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Commons Chamber

Volume 132: debated on Thursday 29 July 1920

House of Commons

Thursday, July 29, 1920

Private Business

Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:

Local Government (Ireland) Provisional Orders (No. 4) Bill.

Ordered, That the Bill be read a Second time To-morrow.

Durham County Water Board Bill [ Lords ],

Manchester Corporation Bill [ Lords ],

Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Derwent Valley, Calver, and Bakewell Railway Bill [ Lords ],

As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.

Port of London Authority (Consolidation) Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Tuesday next.

Erith Improvement Bill,

Ordered, That Standing Order 239 be suspended, and that the Bill be now taken into consideration.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]

Bill, as amended, considered accordingly.

Ordered, That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]

Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.

Aberdeen Corporation Order Confirmation Bill,

Considered; to be read the Third time To-morrow.

Oral Answers to Questions

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

British Nurses Abroad

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he has yet made any representations to Allied Governments with a view to securing some pension for disabled British nurses who did not serve under contract with the British Government; and, if so, what reply has been received?

As my hon. and gallant Friend has not yet furnished me with particulars of the cases he has in mind, I am not in a position to take the steps which he suggests.

Pensioners' Deaths (Cause)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he can give, approximately, the cause of death of the officers and men who have died since pensions were granted them?

I regret that in view of the regrettably numerous cases involved, the information desired could not be furnished except with a very great deal of research and labour, which I cannot ask my staff to undertake.

I cannot say. I have already mentioned that there are 30,000 men concerned, and that it would require an enormous amount of work.

Payments (Delays)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that complaints are being made all over the country as to the delay in the payment of pensions; whether he can assign any cause; and whether any immediate improvement can be anticipated?

I am well aware that frequent cases of delay have occurred in the past few months, but, as I have stated in reply to similar questions, every effort is being made, and I think with success, to remedy defects so far as these are attributable to the machinery of issue and are not due to negligence or errors on the part of pensioners in carrying out instructions. I can assure my hon. Friend that the matter is having my close personal attention.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how it is that these delays have become more noticeable recently?

Temporary Grants

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will consider the empowering of local War Pension Committees to administer grants to disabled discharged soldiers pending official decisions in their various cases?

Local Committees are at present authorised to make advances of pension to disabled men under the conditions laid down by the Regulations in cases of urgency where there is reasonable evidence of entitlement to pension. I do not consider that any extension of these powers is called for.

Royal Field Artillery (S.S.F. Charles Chick)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that Staff-sergeant-farrier Charles Chick, of Cross Keys, Monmouthshire, late 2972/2 Monmouthshire battery, 2/4th Welsh Brigade, Royal Field Artillery, was discharged from the Army suffering from hernia and heart disease contracted whilst in the service; that in 1914, when called up as a Territorial, the local examining doctor passed him as A 1, and that later he was examined at Shrewsbury with the same result; that when examined by the appeal tribunal at Cardiff they decided against him, saying that his present condition was not attributable to War service; is he aware that four local doctors, some of whom have known him for many years, agree that he is suffering from the above complaints, but from their previous knowledge of the man maintain that it was contracted whilst in the Army; that they refuse to give a certificate of fitness for work, with the result that the colliery company will not re-employ him; that he is in consequence left without any means of subsistence; and will he take steps to have him re-examined, and also allow these local doctors to be present when the examination takes place?

This man was discharged in May, 1916, after 21 months' home service, not on the ground of heart disease, but on account of age, obesity, and hernia. The hernia was admitted by the Ministry to have been aggravated by service, and a gratuity was awarded. The case has recently been reviewed by a Medical Appeal Board, who found that there was no degree of disablement due to service, and further, that the aggravation of the hernia had passed away. This Board found no trace of heart disease, and were of opinion that the symptoms complained of were caused by extreme obesity. In these circumstances I cannot see my way to adopt the suggestion of my hon. Friend. I am, however, advised that the case may be one in which the Pensions Appeal Tribunal would be prepared to entertain an appeal against the decision that aggravation has passed away.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this man never had hernia before he joined the Army? Who are the best judges as to whether or not a disease was contracted while in the Army—the Appeal Tribunal, which never knew the man or his previous history, or the local doctors who knew him before the War? How is it possible for men to say whether or not it was contracted during the War unless they knew him previously and had this previous knowledge?

I have stated that the Ministry admitted the hernia, and that the man received a gratuity on account of the hernia. I stated that his case is going before the Pensions Appeal Tribunal. That is a body over which I have no control, and if they come to the decision that he is entitled to anything I shall be very glad to give it.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the appointment of a committee to amend this appeal tribunal with a view to giving the greatest possible satisfaction to these men? There are quite a number of these dissatisfied men in the country to-day.

I have pointed out that the Ministry of Pensions have no power whatever over the Pensions Appeal Tribunal. It is a body appointed by the Lord Chancellor. It was enacted because the House was not satisfied that the Ministry of Pensions would bring to bear on any particular case a fair mind. The House insisted on this tribunal being appointed, and I am astonished to find any hon. Member, after the verdict of the House, coming to any other conclusion than that the Pensions Appeal Tribunal, which is an outside body, is the best possible body to consider these cases.

Will the right hon. Gentleman agree to appoint a committee, or take powers to appoint a committee, so as to do away with this dissatisfaction?

It does not rest with me at all. I am always very willing to help, but the House made it distinctly clear that this Pensions Appeal Tribunal should not be under the ægis of the Ministry of Pensions at all, but that it should be an outside body appointed by the Lord Chancellor.

Is not this rule as to whether a particular complaint was contracted or caused by service in the War one that ought to be very liberally construed, having regard to the difficulties of saying when a disease commenced?

I quite agree. It is the case that it is most difficult. As a matter of fact, appeal to this Pensions Appeal Tribunal has been granted in 70 per cent. of the cases.

Widow's Pension (Mrs. Preece)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether the Pensions Appeal Tribunal has announced its decision respecting the case of Mrs. Preece, of 6, Church Road, Tipton, the widow of Private R. Preece, No. 31,349, South Staffordshire Regiment; and, if not, will he expedite a decision?

As I have said, the papers in this case have been lodged, and I have specially requested that the appeal may be heard at the earliest possible date.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say when the report is likely to come to hand, as this lady, with two helpless children, is practically starving, and it is five months since the case was brought to the notice of his Department?

Yes, I know; but, as I have pointed out, the appeal is to the Lord Chancellor's Pensions Appeal Tribunal. I have no power whatever over that tribunal. As I have stated, I have politely requested them to deal with it as quickly as possible.

Cannot we invite the Lord Chancellor to come here and defend this Pensions Appeal Tribunal? It is about time.

Local Audits

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he has decided to dispense with the services of the trained chartered accountants employed locally to audit the local accounts of his Department; whether an audit bureau is now being established by his Department to audit its own accounts; whether an effective audit requires the publicity and independence involved in an audit by uncontrolled accountants; and whether, on this ground and on the ground of cost, he will revert to the previous practice?

I have decided that the scope of the audit of Local War Pensions Committees' accounts, which involve an annual sum of no less than £25,000,000, shall, in future, be extended to include an exhaustive examination, not merely of the correctness of the accounts as such, but also of the regularity or otherwise of the expenditure of each committee. An examination of this nature demands an intimate knowledge of the Regulations and Instructions of the Ministry, which could only be expected of a staff engaged continuously on this work alone. The audit will therefore in future be carried out by whole-time officers of the Ministry.

I am satisfied that this change will effect considerable economy of public funds, and I should not therefore be justified in accepting the proposal of my hon. and gallant friend.

Was not a knowledge of the regulations required for the audits carried out by these local accountants before?

Yes, but in so many cases their knowledge was inevitably inadequate.

Grenadier Guards (Private Henshaw)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether a pension was granted to Private Herbert Henshaw, No. 22,129, Grenadier Guards, who now resides at 7, Wilton Place, Kenyon, Lancashire; and whether the pension was paid on the 5th and 12th May, since when no further pension has been paid and no explanation given for non-payment although inquiries have been made by the pensioner?

I regret that in the short time available it has not been possible to ascertain the facts of this case. I have, however, instituted inquiries and will communicate with my hon. Friend as soon as possible.

I am making an investigation. If there are any other cases of delay I should be glad if hon. Members would bring them direct to me.

Disability Pension

asked the Minister of Pensions whether, if a man is refused pension in the first instance on the ground of non-attributability and is consequently granted a pension by an appeal board upon a decision that his disability is attributable to war service, the man is entitled to arrears of pension at the rate granted by the appeal board as from the date of his first application for a pension or only as from the date of his appeal board?

My hon. and gallant Friend is under some misapprehension as to the powers of the Pensions Appeal Tribunals, to which I presume he refers. These tribunals do not assess the rate of pension, but only decide the question of attributability, or the contrary. Where the tribunal find in favour of an applicant, arrears of pension are granted at the rate appropriate to the degree of disablement found by my medical advisers to have existed from time to time for a period not exceeding one year prior to the date on which the appeal was made.

Is there any reason why a pension should not be granted from the date of the first application?

The only reason, and it is a very sound one, is that Parliament has decided otherwise.

Ex-Service Men

Dentures

asked the Minister of Pensions if he will state what arrangements are made for the supply of dentures to ex-service men who require the same by reason of illness or injury sustained whilst on service; to whom application should be made; and if they are supplied free of cost to the men?

The Ministry has arranged with a panel of dentists throughout the United Kingdom for the free supply of dentures to those ex-service men who, as a result of illness or injuries due to service, require them. Application should be made by the man to his Local War Pensions Committee.

Does the right hon. Gentleman know that Pensions Committees in some cases say they cannot do anything for these men?

If the hon. Gentleman will give me any case where there is any difficulty, I will look into it at once.

Who will determine whether the man is entitled to dental treatment? Will the Local War Pensions Committee be able to settle that question?

I think that must be decided beforehand. If he is entitled to a pension he is entitled to free dentistry.

Why should not the Pensions Board be in a position to order the treatment, without this circumlocutionary delay?

I do not think there is any circuitous route at all. I think it is a very direct way. If he is entitled to a pension, I have arranged for a panel of dentists throughout the country to which he can go. If he submits his claim to the local war pensions committee, every assistance will be given to him.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that men who have contracted some form of disease have been ruled by local boards to have contracted it before service, and what can he suggest to obviate that?

That is so, but a man has a very fair trial. He has a full right of appeal on a question of entitlement to a tribunal which is independent of the Ministry of Pensions.

Out-Of-Work Donation (Further Extension)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Minister of Labour what steps are being taken to provide for the needs of the 162,000 ex-service men now receiving out-of-work donation, in view of the fact that this donation to ex-service men ceases on Saturday next, and the benefits under the Government Bill cannot come into operation until November at the earliest.

The number of ex-service men (inclusive of a small number of merchant seamen) claiming out-of-work donation at 16th July was 153,059. Of that total, roughly 80,000 or 90,000 are men who have not yet completed the first year after demobilisation. Their donation would, subject to the conditions under which it is awarded, continue in any case till exhausted. For the rest the Government have decided to grant a further extension of eight weeks' donation at 20s. a week under the conditions already prevailing, to be drawn within the period of fourteen weeks from 1st August to 8th November, 1920.

May I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that concession. It will be much appreciated.

Ireland

Police (Recognition of Gallantry)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether it has now been decided to erect a roll of honour at the headquarters of the Royal Irish Constabulary and the Dublin Metropolitan police, respectively, in memory of those members who, while serving, met their death through violence?

I have nothing at present to add to the reply which I gave to the previous similar question asked by my hon. and galant Friend on the 14th instant.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this matter has now been under consideration for over six weeks? Is it not a very simple matter to decide whether there should or should not be a roll of honour?

I am directing my mind to this effect, that I am endeavouring to secure some appreciation of the Royal Irish Constabulary and the Dublin Metropolitan police, much greater than this hopelessly inadequate appreciation of a roll.

Dublin Corporation

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether it is a fact that a very large proportion of the members of the Dublin Corporation pay no rates in the City of Dublin, and, if so, what proportion; that some members have been convicted of treason and felony and have not received the King's pardon, and, if so, how many; that other members have undergone sentences of hard labour, and, if so, how many; that some members hold offices of emolument under the Corporation, and, if so, how many; and that the Chairman of the Electricity Supplies Committee, who has control of a large portion of the city revenues, is an uncertified arranging debtor; whether any members of the Dublin Corporation are, by reason of any of the matters aforesaid, disqualified from being members of the Corporation; whether it is a fact that the Corporation as above constituted has struck a rate of 20s. 6d. in the £ for the current financial year; and what action the Government proposes to take in the matter?

With the hon. and gallant Member's permission I will circulate the answer in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The following is the reply referred to:

All the members of the Dublin Corporation are ratepayers in the City of Dublin. Four members of that body have been convicted of treason and felony in connection with the rebellion of 1916, and they do not appear to have received the King's pardon, although the balance of their sentence has been remitted by His Majesty. Two members have undergone sentences of hard labour. It is true that some members hold offices of emolument under the Corporation, but these are not such offices as would disqualify them. The Chairman of the Electricity Supplies Committee was an arranging debtor in 1911, and so far as can be ascertained, he is believed to have paid his composition, but has not applied for certificate of discharge. It is also true that the Corporation has struck a rate of 20s. 6d. in the £, and it is believed it is short of the amount actually needed to meet their liabilities and requirements for the current financial year. Under the provisions of the Local Government (Ireland) Acts the fact that a member of the Corporation is disqualified does not invalidate the acts of the Corporation. Proceedings for any penalty incurred by an individual can be taken by any ratepayer.

Attacks on Police Barracks (Awards)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what promotion, decoration, or reward has been granted to Sergeant Larkin and the five constables who successfully defended Blarney barracks on 1st June; to Sergeant Lawless and the constables who beat off an attack on Farran barracks on 20th June; to the small garrisons of the barracks at Brosna, Rearross, Rathmore, Farranfore, Borrisokane, and Holycross, who defeated their assailants; and what provision has been made for the dependants of the men killed or injured?

I am not yet in a position to announce definitely what awards are being made to the individual defenders of these barracks, but I can assure the hon. and gallant Member that the claims of these men for special recognition are receiving the earnest consideration of the Reward Board and other officials concerned. The dependants of men killed in such circumstances are entitled to claim compensation under the Malicious Injuries Act. Widows and orphans of men killed receive two-thirds of the deceased officer's pay until payment of the compensation granted by the Court is made. In addition to such compensation, a pension is granted by the State at an enhanced rate.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the case of the Blarney Barracks, the attack took place two months ago, and that an award given quickly is given doubly?

I heartily agree with that, and I have taken steps to speed up the granting of these well-earned awards.

Londonderry (Disarmament)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what progress has been made with the disarmament of the inhabitants of Londonderry; how many permits to possess firearms have been cancelled; and how many rifles and pistols have been surrendered or taken possession of by the authorities?

Searches are being made for arms in all suspected places. No permits have been cancelled, but all permits are now under review. Seven rifles and 30 revolvers have been recovered.

Has the right hon. Gentleman been able to ascertain where the main stores of these rifles are kept, and has he applied to General Hackett Pain for this information?

No, I am not aware where the main stores of the rifles illegally held are kept.

Can he state what steps he is taking to effect complete disarmament all over Ireland?

Disturbance, Belfast

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether the persons who made inflammatory speeches near Harland and Wolff's shipyard, Belfast, during the dinner hour on 21st July, 1920, which led to considerable disorder and violence, have been arrested?

There is no evidence so far in the hands of the police to justify the arrest of those who spoke at the meeting.

Is he aware that only yesterday a meeting was held of working men in Queen's Island, at which there were two clergymen present, at which it was declared that they would not permit Catholics to go back to their work; whether some of these men, who have been driven from their work, were ex-service men; and is he aware that one of the men killed was an ex-service man; and what steps the Government propose to take to put the law into operation against those who still hold public meetings and deliver speeches declaring that they will not allow members of the public to do that which they are legally entitled to do, namely, to work?

I wish my hon. Friend had given me more notice. With respect to the general question of protection, every possible step is taken to protect innocent persons.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the "Morning Post" to-day there is a published report of the meeting to which I have referred, with the names of the speakers, and I want to know will steps be taken to protect these men in the discharge of their citizen rights by putting the law into operation?

Is it not a fact that this meeting referred to expressly dealt with Sinn Feiners, and not with Catholic workers?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a large portion of these men are ex-service men, and that one of those killed was an ex-soldier, who fought all through the War, and was a namesake of my own?

With reference to the murder of an ex-service man, I am aware that one of the men murdered in the Belfast trouble was an ex-service man. I am also painfully aware that many of the men murdered in other parts of Ireland are ex-service men.

I am sorry that my hon. Friend has not given me notice of this long question. I can only repeat that, if there is any case of illegal act on the part of individuals in Belfast or elsewhere about which the Government can obtain evidence, we will certainly deal with it, and we shall not differentiate, and we never have differentiated, between Roman Catholics and Protestants in any part of Ireland.

Do I now understand from the right hon. Gentleman that he will take steps to deal with all cases where public meetings are held, declaring that men will not be allowed to work in the public works in Belfast? I am talking about citizen rights.

This is a serious matter for working men, some of whom are ex-service men, and it is a perfectly monstrous thing that it should be tolerated——

If the hon. Member does not conform to the ordinary rules of the House, I shall have to ask him to leave the Chamber.

With all respect, I think it is perfectly scandalous when a Member of this House, representing a constituency, comes here for the purpose of protecting his constituents and of endeavouring to have the law brought into operation for their protection, that he should be repeatedly howled down in this House. I have said that and I repeat it.

So far from being howled down, the hon. Member has been treated with exemplary patience.

Reprisals by Police

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what action he has taken, or proposes to take, with regard to the alleged reprisals by the Royal Irish Constabulary on Irish towns, as in the case of Tuam and other places?

I have called for full Reports in the case of Tuam, and when they are considered appropriate action will be taken. I need hardly assure the House that the Government regards reprisals with the gravest disapproval.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that similar regrettable occurrences took place at Clonakilty the other day? What steps will be taken by the Government to prevent these blots on the otherwise fine record of the Royal Irish Constabulary?

Lighthouses (Protection)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether attacks have recently been made by Irish anarchists upon lighthouses and other aids to navigation with the apparent object of endangering shipping between England and America; and if His Majesty's Government are taking further steps to ensure that adequate protection is given to these vital points?

I have been asked to reply to this question. The Admiralty has no information of any such attacks since the answer given by the First Lord on the 29th June to a similar question by my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff East, a copy of which I am sending to my Noble and gallant Friend.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware there was an attack only the other day and many stores were looted?

Courts (Business)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland the number of British Courts still carrying on legal business in Ireland and the number which are closed through lack of business?

None of His Majesty's Courts in Ireland have been closed through lack of business.

Government

asked the Prime Minister if he will consider the withdrawal of the British troops in Ireland within the boundaries of the province of Ulster; the Amendment of the Bill at present before the House for the better government of Ireland, so as to set up a Parliament in Southern Ireland consisting, in the first place, of the Members at present elected to this Parliament; placing the Royal Irish Constabulary in Southern Ireland under the control of the Southern Parliament; and the retention of the province of Ulster under the Parliament of the United Kingdom?

I can add nothing to the statements which have already been made on this subject.

