part of the Schedule, promising that in order to make the matter complete and not to set up a different method in one case from the other, I will go back upon Report and at the proper moment move to deal with the principles of the Board of Arbitration similarly to the manner in which I am dealing with the principles relative to paragraph ( b )., On the second point, of course it is open to any Member of the Committee to move Amendments to the Schedule, but I hope I shall not be invited to accept Amendments to the Schedule, because if Amendments were made to the Schedule the suggestion which is made by the right hon. Gentle man opposite might possibly come true, and we might be setting up a different standard, which is precisely what we do not want to do. The Schedule as it will be moved in my opinion safeguards the principles and does not allow any further or wider compensation to be given. I attribute the very greatest importance to that principle, as does the right hon. Gentleman, and I trust the words which must be so carefully chosen for the purpose of carrying out the principles on which the Board acts, will not be lightly altered by the Committee. Even a word may make some difference. My hon. and learned Friend (Mr. Inskip) and I and my advisers have been very careful to go through all the reports in order to see that we have chosen apt words, not too many nor too few, to indicate what those principles are, and although it is open to any Member of the Committee to move an Amendment. I have some confidence in the care I have taken, and I do not think, at any rate without very careful scrutiny, I shall be prepared to accept any Amendments on a Schedule so carefully drawn.

I should like to point out that there is an Amendment which in my opinion should be made in this first Schedule.

All the hon. and gallant Gentleman can do is to foreshadow it. I will put the question of the Schedule. We can then adopt the words which are going to be in the identical form on the Paper.

I gather that the first part of the Schedule will not come up on the Committee stage now, and I shall not be able to move the Amendment to the first part of the Schedule.

We have passed the point at which we can deal with the first part of the Schedule. Therefore that must be done on Report, and an undertaking has been given that it will be brought up on Report. At that stage the hon. Member would be able to move any Amendment which he pleases.

I will put it down in sufficient time to enable my hon. Friend to see it.

In regard to the second part of the Schedule, which is being taken in the Committee now, Amendments can be tendered.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move to leave out Sub-section (4). I think this is really consequential.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (5), to leave out from the word "shall" to the end of the Clause, and to add instead thereof the words "be the High Court of Justice."

The object of this Amendment is to leave out these various tribunals and to substitute for them the High Court of Justice. The Bill provides that there shall be three tribunals for assessing the compensation which may arise. Subsection (6) goes on to say: That is really setting up the same court against which there have been many objections, but putting in a Judge of the High Court as President. The first of these three Courts perpetuates the Defence of the Realm Regulations. The Defence of the Realm Act was passed when we were at war, and it was never intended that when nearly two years had elapsed since the conclusion of fighting the Defence of the Realm Regulations would be continued, and, not only continued, but that they would be perpetuated for an indefinite time. This is a tribunal set up, not by both sides, but by one side. A person makes a claim against the Government and the Government say, "Very good, when we have the claim we shall have the privilege of choosing the judge." Did anyone ever hear of such a proposition? Two people have a dispute and the person who is proceeded against is the person who is to appoint the judge. That may have been all right in war time—I do not say it was—but it certainly is not right now, and I do not think that the House of Commons would have passed the Defence of the Realm Act if they had known what they were doing. We may have different decisions from these different courts. If we are going to have a court different from the High Court of Justice we ought to have one court. With respect to the second court, the Board of Arbitration, that differs a little from the preceding court and from the subsequent court. I understand that this is the arbitration which was set up by the Admiralty, more or less in agreement with the shipowners. That is to say, the people who were concerned had the power of choosing the tribunal before whom their case was to be heard. If that is so, I do not attach very much importance to that particular court, though I think it would be far better that an ordinary and proper court should be used. In the third instance we come to the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission. This Commission has given varying decisions, some of which have been reversed by the highest court in the Realm. On more than one occasion the Commission has made some very startling assertions. I do not want to make any statement that is incorrect, but I am informed that the following statement was made by the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission:

Pitcher, who was a representative of the Office of Works. The agents wrote:

This is a proof that Government Departments are basing their action upon the fact that they will not have to go before a High Court but before a special tribunal appointed by themselves, and removable by themselves if the decisions given are not in accordance with the wishes of the Government. With the one exception, that there is to be a judge of the High Court as President, we do not in the least know who these other people are to be. Although no one feels more respect than I feel for the High Court, or has stronger belief in the great principles of justice which have animated our bench, I do not think that the removal of judges from their positions in the High Court and the placing of them as chairmen of other tribunals, has always been very satisfactory. I will not say anything more upon that. Hon. Members will know to what I allude. I believe I have made an unanswerable case, and I do not want to elaborate it. If the country as a whole knew what was going on to-day—it will not be reported in the newspapers, for our proceedings yesterday, though they were most important, were hardly reported in the papers, not even in "The Times"—if people realised that this may be the first step which will overthrow the old-established principle that the subject has a right to go to a free and independent Court, the judge presiding over which is removable only by a Motion in both Houses of Parliament, and that, in future, they might have to go to another Star Chamber, where they would have to be judged by those appointed by the Government and removable by the Government, they would take a more serious view of it.

I have listened with great interest to the speech of my right hon. Friend. He knows as well as I do that to accept this Amendment would be to disembowel the Bill. At the same time I listened to my right hon. Friend with something of the same charm that I listen to the old songs of childhood. I have listened to my right hon. Friend's speech before and I know it almost by heart. I listened to it in 1910 when I first started in Parliament. I recall the references to Star Chambers and all the menacing and intolerant acts of a bureaucratic Government. I can remember all that being said on the other side of the House. I congratulate my right hon. Friend that, although ten years have passed, the words still maintain their pristine vigour and that their deliverer shows no signs of waning youth. In his historical survey of the Star Chamber and the overthrow of the liberties of the subject, it must not be forgotten what was the original inception of this Commission. At that time it was believed that in most of these cases there was no right at law for compensation in respect of goods requisitioned. As the War has gone on, different decisions have been given, and it has been held that there is a legal right where the subject's goods or land are taken, but originally in the interests of the subject these Commissions were started. They have done continuous work for a period of five years, and it is not perhaps inappropriate for me to remind this Committee that the Select Committee which went into the proceedings and the work of these Commissions very carefully have thought it right in their closing paragraph to say:

"We think it right to add that in our judgment the country is greatly indebted to the members of the two tribunals, their assistants, and officers who have for so long a period placed their valuable services at the disposal of the State."

I have indicated now how the Commissions came to be set up, and at the present time, if you were to send all these cases to be tried before the High Court of Justice, you would send them to Courts which are already over-congested, and you would send them to a system which is certainly far more costly than the system of going before these Commissions, and you would probably be delaying the subject from obtaining the compensation to which he is entitled by a considerable period of time. My right hon. Friend forgot to say that in this Bill the subject is given the legal right in all cases. He told us an interesting story of the letters a lady was going to write to me or to him, or something of that sort.

It was correspondence between her agent and the Office of Works.

9.0 P.M.

They are deeply interesting, but they relate to past history. Whatever else it is, this Bill, in the Clauses we have already passed, gives a legal right to compensation, and the same powers which would be available to enforce the decisions of the High Court of Justice will be available for the purpose of enforcing the decisions obtained under this Commission. My right hon. Friend also forgot to mention that the real motive at the bottom of this Bill is in order to avoid the State having to pay unreasonable prices for commodities the so-called value of which has been enhanced by the nation's need, and, strong economist that he is, I hope in the new editions of the speech which I have referred to he will introduce some passages on economy. This Bill is brought to the House in order that the nation may free itself from having to pay unreasonable compensation? and may have the amount standardised at what is the cost of production, plus a reasonable profit. I am quite certain that I have explained to the Committee as far as in me lies the reason and purpose of this Bill, and I am not going to add more. I think it is sufficient to say that if we were to accept the Amendment we should be reversing the whole policy of the Bill, and I invite the Committee to support me, because we have now given a legal right, we are adding a large measure of legal talent to the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission, we are making a proper standard at which the compensation shall be paid, and hereafter we may hope that these matters outstanding may be settled up quickly and that we may close a chapter which has too long been a matter of controversy and discussion in. this House.

Will my right hon. Friend make it quite clear about the members of the Losses Commission? The right hon. Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) made the very serious statement that the members of these Commissions were removable at the will of the Executive Government. I can, hardly believe that a Judge of the High Court would accept the post of Chairman if he was to be removable at the will of the Executive Government because he did not happen to do something they approved of, or did something they did not approve of. I should like the Solicitor-General to tell us whether or not that is so. If the Government have this right of removal, I suggest that they should meet that point and set up this body as a judicial body, whose members should not be removable except by the direct vote of both Houses of Parliament.