Colonel Smyth (Speech to Police)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the character of the alleged reports of the late Colonel Smyth's speech to the constables at Listowel, and to the fact that this officer's murder is directly attributed to the incitement due to these garbled versions of his speech, he will, in justice to the memory of Colonel Smyth and in the interests of the Royal Irish Constabulary, cause to be printed the report which Colonel Smyth made to the Government after his conduct had been impugned in the Press both here and in Ireland, and in which he gave his version of what he said and of what subsequently happened?

I have been asked to reply. It is contrary to precedent to publish the private reports of police officers, but I feel an exception should be made in this case. A copy will be circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The following is the report referred to.

Report on the Listowel Case, by Lieut.-Colonel G. F. Smyth, Divisional Commissioner, Munster No. 2

1. I was informed by the County Inspector, Kerry, on 18th June, that several constables at Listowel had refused to go to out stations in the district. I went down on the 19th and, accompanied by the County Inspector, saw the men in the day room of the Listowel Barracks.

2. I told the men that I was going to be very frank with them: that I would tell them everything that I possibly could about the situation: that there were probably some things which I did not know, and that I could not tell them.

I did not use the expression "I may reserve one card to myself."

3. I then said that I would tell them what had happened in the past, and the methods which we proposed to adopt in the future. I pointed out that barracks garrisoned by five or six policemen were useless, as the police were too weak to come out without being attacked, that such tactics handed over the country to Sinn Fein. To meet this difficulty we proposed to bring all police barracks where there were no troops up to a strength of at least fourteen men, and each barrack would then be in a position to send out strong patrols through the country.

This re-organisation would be carried out by enlisting more police (I think that I mentioned 7,000) both in England and in Ireland, and by drafting some police from stations where there were troops to reinforce out stations. I pointed out that it was useless to send out sterotyped police patrols along the roads: that such patrols were regularly ambushed and shot down by the militant Sinn Feiner, who kept off the roads: that the policeman must copy the Sinn Feiner and keep clear of the roads and try to catch the Sinn Feiner who was lying up behind the ditch to ambush the policeman as he came along the road. This has been twisted by the "Freeman's Journal" to incitement to murder.

4. I did not say that martial law was coming into operation.

I may have said that the redistribution of police had to be complete by 21st June as I had to report the strength of all stations to the Inspector-General.

5. I did say that more troops were coming, not that "thousands are coming daily," and the reasons that I gave for the posting of the military are fairly given in the "Freeman," except that I did not claim the power to "break" officers.

6. I told the police that it was the policy to hold on to every station for which we could possibly find a garrison: that if the Sinn Feiners succeeded in burning a station we would seize the most suitable house in the neighbourhood, preferably the house of a Sinn Feiner, and fit it up as a police station: that no notice must be given that we intended to seize this house or it would be burnt: that the inhabitants must be turned out of the house on to the street and the police put in as quickly as possible.

I did not say, "Let them die there—the more the merrier." (A man does not die because he is turned out of his house.)

7. I told the police that they would no longer be tied down by the regulations in the police code as to firing on assailants: that a policeman was justified in challenging a man who was carrying arms or who he had good ground to believe was carrying arms, that mistakes might occur, but they should not, as the police knew the men in each locality who were likely to carry arms for murderous purposes: that if such men did not put their hands up when challenged and ordered to do so the police were justified in shooting. That the name of a policeman who shot a man in the course of his duty would not be revealed at the inquest by the evidence of the witnesses called by the Crown: that, therefore, he would not be exposed to victimisation and be murdered by the Sinn Feiners as had occurred in the past.

I knew that I was treading on difficult ground, and told the men that they would get written orders on the subject so that there could be no mistake. I attach a copy of these orders dated 17th June, 1920. These orders were not received at Listowel for some days afterwards as they had to be duplicated for issue.

8. I said that no more convicted men would be released if they went on hunger strike. I quoted a specific instance of two men in Maryborough gaol who had gone on hunger strike and who, when informed that they would not be released, had promptly desisted. I did not say that "some had died already." I did not then recollect any case of a man dying on hunger strike. I have since been told one, Thomas Ashe, and recollect his case now, but I did not remember it previously. I did not say that "some of them have already been dealt with in a manner that their friends will never hear about."

9. I then went on to point out to the police that the Sinn Feiners were suffering heavy casualties in attacks on barracks which the police and public knew nothing about: that the dead Sinn Feiners were buried secretly: that if inquiries were made it was stated that they had gone to America: that a number of men had "gone to America" recently who would never arrive there.

This has been perverted by the "Freeman" to attacks on emigrant ships. Unfortunately the militant Sinn Feiners do not emigrate and I never made any such foolish statement.

10. I wound up by telling the police that they, and they alone, could put down militant Sinn Fein. That to do so would entail danger: that they were already inured to danger: that it would entail some hardship and discomfort: that many of the police stations were too small to hold adequate garrisons without overcrowding. I asked them to put up with these hard ships, knowing that by so doing they were helping to crush out murder. I then asked them if they were willing to do so, if they were willing to go to out stations.

11. Constable Mee then stepped forward and said that I was an Englishman and did not understand Ireland or Irishmen. I assured him that I was Irish.

He was in a most excited state, and took off his cap and belt and threw them on the table. As far as I recollect he said, "That is my answer." He certainly did not say anything like the alleged statement in the "Freeman." I ordered him to be suspended. He went out of the room, followed by the district inspector. The remainder of the men were respectful, but obstinate. They felt that they were being moved out of a quiet spot and good barracks to make way for soldiers. They felt that the soldiers should take over the bad stations and leave the police, who had already suffered, in the good ones. I told them that I would leave them to talk over the situation.

12. Mr. Leatham and General Tudor afterwards spoke to the men.

13. I went round three country stations, where I addressed the men in practically the same words as I had used at Listowel. All the men in these stations were in good spirits.

I returned to Listowel and again saw the men. They were still most unwilling to go to country stations, and some of them refused to do so. Several of the men spoke to me. Their only grievance was the order to leave Listowel. There was no suggestion then that I was endeavouring to incite them to a policy of reprisals. This has been invented since by some disaffected men to cover their disobedience of orders and conduct, which they know will be condemned by the Royal Irish Constabulary generally.

The fact that the men refused to leave Listowel when seen by the No. 2 Chief Inspector, Kerry, on the previous day and before they had ever seen me confirms this.

(Sgd.) G. F. SMYTH, Lieut.-Colonel,

Divisional Commissioner,

Munster, No. 2.

13th July, 1920.

Copy of Orders : —

1. I wish to make the present situation clear to all ranks.

2. A policeman is perfectly justified in shooting any man who is seen with arms, and who does not immediately throw up his hands when ordered. A policeman is perfectly justified in shooting any man who he has good reason to believe is carrying arms and who does not immediately throw up his hands when ordered.

3. Every proper precaution for protection will be given to police at inquests so that no information will be given to Sinn Fein as to identity of individual and movements of police. This was ably managed by Counsel at a recent inquest at Limerick.

4. I wish to make it perfectly clear to all ranks that I will not tolerate "reprisals." They bring discredit on the police. I will deal most severely with any officer or man concerned in them.

(Sgd.) G. F. SMYTH, Lieut.-Col.,

Divisional Commissioner, R.I.C.

17th June, 1920.

Government of Ireland Bill

asked the Prime Minister whether he has considered the desirability of strengthening the hands of the Irish Executive by passing the Government of Ireland Bill before the Autumn Recess simultaneously with any Coercion Bills which may be necessary, and putting it into immediate operation in those parts of Ireland where it is possible to do so; and whether he proposes to take any steps to expedite the passing of the Government of Ireland Bill?

I can only repeat the answer given by me on Monday last, when I expressed the deep regret of the Government that it was not possible to carry the Bill through, before the Adjournment.

I should have thought the reason was pretty obvious to my hon. Friend. If the House is to rise in the course of the next fortnight or three weeks it will be quite impossible to carry this Bill through both Houses of Parliament.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think the House will put the cenvenience of hon. Members before an issue involving civil war in which gallant men are being killed every day?

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think the passing of a Home Rule Bill will accentuate civil strife?

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to articles in a section of the London Press calculated to convey the impression that the murder of policemen in Ireland is justified by the nature of the work on which they are employed; and whether the Government have any power under which they can deal with the writers of articles, in view of their effect upon the public mind?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative and to the second part, that there is power to prosecute for any article which is an incitement to crime.

Are steps being taken against the Minister for War for his article yesterday in the "Evening News"?

Questions

Anglo-Japanese Alliance

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in, negotiations relating to the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, full consideration will be given to the principle of maintaining the open door for all commercial enterprise throughout China, and that temporary occupation of Chinese territory, owing to the military exigencies of the moment, shall not be availed of to secure preferential treatment by any particular Power?

If and when negotiations are started in the sense indicated, full consideration will be given to the matters to which the hon. Member refers.

Egypt

Cairo Police Force

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the commandant of a Cairo police force in 1912 is now serving five years' penal servitude; whether he has confessed that the anarchist plot which he claimed to have discovered was a mere fabrication; and whether the men implicated in this fabrication are still serving a term of imprisonment, even after this statement of their innocence?

Philippides Bey, head of the Cairo Secret Police at the time, was condemned to five years' imprisonment and a fine of £E.800 in 1917. The anarchist plot referred to is presumably the conspiracy discovered in 1912 to assassinate the ex-Khedive, the Prime Minister, and Lord Kitchener. Three men were condemned on this occasion, and, as far as is known, are still serving their sentences. I have no information as to Philippides' alleged confession, but the Egyptian Ministry of Justice were satisfied after his trial that nothing which had occurred was of a nature to throw doubt on the justice of any sentences passed in political cases in which Philippides had had anything to do with the collection of evidence.

Peace Treaties

Upper Silesia (Plebiscite)

asked the Prime Minister when the plebiscite in Upper Silesia will be taken?

As the hon. Member is aware, the annex to Article 88 of the Treaty of Versailles provides that the plebiscite in Upper Silesia shall take place between six and eighteen months after the entry into force of the Treaty. No definite date has yet been fixed. I saw the President of the Commission at Spa, and he told me it would certainly be before Christmas.

Bulgaria

asked the Prime Minister whether the Peace Treaty cuts off Bulgaria from the Ægean Sea; and whether, in consequence, she is cut off from British commerce, to the mutual detriment of both countries and the increased cost of living here?

The economic outlets of Bulgaria to the Ægean Sea are provided for by Article 48 of the Treaty of Neuilly, which has been laid before Parliament, and the Treaty of Peace with Turkey further provides for a separate treaty to be signed by Greece safeguarding freedom of transit and equitable treatment of the commerce of other countries. Bulgaria is not cut off from British commerce in the meantime, having access to the sea at Varna and Burgas.

Boundary Commissions

asked the Prime Minister whether the boundary commissions provided for in the Treaties of Peace have yet been appointed; and when their duties commence?

The boundary commissions necessitated by the Treaties of Versailles and Saint Germain have been appointed. The appointment of the commissions under the Bulgarian and Turkish Treaties cannot take place until after the deposit of ratifications. The dates upon which the duties of the various commissions commence are laid down in the relevant articles of the Treaties.

Transport

Select Committee

asked the Prime Minister whether he will appoint a Select Committee on Transport to con- tinue the work of the Select Committee which was appointed in 1918, but which became functus officio through the dissolution of December, 1918, to investigate and report on the financial relations between the Government and the railways?

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that the responsibility of the Government in respect of the increase in railway rates arises directly out of the financial relations between the Government and the railway companies, and in view of the criticism directed against the terms of the railway agreements, he will say if he proposes to afford any facilities for the investigation of the agreements and the report to this House of the financial obligations arising out of them; and, if so, what facilities he will afford?

Before the right hon. Gentleman answers these questions, will he bear in mind that the Government is definitely committed to the re-appointment of this Committee?

As I stated in answer to a question by my hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle East on Monday last, there is much to be said in favour of an examination such as is suggested in the question, and the Government have the matter now under consideration.

Railway Fares (Increase)

asked the Prime Minister whether any concession can be made in the way of giving a period of notice to the public before the increased railway fares come into force?

I have nothing to add to the very full statement made by the Leader of the House yesterday. Postponement can only be effected at the expense of the heavily burdened taxpayer.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the announcement made yesterday will bear very hardly on the men of the Fleet who do not get their summer leave until after the 6th August?

Undoubtedly it bears hardly on everybody who travels. But when wages go up as they have done in the last two or three years, and when the cost of materials goes up, you cannot fairly put the burden on the taxpayer.

At the end of Questions ——

I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, "the proposed increases in railway fares, and the need for an immediate assurance from the Government that these increases in fares shall not be put into effect before October 1st."

The pleasure of the House not having been signified, MR. SPEAKER called on those Members who supported the Motion to rise in their places, and not fewer than 40 Members having accordingly risen,

The Motion stood over, under Standing Order No. 10, until a quarter-past Eight this evening.

Railway EmployéS (Remuneration)

asked the Minister of Transport what grades of railway employés have received a rise in salaries or wages amounting to over two and a half times their pre-War remuneration, giving the rate of increase for each grade involved?

I assume that my hon. and gallant Friend's question refers to the present remuneration of railway employés being 2½ times the pre-War standard and not as stated by him in the question to increases of over 2½ times such standard. On this assumption I beg to refer him to the Table given on page 8 of the Report of the National Wages Board, of which I am sending him a copy. These are the latest figures available, but are subject to additions in respect of the increases which were granted in pursuance of the Report in question and other increases which came into operation under the sliding-scale arrangements. It should be borne in mind that the present remuneration, of railway staffs is, in many cases, earned by them in a reduced number of hours from those which previously prevailed.

Can the hon. Gentleman state, roughly, what is the recent increase to which he refers?

Great Western Railway (Overcrowding)

asked the Minister of Transport whether he has now concluded inquiries respecting the overcrowded state of the Great Western trains between Birmingham and Wolverhampton; and, if so, with what result?

Inquiry has been made, and the Great Western Railway Company state that it has been found possible to increase the accommodation on the local trains running between Birmingham and Wolverhampton to an extent adequately to meet the requirements of the traffic.

Chars-A-Bancs

asked the Minister of Transport if his attention has been drawn to the large dimensions in which pleasure chars-à-bancs are now being built, and to the excessive speed in which they are frequently driven to the public danger in urban and rural districts; whether he contemplates framing any provisions controlling the size of these vehicles and requiring their drivers not only to observe a less reckless rate of progress, but also to keep the roads of such width as will enable other travellers, especially cyclists, to use the same without risk to life or limb.

Pleasure chars-à-bancs are, for the most part, heavy motor cars, and must be constructed in accordance with the provisions of the Heavy Motor Car (Use and Construction) Order, 1904. They are subject to the speed restrictions at present imposed on heavy motor cars, infringements of which are matters for the police. I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. and gallant Member for Brigg on the 28th instant, and the replies given to the Noble and gallant Member for South Battersea on the 26th and 12th instant. In reply to the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the provisions of Section 8 of the Motor Car Act, 1903.

Ministry of Transport, Ireland

asked the Minister of Transport how long the Ministry has been in operation in Ireland; what is the composition of the staff, and what are its duties; whether the Irish Director-General of Transport has any control of traffic over railways in Great Britain, so far as live stock and other Irish goods are concerned; and whether, in view of the fact that last season, owing to the shortage of rolling stock, live stock was held up for days at Holyhead, owing to scarcity of wagons, steps will be taken to ensure that there is ample provision of wagons for the conveyance of Irish live stock during the coming heavy season.

As regards the first part of this question, I would refer the hon. Member to the second Report of the Select Committee of this House on National Expenditure, paragraphs 59 to 62 inclusive, and to the Estimates of the Ministry of Transport. As regards the last part of the question, the delays which occurred in the transport of livestock from Holyhead last season were not entirely due to shortage of wagons. I have reason to hope that a sufficient supply of wagons will be available for this purpose next season.

Motor Vehicles

asked the Minister of Transport whether it is now the case that motor coaches or heavy motor lorries carry one man in addition to the driver; and, if not, whether he will take steps to enforce this precaution, and at the same time ensure that the second man, instead of sitting beside the driver, as is now the usual practice, shall always sit at the rear of the vehicle, and be provided with means to keep himself in communication with the driver, in order to facilitate passing traffic in narrow or congested roads?

Only one man is required to be with heavy motor vehicles except in the case of Hackney stage carriages, which are subject to the Police Regulations in force for the district in which they are licensed, and heavy motor cars drawing trailers, the brakes of which trailers cannot be operated from the heavy motor car, in which case the second man is required to attend to the brakes of the trailers. The expense of requiring a second man on heavy motor cars would impose a very heavy additional burden on road transport, and in any event, the Minister has no power to order it.

Questions

Secretary of State For War (Newspaper Article)

I gave notice to the Leader of the House of a question relating to an article in a newspaper yesterday by the Secretary of State for War, and I have received a letter from you, Mr. Speaker, saying that you could not admit the question on the ground that it was not of an urgent character. I wish to submit that in view of the fact that delicate negotiations are proceeding between this country and Germany, Russia and Poland, the question whether this article or manifesto represents the considered view of the Cabinet is a matter of urgency and that, therefore, I might be permitted to put my question.

The reasons given were not fully stated by the hon. and gallant Gentleman. Two or three questions of the same character were handed in yesterday for Monday. It was obvious that the hon. Gentlemen who handed in those questions did not consider the matter one of urgency. There is also, as the hon. and gallant Member knows, a very strong feeling against hon. or right hon. Members on the Front Bench stepping in and taking possession of questions of which notice has already been given by other Members.

I had no knowledge whatever that any other questions had been handed in.

Are not you the judge, Mr. Speaker, whether a question is or is not urgent, and is not this a question of the very greatest urgency which requires an immediate answer?

The hon. Member's previous question evidently shows that he thinks I am not a judge.

Syria

asked the Prime Minister on what date the mandate was given to France regarding Syria; by whom and on whose behalf the mandate was signed; and if he will now acquaint the House with the exact terms of the mandate?

asked the Prime Minister whether the French have yet been granted a mandate for Syria; if so, what are its terms; and whether they include the right to advance to Damascus?

The mandate for Syria was given to France, at San Remo, on 25th April. The actual terms of the mandate have not yet been submitted to the Council of the League of Nations.

Does the mandate empower military occupation? If so, where does the independence of Syria come in?

Have the inhabitants of Syria been consulted by the Mandatory Power as provided by Article 22 of the Covenant of the League of Nations?

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government of the Emir Feisal exercises administrative authority in any territory outside the area of the French mandate in Syria; and, if so, where?

The exact area over which the administrative authority of the Emir Feisal extended is a matter on which we have no precise information.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us what is exactly the position? Has he seen the reports in the Press?

I have had no official information from the French Government. I have only received the same reports as have appeared in the Press.

When were the inhabitants of Syria consulted by the Mandatory Power?

British Army

Army Council

asked the Prime Minister whether the Army Council, which now has a civilian majority of six to five can be regarded in future as a military body; and whether, in view of this change, he will consider the desirability of an alternative title?

The Army Council is so called as being the authority appointed to administer the Army and has always included a civil and a military element. It would be constitutionally improper to regard it as a military body and I regret therefore that I am unable to accept the suggestion of my hon. and gallant Friend.

Is it not something entirely new for the civil members of the Army Council to preponderate over the military? Should it not be called in future the Army Civil and Military Council?