I am sorry I did not refer to that. I am not going to answer the right hon. Gentleman if he means to suggest that a Judge of the High Court could be in any way persuaded by the Executive to give an unjust decision. No such suggestion, I am sure, could be further from the right hon. Gentleman's mind, and I think it quite unwise to refer to what may be called these little observations which were part of his speech. In fact, what we are proposing to do is this. We are going to nave a Judge of the High Court as President of the Court. That Court sits under a Commission, and I suppose that it will, like all other Commissions, be possible to revoke it. At the present time it will be remembered that Lord Terrington is still Chairman of the Commission, and has been ever since the President of the Divorce Court left it. The Commission has been opened from time to time and new members inserted, because Lord Terrington was made Chairman and one or two other members have been inserted in order to carry on the work of the Commission, but I cannot suggest that any more than any other Commission it is impossible for it to be revoked. We must, however, have some trust somewhere, and inasmuch as the Commission has hitherto been continued, I am quite sure the intention of the Executive is, when the Commission has been set up, to continue it. May I add this? I am not able to state at the present time, because I do not think the Lord Chancellor has been able to arrange, who shall be the Judge who will act as President of the Commission, but we have felt that we ought to make good to the full our undertaking that the Commission should be reinforced by strong legal talent, and we have felt also that it is very important that these cases should be dealt with as rapidly as possible. Very often to delay payment of compensation is almost as serious as to deny the compensation altogether. We have been able to secure the services of a very eminent and distinguished retired Irish Judge, Sir Dunbar Plunket Barton, who was a member of the High Court of Justice in Ireland from 1900 to 1917, and Solicitor-General for Ireland from 1898 to i900, and a member of the English Bar. He will be ready to come over here and place his services at the disposal of the Commission in order that he may help in doing the work which has to be done. Further, Sir William Francis Kyffin Taylor, who is the Judge of the Liverpool Court of Passage since 1903, is prepared, except so far as he may have to do his work in the Liverpool Court of Passage, to give up his work at the Bar in order to give his services and attendance at the Commission. Therefore, we shall have to reinforce the Commission by this very distinguished retired Judge and by the Judge of the Liverpool Court of Passage. I hope with that legal talent it will be possible to finish up the work in as short a time as possible. They will receive only a sum at the rate of a £1,000 per year for such time as they sit, because one has to come across from Dublin and the other has to give up practice at the Bar.

I think the Committee ought to be grateful to the right hon. Member for the City (Sir F. Banbury) for so ingeniously finding an Amendment which even now might so improve this Bill as to make it verge on something that would be reasonable. If we really could get the High Court as the tribunal to deal with these claims, a great many of us would be immensely satisfied. I think we ought also to be grateful for this Amendment since it has elicited what was on the whole the very reassuring statement made by the Solicitor-General as to the proposed constitution of the Commission. I do not believe the Commission will ever be set up because I do not believe the Bill will become law, and if it is not thrown out here it will be thrown out in another place; but if it were to pass, the information we have just had as to the constitution of the Commission would be very reassuring. The Bill is framed entirely on the basis of having a special tribunal, and if we could substitute the High Court for the whole of the proposed machinery it would be rather a novel idea. During the War people were content to have some rough and ready method of disposing of these points. All the manhood of the country capable of bearing arms was doing its best to defend the country or otherwise engaged in urgent work. People under those circumstances were content with the ladling out of semi-justice or semi-injustice, and they submitted to a special tribunal although they did not like it, and to regulation after regulation, and the decisions were probably to a very considerable extent reasonable. We went so far even as to dispense with trial by jury. The pressure of the War is over, though technically I suppose we are still at war, and why should we not go back to the Courts of the Realm. No case has been made out for the continuance of this rough and ready method of semi-injustice and semi-denial of justice. We do not want another tribunal. The Courts of the Realm are good enough for us. The subjects are entitled to that. This is a Bill which purports to be an Indemnity Bill which we understood to be a Bill to give indemnity to certain officials who had gone beyond their authority.

I apologise for allowing that remark to be interposed. It was not my intention to begin to discuss the whole Bill. Now that the War is over I think we ought not to allow a tribunal of the kind to be perpetuated. I may say I am the last man in the House ever to question—and I have never done so in my parliamentary career—the complete authority of the Chair. I apologise to the Committee because the interruption which I brought on myself entirely prevents me continuing the remarks which I had intended to make.

I desire to support this Amendment. I took some little part in the discussion yesterday and arrived at the conclusion that all that was open to us was to vote against the Third Reading. I am glad that the right hon. Baronet (Sir F. Banbury) has found a place in which we can discuss what is the vital point of this whole measure, namely, the setting up of a tribunal other than the Courts of the Realm to try a certain class of case. I agree with every word of the last speaker, and I repeat that the Courts of Law are good enough for us, and we do not want this makeshift tribunal brought into existence for a certain purpose. We do not want Judges of the High Court to clothe the thing with a semblance of authority. We want the thing out of the way, and the King's Courts re-established, with their full power and jurisdiction. How did my right hon. and learned Friend meet this considered Amendment of the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London? He met it with persiflage and badinage. He reminded me of what Dr. Johnson said about a certain person, "that he had little skill in dandling the kid". His defence left me quite cold. There is a real point of substance in this matter, and the way the right hon. Gentleman met the Amendment was not the right way. It is not by ridicule or by talking about a speech that he has heard for the last 20 or 30 years. Personally, I have not heard the speech of the right hon. Baronet till to-night. I think, if I may say so, it was a very good speech, put forward in support of a very good and sound Amendment. What was the proper thing to do with this makeshift court at the end of the War? Surely not to reinforce or to strengthen it, but to get rid of it. The whole basis of this thing is bad. To attempt to bolster up this Court or tribunal—though they are now calling it a Court—to bolster up this tribunal, to ladle out something which is not law, which is not equity, and which I fear is too often not justice, is a thing I protest against. I have the greatest pleasure in supporting the Amendment of my right hon. Friend, and I hope he will go to a Division.

If this Bill, or any Clause in the Bill, were going to be made a permanent part of our constitutional machinery I should have supported the right hon. Baronet, because in the ordinary course of things we would rather that the rights and liberties of the subject should be recognised and respected than that they should be given over to a tribunal that is established in the way laid out in this Clause. As a matter of fact, it has seemed to me from the first time this Bill came into the House that there were some hon. Members who persistently lost sight of the fact that this was to deal with temporary circumstances in our national life. Even those people who stand for the liberty of the subject in respect of this Clause have not always considered the liberty of the subject during the period with which this Clause and the Bill deals. For instance, there were men during the War who took a certain course. Finally the authorities took these men without warrant or anything else. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended. I think we forgot altogether about Magna Charta, and about everything that related to our constitutional life and the freedom of the indivdual. As a matter of fact, during the War there was no freedom for anybody worth mentioning. We were all, as it were——

The Amendment deals only with the material losses sustained. May I draw the attention of the hon. Gentleman to that?

I was thinking about the claim of the right hon. Baronet that a citizen should have the right to go to the High Court simply in respect of a breach of his liberties.

The War is over; whatever errors were committed during the War ought not to be continued.

The only difficulty about that is that the people who claim for the right of the subject now and the liberty of the subject were very often the people who helped to violate the law during the War. It struck me during the remarks of the right hon. Baronet that there are different ways of approaching this; there are three different points of view. There is the person who wants the liberty of the subject to be respected. There is the person who thinks that some householder or some owner of goods may not have got justice, or will not get justice before this tribunal. Thirdly, there are those who frankly say that they think they are entitled to the market price for the goods taken. Let there be no mistake about that. Those of us who sat upon the Select Committee received leaflets and circulars almost every day they sat. Here is what one of these leaflets said quite frankly:

"It is said that the subject whose goods were taken ought not to expect to receive payment at the current market price if these prices were inflated by a state of war. Why not?… The question relevant is what the price is, not how it was caused."

I submit that the tribunal will on established principles fix up on the lines arranged, submitted, and set forth by the Solicitor-General in co-operation with the Select Committee. I submit that in that tribunal definite principles are laid down where the subject is going to have a legal right to state his claim, and a legal claim.

That claim will receive consideration by some of the ablest legal minds of our country. I do not see what anyone wants more in view of the fact that we are dealing with temporary circumstances, and if they only want justice and fair consideration for their claims. I do not see what they want more; there are people who want what they call market rates.

If my Amendment were carried it would not in any way affect the method and procedure of the Court. The limitations which would prevent the Court giving the prices which the hon. Gentleman has suggested would still prevail. I do not want to alter that in my Amendment. It does not touch it; it only substitutes one Court for another. The principle of both Courts would remain the same.

That may be so, but for the life of me I cannot understand with that in mind why the right hon. Gentleman wants to continue the line of action he has taken all along, with the motive behind it of getting the pound of flesh for the people concerned. I do not want to do any injustice to certain people in respect of this Indemnity Bill, and particularly this Clause. I am not unmindful of the fact that there are people who willingly accepted in the finest possible spirit what was laid down. I know there are other people who have not hitherto received proper consideration. They will under this Clause as set forth here. Therefore I cannot, I say, understand why the right hon. Baronet persists in his line of action. In conclusion, I want to say I have never been able to understand the people who claim for market rates. If there was any justice in that claim then there is justice in the man who fought for a shilling a day claiming for the war period the market rates for labour in the industrial field. The position is identical. I am pleased that the Solicitor-General is not accepting this Amendment. If it should go to a Division we know how to vote.

The Committee is persistently trying to discuss the Third Reading of the Bill on this and a number of other Amendments. The issue is a very simple one, namely, the constitution of the tribunal.

I am very anxious to support this Amendment. On the Second Reading my objection was entirely based upon the substitution of this new tribunal for the courts of law. It is not a case of the market value, because that has nothing to do with it. We are at the end of the War now, and there is not the slightest reason why we should not attempt to get back to a time of peace. Our courts of law have always been upheld, and we have always felt that although a judgment might go against us, we have felt that we have got justice. That has never been felt in cases which have been decided by the Losses Commission, because they limit their scope of dealing with these questions, and that is one of the reasons why I am opposed to this particular tribunal. You are now proposing to bolster up this tribunal, and I object to that. I think we ought to make the tribunal the High Court of Justice instead of the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission, because I am sure that would give more satisfaction than to attempt to put this tribunal on its legs again. I know the Solicitor-General has a very difficult task to find something in substitution of the courts, of which he is so distinguished an ornament; but with regard to the Losses Commission, nobody who has been before that Commission has been satisfied with it, and for these reasons I shall support the Amendment.

I should be sorry if this Amendment went to a Division without some support being put forward from the Government point of view. I have listened to the whole of the Debate, and it seems to me that the right hon. Baronet (Sir F. Banbury) has had the ingenuity to devise an Amendment which in fact gives almost a Second Reading Debate on this question. During the Debate we have had an undertaking from the Law Officers of the Crown that certain Amendments would be made, and in fact they are largely given effect to in this very Sub-section. Now, hon. Members are taking advantage of that fact and putting these concessions forward as a reason for rejecting this proposal. What are the arguments which have been brought forward. One is you are going to perpetuate this tribunal, but I do not see how. There is nothing in this measure which will send one more case to this tribunal than would have gone to it in the ordinary way. It is said that you are not getting justice, but I think that is an unworthy reflection to be made by hon. Gentlemen opposite on a tribunal which has certainly given its best services, and it is also an unworthy reflection to make on the distinguished judges who are to reinforce that tribunal. I have a much higher opinion of the ability and integrity of our judges than that.

Two points have been raised. The first is that the legal right should be recognised, and that this tribunal should act only upon legal rights. Precisely the same rules will be followed whether an action is conducted before this tribunal or in a court of law. The objection was made that this tribunal had not its full measure of legal representation, but it is now going to be reinforced in a way which I am sure everybody will accept who knows anything of the Bench and the Bar of this country. The change in the constitution of a tribunal goes far to remove the objections we had to it before. Given the legal right, I cannot understand why hon. Members should wish to go to a court of law which would be far more costly. I have practised at the Bar for a good many years, and perhaps I have as much knowledge of the law as the hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Lorden) who has had a distinguished career building houses. I know if these cases are taken into the Law Courts the costs will be far greater. You will also have interminable delay, and the possibility of further proceedings, whereas here you get straight to your tribunal and you get a fair decision by a legal authority acting on a point of law. I think to press this Amendment to a division is really a waste of time, and it is merely trying to get rid of the Bill altogether.

In my opinion the High Court of Justice is one of the greatest jewels in His Majesty's Crown. The Solicitor-General stated that it is impossible to suppose that a judge of the High Court would be amenable to pressure. May I point out that we guard the position of the High Court judges by making them irremovable except by a motion in both Houses of Parliament, and we do this to make them independent. The Chairman of this House is not appointed for the session but for a whole parliament, not because we suppose he would yield to pressure but in order to put him in an independent position. I think the old rule that a judge cannot be removed except by a motion in both Houses is a salutary one, and should not be broken. Once you begin making innovations in old-established principles you do not know where you are going to stop, and this is a retrograde proposal and one which ought to be resisted, and I shall certainly go to a Division. This is a very important Amendment and quite worth while taking up a few moments of Parliamentary time over. With regard to what the Solicitor-General said about blocking the courts. You are going to take away a judge from the court, and I presume that if you take away a judge and put him to try something else the cases which he would have tried will not be able to be tried, and therefore you are not going to expedite business.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out, to the word 'shall' in Sub-section (6) ['shall preside'], stand part of the Clause."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 181; Noes, 17.

Division No. 232.]

AYES.

[9.35 p.m.

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S.

Greig, Colonel James William

Prescott, Major W. H.

Armitage, Robert

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Pulley, Charles Thornton

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E.

Renwick, George

Barker, Major Robert H.

Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton)

Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend)

Barlow, Sir Montague

Hancock, John George

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Hanna, George Boyle

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Hanson, Sir Charles Augustin

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Blake, Sir Francis Douglas

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford)

Berwick, Major G. O.

Hartshorn, Vernon

Rodger, A. K.

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Haslam, Lewis

Rogers, Sir Hallewell

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hayday, Arthur

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Breese, Major Charles E.

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Bromfield, William

Hood, Joseph

Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John

Brown, Captain D. C.

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.)

Sexton, James

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Bruton, Sir James

Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington)

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Butcher, Sir John George

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Cairns, John

Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Sitch, Charles H.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Spencer, George A.

Cape, Thomas

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington)

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Jephcott, A. R.

Sturrock, J. Leng

Chadwick, Sir Robert

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Sutherland, Sir William

Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender

Johnstone, Joseph

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Clough, Robert

Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Coats, Sir Stuart

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Kenworthy, Lieut. -Commander J. M.

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Kidd, James

Thome, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Vickers, Douglas

Davies, Major D. (Montgomery)

Lawson, John J.

Waddington, R.

Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh)

Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd)

Wallace, J.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir p.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Dawes, James Arthur

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Dockrell, Sir Maurice

Lunn, William

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Doyle, N. Grattan

M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A.

Waring, Major Walter

Edge, Captain William

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Mallalieu, F. W.

Whitla, Sir William

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Williams, Lieut.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Manville, Edward

Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Mitchell, William Lane

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Fell, Sir Arthur

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Finney, Samuel

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Mosley, Oswald.

Woods, Sir Robert

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Nall, Major Joseph

Worsfold, Dr. T. Cato

Foreman, Henry

Neal, Arthur

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Forrest, Walter

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Yate, Colonel Charles Edward

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Gange, E. Stanley

Parker, James

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—.—

Glyn, Major Ralph

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley

Gould, James C.

Perring, William George

Ward.

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

NOES.

Atkey, A. R.

Gretton, Colonel John

Purchase, H. G.

Betterton, Henry B.

Johnson, Sir Stanley

Rankin, Captain James S.

Blair, Reginald

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Wedgwood, Colonel J. C.

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Lorden, John William

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Lort-Williams, J.

Sir F. Banbury and Major Barnett.

Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C.

Molson, Major John Elsdale

I beg to move, in Sub-section (6), to leave out the words "shall preside over" ["a judge of the High Court of Justice shall preside over"], and insert instead thereof the words "or, in cases where the claim is in respect of interference with property or business, in Scotland, a judge of the Court of Session shall be president of."

This is an Amendment of a purely formal character. It applies the Bill to Scotland.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, at the end of the Clause, to add a new Subsection—

"(8) The War Compensation Court may sit in more than one division at the same time, and in any such case anything which may be done to, by, or before the Court may be done to, by, or before any such division of the Court."