My hon. and gallant Friend had better give notice of that question.

United Services Fund

asked the Prime Minister what is the total amount so far spent in salaries by the council of management of the United Services Fund and the total amount disbursed by them during the same period for the benefit of ex-service men; to whom is the council of management responsible; and what reports of their administration of the sum of over £7,000,0000 entrusted to them will they make and when?

My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply. I would refer the hon. Member to my written answer on 12th July to the hon. and gallant Member for Maidstone (Commander Bellairs). Information as to the Fund's activities can be obtained from the headquarters at 29, Cromwell Road, S.W.7, and a handbook explaining the policy and activities of the Fund is on sale (price 1s. 3d.), published by the Council of Management. The Royal Charter of Incorporation for the United Services' Fund, which is now being drawn up, provides for the issue of a Report on the administration of the Fund, and such a Report will be issued at the end of the year.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say if any Department of the Government will be responsible for questions in this House with regard to this public Fund, which is contributed to by many millions of Service men?

I think the War Office will be able to answer, but I am not quite sure.

Questions

Scottish Estimates

asked the Prime Minister when the Scottish Estimates will come up for discussion?

The Scottish Estimates will come up for discussion on Wednesday, 4th August.

Russia

British Prisoners (Baku)

asked the Prime Minister in whose hands are the officers and men of the Royal Navy captured at Baku; are these officers and men being retained at captives under most unsatisfactory conditions while Soviet representatives are arranging to come here under various pretexts; and what action does His Majesty's Government propose to take to secure their immediate release?

asked the Prime Minister what was the date of the telegram of the Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean in which the Government were informed of the condition of the British prisoners in Baku; was received before or after the answer given in the House on Monday last; and whether, in view of the delay which is inevitable in carrying out with the Soviet Government the exchange of prisoners, he will, with a view to alleviating the condition of the British prisoners in Baku, appeal at once to the Soviet Government to use their influence with the Azerbaijan Government for an immediate amelioration of the rigours imposed upon, the imprisoned British at Baku?

Before the right hon. Gentleman replies, may I point out that my question has been considerably altered? I asked whether it was not a tragic absurdity, and my words were copied from a question asked on the 26th instant by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert).

The telegram referred to by my hon. Friend the Member for Wrekin (Mr. Palmer) was despatched in sections, commencing on the 23rd, but owing to mutilation the final copy was not obtained for distribution until Monday, the 26th instant. We cannot, I think, do more with the Soviet Government than has already been done, as was stated by my right hon. Friend on Tuesday last. Baku is not in Russian territory, but belongs to the Azerbaijan Republic. There is no means of direct telegraphic communication with Baku. We have telegraphed to Rome asking the Italian Government, if they have any representative with whom they can communicate, to instruct him to take any action possible in favour of these prisoners and to give us information as to their condition. At present the only local intermediary whose assistance has been effectively invoked is Dr. Alshibaya, the Georgian representative in Azerbaijan. Through him, His Majesty's representative at Tiflis has been able to send money for the use of the prisoners. Dr. Alshibaya occasionally visits Tiflis, and we are instructing His Majesty's representative at Tiflis to get into touch with him again as soon as possible.

May I ask whether the Soviet forces actually hold these men prisoners or whether they are held by the Azerbaijan Republic?

It is very difficult, of course, to get accurate information about a country where order has not been completely restored, but our information is that Baku is entirely under the control of the Azerbaijan Republic. In so far as we can bring any influence to bear upon them, we have done our best, and we have also brought pressure to bear in Moscow, in order to induce them to communicate with the Azerbaijan Republic.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a representative of the Azerbaijan Government in London at this moment, whose name and address I can give him if he does not know it; and that it is a pure fiction to contend that the Azerbaijan Government exercises any sort of independence of the Government of Moscow?

I am not prepared to challenge my hon. Friend's information about Azerbaijan, but I warn him to be a little careful, because there are no end of representatives of various countries, and you are never quite sure whether it is the Government of the past week, of three weeks ago, or of to-day. I am not sure whether this gentleman really represents the Government which is in power in that area at the moment.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a considerable number of private individuals—commercial gentlemen, and so forth—in London, with very up-to-date knowledge of what is going on in these regions, who have not been asked for any information by any Government Department?

Is it not a fact that these gentlemen in London are in touch with the Azerbaijan Government?

If my hon. Friends have any information of that kind, I hope they will not withhold it. It is important that we should get it, and if my hon. Friend knows anyone who is in touch with the Azerbaijan Government I hope he will let me know.

( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether he had any information enabling him either to confirm or contradict the report, published in Paris, to the effect that the British prisoners at Baku have been assassinated by the Bolshevists?

I have no information of, that kind, but we have telegraphed to Paris to find out on what their information is based. I shall let my hon. Friend know what the reply is.

In the event of any of these prisoners still surviving, does the telegram he has announced as having been sent to Soviet Russia in any way override the telegram which, in his absence, was sent in the name of the Government to be communicated to Mr. Litvinoff, to the effect that any negotiations must be futile until we have assurances that these prisoners are being properly treated, and, I think, until they are released?

4.0 P.M.

Of course, I have repeatedly informed the House that I do not know the extent of the responsibility of Russia for the prisoners at Baku. I am not satisfied for the moment that they are directly responsible for the reasons that I have given, but, if they have any responsibility, or such influence as they have, we shall certainly insist on them using it in order to secure proper treatment for these prisoners and their release.

As this is a matter of very great urgency and gravity, will the right hon. Gentleman give me an opportunity of putting before him strong evidence to show that the Azerbaijan Government is a pure fiction, and does not exist except as the puppet in the 'hands of Russia?

In view of the fact that several naval ratings are confined at Baku, will the right hon. Gentleman give me the same information as he proposes to give to the hon. Member?

Certainly, if there be any information, I will give it to the House.

General Wrangel

asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government are assisting in any way, or taking any responsibility for, the forces under General Baron Wrangel in South Russia and the Crimea; whether His Majesty's Government is acting in conjunction with the Allied and associated Powers in this matter; whether it is a fact that the Russian Government has offered an amnesty to Baron Wrangel and all his followers; and whether His Majesty's Government proposes to take any action to prevent further fighting and devastation in South Russia?

Before the right hon. Gentleman replies, may I ask why it is that the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull, who certainly takes up his share of the time of the House, is allowed to have four questions on the Paper, as against three for ordinary Members?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As to the remainder of the question, as this matter constitutes part of the negotiations that are pending, I do not think any useful purpose would be served by discussing it at this stage.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman—I do not wish to embarrass him; I think he has enough embarrassments in his own Cabinet—when he will be able to make some statement about the whole position of Wrangel in these negotiations?

I do not know that it would be desirable to make a statement. I hope it will be possible to clear it up. May I say that I appreciate the hon. and gallant Member's remark, which, I know, is very sincere?

Questions

Decimal Coinage

asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to supplement the Eeport of the Royal Commission on Decimal Coinage [Cmd. 628] by printing the whole or any portions of the evidence or whether, on grounds of economy or otherwise, it is not proposed to do so?

The volume of Minutes of Evidence taken before the Royal Commission on Decimal Coinage was published by the Stationery Office on the 26th instant.

Funerals (Wheel-Biers)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to a notice given by an undertakers' association refusing to permit the use of wheel-biers for funerals; whether he will take the opinion of the Law Officers as to whether such action amounts to an illegal conspiracy; and, if they are of opinion that it does not, will he consider the introduction of legislation to prevent this form of extortion of money from members of the public and from poor law guardians?

I have been asked to reply. My attention was called to this matter by the hon. Member for South Kensington (Sir W. Davison) yesterday. As at present informed, I understand that the notice in question only applies to the district of Watford, and I doubt the necessity of taking the opinion of the Law Officers. As I informed the hon. Member for South Kensington yesterday, the matters referred to will be borne in mind when legislation is under consideration for the purpose of dealing with combines and monopolies.

If I can give the hon. Gentleman information as to similar occurrences in other parts of the country, will he reconsider the question?

Yes, Sir; I shall be very glad if my hon. Friend will give me that information.

Are we to understand that a trade combination are entitled to refuse to the public facilities for burial unless funerals are conducted in a way of which they may approve? Surely that is a matter of great importance?

May we have the opinion of the Law Officers on a matter of such very great importance, as suggested by my hon. Friend?

I have already said that, if this combination extends beyond Watford, I shall be very glad to reconsider the question.

May we know the law? If it applies to one case it may apply to another.

Supply Days (Allocation)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the fact that no day has been given either last year or this year for the discussion of the Education Estimates, and that consequently the sum of£32,772,000 was voted last year by the House of Commons for education in England without any discussion whatever, and that the sum of £45,755,000 will be similarly voted this year; whether this course involves the abandonment of control by the House over the expenditure of public moneys, and permits and encourages unnecessary and wasteful expenditure by the Minister in charge of the Department; and whether he will take steps in future to avoid these abuses?

The Votes set down for discussion on Supply are not chosen by the Government of the day. We should have been glad to see the Education Estimates fully discussed.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that to ask the House to vote sums like £45,000,000 without any discussion whatever is a serious infringement of the rights and duties of this House as custodians of the public purse?

I agree, but my hon. and learned Friend, who has been a Member of this House for a very long time, knows how these Votes are discussed, and that in these matters it is a matter of arrangement that they should be discussed in the order demanded by the Opposition.

asked the Prime Minister whether he will state the method by which the selection of the Estimates to be discussed in the House on the days set apart for Supply is made; whether that selection is left, mainly or wholly, to the leaders of the Opposition; and whether, in view of the fact that examination and criticism of the expenditure of the different Government Departments is a matter which concerns the nation at large, and is desired by the supporters of the Government at least as much as by the opponents of the Government, he will devise some better method for the selection of the Estimates to be discussed?

The method adopted is that stated in the second part of the question. This method has been in operation ever since definite Supply days were instituted, and I cannot think of any other plan which would be more satisfactory.

When it has the results that have been actually found in practice to exist, such as voting these huge sums year after year without discussion, will the right hon. Gentleman consider the desirability of meeting the wish of the great majority of the Members of this House by adopting some other system?

Would it not be well to consult some representative of the Government's critics among their own forces, as well as the Opposition?

May I ask whether, instead of confining the allocation of these Supply days to the two branches of the Opposition above the Gangway, he would consider sometimes consulting the two branches of the Opposition below the Gangway, having regard to the fact that these two parties—the Independent party and the National party—are more evenly balanced in their membership, and that, consequently, there is a lack of that partisan jealousy which obtains in other quarters of the House?

If two Members of this House are to constitute a party, it would be quite impossible for the Government to find time to meet the exigencies of such an infinite variety of parties.

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that, while two Members may constitute a party, a party is not necessarily constituted of two Members?

Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that there are a large number of his own supporters who ought to have a voice in selecting the Estimates to be discussed?

I agree, but that was the arrangement made at the time by the President of the Council, who was then Leader of the House.

Seeing that things were not so bad then, will the right hon. Gentleman reconsider his decision?

Was that rule not introduced at a time when the Opposition were a very powerful body in the House, whereas now the various groups of Opposition combined are a negligible quantity?

Holland (Belgium Claims)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his Department has been approached by the Belgian Government for support in their claims on Dutch territory; if so, has this support been conceded; and what is its nature?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, and the other parts of the question do not, therefore, arise.

China

asked the Under-secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether the Japanese Government has expressed its willingness to return Shantung to China with certain limited restrictions; whether the Chinese Government has signified its willingness to accept the Province from the League of Nations; if so, will His Majesty's Government use its influence to arrange this point of etiquette between the two countries; and whether, in regard to Manchuria and to the railways there, he can influence the Japanese Government to restore to China the rights and privileges she formerly enjoyed under the Leases and Concessions Agreement of 13th July, 1911, which for the last few years have fallen into abeyance?

The answer to the first part of the hon. Member's question is in the affirmative. We have no information as regards the second part. Part three does not, therefore, arise. As regards part four, it is not clear to what agreement the hon. Member refers. The date quoted is that of the Third Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Alliance, and if the hon. Member wishes to imply that His Majesty's Government should undertake to influence their Ally to annul all leases and concessions obtained from China in Manchuria since July, 1911, the answer must be in the negative.

What is there to prevent the return of Shantung to China if the Japanese have expressed their willingness?

May I ask the hon. Gentleman to consider, in the negotiations for the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, if he cannot get some better terms for China against the oppressive action of Japan in Manchuria?

Turkey (Greek Operations)

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information concerning the report that 15,000 Kemalists were massacred after the capture of Balikesri by Greek troops?

I have nothing to add to my reply on 19th July to a similar question by the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull.

Rates (Bradford System)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the great advantage resulting from the Bradford system, whereby each tenant pays his own rates and discount to landlords is saved to the ratepayers, he will consider the propriety of introducing a Bill at an early date making this measure of economy and good administration compulsory in respect of all municipal corporations?

My right hon. Friend has asked me to answer this question. I can only refer my hon. Friend to the: reply which I gave to the question which he addressed to me on the 5th July, to the effect that I could not undertake legislation on this very limited aspect of rating questions.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this was an effort to get a reply from the Prime Minister?

It was no fault of mine. It has been answered by the appropriate Department.

Alcoholic Liquors (Sales)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the value of beer, spirits, and other alcoholic liquors sold during the last available year?

No figures are available to estimate the value of beer, spirits, and other alcoholic liquors sold for consumption.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think, seeing that the Government has made numerous promises of temperance legislation, that it is important that there should be some estimate made of the liquor sold in England during any particular year?

Has the right hon. Gentleman seen the estimate of over £1,000,000 a day expenditure on alcoholic drink, and has he the means of testing whether that is correct or not?

Old Age Pensions

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that a man over 70 years of age and having no means of his own is debarred from receiving an old age pension if his wife is earning 25s. a week, although they have no other means of support, and a pension is only granted to him if he permanently separates from his wife; whether this deprivation of old age pension is still enforced, although the wife has also to support children of the claimant out of the 25s. a week; and, if so, whether he will take steps to remedy this state of affairs?

My hon. Friend is under some misapprehension as to the provisions of the Old Age Pensions Act, 1919. Where a married couple living together are solely dependent on weekly earnings of 25s., both husband and wife, if eligible in point of age, etc., can claim an old age pension of 6s. weekly.

Has the right hon. Gentleman looked at the question where it is stated there are children? How does he expect there to be children if both are eligible for the Old Age Pension?

Potable Spirits, Imports

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if there are any powers by which he can limit or check the importation of foreign potable spirits; if any complaints have reached him of the quality of spirits recently imported; if any examination or Reports nave been made under the Food and Drugs Act; and, if not, will he give instructions for such Reports to be rendered?

There is no restriction upon the importation of foreign potable spirits at present, and in view of the Sankey Judgment there is no power to prohibit such importation without special legislation. I am aware that allegations have been made from time to time as to the quality of spirits recently imported, but I understand that no verification of these allegations has so far been forthcoming. As regards the third and fourth parts of the question, I must refer my hon. and gallant Friend to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health.

Is there any reason why these foreign spirits of which complaint is made should not be examined at the port of origin?

Cost of Living

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that those dependent on salaries or on earned or on fixed incomes are not in a position to bear a further increase in the cost of living or of rates and taxes thrown on them by the demands of organised labour; and, unless a more reasonable attitude is shown by those who control labour, will he advise the dissolution of Parliament?

I quite realise that the increase in the cost of living falls very hardly on persons with small fixed incomes, but this increase is due, to a large extent, to causes outside anyone's control, i.e ., shortage of raw material, destruction of shipping, lessened production, due partly to the War and partly to other causes. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.

Does the right Gentleman agree with the definition that it is confined to the demands of organised labour or the demands of organised capital?

Milk and Dairies Bill

asked the Lord Privy Seal whether he will take the Second Reading of the Milk and Dairies Bill before the Adjournment for the Recess?

I am afraid that it is not possible that time can be found for it.

Education

Scholarships

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he can state the sum of money included in the Education Estimates to defray the annual cost of the proposed scholarships to pupils in grant-aided schools; what will be the value of each scholarship; for how long a period it will be tenable; and whether it can be held at any university at the choice of the pupil or his parent?

The sum of money included in the Education Estimates in the current financial year to defray the cost of the proposed scholarships tenable at universities by pupils from grant-aided schools is £15,000. The value of a scholarship will cover the approved fee and an amount not exceeding £80 per annum in aid of the maintenance of the student. In determining the amount of grant, account will be taken of the student's private means, of any other scholarships or exhibitions held by him, and of the assistance which can reasonably be expected from those persons who would in ordinary circumstances have borne or contributed to the expense of his education. A scholarship will ordinarily be tenable for three years, and may, in special cases, be extended for a further period. A scholarship can be held at any university in England or Wales at the choice of the pupil or his parent.

Having regard to the fact that the cost of these scholarships must fall on the taxpayers generally, will the right hon. Gentleman not reconsider his decision to exclude pupils from schools which are not grant-aided from competing on equal terms with pupils from schools which are grant-aided, provided it does not cost any more to the Treasury?

Having only a limited sum to dispose of, the Board, after very careful consideration, came to the conclusion that the best educational effect would be produced by assisting the grant aided schools, 67 per cent. of whose pupils come from elementary schools, and are therefore in need of assistance.

Questions

Male Teachers

asked the President of the Board of Education whether the supply of male teachers for the public elementary schools is much below the requirements; what is the actual number of trained male teachers leaving the universities and training colleges this year for service in the public elementary schools of England and Wales; how far short does this figure fall of the number required to efficiently staff the schools; and what are the primary reasons for this disparity?

There is undoubtedly a deficiency in trained certificated men teachers at the present time. This is partly due to the War but partly to the relative unattractiveness of the profession before the War. I may refer the hon. Member to paragraphs 193 to 197 and 206 of the Board's Report for 1918 and to Circulars 1124 and 1160, of which I am sending him copies. I regret that owing to the removal of the Board's staff and records from South Kensington, which is now taking place, I have not yet been able to obtain the figures for which the hon. Member asks, but I will send him them as soon as possible.

Can the right hon. Gentleman make some special effort to attract to this very important profession suitable men, so that the education of our boys may not suffer?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that various local education authorities are making efforts to secure efficient teachers by paying a little higher salary?

Twenty-Four Hour Clock

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the Committee appointed in September of last year to consider and report as to the advisability of adopting in the United Kingdom for official and other purposes the 24-hour method of expressing time have yet reported; and, if not, whether they are likely to do so at an early date?

The Report of this Committee has been received, and it is now under the consideration of the Government.

Police Charges, London

asked the Home Secretary if figures can be given showing the number of charges at London police courts for each day of the week for a period of a month; and the number of such charges which are for drunkenness and/or assault?

I have had inquiry made on the subject, and will let the hon. Member have such figures as can be obtained.

Boulogne Conference

Statement by Prime Minister

( by Private Notice ): Can the Prime Minister make a statement now in regard to the Conference at Boulogne?