This Amendment is for the purpose of enabling the Court, which I have now reinforced with the other Judges I have referred to, to sit so that they may more expeditiously deal with the business.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, after the words last inserted, to add the words "and a division of the Court shall sit from time to time in Edinburgh, Dublin, Liverpool, and Cardiff."

I am moving this in the interest of those claimants, and more especially the poorer claimants, who live at considerable distances from London. There is, I find, considerable apprehension in the minds of claimants in the North of England that they will be put to very heavy expense, in these days of high railway fares and high cost of lodging, if they, and especially those who have smaller claims, have to bring up to London a considerable number of witnesses. I am not quite clear whether, under the Bill as it stands, the question of Scotland and Ireland is already provided for, but I do hope the learned Solicitor-General may see his way that, from time to time, these Courts should sit in, and I suggest Liverpool as a good centre for the North of England and Cardiff as a good centre for Wales and for the West of England.

I think my hon. and gallant Friend who moved this Amendment is under a misapprehension. He has not appreciated that the Bill, as it at present stands, and indeed the very last Amendment gives indication of it, that these Courts will from time to time sit in Scotland, not necessarily in Edinburgh. Again, by an Amendment carried last night, it will also apply to Ireland, and the Court will sit in Dublin. Therefore the two first towns he mentioned, Edinburgh and Dublin, are already provided for under the Bill. Lastly, he refers to the fact that you might have sittings in Cardiff or in Liverpool. The Courts themselves have the right to sit there, and if they have a number of cases which would make their presence there more suitable, in order that they may meet the convenience of suitors, they will have power to sit there. Therefore in their discretion they will sit where it is most convenient, and this particular Amendment is wholly unnecessary.

The hon. Gentleman's Amendment to sit in the towns he has mentioned are important, and are likely to be centres in which many important claims will have to be dealt with, and I trust the learned Solicitor-General will see his way to deal with the hon. Member's Amendment.

The powers of the Court will enable them to go to any town, and it is far better to leave their own business to their own discretion rather than, say, they shall go to Liverpool and Cardiff. Why should they not go to Leicester or Norwich, or Sheffield or Bradford? Really we cannot put in all the towns. They can go, and no doubt will go, wherever their presence is necessary, and to indicate one or two particular towns would be to limit their power, and to indicate that these towns should have a preference over others. I think it is far better to leave the matter to the discretion, the unfettered discretion, of the Court.

I entirely agree with what the right hon. Gentleman has said, but words might be put in that it be an instruction that they shall move to convenient centres to hear cases. They have their powers, but no indication that it is the desire of this House that they should exercise those powers. My right hon. Friend might put in words, and I am sure he would meet the whole case. These powers are given without any indication of how they are to be used or even that the power that they have would be used. I think it is a matter for consideration; at any rate there should be words put in the Bill which should indicate that this House desires this power according to the business that may arise.

May I ask my hon. Friend to tell us whether there is any particular Clause in the Bill giving this power to sit where they like?

May I explain, the Commission has no necessary location. The Commission has the power to sit in suitable places other than where they do at the present time. They will adopt this without getting statutory powers to do so, and really this will all depend upon the discretion of the President, who is a Judge of the High Court of Justice. He is sitting under a Commission; he is not bound to sit in the High Court established in London, or in any particular place to hear cases. Therefore he has power in his discretion to do what is right for the purpose of hearing the cases. After all, a Judge of the High Court would be able to accede to a legitimate and proper demand as in the case which is often done with official referees in the High Court. Whenever it is necessary, these official referees sit wherever it may be desired. A Judge of the High Court will have the power to meet where, in his discretion, he thinks fit, and no doubt will accede to a proper demand.

In view of what the hon. and learned Gentleman has said—and I see his point—I am willing to withdraw my Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 3 ( Savings ) ordered to stand part of the Bill.

CLAUSE 4.—(Validation of customs, proclamations, etc.)

Any proclamation or Order in Council issued or purporting to be issued under Section forty-three of the Customs Consolidation Act, 1876, during the War and before the fifteenth day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty, prohibiting or restricting the importation of any goods into the United Kingdom, and any licence granted in pursuance of any such proclamation or Order shall be, and shall be deemed always to have been valid, but nothing in this Section shall be construed as rendering valid the continuance in operation after the fifteenth day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty, of any such proclamation or Order in Council.

I would ask for an explanation of this Clause. As far as I can make out the meaning of that is this. The Board of Trade, I think it was, held that they had the powers to limit the imports of certain things. I commend this to hon. Members who are Free Traders opposite. They held that they had the power to prohibit the importation of certain goods. Sir John Simon, if my recollection serves me right, argued that they were exceeding their powers which were taken under Section 43 of the Customs Consolidation Act, 1876, which Section, he claimed, did not give power to the Board of Trade to prohibit this importation. Sir John Simon went to the High Court, which decided that the Board of Trade were wrong. I want to know this. The High Court having given a decision against the Government, are we now under this Clause reversing that decision? The decision was given last year, I think. I put a question whether or not the High Court could be substituted for the tribunal, and my hon. and learned Friend the Solicitor-General, with great indignation, asked if I thought any pressure could be put on a judge. I replied in the negative. But this is another form of putting pressure when a decision is given against the Government. It is a proposal to bring in an Act of Parliament to reverse that decision. I want to know whether I am right in my interpretation of the Clause. I am rather inclined to think that I am. But I do not quite understand the meaning of the last three lines which say:

"Nothing in this Section shall be construed as rendering valid the continuance in operation after the 15th day of April, 1920, of any such proclamation or Order in Council."

When a decision is given and an Order issued invalidating that decision, is it to remain in operation after the 15th day of April, 1920, and is the decision of the Court to be enforced? I have not had the advantage of being called to the Bar, but I am rather inclined to think there is something in this point. These are very important powers which really touch the whole liberty of the subject, and if the Government are reversing a decision of the High Court which happens to be against them, I think this House should strongly set its face against any such action.

10.0 P.M.

For the purposes of this Clause, I may explain to my right hon. Friend that, in the years 1917–18, we were at high-water mark of the submarine menace, and he will, no doubt, remember that proclamations were issued to prohibit the importation of goods into the United Kingdom in order to save space and tonnage during that period of grave anxiety for the food and munitions supply of this country. Although that time is two years past, I am sure my right hon. Friend will not forget the serious nature of the position which then existed. He will realise it was necessary, for the purpose of making the best use of the tonnage of the country, to prohibit the importation of certain goods which were unnecessary either for munitions or for the food of the people. At that time——

May I point out to the hon. and learned Gentleman that the interrogatory of the right hon. Baronet was only as to the purport of this Clause, and not as to its merits.

I am obliged to you, Sir. It will enable me to curtail my remarks. The fact is that the Orders issued for this purpose during that particular period of the nation's anxiety will be validated and effect will be given to them. The decision referred to by the right hon. Baronet will therefore be rendered unnecessary. The only Orders that will be rendered valid will be those orders which were issued before the introduction of this Bill, and they will only be rendered valid down to the 15th April this year, which was the date of the introduction of the Bill.

I support the omission of the Clause. I think the hon. and learned Gentleman has proved too much. He talked about submarines, but there were no submarines in action on 15th April, 1920, and I can see no good reason for the Order in Council.

The hon. and learned Gentleman does not get over this difficulty by explaining that this Clause is something to defeat the Germans. The fact is it is an attempt by the Government to introduce a new trade policy, and not to cover Regulations which were made when the War was on. That is absolutely true. Some people had the courage to take their cases into Court, and, on appeal, the Government were thrown over and these fortunate people got whatever compensation they were entitled to. But those who did not take action will lose the right to do so. The object of this Clause is to get over a mistake in trade policy made by the Government, and its intention is to validate a thing which was wrongly done, and which they admit to have been wrong.

Question, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.

CLAUSE 5.—(Validation of sentences.)

Any sentence passed, judgment given, or order made by any military court (other than a court martial constituted in pursuance of any statute) in connection with the War, or by any court established by the authority administering any territory in the occupation of any of His Majesty's Forces during the War for the administration of justice within such territory, whether passed, given, or made during such occupation, or after such occupation has determined until the court has been abolished or superseded by such lawfully constituted authority as may hereafter be established for the administration of such territory, shall be deemed to be and always to have been valid, and to be and always to have been within the jurisdiction of the court.

I beg to move, at the end of the Clause, to add the words is right that you should give an indemnity to each member of the Court for all the Acts that he has committed, and that the only person who does not receive any benefit is the poor person who has been wrongfully committed.

We want to make it quite clear to the Committee that we are not dealing with courts-martial. They are statutory bodies, which have a special safeguard, and I am quite prepared to admit that in my opinion, during the War, there have been very few, if any, injustices committed by courts-martial. We are dealing with a special class of court—military courts—special courts set up to deal with civilians, not with soldiers and sailors. They were set up to deal with civilians who, in ordinary circumstances, would have been tried by the ordinary civil Courts of the country in which they resided, and would be entitled to the ordinary safeguards which have been set up from time to time, and have been part of the working system of those civil Courts. With regard to the soldier and the sailor who have been tried by court-martial, if an adverse decision has been given, the sentence of the court-martial is subject to revision by the Judge Advocate-General. He has the whole dossier of papers; he has the most elaborate documents sent forward from the court-martial, setting forth the whole case. He is in a position to form a judgment, and, in a great many cases, I believe, has mitigated, and sometimes even quashed, the sentence of the court-martial. What I would like to know is, whether the same system is adopted in the case of these special Courts when dealing with civilians. Are the same safeguards given in the case of the civilian who is tried in the special Court, as in the case of the soldier or sailor who is tried by court-martial? If so, are the sentences revised by anyone? Are the sentences of civilians who have been, under the stress of war, sentenced by military courts to long terms of imprisonment, reviewed by anyone, or are they nobody's children, and may they be allowed to languish in gaol for years and years without having their sentences reviewed? That, I think, is a most important question, and I should like to have an answer to it from the learned Solicitor-General.

What we propose to do is to leave the Clause as it stands, and to add at the end the words which I have moved. I believe that they represent a very ordinary course of procedure. There is, I believe, a case actually pending now before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, of an Indian who was sentenced to death under the special military laws obtaining in India, during the last few months, and who is now appealing to the Judicial Committee, by way of petition, to have his sentence reviewed. I do think that there ought to be some provision which would enable a prisoner whose sentence has any term to run, to put forward a petition to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council for a revision of that sentence. I do not want it to go to the country that we are giving an appeal in cases of property and are refusing an appeal in cases of liberty. I think hon. Members on the other side of the Committee who have fought for property will join with as now that we are fighting for the poor prisoner for whom we are asking the right to appeal. It would create a very bad effect in the country if it became known that property was treated in one way and personal liberty in another.

I should like to add, to the appeal made by my hon. and gallant Friend, this argument. It is not meant to suggest the giving of an additional right of appeal to a member of the Forces who has been sentenced by a special court. I quite agree with my hon. and gallant Friend, that there have been very few cases in which courts-martial have not served up a very good, if possibly rough, form of justice. Personally I am a great believer in the court-martial. We are fighting for the rights of the civilian. A soldier or sailor enters under certain well-defined conditions. He has certain safeguards, and in exchange for them he surrenders his liberty under military law. I have a considerable knowledge of courts-martial, and I know that in a surprisingly large percentage of cases their Lordships—I am speaking of the Naval Lords—have reviewed the sentence, and in many cases have reduced or quashed it. Again on board ship the Articles of War are read to every man. They are printed and put up in prominent places. The King's Regulations are compulsorily in the possession of every petty officer, and he is supposed to have and has a good knowledge of them. The case of a civilian brought up in war time and sentenced by a miliary court is entirely different, and I think some right of appeal should be given. Frequent appeals have been made from all quarters of this House for an anmesty for soldiers and sailors serving a term of imprisonment now peace has been signed. We are asking for equal rights for the civilian, and I am sure all lovers of liberty will sympathise with us in this extremely reasonable demand We make no charges of injustice against; these courts, but we do ask that this safeguard should be granted, and we hope that the Government will be able to do so.

I should like to pay my tribute to the very fair manner in which this Amendment has been proposed by the two hon. and gallant Members, who are proposing it. They have raised a very important matter, and I am very glad, indeed, to deal with it, and the tone of the speeches, I am sure, leaves nothing whatever to be desired. It would be unfortunate if it could be said that the House had spent a considerable time dealing with property and seeing there were adequate safeguards in respect of that, but paid scant attention to the question of the liberty of the subject, especially when the liberty of the subject is concerned with parts of the Dominions beyond the seas. While the Select Committee was sitting, the hon. and gallant Member asked me a good many questions about this, and I undertook to go into the matter very fully. I felt the importance of the point he raised just as much as he did, and I was in no mood to deal with the matter in any perfunctory sense. Whether it was by this Clause or some other Clause, I cared very little, because one can always assist an hon. Member to put his Clause into a better form which will secure his object. I took the trouble of seeing the Judge Advocate-General and went very fully into these very cases we have in mind. He rightly says we are not dealing in the Bill with cases of Statutory courts-martial, which have their powers mapped out for them by certain Statutory authorities. But I was able to get the most reassuring account from the Judge Advocate-General. As a matter of fact, all these cases have now over these periods of years been submitted to him, and he has dealt with them in precisely the same way as he has dealt with the cases which come to him from what I may call regular courts-martial.

Yes, the cases are submitted which have been sentenced by his military courts. May I remind the hon. and gallant naval Gentleman—he probably does not need to be reminded of this, as he has read out the Order so often—that when you are dealing with a court-martial there is first a confirmation of the sentence, then a review, then after that a petition, and also sentences are constantly reviewed in the Judge-Advocate General's office? Precisely the same thing has been done for, I believe, the whole period, or, at any rate, over a number of years, since these—if I may so call them—irregular court-martials were set up, and I have got from the Judge-Advocate-General a statement that, with regard to these courts, it may be doubtful whether or not there was any precise law enabling that to be done, and this Indemnity Bill will be very useful for that purpose. The system and analogy of courts-martial has been followed as closely as possible, and he has had all these cases sent to him for revision. He has in some cases quashed them, he has in some cases partly confirmed them, he has in some cases partly quashed them. He has dealt with those cases that have been submitted to him in a precisely analogous way to the cases that come from regular courts-martial. That is a very satisfactory statement to be able to make. I am also able to say that these cases are not only either confirmed or quashed, and so on, but they are reviewed from time to time. Every so many months they are looked into again, and constant remissions of sentences have been made, and the number of persons who are serving anything like long sentences is very small, and the number of cases in which remissions of sentences have taken place has been very large, and the number of persons whose sentences have been remitted altogether is considerable. I cannot suggest to the Committee that they should ask for anything more than is in practice at present. Both hon. and gallant Gentlemen have felt that they would be completely satisfied if they had got the same system in those cases that prevails in the case of regular courts-martial. It was indeed because they felt that these irregular courts possibly had not that same system that their misgivings arose. I hope I have been able to re-assure them on that point.

I had an additional point to my hon. and gallant Friend. I pointed out that a soldier or sailor took the rough with the smooth. He expected to be dealt with by court-martial. But a civilian was in a different case, and needed some additional right of appeal to a soldier or sailor. It was not his fault that he was amenable to these courts.

I am not sure that I agree with my hon. and gallant Friend. I think that in all these cases, which, after all, are courts which are set up under military authority for the purpose of safeguarding peace and order in occupied territories during and after hostilities have taken place, there is really very little complaint to be made if where that is the system the analogy of courts-martial is followed, and I am afraid the suggestion that you should deal with this by an appeal to the Committee of the Privy Council would be unsatisfactory, and it really is not necessary, because these cases are being dealt with at present.

Is it a fact that it depends on the goodwill of the Judge Advocate-General whether there is a review of a case? There is no right of appeal?

A little more than that. May I pray in aid the tribute that has been paid by both hon. and gallant Gentlemen, who have knowledge of the system of regular courts-martial, to the very satisfactory manner in which these cases are dealt with. You can have a petition, and that petition can also be presented by these persons who are undergoing these sentences. The analogy of courts-martial is followed as closely as possible, and inasmuch as a person undergoing sentence can present a petition so he can present it in these cases. Where there is a system established by ordinance between the Crown Colonies and the Privy Council in some cases there is an appeal in criminal matters, but those appeals are very rarely allowed. The Privy Council, as a whole, sets its face against interfering with the administration of the criminal law and the exercise of criminal administration in any Colony, and only under very careful safeguards do they ever entertain an appeal. They feel that they would be undermining the authority in these areas if constant appeals in criminal matters were allowed. Therefore, the ambit of appeal to the Privy Councils in these matters is very narrow, and for that reason, as well as the other reasons, I think the system now in practice is a far better system to adhere to, and I hope after the assurance I have been able to give, after a careful examination of the facts and with all good will, my hon. and galant Friends will be reassured and satisfied.