On Monday I informed the House that a very important communication had been received from the Soviet Government and that it would be circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT. That document was circulated and its text appeared, I think, in the Press. On Tuesday I met the French Prime Minister and we discussed the reply which it was desired the British Government should send to that communication. I very much regret that owing to the urgency of sending an answer in regard to events in Poland, it was quite impossible to secure the attendance of a representative from Italy. It would have taken some days before he could have got there; therefore, I had, under the circumstances, to consult our nearest Ally. We sent full information on the subject to Rome and we are in general possession of their views, and I think I may say that the view which has been taken by the Italian Government throughout is identical with the position of the British Government. We agreed upon the text of the reply which should be sent by the British Government to the Soviet Government. I will read now the draft of the document which was settled at Boulogne, but let me say at once that when I stated that there was complete agreement that is absolutely the fact. I trust the House will not on this or on any other topic accept the statement of the sensational and inaccurate Press

This is the reply which has been sent to Tchitcherin's:

May I ask whether the Soviet Note which was sent to us did not include certain conditions with regard to General Wrangel? Is the peace of the whole of Europe to be jeopardised owing to this Czarist adventurer, who has broken his word in his dealings with us?

Would the Prime Minister tell us whether at the Conference they discussed, or whether the Cabinet has considered, any plan for an armed alliance between England, France and Germany, as a dyke against Bolshevism?

I must ask the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull to restrain himself. He allows himself a great deal more licence than any other hon. Member. [HON. MEMBERS:"He cannot help it!"] He may not be able to help it, but he should try. No one dislikes being interrupted more than he, and he ought not to interrupt others.

With very great respect, when I ask a question of the Prime Minister, and he is unable to answer, ought he not to tell me so?

The hon. and gallant Member is aware that he ought to give notice of any question. Questions which are to be put after 3.45 should be sub- mitted to me first. The hon. and gallant Member seldom complies with the Standing Order in that respect. I have been very indulgent to him, but that is no reason for his taking undue advantage of it.

I do not know whether my right hon. Friend can say, in reference to this matter, whether the advance of the Red troops has ceased and whether there is any truth in the statement as to the terms which the Soviet Government is said to have put forward in connection with acceptance of the armistice with Poland.

I saw the statement with regard to those terms. I should be very surprised if they are accurate. What makes me think they are inaccurate is the fact that they refer to Kholm. The first telegram of the Soviet Government included Kholm, although we had excluded it. I can hardly accept the statement; I cannot believe that such preposterous terms would be imposed upon Poland. With regard to the last part of the question, the information that we had upon the subject of the Bolshevik advance was that it had slowed down a good deal. It does not look as if it were being pressed with very great vigour. That is the information I had only an hour or two ago from the British Military Mission, and I think the same information was given by the French Mission. I am not quite sure about Galicia.

Would the right hon. Gentleman answer my question as to whether the Cabinet has considered the plan of joining with Germany in order to oppose the Bolshevists?

Would the Prime Minister say, if this Note to Soviet Russia is sent with the full concurrence and consent of France, why it is not sent in the name of the two nations, and why Great Britain alone is taking responsibility for it?

Not only was it sent with the full concurrence of France, but France took part in the drafting, and I am not sure that most of the drafting was not done by French hands. There Was complete agreement with regard to every sentence, but their view was that, the British Government having initiated the negotiations, they should accept the invitation from the British Government to attend the Conference.

May I ask whether the Government has considered the awful and wonderful choice of inviting Germany to take the offensive against Soviet Russia as suggested by the Secretary of State for War?

Government of Ireland

Trade Union Congress Deputation

May I ask the Prime Minister whether, previously to answering a question put to him on Monday last by the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil), he had read the OFFICIAL REPORT, or if he has since read it, and whether the answer he then gave is justified by the facts? The suggestion contained in the answer was that I, speaking in the House on Thursday night, had broken faith. I will read the answer of the Prime Minister:

"I can add nothing to the statement which I made on Tuesday last to a deputation introduced by the right hon. Member for Derby, a full report of which has been published in the Press. May I just say here that I very much regret that in my absence the right hon. Gentleman made a reference to something which had passed at the deputation, it having been agreed that an official report would be published. It may be impossible to receive these deputations unless the understanding which has been always honourably adhered to up to the present is observed; that there should be no communication with respect to the deputation except the agreed report which is always issued after the deputation."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 26th July, 1920, col. 938, Vol. 132.]

I regret that I was not in the House at the time, but when I read that reply, I immediately got the OFFICIAL REPORT to see exactly what was said, and it read as follows:

"The Railwaymen's Executive called a conference of all the Irish branches, North and South, and the delegation from the North and South waited upon the Prime Minister. I, myself, headed the deputation, and the reply that he then gave a fortnight ago was just as I have said."

In a further paragraph I said:

"He repeated it to-day."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 22nd July, 1920, col. 786, Vol. 132.]

I did not use the words "breach of faith." I did express regret that there should be a reference to something which took place at a private deputation unless there be an agreed report. I attach very great importance to these deputations and to that understanding being maintained. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that the OFFICIAL REPORT does not quite bear out the report in the Press. The report in the Press clearly referred to the statement which I had made that afternoon. I agree that the statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT is of a different character, and, if I had had that in my mind, and that alone, I certainly would not have complained, because in the OFFICIAL REPORT the reference is to something which happened a fortnight ago and which had been published; but the statement in the Press distinctly attributed to the right hon. Gentleman a reference to something which had taken place that very afternoon.

I apologise to the House. The House will see my object in rising, because, having taken part in many deputations, it is a very bad thing to be accused of a breach of faith, and I felt it my duty to make the matter clear.

Business of the House

May I ask the Leader of the House what business it is intended to take next week, and also whether he can state to-day what Bills it is intended to get through before the Adjournment?

In consequence of one or two small Bills having got through [Standing] Committee to-day, we hope, in addition to those mentioned yesterday, to get the following Bills tomorrow: The Merchant Shipping (Scottish Fishing Boats) Bill, Report; Public Libraries (Scotland) Bill, Report; Ministry of Food (Continuance) Bill, Report; and the Resident Magistrates (Ireland) Bill, Report.

With regard to next week the business will be:

Monday, Supplementary Estimates;

Tuesday, Supply (Ministry of Munitions and Pensions);

Wednesday, Scottish Estimates;

Thursday and Friday, a Bill to deal with the disorders in Ireland.

If my right hon. Friend will put a question on Monday, I hope to be able to state exactly what business we will get through before the Recess.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the Women, Young Persons and Children (Employment) Bill will be passed before the Recess, in view of the importance of getting this matter settled before the Autumn?

Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to suspend the Eleven O'clock Rule generally to the end of the Session, and will there be a statement on business generally in the ordinary way?

Is the Bill fixed for Thursday and Friday to be passed through all its stages before the Recess?

Will it be a Bill dealing with criminal injuries, or with law courts, or both, or will it introduce other subjects?

Perhaps my hon. Friend will wait until he sees the Bill. We propose to have only one Bill.

Am I right in supposing that the proceedings on the Irish Bill on Thursday and Friday will be preceded by what is known as a Guillotine Resolution.

The right hon. Gentleman referred to the Shops (Early Closing) Bill yesterday. Can he give any reason why it has been dropped for discussion tomorrow?

No, I said that, that this was in addition to the Bills I mentioned yesterday.

Could my right hon. Friend say whether he intends to take the Third reading of the Ministry of Mines Bill to-day?

Yes.

Ordered, "That on this day the Ministry of Mines Bill and the Indemnity Bill have precedence of the Business of Supply."—[ Mr. Bonar Law. ]

Motion made, and Question put," That the Proceedings on the Ministry of Mines Bill and Indemnity Bill be exempted at this day's Sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ Mr. Bonar Law. ]

The House divided: Ayes, 237; Noes, 71.

Division No. 261.]

AYES.

[4.15p.m.

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd)

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath)

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Atkey, A. R.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Lorden, John William

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Falle, Major Sir Bertram G.

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Farquharson, Major A. C.

M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P.

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood-

Fell, Sir Arthur

Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray

Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern)

Barnett, Major R. W.

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Macmaster, Donald

Barnston, Major Harry

Foreman, Henry

M'Micking, Major Gilbert

Barrand, A. R.

Forrest, Walter

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Frece, Sir Walter de

Macquisten, F. A.

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd

Magnus, Sir Philip

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Mallalieu, F. W.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Gilbert, James Daniel

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h)

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Betterton, Henry B.

Glyn, Major Ralph

Matthews, David

Borwick, Major G. O.

Goff, Sir R. Park

Mitchell, William Lane

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith

Gould, James C.

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A.

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Breese, Major Charles E.

Grant, James A.

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Bridgeman, William Clive

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Morris, Richard

Brittain, Sir Harry

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Morrison, Hugh

Brown, Captain D. C.

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C.

Bruton, Sir James

Greig, Colonel James William

Mosley, Oswald

Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Murchison, C. K.

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W.D'by)

Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh)

Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay)

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Murray, Major William (Dumfries)

Burn, T. H. (Belfast, St. Anne's)

Hanna, George Boyle

Neal, Arthur

Butcher, Sir John George

Hanson, Sir Charles Augustin

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Campbell, J. D. G.

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Nicholl, Commander Sir Edward

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Harris, Sir Henry Percy

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Carr, W. Theodore

Haslam, Lewis

O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H.

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Palmer, Major Godfrey Mark

Casey, T. W.

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, Yeovil)

Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Parker, James

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Bm., W.)

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool)

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Higham, Charles Frederick

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Percy, Charles

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Perring, William George

Coats, Sir Stuart

Hunter-Weston, Lieut. -Gen. Sir A. G

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Prescott, Major W. H.

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Collins, Sir G. P. (Greenock)

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Pulley, Charles Thornton

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Jephcott, A. R.

Purchase, H. G.

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Jesson, C.

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Cory, Sir C. J. (Cornwall, St. Ives)

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Raper, A. Baldwin

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Johnstone, Joseph

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.)

Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple)

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke)

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Curzon, Commander Viscount

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Jones, William Kennedy (Hornsey)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Norwood)

Dawes, James Arthur

Kidd, James

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham)

King, Commander Henry Douglas

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Dewhurst, Lieut. -Commander Harry

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Doyle, N. Grattan

Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster)

Seager, Sir William

Duncannon, Viscount

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Seddon, J. A.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Edge, Captain William

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Simm, M. T.

Sprat, Colonel Sir Alexander

Thomas-Stanford, Charles

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Wigan, Brig.-Gen. John Tyson

Steel, Major S. Strang

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Stephenson, Colonel H. K.

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald

Stevens, Marshall

Townley, Maximilian G.

Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud

Stewart, Gershom

Tryon, Major George Clement

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Wallace, J.

Yate, Colonel Charles Edward

Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C.

Ward-Jackson, Major C. L.

Yeo, Sir Alfred William

Sutherland, Sir William

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Waring, Major Walter

Young, W. (Perth & Kinross, Perth)

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Warner, Sir. T. Courtenay T.

Younger, Sir George

Taylor, J.

Warren, Lieut.-Col. Sir Alfred H.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Wason, John Cathcart

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Wheier, Lieut.-Colonel C. H.

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley

Ward.

NOES.

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Hirst, G. H.

Royce, William Stapleton

Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.)

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Sexton, James

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Hogge, James Myles

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Bottomley, Horatio W.

Holmes, J. Stanley

Sitch, Charles H.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Irving, Dan

Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough)

Brace, Rt. Hon. William

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Spencer, George A.

Briant, Frank

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Spoor, B. C.

Bromfield, William

Kiley, James D.

Swan, J. E.

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Lawson, John J.

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Cairns, John

Lunn, William

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Cape, Thomas

Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian)

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Tillett, Benjamin

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Mills, John Edmund

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Morgan, Major D. Watts

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Crooks, Rt. Hon. William

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Wignall, James

Devlin, Joseph

Myers, Thomas

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

Edwards, C (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Newbould, Alfred Ernest

Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Finney, Samuel

O'Connor, Thomas P.

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge)

Galbraith, Samuel

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Wintringham, T.

Glanville, Harold James

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Graham, R. (Nelson and Coine)

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Grundy, T. W.

Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—.—

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Robertson, John

Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. Tyson Wilson.

Hallas, Eldred

Rose, Frank H.

Ministry of Food (Continuance) Bill

Reported, with Amendments from Standing Committee E.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 168.]

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed. [No. 168.]

Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration Tomorrow, and to be printed. [Bill 190.]

Merchant Shipping (Scottish Fishing Boats) Bill

Reported, with an Amendment, from the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 169.]

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed. [No. 169.]

Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken in consideration To-morrow.

Public Libraries (Scotland) Bill

Reported, with an Amendment, from the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 170.]

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.[No. 170.]

Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill No. 191.]

Standing Committees (Chairmen's Panel)

Mr. JOHN WILLIAM WILSON reported from the (Chairmen's) panel: That they had appointed Mr. Turton to act as Chairman of Standing Committee A (in respect of the Telegraph (Money) Bill).

Report to lie upon the Table.

Resident Magistrates (Ireland) Bill

Reported, without Amendment, from Standing Committee B.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 171.]

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed. [No. 171.]

Bill, not amended (in the Standing, Committee), to be taken into consideration To-morrow.

Bills Reported

Life Association of Scotland Bill [ Lords ], Uxbridge and Wycombe District Gas Bill [ Lords ],

Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table.

National Expenditure

Fifth Report from the Select Committee brought up, and read;

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 172.]

Trade Union Ballot Bill

Reported, with Amendments, from Standing Committee D.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 173.]

Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed. [No. 173.]

Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration upon Monday next.

Orders of the Day

Ministry of Mines Bill

As amended ( in the Standing Committee ), considered.

CLAUSE 2.—(General powers and duties.)

(1) It shall be the duty of the Minister of Mines, in the exercise and performance of the powers and duties transferred to or conferred or imposed on him by or in pursuance of this Act, subject to any directions which may be given by the Board of Trade, to take steps to carry out the purposes aforesaid, and there shall, as from such date or dates as His Majesty in Council may determine, be transferred to the Minister of Mines—

(b) all the powers of a Secretary of State under enactments relating to coal mines, metalliferous mines, and quarries.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (1, b ), to leave out the words "coal mines, metalliferous."

The effect of this will be to make the paragraph read "relating to mines and quarries." It is really a drafting Amendment.

Amendment agreed to.

CLAUSE 3.—(Powers of regulating export and price of coal.)

(3) If any person exports, sells or supplies, or offers for sale, or attempts to export or supply any coal in contravention of any directions given under this Section or otherwise contravenes any such directions, he shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding one hundred pounds, or, in the case of a contravention of the directions as to the export supply or price of coal, at the discretion of the court, to a fine not exceeding treble the amount by which the sum paid or payable on any coal exported, supplied or sold by him in contravention of any such directions exceeds the maximum sum which would have been paid or payable for the coal if there had been no such contravention:

I beg to move, in Subsection (3), after the word "contravention" ["had been no such contravention"], to insert the words

"and any coal which in contravention of any such directions is exported or brought to any place or water-borne to be shipped for exportation or for bunker coal shall be forfeited under the Customs (Consolidation) ACT, 1876, as amended by any subsequent enactment."

This is an Amendment designed to meet the view of the Customs House.

Amendment agreed to.

CLAUSE 4.—(Advisory Committees.)

(1) The Minister of Mines shall appoint committees for the purpose of giving to him advice and assistance on matters connected with his powers and duties under this Act relating to coal and the coal industry and to the metalliferous mining industry respectively, and may appoint one or more other committees for the purpose of giving him advice and assistance on matters connected with any of his other powers and duties, and in appointing members of any committee hereinbefore referred to the Minister of Mines shall act after consultation with the various interests concerned, and any such committee when appointed shall be summoned to meet at least once in every quarter.

(3) The Advisory Committee on Coal and the Coal Industry shall consist of a Chairman and twenty-four other persons, of whom—

Four shall be representative of owners of coal mines;

Four shall be representative of workers in or about coal mines;

Three shall be representative of employers in other industries;

Three shall be representative of workers in other industries;

One shall be a mining engineer;

Two shall be agents or managers of coal mines holding first-class certificates;

One shall be a coal exporter;

One shall be a coal factor or coal merchant;

One shall be a person with experience of commerce other than the production or distribution of coal;

One shall be a person with experience in co-operative trading;

Three shall be persons with expert knowledge of medical or other science.

I beg to move, in Subsection (1), to leave out the words "and any such Committee when appointed shall be summoned to meet at least once in every quarter."

The Clause gives the Minister of Mines power to appoint a number of Committees to advise him on various matters. It was originally provided that any such Committees should meet once every quarter. That is suitable in the case of a main Committee, but it would not be so in the case of other Committees which might find it necessary to meet oftener.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, in Subsection (3), to leave out the word "twenty-four," and to insert instead thereof the word "twenty-five."

The object of this Amendment is to increase the number of the Advisory Committee by one in order to enable a colliery official to be appointed. I notice that the right hon. Gentleman proposes to insert the words "under-managers" after "managers," and while I quite appreciate that concession, I submit it does not go as far as the Federation of Colliery Officials would wish. They would like to be able to appoint one of their number to act on the Advisory Committee. They do not want to be appointed by the owners which would be the effect of the right hon. Gentleman's Amendment.

I beg to second the Amendment. These colliery officials are a very important class and upon them with their accurate knowledge depends the safe working of the collieries. They are there for all working hours of the day and they are acquainted with the details in a way in which the bigger people and agents and general managers cannot be acquainted. They are separately organised. They do not come into the miners' unions. On the other hand, they do not regard themselves as representing merely the capital or owning element. They desire to have representation as a more or less impartial body between capital and labour. They are a very numerous body and comprise under-managers, clerical staff, technical advisers, engineers and so on. They are highly skilled, intelligent people, and there are many thousands of them throughout the country. They ask that on the Advisory Committee, if room can be found for three persons with expert knowledge on medical or other science, and for people interested in other forms of business, that, at any rate, room should be found for one colliery official skilled is the detailed work of the colliery and holding an impartial position. It may be said that the right hon. Gentleman meets us by adding under-managers to agents or managers. But as there are only two of that class there could not be one from each. The advice of the colliery officials on technical knowledge would be invaluable on this Advisory Committee.

I much appreciate the point made by the two hon. Gentlemen, and it is a point which I have very carefully considered. I would regret very much to alter the number of Members, because it is now constituted on a certain balance which would be destroyed if we changed the number. If we did so, I could only foresee attempts being made to get other Members added to this Committee, as well as the particular one with regard to which my hon. Friends have moved. What I have done by the Amendment I have put on the Paper more nearly ensures what they desire than what they themselves are proposing. Their Amendment is that there should be a colliery official, but, of course, any member of the management, including the chief manager, responds to that description. The manager of the pit is the leading colliery official, and all the others below him, no doubt, enjoy the description of colliery officials also, but not more than he does. What I have put on the Paper is that there should be two persons, who shall be agents, or managers, or under-managers. That recognises the particular class of individual to which my hon. Friends have referred, to wit, the under-managers. The description which my hon. Friend opposite (Mr. A. Williams) has given of the various people who form what he has described as a body of colliery officials really includes something infinitely greater than what any ordinary use of language could possibly describe as colliery officials. The ordinary hands of the pit who are outside those engaged in the mining operations come within the category he has described, but they could never come within the description of colliery officials, and the body he seeks to have represented would be for the most part composed of people who would not have the opportunity of ever becoming members of this body. Accordingly, I venture to suggest to my hon. Friends that they should leave the matter where I have put it.

Would the right hon. Gentleman be willing to make "two" into "three," so that there should be one agent, one manager, and one under-manager?