This Amendment and the way it has been treated after the somewhat encouraging overture which was made by the Solicitor-General is a wonderful example of how difficult it is to teach people that they must give up the special powers granted to them during the War for War purposes. This habit of seeking to keep powers when they are not required, but merely because they have been conferred and because it is inconvenient to go on using them, is almost incredible. Let us examine the case. When are these powers to be exercised? Now. I understand they can be exercised now.

If the hon. and gallant Member will read the Bill he will see that Clause 6 deals with this question. We are only maintaining this system of law by way of occupation until a proper system has been established, and in Clause 6 we are asking the House to say that these laws and ordinances shall be deemed to be, and always to have been, valid and of full effect, both during such occupation and after the determination thereof until repealed or superseded by such lawfully constituted legislative authority as may hereafter be established for that territory. Where that legislative authority has already been constituted, as I have reason to believe it has been in some cases, we do not want this system at all; but where owing to pressure of business a properly constituted legislative body has not yet been drawn up in occupied and conquered territories by the Colonial Office, then we ask that these powers shall be continued in the interests of persons who are inhabitants of that country. If that is not done they would be without any law or order at all.

The Solicitor-General is referring to Clause 6 and we are on Clause 5.

The Solicitor-General has treated us to a Second Reading speech, but it does not in the least touch the point that I have made. He has the advantage of us at all stages because he is a trained lawyer and we are only civilian critics trying to examine the principle of private right. These Courts and any military, court, other than a court martial, were set up in connection with the War and nothing that the Solicitor-General has said, so far as I can understand it, affects in the least the truth of what I say—that these powers may be exercised to-day. What do we ask? The Committee may be surprised to hear that we are simply asking that whereas a soldier or a sailor who takes service knowing that he is going to be under a set of laws which rule all the three services has a right of appeal to the Judge Advocate-General and has certain special rights when the court-martial is sitting, we are simply asking that when one of these courts, which has not the merit of being a special court-martial, but is one of the nondescript military courts set up, gets hold of a civilian and the man is sentenced, he shall have the right to ask for leave to appeal to the Judicial Committee. Is that an unreasonable claim to make? Surely when the learned Solicitor-General shows so much solicitude for the rights of people who have lost property in the War, it is not too much to ask for some avenue of escape or some right of appeal to the unfortunate civilian who has come under one of these irregular courts. I hope the mover of the Amendment will pursue it to a division. I am sure he will have the support of all persons who love personal liberty.

The Solicitor-General tells us that a civilian sentenced by one of these Courts has a right of appeal. If that is a right of appeal to a competent military authority, presumably steps are taken to acquaint the man who is the competent military authority? I understand that a number of civilians are undergoing punishment in civil prisons, and if they have the power of appeal it seems only right that they should be informed who is the competent authority to whom the appeal should be made. In regard to territories over which this country has a mandate, as far as I can see, any military Court set up in Mesopotamia or Egypt, or any of the new territories, may run counter to the proposals of the civil government unless the matter is more clearly defined. If we are going to administer those territories for the benefit of their people, it is very important that it should be quite clearly shown that the military Courts will not over-ride the civil administration and civil law, as established by this country.

The explanation of the learned Solicitor-General almost contents my point of view on this extremely important matter, but not quite. There may be a certain danger in this way: The safeguards to which he has referred are undoubtedly substantial ones, but as I understand them they have been allowed to prisoners in the past rather ex gratiâ. Is there any danger that these safeguards may be lost because your sentences are now made valid and regular? I am not at all sure that the machinery proposed in the Amendment may not be unduly cumbersome The sort of cases we have in mind, I imagine, are those of natives in remote parts of the Empire. I do not think that an appeal to the Privy Council is very likely to be of very practical assistance, in many cases, to an Arab in Mesopotamia or a Negro on the Congo. I earnestly invite the Solicitor-General, who has shown an eager spirit to meet the Committee in this matter, to consider whether it may not be possible to make a slightly further regularisation of something in the nature of a right of appeal to these civilians in the circumstances. It might be done by conserving to the persons the ordinary right of appeal to the restored or newly established civil courts in their own countries.

The object of this Amendment has been very clearly revealed in the speeches of the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) and the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy), and the object they have in view is to give a civilian who has never fought in the War at all greater rights and privileges than the soldier who has fought in regard to any crimes which they are alleged to have committed. That seems a very extraordinary desire. What are the facts? They are, as explained by the learned Solicitor-General, that these military courts, before whom these civilians are tried, follow the same procedure precisely as the regular courts-martial. Their decisions come before the Adjutant-General in the same way as the decisions of the regular courts-martial, and, therefore, I am right in saying that if the matter rested there the civilians would be in exactly the same position of advantage as the soldiers, but what the hon. and gallant Members for Leith and Central Hull want, is to give the civilians some special rights and privileges which the soldiers have not got at all.

They have a separate right of appeal because they are tried by a different court.

A different court in name, but in substance the same as regards procedure, and giving the same chances to the accused as the court-martial does.

Can the hon. and learned Gentleman tell me whether the accused has an officer to defend him as in the case of a court-martial?

The analogy of courts-martial is followed as closely as possible, and I cannot think that so primary a point in court-martial procedure would be overlooked.

Therefore, as regards these military courts, the civilian accused before them is in as good a position as the soldier accused before a court-martial. Who are these civilians? Very often they are civilian spies who have perhaps come from abroad, or they are camp followers, and others. Are they civilians to whom the two hon. and gallant Members are desirous of giving special privileges, which a soldier does not enjoy? They want to give them an appeal to the Privy Council; was there ever anything more ridiculous? I cannot see why, if the ordinary soldiers who is tried and condemned by a court-martial has no right of appeal, a civilian who may be far less worthy than the soldier should have greater privileges.

I should like to ask the Solicitor-General whether there are many people serving sentences which they incurred through breaches of these regulations or laws. The principal Act expires on the 31st August, and a very large number of Regulations come to an end. It is repugnant to my strict elementary sense of justice that any people should be serving sentences for breaches of Regulations no longer in being.

The hon. and learned Member for York (Sir J. Butcher) assumed all the time in his speech that we were longing to let off somebody who was guilty.

The fact that these people have been convicted as spies, or whatever it may be, is primâ facie evidence that they are spies.

All that we seek is to have these cases reviewed on appeal to decide whether they are guilty or not. There is no endeavour to allow guilty men to escape the consequences of their guilt. The Amendment asks that they should be allowed to go to the Privy Council and ask leave to appeal. That is analogous to the right of every criminal to go to a judge, and it has been found to work well in practice. The hon. Member for York said that this Amendment sought to give civilians more rights than soldiers. It is one of the unfortunate incidents of military service that men who join agree to be bound by military law. That is one of the abrogations of the liberty of the subject unfortunately inherent in military service. That does not mean that a man who is a civilian should be deprived of the ordinary rights of the law of the land. We have it on the word of the Solicitor-General that the procedure in these military courts is similar to that in a court martial. A man in the Army who is convicted can have his case reviewed by the Judge Advocate-General. There is no provision to that effect in law. If the Solicitor-General were to introduce a safeguard on those lines, there might have been point in his argument, though I do not say it would satisfy those who support this Amendment. What is it that is abrogated by Clause 5? It is one of the ordinary rights of the subject and one of the greatest charters of this land, namely, the right to have his case tried before a judge of this land. That is one of the rights which we have had for a very long time—since the year 1600 or earlier—and it is considered among the essential liberties of this country, and a thing for which we would fight to the death. I say this Amendment is very reasonable. It does not ask that the rights of habeas corpus should be fully exercised. Difficulties or extra procedure or trouble which would be involved in appealing to that are avoided by this Amendment. It simply suggests a very simple procedure—that a man who has primâd facie been convicted, as the hon. and learned Member for York (Sir J. Butcher) said, should have the opportunity of lodging an appeal before the Judicial Committee. On the analogy of the Criminal Court, I. say the procedure will be found to work in practice without any great hardship or difficulty.

We have, I think, discussed this matter quite fully, and perhaps I may be allowed to answer two or three questions that have been put before we go to a Division. As to the notice or power of appeal put by the hon. and gallant Gentleman, as I understand it, the answer is "Yes," because the analogy follows in all cases that of courts-martial. As to what the hon. and learned Member for Norwich said, I shall certainly convey the views put forward to the Judge-Advocate General that this system must not in any way be abrogated or altered, except so far as to improve or put in what has been missed. I can undertake that with confidence. No question arises of breaches of the law committed against the regulations no longer in force: these are only more or less trivial cases, and from information I have got, all these sentences have either been carried out, or remitted, or the persons released, let me focus the attention of the Committee on one or two cases by way of illustration to show what the Committee is really dealing with. It is not a question of personal hardship here. Ninety-nine out of 100 cases dealt with take place in occupied territory. Take Togoland.

Is the argument of the Solicitor-General that civilians in the occupied territories in same way have less rights than other civilians elsewhere? That is a very queer principle.

Perhaps the hon. and gallant Gentleman will allow me to proceed. We want to show in Togoland, and similar places, that British justice is something much better than German justice, and that the liberty of the subject is well safeguarded there. Therefore we are anxious that they should have, not only an appeal in name, but in fact. It will hardly be sufficient for the inhabitants of Togoland to have only a right of appeal to the Privy Council. My impression is that if you really wish to do something practical and not merely in name it would be far better to give notice to the person incriminated that he has rights more solid than the vague right of going to the Privy Council, which is remote and which he does not understand. I believe in the practical course taken, which, at any rate, safeguards the rights of the person which I am very anxious to see safeguarded. Therefore I am unable to accept the Amendment.

May I call attention to the words in Clause 2, Subsection (1), paragraph (i), which provide that

"If either party feels aggrieved by any direction or determination of the tribunal on any point of law, he may, within the time and in accordance with the conditions prescribed by rules of court, appeal to the Court of Appeal."

That is how you deal with property, and we demand that you should deal with the liberty of the subject in the same way.

rose —[ Interruption. ] The hon. Member opposite laughs in his empty-headed way——

That is not a proper remark to make, and I must ask the hon. Member to withdraw it.

Of course I withdraw it. If we deny to the soldier the right of appeal, that is no reason why we should deny it to the civilian. Some of us hold that a soldier who joins the Army should not lose his citizenship, and we are more and more determined that civilians shall retain their rights as subjects of the Crown. During the War many things were done which were wrong and unjust, and imposed upon civilians very grave penalties which would not have been imposed in normal times, and I beg the right hon. Gentleman in all sincerity to realise that this is not a factious point, but one of real substance. Although we should not indemnify anyone who has done wrong, we ought not to deny to any subject a right of appeal to the Courts of the land. I do ask the right hon. Gentleman in all sincerity to give us one more thought in the matter, and see if he can do anything to help.

Question put, "That those words be there added."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 51; Noes, 135.

Division No. 233.]

AYES.

[10.56 p.m.

Armitage, Robert

Hancock, John George

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Hartshorn, Vernon

Robertson, John

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hayday, Arthur

Rodger, A. K.

Breese, Major Charles E.

Johnstone, Joseph

Royce, William Stapleton.

Bromfield, William

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Sexton, James

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Cairns, John

Lawson, John J.

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Cape, Thomas

Lort-Williams, J.

Sitch, Charles H.

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Lunn, William

Spencer, George A.

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe)

Mallalieu, F. W.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Mills, John Edmund

Waterson, A. E.

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Morgan, Major D. Watts

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Finney, Samuel

Myers, Thomas

Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

O'Grady, Captain James

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Mr. Hogge and Mr. Tyson Wilson.

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Barnston, Major Harry

Brown, Captain D. C.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Bruton, Sir James

Atkey, A. R.

Bennett, Thomas Jewell

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Betterton, Henry B.

Butcher, Sir John George

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Boles, Lieut.-Colonel D. F.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Barker, Major Robert H.

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender

Barlow, Sir Montague

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Clough, Robert

Barnett, Major R. W.

Bridgeman, William Clive

Coats, Sir Stuart

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Cope, Major Win.

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Jephcott, A. R.

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Seddon, J. A.

Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh)

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Dawes, James Arthur

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Edge, Captain William

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A.

Stephenson, Colonel H. K.

Fell, Sir Arthur

M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W.

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Sturrock, J. Leng

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Sugden, W. H.

Forestier-Walker, L.

Mitchell, William Lane

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Forrest, Walter

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Tryon, Major George Clement

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Vickers, Douglas

Glyn, Major Ralph

Nall, Major Joseph

Waddington, R.

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Neal, Arthur

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Gretton, Colonel John

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Waring, Major Walter

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Parker, James

Weston, Colonel John W.

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Wheler, Lieut.-Colonel C. H.

Hanna, George Boyle

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Hanson, Sir Charles Augustin

Perring, William George

Whitla, Sir William

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Williams, Lieut.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Haslam, Lewis

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert

Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Pulley, Charles Thornton

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Purchase, H. G.

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Rankin, Captain James S.

Winterton, Major Earl

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Hood, Joseph

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Renwick, George

Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington)

Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

Hunter- Western, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

CLAUSE 6.—(Validation of laws made in occupied territories.)

All laws, ordinances, proclamations and other legislative acts made, issued, or done by the authority for the time being administering any territory in the military occupation of any of His Majesty's Forces during the War for the peace, order, or good government of such territory, shall be deemed to be, and always to have been valid and of full effect, both during such occupation and after the determination thereof until repealed or superseded by such lawfully constituted legislative authority as may hereafter be established for that territory, notwithstanding that any such legislative act may have repealed or been inconsistent with the law previously in force in such territory.

I beg to move to leave out the words, "both during such occupation and after the determination thereof until repealed or superseded by such lawfully constituted legislative authority as may hereafter be established for that territory."

This Clause, I take it, refers to territory in the occupation of His Majesty's troops where the ordinary law of the land has been superseded. While we are quite willing that indemnity should be given for all acts done during the occupation, we think that when this Bill is passed into law that indemnity should cease; that the indemnity should only extend up to the time of the passing of this Bill. It might be that there was delay in re-establishing the legislature of the country occupied. There is no justification either. Territories have been occupied before and no indemnity has been required. There is provision under the ordinary law for the administration of occupied territory until such time as the duly constituted legal authority is set up. I refer to the two Jurisdiction Acts of 1890 and 1912 or 1913. Why cannot the Government proceed under these Jurisdiction Acts? Why do they not terminate the special measures and go back to ordinary lawful methods?

The point raised by the hon. and gallant Member, although important, is rather narrow. What he proposes to do is to leave out certain words with the result of invalidating laws, ordinances, and proclamations issued while His Majesty's Forces have been occupying certain territories. But he leaves a lacuna between the time they are passed and when they are succeeded by lawfully constituted legislation. We think it is necessary to do two things, not only to validate the ordinances and proclamations made during a state of national stress. But supposing at the present time a mandate has not been issued or any authority constituted and you withdraw from that area all constituted authority whatever and leave this lacuna? I have always insisted when discussing this question that once you have a constituted authority you ought to go on with it until you have constituted a new authority. My hon. Friend, however, appears to prefer an interregnum of which there will be no possible security for life and property because you will have withdrawn the original power and authority for the occupied area and not set up any other. I must leave the matter in that way. I think that is absolutely necessary to keep in these words because we want a continuity of authority, and I hope the new authority will be constituted in a very short time.

We are at a disadvantage in discussing a question of this nature with a very facile, eminent lawyer like the Solicitor-General. But there are other eminent lawyers whose opinion I should like to have. What is the purport of this Amendment? It is as soon as possible to get rid of the ad hoc proclamations and Regulations issued for purely military purposes—to get rid of these irksome and awkward Regulations for which we suffered so much during the War. Although we are willing that everything shall be validated, we wish to get back to the ordinary law of the land. The Solicitor-General asks, what about the lacuna, the gap that may exist between the termination we desire—the cessation of any power to make new proclamations—and the time when constituted authority is set up? I should like to ask some of the legal authorities here whether I am not right in saying that there is a whole body of Statutes, consolidated in 1890, dealing with precisely the point which the Solicitor-General has raised. I am informed that the Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 1890, does cover exactly that point, in a way which is thoughtful and balanced. That was not only duly considered by Parliament, but consolidated in one Statute. If it is the case that there is a body of Statute Law which deals with this lacuna, I put it to the Committee that we should be well advised to adopt that, rather than to perpetuate this system of emergency proclamations, which has existed merely for the purpose of the War. Unless there is an answer to that, I certainly shall follow my hon. and gallant Friend into the Lobby if he divides on the Amendment.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Clause."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 133; Noes, 38.

Division No. 234.]

AYES.

[11.12 p.m.

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Lort-Williams, J.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Ford, Patrick Johnston

M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A.