I beg to move, in Sub-section (3), after the word "managers" ["managers of coal mines"], to insert the words "or under-managers."

That means, of course, that the gentlemen would be chosen by the Minister of Mines?

The right hon. Gentleman criticised my Amendment just now on the purely verbal point that we had spoken of officials and that, he said, might include managers. I will not put my legal knowledge against his, but if in one Clause you provide for representation of a manager, and in another you provide for representation of an official, I should like to take a brief to plead that it means an official other than a manager. At any rate, it is a purely verbal point, and our meaning is quite clear, and if the right hon. Gentleman had wished to accept our Amendment he could have met it by adding words such as "an official below the grade of manager." I think it is unsatisfactory that here he only provides for under-managers. There are other highly-skilled officials about the colliery, quite apart from the hands with no particular skill to whom he referred; there are engineers, electricians, and so forth, and I think it unsatisfactory that he only includes under-managers, who may be considered to be pretty much in the hands of the owners. Before the Bill goes to another place I hope he will widen it a little and put on under-managers or officials below the rank of manager.

Amendment agreed to.

CLAUSE 5.—(Staff Remuneration and Expenses.)

(1)The Minister of Mines may appoint such secretaries, assistant secretaries, officers, and servants as the Minister of Mines, may, subject to the consent of the Treasury as to number, determine.

(2)There shall be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament to the Minister of Mines an annual salary not exceeding two thousand pounds, and to the secretaries, assistant secretaries, officers, and servants of the Ministry of Mines such salaries or remuneration as the Treasury may from time to time determine.

(3) The expenses of the Ministry of Mines, to such amount as may be sanctioned by the Treasury, shall be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament:

Provided that the total amount of such salaries and expenses shall not in any year exceed two hundred and fifty thousand pounds.

(4) There shall be transferred and attached to the Ministry of Mines such of the persons employed under any other Government Department in or about the execution of the powers and duties transferred by or under this Act to the Minister of Mines, as the Minister of Mines and the other Government Department, with the sanction of the Treasury, may determine.

(5) The Minister of Mines may from time to time distribute the business of the Department amongst the several persons transferred and attached thereto in pursuance of this Act, in such manner as he may think right, and those officers shall perform such duties in relation to that business as may be directed by the Minister of Mines:

Provided position such persons shall be in no worse position as respects the tenure of office, salary, or superannuation allowances than they would have been if this Act had not been passed.

I beg to moves to leave out the Clause.

I do so for the purpose of calling attention to the terms of the Clause and to ask the Government why it is necessary to establish this elaborate and costly machinery, which will be very costly at the outset and will, without question, become much more costly in future. As the Bill is called a Bill "to establish a Ministry of Mines," I was advised that it would be impossible for me to move to omit the words in the first Clause which provide for the appointment of a Minister of Mines, that matter having been determined on the Second Reading. It is, however, quite possible to move to omit the Clause which provides for the payment of the Minister and his staff, and that is the only way in which I can bring the matter before the notice of the House. Why on earth should we have an elaborate new Department constituted for this particular industry? It is a very important industry, but it is not of much greater importance, if any, than the textile industry of this country. Why should we not have another Minister coming down next year and proposing to have a Minister of Textiles, and then a Minister of the iron trade, and then Ministers of all the other trades? The thing is absolutely endless, and it is very bad administrative policy. Not very long ago a Commission was appointed to inquire into the Civil Service, and if I recollect rightly, one of their chief recommendations was that you should group existing Departments under chiefs so as to diminish the number of separate Departments, and they are perfectly right. Anyone who has ever worked in the Government machine knows that one of the great curses of the Government machine is the jealousy and hostility that grow up between Departments and Departments. They check one another, and they cause endless additional expense and great official friction, and the fewer Departments you have the better. The true line of advance is not to create new Ministries and Departments, but to group existing Ministries and Departments under some bigger chiefs, who will keep them all together.

It is quite true that, technically, the Minister of Mines is put under the Board of Trade, but every precaution is taken in the Bill to make him in fact an independent Minister. Instead of being called a mere Under-Secretary, he is called a Minister, and there is no reason for that at all, except to give him an independent existence. In this case a whole elaborate hierarchical machinery is established. He, not the Board of Trade, is given the right to appoint secretaries, assistant-secretaries, officers, and servants as he may think right, and he is to be paid, not the salary of an Under-Secretary, but a salary of £2,000 a year, and the secretaries and assistant-secretaries and officers and servants of the Ministry of Mines are all naturally to have salaries, and the expenses of the Ministry of Mines are to be paid separately, that is to say, it is to have a separate Estimate, and the whole thing is not to exceed £250,000 a year. In these days of Budgets of £1,400,000,000, that may not seem a very large sum, but actually £250,000 a year is a very large sum indeed, and no one who has any experience of Ministries can doubt that, if it begins by costing £250,000 a year, it will not be very long before it costs at least double or treble that sum. Therefore, I earnestly protest against this. What is the use of the Government and this House talking, as they did yesterday, of economy, and all falling over one another in their professions of a desire to see the administration of this country carried on more economically, if the very next day the Government comes down to the House and asks for sanction for the establishment of an entirely new Ministry? The effect must be deplorable on the public mind. They must say, and say rightly, that all this pretence of economy is mere hypocrisy, which does not really mean anything at all. The Government is still in the war mind, when the great thing was, and very rightly during the War, to increase the power of the Executive to the utmost point in order to make the action of the State as rapid as possible, even though it might involve a very large expenditure of money. That was a right and essential policy during the War, but it is absolutely wrong in peace. We want to diminish the power of the Executive, and it is the greatest mistake to increase it, and a still greater mistake to increase the cost of the Executive.

I beg to second the Amendment.

I have the greatest possible pleasure in supporting the Noble Lord in what he has said. My opposition to this Bill is not in any way connected with the provisions in it which are devised for the necessary purpose of the better control of the coal industry. It is solely directed to what I am persuaded is going to be a serious and a quite unnecessary additional burden placed upon the taxpayers of this country. I conceive it to be my duty on every possible occasion from now onwards, wherever one can, to take any action to force upon the Government the evil of its ways in the matter of expenditure, and to try and draw the attention of the House, and ultimately, I hope, the influence of the House, to the pressing need of taking every opportunity that comes before us of cutting down expenditure and reducing the enormous Budget with which we are presented this year. To my mind it is incongruous to have a Bill that proposes to set up a new Minister when that Minister is, by the very terms of the Bill, given all the powers of a Secretary of State and at the same time is a paid servant of another Minister of His Majesty's Government. That is a position which I cannot understand, and I do not know how it will work out. It only confirms my belief that there is not a real necessity for the establishment of a separate Ministry, and I cannot conceive, studying this Bill as I have done, that there is any provision in it which could not be perfectly satisfactorily administered by the present Board of Trade under the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill.

Certainly not. The Board of Trade have at the present moment a staff dealing with these par- ticular matters. Undoubtedly, if the provisions for the control of the coal trade are to be carried into effect, the Board Of Trade would require some addition to their present staff, and I have no doubt quite rightly, but there is a vast difference between the Board of Trade adding on another room or two and a few more officials in order to carry out this administration, probably at a total cost of from £5,000 to £8,000, and the £250,000 which is laid down as a maximum that this Ministry can spend in salaries and expenses under the Bill. There is one gratifying point in this Bill on that matter. I believe it is the first time in any Bill that a Government has agreed to a fixed limit in the Bill as to what the total expenditure on the Minister and his staff and expenses shall be. Here it is limited to £50,000. That certainly is a safeguard and an improvement, but I think we are all of us experienced in the ways of Governments from time to time, and we know that nothing is easier in the near future than for some Amendment to be brought forward and without a murmur for this protection to be removed. I can only conclude by expressing a very fervent desire that the Members of this House will take this step as an initial step in a new policy of forcing the Government by every means in their power to reduce the excessive expenditure which their policy and their system of administration is casting on the taxpayers of this country.

The Noble Lord and the hon. Baronet have made very eloquent speeches on the pressing question of economy, but they cannot say anything on that subject but what I feel, and if I believed that this Bill was going to be a cause of extravagance with the country's money, I should not be here to recommend it to the House. There has been a considerable number of apprehensions evidently floating in the minds of Members who have spoken. I thought the Noble Lord had the intention of wrecking the Bill by the speech he started out to make, but before he sat down he concluded with an argument which entirely established the proposals I am making in the Bill. He commended to the House and to the country the proposals which were set forth by Lord Haldane's Committee with regard to the grouping of Ministries or Departments under one head. That is exactly the scheme which we propose by this Bill. This Minister of Mines is not, as the Noble Lord seems to think, but would not if he had read the Bill——

Not with his usual accuracy or care, because, so far from the Minister of Mines being entirely independent of the Board of Trade, in regard to the most important of his functions, wherever he has got to deal with any question of policy, he is subject to the immediate control of the President of the Board of Trade, and it is only in those matters of routine, which are the ordinary matters of every office, and the appointment of staff that the Minister of Mines really has any independent position at all. The Noble Lord shakes his head. I do not wish to take up the time of the House in going through the Clauses which make this perfectly clear. But if this Bill involved any extravagance I should not have recommended it to the House. The Noble Lord referred to the sum of £250,000 which is to be the cost of working this Ministry. If he had listened to the Debate on the Financial Resolution, he would have learned of what this £250,000 was made up. It is already spent, in large measure, in keeping up the staff which, at the Home Office, regulates the whole system of inspection of mines. It is also spent on the staff dealing with matters with which the Board of Trade is concerned. Then there is the staff which, in the Education Office, is dealing with geology and surveys, and so on, and there are half a dozen different Departments whose establishments in connection with coal will be transferred to the establishment of the Ministry of Mines. The £250,000 in this Bill, really, is almost entirely made up of expenses contributed by the State to the upkeep of these various establishments which we are taking over, and I am very glad the Noble Lord has given me the opportunity of making this statement, because I see from the Press the same misapprehension seems to exist outside the House as inside the House. So far from believing there is going to be any extravagance created by this Bill, I believe that by collecting all Departments, which at present look after the management of the coal industry, under one Department and one Ministry, economies will be effected, instead of creating extravagance. The worst way you can run any business is by having bits of staff in different places doing different things. It leads to overlapping, and I believe that, so far from extravagance, what we propose to do will produce economy.

Let me say one more word upon this matter. In adopting the plan of putting this Ministry under an already existing office, we are doing something different from what has been done by other countries and some of our own great Dominions. A Ministry of Mines is quite an ordinary Department of Government now in other countries. I do not imagine there are many countries with so much interest in mines as we have which have not got a separate Department in regard to them. There have been several Commissions which have dealt with this matter. Two of them have reported distinctly that there ought to be set up in this country a separate Ministry dealing with mines, and not a merely separate Department of another Ministry, and if one reads these Reports one sees what extraordinary importance is attached to this matter by the Committees which reported upon the mining industry. The coal miners of this country have always asked for a separate Ministry. The coal owners have likewise asked for a Ministry to deal with this matter. The Noble Lord compared the coal industry with other industries, but, in point of fact, there is no other Ministry in this country comparable with the coal trade, and if you add to it the metalliferous mines, you are presented with the view of a great organisation than which there is none other bigger in this country at the present time. In coal mines alone there are employed something like 1,200,000 people. Their product is more valuable than the product of any other industry. Their wages are immeasurably greater than those of any other industry, and if you look at its effects in the ordinary life of our people, the necessity which everybody has of enjoying a supply of coal at a reasonable price, its effect upon the whole prosperity of every industry you possess in this country, it is impossible to exaggerate the importance of having this industry carried on in the best possible condition. I do not think it is necessary to say anything more in defending the project we have here of setting up a Ministry of Mines within the Board of Trade Department.

I was not in the House when the Noble Lord spoke, and, therefore, I was not able to follow what remarks he made, but, at any rate, I am grateful to him for raising this point. The only difference between the Noble Lord and myself on these matters is that he is fortunate enough to raise these points before dinner, and I have to do it after half-past 12 at night, working in double shifts. It is quite a relief to be able to discuss a financial question at a reasonable hour, so far as a Government measure is concerned. Every point ought to be most carefully examined where any new Ministry is being set up, and I, for one, am grateful to the Noble Lord for the Motion he has made, but I am not able to follow him into the Lobby in the matter, for this reason, that I think a Ministry of Mines such as is contemplated by this Bill is a very sound proposition. I have had a good deal to do with the coal trade in my days, and I know what hopeless inconvenience is caused, if you are dealing with the question of inspection, in running to the Home Office, and, if you are dealing with the commercial side, in having to go to the Board of Trade, and sometimes even to the Treasury, hunting one question after another through the whole of Whitehall, wasting any amount of time and correspondence and physical exercise in trying to find out what the right Department is.

There can be no doubt at all that the formation of a Department such as this is a real necessity. The only point is whether it is being economically constructed. That, of course, is important. We have the assurance from the Minister in charge of this Bill that it is not going to cost any more. I should be glad if that were the case. I quite agree it ought not to cost any more. Of course, if the officials in the Home Office, in the Board of Trade, in the Labour Department, and in the Treasury can be appointed to this one Department, working under the roof of the Board of Trade, and subject to the final direction of the President of the Board of Trade, it certainly ought not to cost a penny more than it does at present; in fact, there ought to be substantial economies effected. I only rose to say that, so far as this particular Amendment is concerned—I do not believe my Noble Friend will care to press it to a Division—I am grateful to him for raising the point.

I shall not divide, in view of what my right hon. Friend opposite has said, but, at the same time, I admit quite frankly I am not in the least convinced. I am perfectly satisfied this is going to increase the cost of administration. There is no reason in the world for calling this person a Minister of Mines, except in order to increase his importance and increase the cost. To call him an Under-Secretary would work much more cheaply and just as efficiently. My right hon. Friend says he is really to be an Under-Secretary and is to be in all essentials under the Board of Trade. Then why not call him so? There is no difficulty. Parliamentary Under-Secretaries are in rows on the Treasury Bench. My right hon. Friend knows his Bill, of course, much better than I do, but take Clause 6. It says that the Minister of Mines may sue and be sued as the Minister of Mines, and may for all purposes be described as the Minister of Mines. He is to have an official seal, and to be empowered to take action in all sorts of ways as an independent entity, and that is the purpose of the Bill. As for the doctrine that you are going to save money by transferring officials from other Departments, I hope my right hon. Friend's anticipation will be justified by the event, but it will be almost the first time in the administration of this country if it is. I know what will happen. There will be a few officials transferred, and it will be found quite impossible to transfer a certain number in the old offices and they will spend just as much as the whole group of officials used to spend, and the officials transferred will mean an additional cost. Any increase in the complication of your bureaucracy means expense, and nobody who reads this Bill can have the slightest doubt or hesitation that this Bill means a great increase in the cost of administration of mines. Look at the vast number of Committees you are creating. All of these will have clerks and offices, and will require to correspond with the Ministry of Mines. All this means increased expense. When my right hon. Friend said quite sincerely—for I am sure he was sincere—that he was convinced this would not increase the cost of administration, then all I can say is that he is saying something I find it absolutely impossible to believe will turn out to be the fact, and I do think, if it were true that this was not going to cause increased expense, at this moment, and in the present atmosphere of public opinion, to create a new Ministry is a most wicked and foolish thing to do.

5.0 P.M.

May I ask the Minister a question on the point which the Noble Lord has just made? At the end of Clause I it states that the new Minister is to be an additional Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Trade. Does that mean that this new official will be of a rank other than as described here? If he is a Minister, as we understand a Minister, then, of course, his satellites, if I may so describe them, go up in the scale of pay and status; but if he is in fact to be no more than an additional Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Trade, then the whole of his following, if I may so describe them, will have an appropriate status. If, in spite of what he is described here, he is in fact to be a Minister, why then you will have the whole paraphernalia of a large Ministry. I should be glad if my right hon. Friend would give an assurance on that point.

The Minister of Mines will be as described, a Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Trade. He will have a salary of £2,000 which, as my right hon. Friend knows, is not uncommon amongst Parliamentary Secretaries. It is not unique that a person in that position, under a Department, should be known as a Minister. My Noble Friend behind me really should know, because he was Minister of Blockade under the Foreign Office.

It may have been very costly. I take it from my Noble Friend that it was so. That may have been because of the way in which it was carried on, and administered. The Noble Lord took some pride, only yesterday, in the fact that he had taken no interest in the administration of his office, and had not checked the expenditure.

My right hon. Friend has really no right to say that. That is not the way, if he will allow me to say so, to conduct the Debate. He knows quite well that I said nothing of the kind. What I said was it was quite impossible to do it. The administration of the Ministry of Blockade, though it was costly, and necessarily costly, I believe, considering the effect produced in the War, was one of the cheapest of the War operations of this country.

I am very glad to withdraw that particular phrase. I thought my Noble Friend said that he was unable to check the expenditure of his Department. His remarks on the subject did not seem to me to be quite consistent. However that may be, the status of this Minister is given distinctly in the first Clause of the Bill. He has the status of a Parliamentary Secretary.

There is one point about which I should like to say a word—the transfer of certain Government Departments to the Ministry of Mines; because the fact remains that the Coal Controller's Department, as it now exists, is to be transferred to the Ministry of Mines. The expenses of the Coal Controller s Department have never been paid by the State up to the present, but by the coal industry under the Coal Mines Emergency Act. All the profits of the coal industry are pooled, and out of that pool is taken the expenses of the Coal Controller's Department. On 31st August, when the Act comes to an end, under this new Bill the whole cost of the Coal Controller's Department will come on the State for the first time.

Not for the first time. We discussed that before, and I agreed with my hon. Friend about the Coal Mines Emergency Act; but this is not the first time.

At the present time the Coal Controller's Department is being paid for by the coal industry. In the future, as from 1st September of this year, it is going to be paid for by the State. The right hon. Gentleman estimates the cost of the transferred Department at £75,000 per year. That, at any rate, is a new charge on the State. I think this is a point of importance, and that it should be brought out. With this new charge of £75,000 on the State, it is obvious you cannot expect many economies as compared with the expenditure at present.

Amendment negatived.

Part II

CLAUSE 8.—(Pit and district committees, and area and national boards.)

The Minister of Mines shall, subject to the approval of the Board of Trade, by regulations provide for the constitution—

(d) of a National Board;

having such functions as may, subject to the provisions of this Act, be prescribed by the regulations, and the procedure of the several committees and boards shall be such as may be prescribed by the regulations:

Amendment made: In paragraph (d), after the word "procedure" ["and the procedure of the several committees and boards"], insert the words "and meetings."—[ Sir B. Horne. ]

CLAUSE 9.—(Constitution and functions of Pit Committees.)

(1) A pit committee shall consist of representatives of the owners and management of the mine appointed by the owners and of workers employed in or about the mine selected by ballot of the workers in accordance with the regulations from amongst their own number, so however that the representatives of the workers shall constitute half of the number of the pit committee

(2) The functions of a pit committee shall be to discuss and make recommendations with respect to—

(a) the safety, health, and welfare of the workers in connexion with their work at the mine;

(b) the maintenance and increase of out-put;

(c) reports made on an inspection under Section sixteen of the Coal Mines Act, 1911, which reports shall be referred to the committee by the manager;

(d) disputes arising in connexion with the mine including disputes as to wages;

(e) any other questions and matters relating to the mine which may be prescribed by the Regulations.

(3) In the case of a mine for which a pit committee is established the management of the accommodation and facilities for taking baths and drying clothes provided under Section seventy-seven of the Coal Mines Act, 1911, shall be under the control of the pit committee instead of that of a committee established in accordance with Sub-section (5)of that Section.

(4) The Regulations shall provide for the holding of meetings of pit committees at intervals of not more than a month, and for matters which cannot be satisfactorily disposed of by the pit committee being referred to the district committee, or in the case of questions to which the Coal Mines Act of 1911 applies to the inspector of the division.

(5) For enabling a pit committee to exercise their functions under paragraphs (a) and (b) of Sub-section (2) of this Section, the committee shall be entitled to be furnished by the manager of the mine with such relevant information as may be necessary for the purpose, and may appoint two of their members, one being a person concerned in the management of the mine and one being a worker, to make periodical inspections of the mine or any part thereof and to report the result of their inspections to the committee, and the persons so appointed shall have all such facilities for the purpose of making inspections as per sons appointed to make inspections under Section sixteen of the Coal Mines Act, 1911, and that Section shall apply accordingly.

(6) Any recommendations of the pit committee made on any report under Section sixteen of the Coal Mines Act, 1911, which has been referred to the committee, and on any other matters to which that Act relates, shall be sent to the inspector of the division by the manager.

I beg to move, to leave out the Clause.

I move this Amendment for various reasons, but I will confine myself entirely to two of them. In the first place, these proposed Pit Committees have certain functions placed upon them which, in my view, as a colliery man, is going to interfere very seriously with the whole of the mining operations of the three Kingdoms. Take Sub-section (2, a, b ). We find that the management by these may be very seriously interfered with. Very large powers are given to these Pit Committees. While I quite admit that in some cases it is absolutely necessary that there should be Pit Committees to do certain things, I am still of opinion that in this particular matter this Clause gives to Pit Committees power beyond what a Pit Committee should have. At every colliery there are disputes of some kind or another. When one takes into consideration the question of seams of different natures, of how these seams alter very much even within a few days, of prices which have to be regulated frequently between the management and those who work these places, it is not a bad idea to have a body of respectable men who work beside these seams to help to deal with the question. At the same time some seams are much different to others, and while a Committee of practical men might do a good deal in arranging questions of direction, and so on, there are limits to its work. When I was a young man and a colliery manager it was quite a common thing for the men to meet me to discuss various matters, and we got through very satisfactorily. But beyond that I cannot see what good a Pit Committee can do in connection with Clause 9.

In the second place, I consider that the Clause as it stands it utterly impracticable. I want especially, with respect to paragraphs ( a ) and ( b ) to convince the House that this is a matter outside the functions of a Pit Committee. The Committee to be set up is to be composed half of workmen and half of the owners and the management. In the Definition Clause we see that the management may be the manager, under-manager, and various of the staff, including the deputies and firemen. It is a well-known fact, especially in Scotland, that the deputies are all connected with the Miners' Federation. With these men, when appointed, as they may be on this Pit Committee, and the workmen appointed, the Miners' Federation will be in a majority in every case. They will see to it that the behests they send down are carefully carried out.

I have nothing but admiration for mining people as a class. I hope hon. Members, when I speak this afternoon, while one may have to say something that perhaps may not be very palatable—I hope hon. Members who belong to the same class as myself will take it from me that I speak with the very highest respect of the mining people on the whole. But I think it will be granted, even to those who sit on the Benches opposite, and who represent the mining classes here very effectively, that miners as a rule are, after all, only practical men. Very few of them take the trouble to study the questions from the scientific side. In connection with mine management it is not only necessary that a man should be a practical man but that he should know something about the scientific and technical details of mining operations. What is objected to in connection with these two paragraphs, safety and health of the workers and their welfare—which I suppose means not only surface-men, but those underground—is that this Pit Committee will interfere with these matters. On the Second Reading I mentioned, and I may just repeat it, that for the health and safety of the men we have the Coal Mines Act, 1911; a very large number of the Sections of that Act deal entirely with this matter. The safety of the mines depends upon the men themselves to a very large extent in carrying out certain regulations. It depends also on the management in seeing that these are carried out, and it depends on the carrying out of the Act itself, and the operations carried out by the inspectors of mines. I cannot for the life of me see where in any way the Pit Committee can interfere in the question of the safety of the mines, because after all the safety of the mines to a very large extent indeed must always depend upon the men themselves who work there. The men who work in the mines are the men best qualified to know when the place is safe or not. As a rule these men take good care to see to their own safety first of all, and I think that is a very good principle, and one which has gone a long way to reduce the number of accidents in Great Britain. In connection with health there are also provisions in the Act——

Notice taken that forty Members were not present; House counted; and forty Members being found present ——

I am grateful to my hon. Friend opposite for the Count. When it was called I observed five Members of the Labour party on the Benches opposite, and as this concerns very much the Labour party, especially the mining section, it would have been a good thing if they themselves tried to make a House. In respect to the health question, of which I was speaking, there are other Clauses in the Bill and in the Mines Act which deal with it. I cannot see that anything further can be done in this connection by the Pit Committees. In connection with Sub-section (b), "the maintenance and increase of output," I think that entirely rests with the management. After all, we know that in mining operations we cannot maintain our output or increase it, unless we have a new system of development. In connection with mining operations, development is of the highest importance. If development is allowed to go back, output at once ceases. There might have been more coal to-day had not the work of development been prevented during the War by the stupidity of the men at the head of things.

There are two important factors in connection with mining operations. The first is that there must be output, and that can only be brought about by keeping always abreast of the highest scientific developments on the part of the management. The second factor is the question of cost. Unless we reduce the cost of these operations in such a manner that it will pay the industry to go on with these developments, then, of course, the industry must cease. These two factors are so mixed up with each other that it is impossible to go on with mining operations unless they are kept before us. This also involves high scientific training on the part of those concerned with mining operations.

As a scientific man, let me give the House a resumé of what I have done. Beginning at ten years of age, I worked in the mines until I was 28, with the exception of a few years spent in connection with mechanical engineering. I worked in the mines as a mining boy and as a pony-driver; I took part in all the day's operations, as a fireman, loader, and assistant manager, taking charge for many years of the large costing department in connection with mining engineering. For nine years I took a mining class. I passed 21 examinations in connection with mining, and was appointed Inspector of Mines. After 32 years I have, to-day, the honour of being President of the Mining Engineers in Scotland for the second term. Therefore, I think I can speak on behalf of the colliery managers of Scotland, and of England as well. I think I am qualified to say something on the question of mines and of scientific mining operations generally.

There is no industry I know in which so much of the scientific principle is involved as the mining industry. To be a competent manager of a mine to-day, a man must have a good knowledge of all scientific subjects. The moment you bring in a body of men to tell the managers how to manage the mines, mining operations must cease. I was very glad to hear the President of the Board of Trade say that you might as well tell a crew to take charge of a ship as to say that a committee of men or officials could try and undertake the question of management. This is entirely a question for the scientific man himself. The managers look on this Clause in this way. They say that, if a pit committee is set up to interfere with the management and the maintenance of increased output, it practically means that the management of the whole colliery will be controlled by this committee, and it will be impossible for the management to go on. They know from past experience that it is quite impossible to work alongside such a committee. Three or four weeks ago a meeting was held in London of colliery managers from England, Scotland and Wales. They discussed the question of these pit committees, and I am authorised in their name to give the following extract for their report. They offered— will do to the interests of the country. With regard to the managers, under the terms of the Act of 1911, no mine can be worked unless there is a first-class manager in charge.

It seems to me that the hon. Gentleman is wandering rather far afield. I have been looking at Clause 9, and I do not find all this under that umbrella.

I was trying to show that this Clause interferes with the management of the mines and what will be the result of that, and I was pointing out that nothing ought to be done to interfere with the management of the mines; but I accept your ruling, Mr. Deputy-Speaker.

Something has been said recently about the question of cost. It has been suggested that there might be six representatives on each side, and it is stated in this Bill that all the cost connected with these meetings shall be defrayed out of the charges in connection with the collieries. Suppose we take six representatives from a mine. That means 30,000 men for the workmen on the committees alone. These men have got to be paid, and at the present moment they will not attend a meeting under £l a time.

Another difficulty is that the men will not attend meetings in the evening, but only in the day.

I think the total cost during the whole year will amount to £500,000. In the first instance the colliery owner pays that, but by and by it is passed on to the consumer. These meetings will be held during the day when work should be going on, and it will be a very serious thing if all this work is lost. The output is bound to suffer. On these grounds I move that we should leave out Clause 9. The Clause is utterly impossible and cannot be worked, and under it decent men would be placed in a very serious position, which would not be for the good of the country.

I quite appreciate the long experience of my hon. Friend (Mr. McLaren) in this industry, and accordingly I should not venture on my own behalf to differ from him. I am, however, supported in this matter by all the opinion which has been directed to the consideration of this subject from both sides and from all quarters in connection with the reconstruction of the coal industry. A very well-known Commission was set up last year—the Sankey Commission—and everybody connected with that commission recommended that these committees should be set up in connection with the coal mining industry in order to bring the coal owner and the management into the same room together with those people whom they employed. That was not only suggested by the members of the Commission themselves, but it was suggested by the coal owners and it was supported by the representatives of the miners. Under these circumstances I do not think there is any ground for differing from that great body of opinion. On the contrary, this is the first time that it is proposed to set up by Statute what you, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, to your great honour and great credit, suggested should be set up for all industries in the country, a system by which harmonious relations will be introduced in our great business community. I do not think I need say any more to recommend the House to reject the proposal of my hon. Friend.

I am bound to support my hon. Friend's Amendment. My right hon. Friend said that this was a proposal made by the Miners' Association of Great Britain, and I would like to point out that there are a very large number of coalowners who are opposed to this Committee, and the managers are almost unanimous against it. There is this difference between the proposal made by the mineowners and the one contained in this Bill. What the mineowners suggested was a voluntary arrangement, and this is compulsory, and that is quite a different thing. The managers and the officials will be taken from their work in order to attend these committees, and the men also will be engaged on the business of these committees instead of getting coal. For these reasons I wish to register my protest against this proposal.

The arguments which have been used against this Clause seem to be based upon the ground that it contains compulsory powers, but it does nothing of the sort. It has been said that the miners will be drawn away from their work in order to discuss matters affecting the management of the collieries, but that is not so, because one or two hours, perhaps once a fortnight, would be all the time that would be necessary to devote to this purpose. The hon. Member (Mr. R. McLaren) says that he has been occupied a good deal in mining, but apparently he has not got rid of the prejudice of his own position. He says that the men will interfere with the management, and he claims that the control must be entirely in the hands of the managers. I would like to recall a case where a friend of mine was working in a mine, and he told his friends that in all probability within a few days that particular pit would be blown up. As a matter of fact it was blown up, and 200 men lost their lives. The pit was very bad, and the manager knew that it was bad, but very often they do not wish to spend money upon the pit. I think we ought to get rid of all this prejudice from the managers and owners' standpoint as affecting colliery life.

The Noble Lord (Lord R. Cecil) is aware of the condition of a large number of colliery districts. They are most deplorable, not only from the workmen's standpoint, but also from the women's standpoint. I hope we shall do all we can to improve the domestic life of the miners, and they should be provided with some of the things which go to sweeten life, and relieve the workman's wife of a good deal of her drudgery. There is no reason why laundries should not be established in every colliery village, and I am sure this would assist the miner's wife very materially. I think those who are supporting the rejection of this Clause have taken a wrong line, and the state of things against which they have argued does not exist. Those who know mining areas know that we are not disposed to leave the control of the miner's life entirely in the hands of the colliery owners. A Welsh colliery owner told me that he left because he could not get the board to spend a single penny on improving the lot of the miners and their general surroundings. All these things make for amity in the mining field. The provisions of this Clause are the very centre of the Bill, and if it is omitted the Bill is destroyed, and we shall be left to the tender mercies of the colliery owners, and then the price of coal, high as it is, will be still higher. This Clause protects the miner, and I hope it will give some assistance to the miner's wife. I hope the proposition of my hon. Friend will not be pressed, and I trust the Bill will receive the assent and support of the House.

I agree with a good deal of what the hon. Member who has just sat down has said. I agree that in the mining industry it is a good thing to bring employers and workmen together, and to try and induce both sides to realise that they are engaged not in a divergent, but in a common interest. My hon. Friend went on to say that this Clause does not involve any compulsory power, and I am much puzzled by that assertion. This Committee is entitled to make recommendations to the District Committee, and the Minister of Mines is entitled to enforce those recommendations. Therefore it is rather an exaggeration to say that these pit committees will have no power beyond an advisory power.

Yes, but it will depend upon the Minister of Mines whether their recommendations are carried out. My doubt in this matter is not upon the question of the desirability of pit committees. I agree that they are most desirable, but I am doubtful whether they should be made compulsory, and that is the point on which my right hon. Friend said that this power was exactly the same thing as what are known as the Whitley Committees. This, however, is an essentially different matter. The whole point of the Whitley Committees is that they are voluntary, and that is why they have had a very large measure of success. If they had been made compulsory I am convinced they would have failed, and I am not at all sure that these committees will succeed if they are compulsory. It seems to me that pit committees are a most desirable thing, and it would be a great pity to strike out what seems to me to be a provision of more value than any other contained in this Measure.

Question, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.

CLAUSE 10.—(Constitution and Functions of District Committees.)

(1) A district committee shall consist of representatives of the owners and management of the coal mines in the district, and an equal number of representatives of workers employed in or about such mines nominated or elected in accordance with the regulations constituting the committee.

Amendments made: In Sub-section (1) after the word "district" ["mines in the district"], insert the words "appointed by the owners in accordance with the regulations constituting the committee."

Leave out the words "nominated or elected in accordance with the regulations constituting the committee," and insert instead thereof the words "elected by the workmen in accordance with the regulations."—[ Sir C. Cory.

CLAUSE 11.—(Constitution and Function of Area Boards.)

(3) An area board shall formulate, at such intervals and on such principles as may be prescribed by the National Board, schemes for adjusting the remuneration of the workers within the area after taking into consideration the profits of the industry within the area, and any such scheme when formulated shall be submitted to the National Board for their approval, and if approved by that Board shall be referred to the Minister of Mines, and for the purposes of this Sub-section the owners of mines in the area shall furnish to accountants appointed by the area board such information as they may require in order that they may ascertain for the information of the area board particulars of the output, cost of production, proceeds and profits in the area as a whole:

Provided that no such scheme shall be formulated during the period of the operation of the Coal Mines (Emergency) Act, 1920, or, if the Minister of Mines so directs, whilst an order made by the Minister under Part I. of this Act as to the distribution of profits is in force.

(4) The accountant so appointed as afore said shall not include in his report or disclose information with respect to any particular undertaking, and if he does so he shall be guilty of an offence and liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding fifty pounds.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (3), after the word "workers" ["remuneration of the workers"], to insert the words "and in suitable cases for establishing systems of co-partnership or profit-sharing between employers and employed."

This Bill marks a great stride forward in the organisation of the coal industry, which I think is far and away the most important industry in the country. It is the foundation of all our other industries and not only figuratively, but it actually supplies the whole of the fuel for the industrial machine of Great Britain. Any question which has to do with the organisation of this important industry is one in regard to which it is essential that we should move carefully and in a progressive spirit. We have here a scheme setting up administrative councils, beginning with the pit committee and culminating in a National Board. All I seek to do is to push that principle to its logical and inevitable conclusion. By this Amendment we are seeking legislative sanction for the effective association of miners with the industry, and for giving them a personal and financial interest in the coal industry itself. I think the House will agree with me when I say that a system of this character will react favourably not only on the mining industry itself, but beneficially upon the community at large. I put it forward, therefore, on the ground that it would bring increased output. If there has been one cry more insistent than any other throughout the length and breadth of the land it has been that for increased production, and it has not been more insistent in any industry than in the coal industry. Everybody confesses that we do not get the production we had before the War—there are hon. Members in this House, and there is a section of opinion outside, who would like to bring us to the belief that the only solution is nationalisation. I think our recent, as well as remote, experience goes to prove that nationalisation cannot and will not bring about increased output. A system of co-partnership would bring it about. At the present moment nowhere on the horizon can I detect any other scheme that would do that. On the other hand, scarcely less desirable than the question of increased output is the question of harmony and peace in the industrial world, and particularly in the coalfields. Mr. Justice Sankey had for the basis of his recommendation of the principle of nationalisation the idea that it would bring peace into the coalfields. That anticipation was fated to be rudely and almost immedialtey falsified.

I claim here that a system of copartnership would bring into the coal industry peace and harmony to an extent which it has not hitherto enjoyed, and which nationalisation or the present system could not possibly give it. After all, we shall not get peace in the coal industry until the miners feel that they are getting their due and proportionate share of the fruits of their toil. I do not see at present any system which will give them that satisfaction except a system of co-partnership. They must become partners, and not hirelings, in the industry, as they are at present. This is not a money matter entirely or even mainly. The miners are out for increased status. I do not think that that is too strong a statement to make. The country at the present time will sadly miss its way in finding a solution in industrial matters if it concentrates its attention too exclusively on the money side of the question. I remember reading in my younger days how the older economists lost their way through concentrating their attention too much on "the economic man," and I venture to suggest that we to-day may make an analogous mistake. This is the only method which provides an incentive to maximum production all round. At the present moment the owning classes alone have a predominant incentive to increased production. If you bring the workers in, then I think you will find that on human grounds alone it will be to everybody's interest in the industry to work for the common good.

I do not propose to go into details. There are many hon. Members here who can speak with far higher authority on the subject than I can pretend to do. I do not wish to lay down any hard and fast rules. All I would like to do is to help if possible to place on the Statute Book a recommendation that co-partnership should be included among the prime methods used to settle great industrial problems in this country. The question is associated with a good deal of disappointment in the minds of hon. Members, because a large number of schemes have been tried during the last two or three generations and many of them have failed. While the rate of mortality has been exceedingly high, I am glad to note that the rate of survival is highest amongst the most important schemes. The larger the scheme, the more ambitious the task attempted, the greater has been the rate of survival. Such a proposal as I am making now has never before been attempted, and if it were introduced into the mining industry of this country it would certainly lead to greater output and to peace. It would provide the most stimulating kind of exemplar possible for other industries. We shall never realise the value of co-partnership until the method has been much more widely adopted than at present. I ask the House this afternoon to give this method legislative sanction, and to enshrine it in an Act of Parliament. Let it be tried in the great coal industry. I am sure it will work successfully, and once it has been tried in that industry other industries will follow. What the coal mining industry does to-day other industries will do to-morrow.

There are many prominent and distinguished leaders of the Miners' Federation in this House. They are a very powerful trade union. The owners, too, are well organised. The Miners' Federation and the owners have in the past marshalled their extensive forces in order now and again to have a pitched battle, while the community has looked on helplessly. I want to make an appeal to these very powerful organisations to pool their goodwill, their resources, their experience, and their statesmanship, in order to hammer out a scheme of co-partnership between themselves, which will not only bring an increased output, but a better status to the miner and permanent peace and harmony in the whole industry.