Armitage, Robert

Forestier-Walker, L.

M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W.

Atkey, A. R.

Forrest, Walter

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Mitchell, William Lane

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Barker, Major Robert H.

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Barlow, Sir Montague

Gange, E. Stanley

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Barnett, Major R. W.

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Barnston, Major Harry

Gould, James C.

Nall, Major Joseph

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Neal, Arthur

Bennett, Thomas Jewell

Gretton, Colonel John

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Betterton, Henry B.

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Blane, T. A.

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Boles, Lieut. -Colonel D. F.

Hanna, George Boyle

Parker, James

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Haslam, Lewis

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Breese, Major Charles E.

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Bridgeman, William Clive

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Brown, Captain D. C.

Hood, Joseph

Pulley, Charles Thornton

Bruton, Sir James

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Purchase, H. G.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington)

Rankin, Captain James S.

Clay, Lieut. -Colonel H. H. Spender

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.

Clough, Robert

Hunter- Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend)

Coats, Sir Stuart

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Jephcott, A. R.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Cope, Major Wm.

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Rodger, A. K.

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Dawes, James Arthur

Kidd, James

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Edge, Captain William

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Seddon, J. A.

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Tryon, Major George Clement

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Steel, Major S. Strang

Vickers, Douglas

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Stephenson, Colonel H. K.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Strauss, Edward Anthony

Waring, Major Walter

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Weston, Colonel John W.

Younger, Sir George

Sugden, W. H.

Wheler, Lieut.-Colonel C. H.

Sutherland, Sir William

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Whitla, Sir William

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

Thomson Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)

Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert

NOES.

Benn. Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Hartshorn, Vernon

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hayday, Arthur

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Bromfield, William

Johnstone, Joseph

Sitch, Charles H.

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Spencer, George A.

Cape, Thomas

Lawson, John J.

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Lunn, William

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Waterson, A. E.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Mills, John Edmund

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Finney, Samuel

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

Robertson, John

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Royce, William Stapleton.

Mr. Hogge and Mr. Tyson Wilson.

Hancock, John George

Sexton, James

On a point of Order (which, in the absence of a hat, I was not able to raise before the Division), I wish to draw attention to the fact, for the benefit of those who have not been in the Library, that I am informed that the bell did not ring there, as it did not ring to-day when the Speaker was at Prayers.

I will see that attention is drawn to the matter.

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 7 ( Short Title, extent, and interpretation ) ordered to stand part of the Bill.

I beg to move, to insert the following Schedule:

SCHEDULE.

The compensation to be awarded shall be assessed by taking into account only the direct and substantial loss and damage suffered by the claimant by reason of direct and particular interference with his property or business, and nothing shall be included in respect of any loss or damage arising through the enforcement of any order or regulation of general application or in respect of any loss or damage due simply and solely to the existence of a state of War or to the general conditions prevailing in the locality or to action taken upon grounds arising out of the conduct of the claimant himself rendering it necessary for public security that his legal rights should be infringed.

This was settled earlier in the sitting, when I think there were only three Members present, and I do not know whether the Committee will desire to have anything said of the Schedule in consequence of the discussion which took place last night. The Schedule lays down the prin- ciples which will now govern the decisions of the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission or the new court. The last words have been added to the Schedule in order to shut out such a case as might be raised by a claimant, for instance, who made a claim to sporting rights, or something of that sort. I think the Schedule embodies a principle which has been adopted by the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission, and it would be a satisfactory settlement for the purposes of the Bill that the principle should now be applied.

Question put, and agreed to.

Schedule added to the Bill.

Bill reported; as amended, in Committee and on re-committal, to be considered on Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 180.]

Ecclesiastical Tithe Rentcharge (Rates) Bill

Order for consideration of Lords Amendments read.

Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendments be now considered," put, and agreed to.

Lords Amendments considered accordingly.

CLAUSE 1.—(Partial relief of ecclesiastical tithe rentcharge farm rates.)

(1) The owner of tithe rentcharge attached to an ecclesiastical corporation or benefice shall not be liable to pay in respect of any rate made on or after the first day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty, and before the first day of January, nineteen hundred and twenty-six, which is assessed on him as owner of that tithe rentcharge, an amount in excess of such an amount as would have been payable by him if the rate had been made at such amount in the pound as is equal to the amount in the pound (to be ascertained in accordance with the rules set out in the Schedule to this Act) at which the corresponding rate was made in the year nineteen hundred and eighteen, and the excess shall be deemed to be irrecoverable. Where the owner of tithe rentcharge attached to a benefice, before payment of the amount payable by him in respect of any such rate as aforesaid, produces to the collector of the rate a certificate from the inspector of taxes that the owner has proved in manner prescribed by the Income Tax Act, 1918, that his total income from all sources for the year of assessment in which the last preceding rate for the same purpose was made, estimated in accordance with the provisions of that Act, does not exceed three hundred pounds, or, if it exceeds that sum, does not exceed five hundred pounds, the owner shall be entitled to such exemption or relief in respect of such rate as follows, that is to say: if the total income from all sources does not exceed three hundred pounds the owner shall be exempt from the rate, and if it exceeds that sum but does not exceed five hundred pounds the owner shall be allowed an abatement of one-half of the amount which would otherwise be payable by him in respect of the rate having regard to the preceding Sub-section; and the amount of any relief or abatement in respect of a rate given by this Section shall be deemed to be irrecoverable.

Nothing in this Act shall affect the allowance to be made in respect of rates in the assessment of tithe rentcharge for any rate or tax.

Lords Amendment:

In Sub-section (1) leave out the words "his total income from all sources" ["that his total income from all sources for the year of assessment"], and insert instead thereof the words "the total income arising from the benefice."

I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

I am aware that this is a privileged Amendment, but I think the privilege might be waived. The effect of the Amendment is simply this: When the Bill left this House it was agreed that a clergyman, whose income was less than £300 a year, paid no rates on his tithe, and if his total income was less than £500 he should pay only half what he would otherwise pay. In another place, instead of taking the total income, they have taken the total earned income arising from the benefice. In other words, they have taken what I may call the professional income, and have excluded any consideration of private means. I think this is a very fair proposal. I realise that it will impose a certain additional charge on the other ratepayers. From the information at our disposal I think the charge will be quite a small one, but inasmuch as the proposal is a fair one I ask the House to agree to it.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how many incomes will be effected? It seems to be an important Amendment.

It is quite impossible to give figures because I have no information as to how many clergy there are whose income is over £300 in consequence of taking into account private Income, which means income derived from other sources outside the benefices or the income of a wife, etc. I am informed that the amount involved will be small, and it is not fair in a matter of this sort where we are dealing with rates on a professional income to take into account private income.

Question put, and agreed to.

Lords Amendment:

In Sub-section (1) leave out the words "from all sources" ["if the total income from all sources does not exceed three hundred pounds"].

Agreed to.

SCHEDULE.

"(3) If by reason of the constitution or extension of a borough or urban district, the consolidation of rates, or other change of circumstances any question arises as to the rate to which a current rate corresponds, the question shall be determined in, accordance with any general or special regulations which the Minister of Health may make for the purpose, and such regulations may provide for the manner in which, in cases to which the regulations apply, the rate in the pound of the corresponding rate is to be calculated, and for a rate being treated as two or more rates according to the purposes for which it was levied, and for making adjustments when the proportion of the rateable value on which tithe rentcharge is assessed to a current rate differs from the proportion on which it was assessed to the standard rate, or when any other circumstances render such adjustment necessary."

Lords Amendment: At end of paragraph (3) insert a new paragraph:

"(4) Where in the year nineteen hundred and eighteen, no rate was made which corresponds to or under regulations made as aforesaid is deemed to correspond to a current rate, the amount in the pound at which the corresponding rate was made in that year shall for the purposes of this Act be treated as nil."

I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

This Amendment merely removes an ambiguity as to the effect of the Bill, where a new rate is imposed, as, for ex- ample, for a water supply, and there was no such rate in 1918. It is proposed that, under the Bill, the clergy should pay only rates upon their tithe at the same poundage as in 1918; and, where a new rate has been imposed since 1918, it is proposed that nothing should be paid, and that the poundage in that respect should be taken as nil. This Amendment is for the purpose of making that point perfectly clear.

Question put, and agreed to.

The remaining orders were read and postponed.

Adjournment: Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Lieut.-Colonel Sir R. Sanders. ]

Adjourned at twenty-eight Minutes after Eleven o'clock.