I rise to second the Amendment proposed by my hon. Friend, and I do so with very great pleasure, because, while. I do not approve of the form in which it is drawn, I think it possesses one virtue, and that is that it will bring employer and employed into closer touch at every turn and phase of their industrial life. The Government have a great opportunity here, and having created the machinery, if only they will accept this Amendment, they will be able to take advantage of the fact that employers and employed are so brought together. My hon. Friend struck what I think should be the keynote of this discussion when he said the important thing was to get the principle of co-partnership enshrined in an Act of Parliament. It is a principle which has not been as widely tried as it might have been. We have to recognise that it is an alternative between two extremes; on the one hand, of going back to the 1914 system, and, on the other hand, of rushing violently forward to something which may or may not exist a few years hence. Therefore, I submit, it would be wise to introduce this into the Bill. May I point out to the coalowners, who, I know, have some objection to the principle of co-partnership, because in many cases it has been tried and failed, and who say it is impossible to work the scheme in the case of an industry which is not making a profit—and there are many collieries which are not making a profit at this moment—that this Amendment is not in any sense universally compulsory, neither does it seek to impose by force the principle of co-partnership on the mining industry. What it does is to suggest that in any suitable instance such a scheme may be adopted. I believe it would increase the mutual goodwill between employer and employed, and it certainly is very desirable to get it embodied in this Measure. May I say also to the representatives of the miners, whose objection to the principle of co partnership, or profit-sharing, I realise, and who, too, I know object to the whole of this Bill because their experience in the past has been that if they assent to any such scheme they are let down——

It may have happened in many cases, but I do not think if such a principle with State safeguards were embodied in the Bill that objection would apply. May I ask them this, where does their own alternative of nationalisation, the support of which is their reason for taking up their present attitude towards this Bill, lead them? It seems to me if they bind themselves to that further extension of the industrial system, they will have to go further than they are prepared to go.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman must not discuss that very large issue on this Amendment. The only question is whether, under the provision of Clause 11, these Area Boards shall have power to formulate certain schemes.

I believe that the objections of the miners' representatives to the principle of co-partnership would, if the proposal were given the necessary sanction and safeguards by State working through the miners' representatives on these Area Boards, largely disappear. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to listen to what was said by my hon. and gallant Friend opposite and to show some sympathy towards this idea, because it is after all the logical outcome of the attitude which they have officially adopted towards the coal industry ever since they began to meddle with it. I hope that the cause which we who support this Amendment have at heart—to increase the goodwill in the coal industry, to secure a greater extension of it, and to secure also the introduction into the industry of a new spirit and a new system, will receive favourable consideration.

6.0 P.M.

The wish which underlies this Amendment is one which will, I think, be shared by almost every intelligent observer of industrial conditions in this country. My own objection to the Amendment is that, despite the statement of my hon. and gallant Friend (Captain Coote) that it is not compulsory, there is still a sufficient complexion of compulsion about it to threaten to defeat its own object. I hope I am not unprogressive if I entertain the view that not a little of our industrial trouble to-day is due to want of discrimination and over-enthusiasm in the matter of social reform. I hope, also, that I am not unprogressive when I say that you cannot compel co-operation. Co-operation must be voluntary, or it is not co-operation at all. However strong my wish may be to obtain cooperation in industry, still, I shall endanger industry very much more than help it if I seek to compel co-operation by some such proposal as this. We have various cases of voluntary co-operation. For instance, the development of our agriculture was in no small measure due to voluntary co-operation between the landowner and the tenant. In small industries, co-operation is very easy, but I recognise—and in this, I hope, I shall have the support of hon. Members opposite—that there is a difficulty when you come to deal with industries in which the volume of labour is large. In those cases co-operation, at any rate in a direct way, is difficult. Here, surely, we discover the constructive value of the trade union, if any constructive value at all is to be discovered in its functions. Surely we can discover in the trade union the possibility of its acting as an investsing unit. There we have the only voluntary co-operation which I can conceive as possible in these times. You cannot dictate co-operation, but the choice of your partner which is embedded in the law of co-partnership is there embedded because of the experience of ages, based on the observation of what is, undoubtedly, a natural law.

My original objection to this Bill was its attempt to promote camaraderie between employer and employed by methods of compulsion, and my only consolation in that was the introduction of Clause 18. In that Clause, the opportunity is given to the Minister of Mines to put an end to all these Committees—pit committees, district committees, area committees and national committees—in the event of the workers and masters not being able to set them up within the next year. In this Clause the trades unions are offered a great challenge, or afforded a great opportunity. They are offered the challenge of proving that they really have an earnest desire to avoid moving, as my hon. and gallant Friend has indicated, towards the iron law of bureaucracy. On the other hand, they are offered a very fine opportunity of proving their constructive ability—their ability to lend services to the nation which we do not receive at the present time. To pretend that we can compel co-operation is a mere affectation of social reform: it is a kind of vanity which ignores the underlying law which outweighs all laws that we can make here.

I have listened with a great deal of sympathy to my hon. Friend who has just sat down, and I quite agree that Sub-section (3) is vitiated by the element of compulsion that is in it. I cannot help thinking, however, that my hon. Friend's speech was directed, not so much to the Amendment, as to Sub-section (3). The question is not whether we desire compulsion, but whether, if we are to have compulsion, one of the alternative schemes that may be put forward under the provisions of Sub-section (3) should include co-partnership or profit-sharing—personally, I greatly prefer co-partnership. I think that this is almost the most important issue that has been raised in connection with industrial matters during this Session of Parliament. It is a thousand pities that, owing to the curious time of year at which we have arrived, and also to the somewhat anæmic character of this House of Commons, we are discussing it under conditions which are not worthy of the subject. Unless I am entirely mistaken, we shall some time or other have to face this great fundamental issue. I am not going to risk the reproof of the Chair by entering upon a discussion of nationalisation, but I am quite ready to discuss it on a proper occasion. Putting that aside, however, for the moment, we really have to face this proposition, that something must be done in reference to the industrial organisation of this country. I may be entirely wrong, but I am so far in agreement with my hon. Friends on the Labour Benches that, in my judgment, we cannot afford to go on indefinitely with the present organisation in industry. I am certain that it is breaking down in all directions. More and more every year—indeed, every month—we have the employers organised in great trusts or organisations on the one side, and the workers organised in great unions on the other. No one wishes to stop that; indeed, in the present condition of affairs, it is impossible to stop it. But you have in battle array these two great sections of our fellow countrymen, who are really drawn up and organised with the underlying conception that their interests are divergent. We constantly hear it said on Labour platforms—not by any hon. Members who hear me now, but by others—that it is mere hypocrisy to pretend that the interests of Labour are not antagonistic to those of the employer, and you have perpetual unrest and discussion and dispute.

Just now we have been going through a period of great—though, I am afraid, in some respects, unreal—prosperity; but, even so, we are threatened almost every week with some great industrial dispute. When times get bad, as I am terribly afraid they may, even during this winter, the dispute will grow enormously. What is to be the solution? My hon. Friend who moved this Amendment very justly said that the mining industry is one of the most important industries in the country. Does anyone pretend that the organisation of the mining industry is satisfactory at the present moment? I am quite certain that the only possible solution is, as was said by Mr. Gosling, the Labour leader, to raise the status of the employé from that of a wage-earner to that of a partner. I am sure that that is the only way out. You have to give the employe responsibility for the management, and, as long as the capitalistic system exists—as it is bound to for many years to come—to give him, if you can, a share in the capital and a share in the profits. I remember, years ago, going to the Board of Trade to discuss this question, and seeing there the principal official who was then in charge of the Labour Department of the Board of Trade. At the end of our discussion he said, "I am not sure whether co-partnership will succeed, but of this I am quite certain, that, if it is not the solution of our difficulty, no solution is to be found." I believe that to be profoundly true. Only this morning I was sent some of the leaflets of the National Guild Society—a very able and interesting society—setting out the case for the guild solution. I must honestly say that I read a great deal of that with complete agreement. It was put, I think, in an exaggerated form, but there was a great element of truth in it, and, although I think it is a dangerous exaggeration to say that a wage-earner is a wage slave, I do see what is meant. If it is really to be said that the only position for the wage-earner is that he is come in as an ordinary article of commerce, to be paid so much and to have no further concern with the industry at all, you are acting, in the first place, in an inhumane way, and, in the second place, in a grossly wasteful way, because you are losing the whole of the better part of that man—the whole of those qualities which distinguish the human from the lower animal. I am afraid I have put the matter very crudely and briefly, because of the difficulty of discussing a subject of this kind on an Amendment like this.

I deeply regret—and I say this from no desire to be discourteous to my right hon. Friend who is in charge of this Bill—that the Government have not come forward with a large proposal of industrial policy based on this question and dealing with this problem. Experience, however, is against us. Co-partnership has been tried and found wanting. To the best of my ability, I have given a great deal of attention to the subject for many years past. I had the privilege of the acquaintance—I may say the friendship—of Sir George Livesey, who, whatever you may think of him, knew the scheme from a practical point of view as few people do. I am quite satisfied that, tried fairly and honestly, and without trying to make it a means of oppression, as has been done, the scheme is a perfectly workable scheme, and, as far as I can see, can be applied with suitable modifications to any industry. After all, it is true that it has failed in some cases, but with a new plan of this kind one success is of greater importance than 20 failures. If you can show that under proper conditions, and properly tried, it will succeed, that outweighs almost any amount of argument from failures which may and possibly are explained by the fact that it has not been properly tried.

I should be going too far on an occasion of this kind if I went into details, but I would remind the House of two great experiments which have been made. One has a direct bearing upon this. It was tried in a colliery in the early seventies. You may read an account of that experiment, because it has been printed and published. Before it was applied to those collieries the condition was really short of barbarous. The hostility between employers and employed was so great that murderous attacks were constantly made on the employers and their agents, and there was the bitterest possible feeling. It was introduced, and it worked well for years. The whole feeling between employers and employed absolutely changed. A more united body could not have been found. It failed only because the shareholders declined to work it fairly in the end, and it failed, not because the men had any objections to it, but because ultimately the employers withdrew it. It was a great success as far as it was allowed to go on. The other experiment is familiar to everyone. It is that of the South Metropolitan Gas Company. In 1883, when it was established, there was the bitterest possible feeling between employers and employed. Strikes were frequent, and it was only established after a bitter struggle. Yet from that day to this I am told—my information is comparatively recent—there has never been a serious difference between the two sides, and I believe it is as popular now with both sides as it ever was. I know there are people who say it has disadvantages, and that it tends to break up the solidarity of labour. I do not desire to break up the solidarity of labour in any sense. That is not part of my object at all in advocating the scheme. I refuse to believe that it would not be possible to devise proper means which would get rid of even that objection, and I believe it could be got rid of. Here is a plan which has been adopted, which has been tried extensively, and where it has succeeded it has succeeded in promoting a real union between all those engaged in the industry, and it has produced an atmosphere of content and good feeling in those industries where it has succeeded which no other experiment has succeeded in producing. That is a great tribute, and I think it would be a very great pity if you did not include, as one of the things which might be tried by this elaborate organisation you are setting up, a system of co-partnership. I earnestly hope the Government will see their way to accept the Amendment, which can do no harm to their scheme, bad as I think the scheme to be in essence and principle, and against the Third Heading of which I shall certainly vote if I am present, but if it is to go forward at all I hope the right hon. Gentleman will insert this alternative in the Sub-section.

I have listened with intense interest, as I am sure every Member of the House has done, to the very eloquent, forcible and persuasive speech which has been made by the Noble Lord. He is very well known as an enthusiastic advocate of the system of co-partnership and I believe as intensely as he does in the great efficacy of introducing systems of co-partnership into the industries of the country. I am not sure that I share his view that you can do a great deal at present by a vast system of compulsion.

The Noble Lord seemed to throw a reproach at the Government that it has not introduced some great comprehensive scheme of co-partnership.

I do not understand what can be meant by introducing a comprehensive scheme by the Government, unless——

I am sure my right hon. Friend will not desire to make a debating point which would injure the cause we both have at heart. I can assure him that is not my plan at all. It would not be in order to describe at length exactly how I suggest the Government could forward, as a national scheme, the idea of co-partnership, but certainly I have always explained in public and in private that I am against any attempt to force it compulsorily on the workers.

Then it is perfectly obvious that I cannot reply to the Noble Lord's reproach if I do not understand what he means by it and accordingly I shall leave that point entirely aside. He identifies himself with the theory of copartnership rather than profit-sharing. Perhaps again I am in error in coming to the conclusion that that means that he is in favour of a system by which the workman who is a co-partner with his employer in the business should bear the vicissitudes and losses of the business in the same way as the employer. Of the two systems, I am inclined to think that is the one for which the Noble Lord would obtain least favour. It is because of that circumstance that we have failed to arouse the enthusiasm of the great mass of our working people. I have studied the matter as well as the Noble Lord and I have considerable knowledge both of the schemes which have succeeded and of those which were unsuccessful, and I am just as unperturbed as he is by the ill success of those which have failed and just as much impressed by the good fortune of those which have succeeded. But what is perfectly plain to my mind is that at present you have not converted the great body of our people to those schemes. I say it with regret, but with my experience as Minister of Labour for something over a year, I can speak with knowledge on the matter. I am certain you have to do a great deal of education before you will begin to make the great part of our industrial population believe in systems of co-partnership and you have a very strong impediment in the great trade unions. You would have to persuade them before you could make any advance at all.

Having said I am in favour of co-partnership in general, why am I against putting the words of the Amendment into the Bill? In the first place, the Bill, as it at present stands, does not at all rule out any scheme of co-partnership being set up. It is perfectly open to any Area Board which regards a scheme of co-partnership as feasible to propose it to the National Board There are no words, in the Clause which prevents that being done. The Clause has this great merit, that for the first time it puts forward the idea of profits as an element which is to be considered in fixing the remuneration. That is a long step forward. Working people for a long time have been demanding to know something of what the profits of their industry are in coming to a determination as to what share they ought to have in the way of wages, and this Bill provides that there shall be provided to the accountant of these Boards the necessary information to discover the accurate profits enjoyed by this industry within the area with which the Area Board is concerned. That is another long step forward, and I hope, with the same object in view in the end as my Noble Friend, that people will be brought along from the consideration of the profits in the industry to formulating some scheme by which the respective rights of the two parties shall be adjusted. In the end I believe we shall come much more rapidly to a real scheme of profit-sharing or co-partnership than we shall by putting down, in a Clause such as this, the words which have been suggested by way of amendment. One other explanation is required why I prefer that these words should not be put in. We are going to have sufficient difficulties with the Bill as it is, and particularly with regard to Part 2. We may fail to induce the workmen, although I hope not, to work this part of the measure. We shall only be adding a further obstruction to the obtaining of their good will if we put these words in, because, although they have not a really compulsory effect, the result would be that most people reading them would say, "Here we are going to have forced upon us a system of co-partnership." You would excite such hospitality amongst the great and powerful unions which are concerned in the matter as would tend to wreck any hopes you might have of success. I would ask the House to pass the Clause without these words.

I confess to a little disappointment at the right hon. Gentleman's speech. There has been too much said about compulsion. I do not consider it true to say that the State has no right to use compulsion in a case like this. It all depends on the circumstances. Everyone who has spoken against compulsion has admitted, and indeed asserted, that these Committees are good things and that all that is wrong with them is that they are established compulsorily. I would like to ask these people what other means there are on the horizon of ever establishing these various bodies. The State is often faced by circumstances in which a good thing deserves to be set up and there is no one to set it up on any scale, and it then becomes the business of the State to set it going. In 1911 there was a great controversy about insurance, and the State, under the leadership of the Prime Minister, used compulsion to bring about a great insurance scheme. The only thing wrong with it was that compulsion was used to start it. The State is entitled to use some compulsion to start a good scheme when without it it would be impossible, and in this case I think it is impossible to get it started in any other way. I should like to come to the details of the compulsion in this scheme about which those who oppose the compulsion in it to-day have had precious little to say.

Pit Committees are going to be compulsory, District Committees are going to be compulsory, and Area Committees are going to be compulsory. That simply means that you are going to send for certain people and put them in a room together, calling them a Pit Committee, a District Committee, or an Area Committee, as the case may be, and in that room you are to give them certain powers, certain opportunities, certain duties, and certain tasks and leave them there. The compulsion begins and ends with the putting of the people into that room and shutting the door upon them, and freedom begins once they are put into the room together, with power and opportunity, and free to do what they please to do with all the powers and opportunities given them. To pretend that this is a case of sheer compulsion is a misuse of language. The whole of life, whether in politics or in private life, is made up of a nice mixture of freedom and compulsion. You are never entirely free and you are never entirely compelled. In the case of the pit committees, the district committees, and the area committees there is a perfectly proper epitome of the usual balance in life between freedom and compulsion. The hon. Members on the other side of the House who have spoken against compulsion have really been talking without any regard to the niceties of practical life and without any regard for the details of the Government scheme. I appeal to the Government, in spite of what the right hon. Gentleman has said, to reconsider their view on this matter. The hon. Member for Linlithgow (Mr. Kidd) is a great authority on co-operation, but I was much mystified by many things in his speech. The whole spirit that inspires this Bill is one of compulsory co-operation. Let nobody think that that is a contradiction in terms. It is merely a paradox, and it happens to be true that so many relationships which men have to stand in industry are paradoxes, and this is one no more than the rest. There is a certain formality about it. There is to be cooperation in the pit committees, the district committees, and the area committees. The people are put into these rooms together, and when they get there we all hope they will agree on the subjects put before them. You will then have the fruit and crown of your scheme.

Are the Government going to gamble on the success or failure of their own scheme? Are they putting forward this Bill expecting that it is going to fail, or are they putting it forward, as I believe, in good faith in the expectation that it will succeed not to-morrow but in time, and gradually, as all good things succeed, and are they going to back that confident expectation by betting, so to speak, on the success of their own measure? If the co-operation that is intended to be set up in the pit committees, the district committees, and the area committee, succeeds, the perfection of its success will be schemes of co-partnery. That is the flag under which the Bill, so to speak, is fighting. Why not hoist the flag? If the whole scheme looks to the perfection of co-operation, which is co-partnery, and if it is true that it will take a long time before that comes about, why not admit that that is the far-distant ideal of this Bill, and put it in the Bill in this simple Amendment, which is very far from being compulsory. The phraseology of the Amendment is that in suitable cases schemes of co-partnership shall be set up. What is a suitable case? It would not be a suitable case if all the employers and the men were against it, and if all the employers and men were against co-partnery, no power on earth could set up the scheme. The scheme proposed in the Amendment really depends upon the previous consent and willingness of all parties, and there is nothing whatever compulsory about it.

We are all agreed as to the desirability of co-operation between what we are accustomed to call the workers and the employers, not only in the coal industry but in every industry; but the difficulty of applying this principle appears to be the difficulty in defining what co-partnership is, and what is intended. The Amendment couples co-partnership with profit-sharing. I am not at all sure that it is not a debasement of the best idea of co-partnership to couple it with profit-sharing. I do not think that the real objection to co-partnership among the employers is that it is likely to diminish their profits, or, on the other hand, that the workers and their leaders really are so covetous of their share of the spoil, if I may use that expression, as some people think. I do not think it is the profits that bulks most largely in the minds of either party. Even if we agree on the principle, and if after some difficulty we can define what we mean by co-partnership, I doubt whether this is the place in which to enshrine that principle. I do not say this because I am not in sympathy with co-partnership, whatever it may be in its widest sense, but what I feel about this particular question of co-partnership is, that it is not profit which is really the difficulty in the industrial world to-day, but employment and unemployment. Unemployment is, and is going to be, the problem which has to be solved, and it is a problem which we are trying to solve, possibly unsuccessfully, in the Bill which is going through this House in connection with unemployment.

The particular section which we are discussing provides for the establishment in an area of a system which, presumably, is to be the system for the whole area for fixing remuneration of the people employed within that area. An area is a large place, and includes pits in which very different considerations may arise. Wales is an area, but nobody would suggest that the Rhondda Valley is a place where co-partnership could be applied in precisely the same form as in collieries of a different character in the western coalfields of South Wales. This section appears to me to be rather limited—in spite of what the right hon. Member has said as to the possibility of introducing co-partnership—to schemes for providing for the remuneration of the workers in relation to the profits, and that enshrines a very important principle and is a very great advance upon our present system. When it is realised that the workers are, up to a point, entitled to have their remuneration fixed with reference to the profits, and when the profits of those industries are made public, we shall have made an enormous advance in solving difficulties of the industrial world. We are all familiar with incidents in connection with coal and other industries where enormous profits have been made. I know of an instance in the coal industry where those who are shareholders do not want to retain the profits, but they happen to be in a position—I know it from my own knowledge—to make enormous profits which collieries in another district, or possibly in the same area, are not able to make. This section seems to coordinate and to some extent pool the profit-making of the industry in that district and to see that the workers are remunerated by reference to the profits.

The objection I have to inserting co-partnership in this section is that I do not think that co-partnership is a matter to be dealt with with the rigidity with which wages may be dealt with in an area. Co-partnership deals with very local questions and has reference very often to questions of a personal and local character. It depends upon the relationship in which the employer stands to his men. It cannot be applied over a vast area, such as the Midland area, which embraces Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and North Wales, or over the South Wales area, which extends from the western to the eastern part of the coalfields, which differ in many respects. If any area committee was to attempt to apply a scheme of co-partnership to the circumstances of such a large area, they would be undertaking an impossible task. The disclosure of profits is going to mark a great advance in the industrial world. I hope it will lead to co-partnership in such a form as will make the workers feel that they really have an interest in the industry—not an interest in the profits, but an interest in the industry. The problem of the future is not to divide profits in a form which will satisfy both parties and leave the public out in the cold, but the problem of the future is one of markets. When you get the workmen sharing with the employers in the discussion which ought to take place in a well-managed business as to what markets shall be catered for in the future and what remuneration shall be paid to the people engaged in the industry if certain markets are to be retained or captured, and as to what class of article should be produced and what class of article will be unremunerative, and if you can get the information which is possessed by the employers and the information which is possessed by the workman put into one common stock in the interests of enlarging the employment and of maintaining or securing markets, you will have co-operation in its highest development, and expressed in the best way; but if we fasten our eyes too much on profits and suggest that co-partnership is profit-sharing, we are turning our eyes downwards when we ought to be looking upwards, and we are not aiming at the higher, but at the lower.

I know how much the Noble Lord (Lord R. Cecil) has done in connection with this question, and I know the interest he has taken in Sir George Livesey's scheme, but that was a big success from one point of view. There is no question of markets in connection with a gas company. Their customers are at the door. They have a monopoly in the district. It is a mere question of regulating the terms of employment.

The Noble Lord indicates that I am not quite correct. At any rate I am correct in saying that it was not a question of markets. In a coalfield and in other industries it is a question of markets. When profits are disclosed, as this Section provides they must be, we shall find employers cooperating in their best possible way. In one great industry many years ago the disclosure of profits, quite accidentally, led to a system of co-operation which has produced wonderful success in maintain- ing peace and prosperity in that very important industry. Hon. Members who are familiar with the way in which the pottery industry is managed, and the way in which co-operation in its highest form is maintained between the workers and employers in that industry, will be able to bear out what I say, that it depends upon the disclosure by the employers of the profits they are making and an appreciation by the workers of the difficulties with which the employers have to cope, and a common desire on the part of all engaged in the industry to do their best not merely for themselves or for their pockets, but for the industry on which the employment of their fellow workmen depends and upon which, so far as that particular industry is concerned, the prosperity of the country also depends.

In the few words I have to say I wish to make it clear that I have no power to speak for my hon. Friends on this side of the House. The miners' attitude has been made quite clear. This Amendment raises a most interesting and an important subject. I hope that the House will not press the President of the Board of Trade to insert these words in the Clause. I agree with every word of the speech of the hon. and learned Gentleman who has just spoken. I think it is not in the interests of those who have co-partnership at heart to insert these words, and I am certain that, great as the difficulty may be in regard to the general working of the Act, it will be made all the greater if this proposal is adopted. The miners would at once be incited to look with greater dislike than they do now upon the general provisions of the Bill, if they read in it that there were provisions compelling them to become co-partners and to endorse systems of profit-sharing. Good as these things may be in themselves, it is not in the interests of calm consideration of the general merits of the Bill that the words of the Amendment should be inserted Having said that, I want to add what I know to be the general attitude of organised labour on the general question of co-partnership and profit-sharing. It is that too frequently in the past schemes under these two heads have been established, partly for the purpose of limiting the liberty of organised workers within their union and imposing upon them disabilities in respect of their freedom of dealing with employers in particular industries, and partly to under- mine the trade unions which working men have built up. I could prove, if necessary, that that has been the general history and experience of working men, and out of that history and experience there has grown, naturally, a dislike of the system of co-partnership and profit-sharing, which, in themselves, if worked in the right spirit, would tend, in my opinion, greatly to the benefit of the organised workers.

There are some trade union leaders who take the view that a system of co-partnership would tend to take the soul out of trade unionism. I do not believe it at all. The great trade unions are business organisations, employed in the main in the regulation and adjustment of the relations between employers and employed, and their work consists largely, if not wholly, of the same kind of transactions as have to be settled in matters of contract as between those who buy and those who sell, not labour, but the fruits of labour in the form of the products and materials produced. It would be highly desirable in all these schemes, when they are hereafter considered, to view them in the light of the Noble Lord (Lord R Cecil), who put forward the view that these schemes should be considered not merely as the medium for distributing profits. Workers want a share in the capital of the firm, in the management of the firm. As to the degrees and as to the exact manner and extent to which they are to enjoy these things, I am not now going to say anything. The Noble Lord put forward a defensible view when he said that the men must share in the management, in the capital, and in the profits, if we are to have harmony in the industries of the country. I believe that profit-sharing and co-partnership systems can be established and extended with absolute freedom to workmen and full and unfettered enjoyment of liberties in regard to organisation. Although I have in some instances brought upon myself the censure of some of my colleagues for entertaining this view, I say frankly that I cannot see that the workman, having secured for himself by the bargains he has made with the employer, a certain payment for certain tasks, should reject some supplementary payments which accrue in the natural way of profit in the industry. He can receive and enjoy that supplementary reward, and perhaps in exchange for receiving it give a little closer personal attention to the pursuit of his task without the slightest personal detriment to himself.

I wish to support the Amendment. I was very pleased to hear the remarks of the last speaker. I wish that the President of the Board of Trade could see his way to reconsider his decision, and accept the Amendment, which after all makes the starting of co partnership or profit-sharing schemes voluntary and not compulsory. It has been said that there is nothing in the Bill to prevent these schemes from being started. It has not been said that there is anything in the Bill to encourage such schemes. By this Amendment, if it were not made compulsory, you would provide a channel whereby such schemes could be brought forward. It has been said that it is impossible to make goodwill. That may be. It is impossible to make goodwill between employer and employed, but it is not impossible to provide channels whereby goodwill could be obtained. Co-partnership would be such a channel. I do not hold so strongly as the Noble Lord that co-partnership is a better scheme than profit-sharing. It is impossible to have close co-partnership unless all the partners are to participate not only in profits, but in losses. You cannot possibly expect ordinary working people to share in any loss that may occur in a business. I have very lively recollections of the great difficulty I had in saving up the first £100 of my own capital, and I know the great difficulties there would be for the ordinary working man or woman to find any money from his or her savings to make good the losses of a business. Their only capital is their labour, and we should not expect them to make good the losses. There is every reason why, if any system of profit-sharing were devised, we should provide a channel for it. The principal reason for adopting that system—I have had some experience of it—is that it certainly does create good feeling on both sides. Without that good feeling you cannot have cooperation. I would suggest to the President of the Board of Trade that he would do no harm whatever in accepting this Amendment, and possibly he might do a great deal of good by helping to cement good feeling between employers and employed.

I hope we shall not go to a Division on this Amendment. I do not desire to divide after the speeches we have heard, which have been of immense value to the cause.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment made: In Sub-section (3) leave out the words "after taking into consideration" and insert instead thereof the words "having regard, among other considerations, to."—[ Sir R. Horne. ]

CLAUSE 12.—(Additional Powers of District Committees and Area Boards.)

The Minister of Mines may, subject to the approval of the Board of Trade, by regulations provide for district committees or area boards determining any questions and exercising any powers which before the passing of this Act can be determined or exercised by a conciliation board or by a joint district board constituted under the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, 1912; and the regulations may in the latter case provide for the appointment of an independent chairman, with a casting vote, to preside at meetings of any district committee or area board when determining any such question or exercising any such power, and may add to or alter the districts mentioned in the Schedule to the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, 1912.

I beg to move, to leave out the words "in the latter case."

This is a drafting Amendment, to make clear what was intended by the Committee—that conciliation boards should not be converted into compulsory arbitration courts. The words that were put in in Committee proved inadequate for the purpose.

Amendment agreed to.

Further Amendment made: At the end of the Clause add the words

"Provided that the regulations shall not provide for the appointment of such an independent chairman when the committee or board acts as a conciliation board except in pursuance of an agreement to that effect."—[ Sir B. Horne. ]

CLAUSE 13.—(Constitution and Functions of National Board.)

(2) The National Board shall take into consideration—

( a ) questions affecting the coal-mining industry as a whole, including wages questions of general application;

( b ) any questions which may be referred to them by an area board;

( c ) any question which may be referred to them by the Minister of Mines;

I beg to move, in Subsection (2, a ), to leave out the words "including wages questions of general application."

I cannot accept the Amendment. I think it would be the greatest possible mistake to exclude from the purview of the National Board questions of that kind. If the hon. Baronet dislikes the words "of general application," I would be quite willing to have the Clause phrased to read, "including wages questions affecting the coal mining industry as a whole," but I cannot accept the Amendment which he puts.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment made: In Sub-section (2, a ), leave out the words "of general application" and insert instead thereof the words "affecting the coal mining industry as a whole."—[ Sir R. Horne. ]

I beg to move, in Subsection (2, c ), after the word "question," to insert the words "affecting more than one area."

I beg to second the Amendment. If reference be made to the previous Clauses, it will be found that there is an Area Committee, a Pit Committee, and a District Comnittee, all of which have the right of dealing with one area. It does seem rather unnecessary that in addition to that, and after all those three Committees have had a try at it, the National Board should also take it into consideration. I suggest that the only question into which the National Board should enter as regards the area—the other three Committees having dealt with it—should be when it includes more than one area.

I cannot accept the Amendment which has just been moved. The National Board must deal with questions which affect, not only more than one area, but one area alone. It might be a question with which the Area Board might have had difficulty in dealing, and this Amendment would be depriving the National Board of one of its most important functions, namely, to announce an opinion upon a question which might be beyond the ability of an Area Board to solve.

I rather understood the right hon. Gentleman promised this Amendment in Committee.

Amendment negatived.

CLAUSE 14.—(Power of Minister of Mines to direct compliance with recommendations and schemes.)

Where any recommendations made by a district committee or area board or by the National Board or any scheme made by an area board and approved by the National Board have been forwarded or referred to the Minister of Mines as aforesaid, the Minister shall take such recommendations or scheme into consideration, and may, if he thinks fit, and subject to the approval of the Board of Trade, give directions requiring any person engaged in the coal-mining industry to comply therewith, and it shall be the duty of every person to whom those directions apply to comply therewith, and if any such person fails to do so he shall be guilty of an offence against the Coal Mines Act, 1911:

Provided that where the recommendations relate to matters within the scope of the authority of some other Government Department, the Minister of Mines, before giving any such directions as aforesaid, shall obtain the approval of that other Department.

I beg to move to leave out the Clause.

I do so because I think the House ought to have a clear statement from the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill as to what the intention of the Government is in regard to this Clause. The Clause, as the House will observe, provides that "where any recommendations made by a District Committee or Area Board or by the National Board or any scheme made by an Area Board and approved by the National Board have been forwarded or referred to the Minister of Mines as aforesaid, the Minister shall take such recommendations or scheme into consideration, and may, if he thinks fit, and subject to the approval of the Board of Trade, give directions requiring any person engaged in the coal mining industry to comply therewith, and it shall be the duty of every person to whom those directions apply to comply therewith," and if he does not do so he shall be guilty of a criminal offence under the Coal Mines Act, 1911.

That is an extremely drastic power, a power to enable the Minister to enforce any recommendation by a district board, if necessary, by criminal proceedings, against any person whatever engaged in the mining industry. Whatever the class of recommendation made by the particular district committee, it may be enforced against anybody, not only against an employer, but also against a workman. Under these circumstances the element of compulsion is certainly entering into this Bill with a vengeance. I think the House ought to know, in spite of the safeguards contained in the Bill, what is the kind of case to which the right hon. Gentleman contemplates that that type of power might be applied in practice. I do not think we ought to be told the sort of case that is likely to arise in practice calling for such a tremendous power. It is quite true that these recommendations cannot be put forward until they have been through the gauntlet of the particular committee—the district committee, or the area board, as the case may be—which makes the recommendation; but, still, I can quite conceive of this case. Let me take the case that hon. Members opposite might be inclined to take—the case of a grossly capitalistic Government with a Minister of Mines wedded to the capitalistic side of the case. One could imagine that Minister enforcing orders of this kind against individual workmen. It is obvious that it is a Clause which opens the door to the possibility of very considerable pressure. I beg to move the omission of the Clause.

I quite realise the importance of the question which my hon. and learned Friend has put to me. There is no doubt at all that the power which is set forth in this Clause is a very far-reaching one, and certainly is new in our legislation. The problem with which we were faced was this: What is the use of any recommendation which may be brought forward by the various boards which you set up to do important work if it is simply to end at the point of recommendation? There would be no real value in the combined wisdom of the employers and workmen that you collected together to spend their time considering questions which were vital to the industry, if nothing were to be done following upon their recommendations. We came to the conclusion that it was quite possible to give the Minister powers in this matter. After all, the power can only be exercised in any particular case with the consent of the President of the Board of Trade, who is a Member of the Government, and responsible to Parliament, so that ultimately everything which he chooses to put in force in this way is tested by whether it will meet with the favourable regard of Parliament or not. That of itself is something in the way of a safeguard. But the kind of case which my hon. and learned Friend put to me can never arise. He foreshadowed a capitalistic Government imposing some drastic capitalistic measure upon the workmen in the mines, as the result of a recommendation which the Minister has put in force.

Or the opposite. No such case can ever arise. In order to get a recommendation it must pass the District Board, or the Area Board, or the National Board as the case may be, and when a Recommendation is passed by one of these Boards it is only sanctioned if there is a majority of both sides of the Board; that is to say, there must be a majority of the employers' representatives and a majority of the workmen's representatives. So that neither the capitalistic example to which my hon. and learned Friend referred, nor the example which he cited about a Labour Government could by any chance occur. I venture to put it to the House that when there is that safeguard, that both sides of the Board, both partners in the industry concerned, have come to a definite recommendation, there is nothing in the apprehensions of my hon. and learned Friend. On the contrary, it seems to me that a recommendation supported by all bodies of opinion is one very proper to be put in force in the industry. After all, it is only the people who are in the industry which are to be asked to comply with the Order of the Minister of Mines in that regard. It affects nobody else outside.

I hope my hon. and learned Friend will press this Amendment to a Division. To my mind this is one of the most vital issues raised in this Bill. My right hon. Friend in his reply gave the strongest possible reason for the omission of this Clause. What is the first proposition? He told us that the question whether these recommendations should be enforced would come before Parliament, that is to say, that in every recommendation raising industrial questions you may have a Debate in Parliament with all its political interests.

What I put to the House was that the Minister would exercise his judgment, and that Parliament could deal with the matter.

Anything that a Minister does is subject to review by Parliament, and you can move the Adjournment because the Minister has sanctioned or refused to sanction a particular proposal. We hear a great deal of talk about nationalisation. It is a great issue, and from some points of view there is a great deal to be said for nationalisation. The objection to nationalisation is not really so much to nationalisation of ownership as to nationalisation of State management. It is State management which is really objectionable and not State ownership. State ownership exists already in a very large number of cases. You have Crown lands, State owned, and all the factories on Crown lands are owned by the State, but nobody ever raises the slightest objection, because State management is not involved. If State ownership is to be accompanied by confiscation in order to produce State ownership then it is very objectionable indeed, but if State ownership is merely State ownership without State management, by buying up private property, then there is no more objection to that than there is to the acquisition of property for public purposes. The real objection, and why I myself am strongly opposed to State management, is the sterilising and paralysing influence of the hand of the State on industry. That is the real objection, and as well as that the substitution of the human relations between employers and employed, obscured as it is now, for a great soulless entity such as the State. That is my great objection to nationalisation. The real thing you have got to look at in any scheme brought before the House of Commons, whether it is brought by a Coalition or Conservative Ministry or anybody else, is, does it really tend to State management. That is the vital question we have to ask ourselves. Clause 14 does involve State management. It is quite true it is checked and controlled by the Bill, but ultimately it gives the power to the State, to the Minister, to say that the industry shall be managed in a particular way. The Minister after the recommendations have been discussed is the final arbiter as to whether a thing should be done. No matter can be carried out compulsorily under the terms of the Bill except through the Minister. If the parties agree it is quite true it can be done.

It would require a very trifling change to convert the scheme into one putting the industry absolutely and completely under the control of the State. That gives the power to the State, and in certain cases it directly introduces the principle of State management. No one can doubt it, it is indubitable and cannot be contradicted. It gives the power to interfere in the details of the management of the industry. That is State management, or State management has no sense or meaning. If the House sanctions this Clause they really do sanction the principle of nationalisation by State management in this industry. I do not really understand why a Ministry which is bitterly opposed, or I will say strongly opposed, to nationalisation comes down to the House with a scheme of this kind. I hope that the Amendment will be persisted in and I shall certainly vote for it.

The Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin, (Lord R. Cecil) is a perfect genius at finding bogeys in every bush. In this case he has found the bogey of nationalisation in what is perfectly simple and straightforward Clause. The whole of the Members representing the Miners' Federation are opposing this Bill because they look upon it as being the complete antithesis of nationalisation. When I come to decide between the opinion of the Miners' Federation, which regards this matter exclusively as a mining problem, and that of the Noble Lord, who seizes the occasion to attack the Government, I am inclined to accept the judgment of the Miners' Federation as to the true effects of this Bill. But the Noble Lord is opposing this Clause, I think, also for another reason. He desires, with that supreme individualism which characterises all his actions, that never should any force of compulsion be put on anybody, or at least on anybody who happens to agree with him. The Clause seems to be vital to the whole purpose of the Bill. If the Bill is going to be worth anything at all, it means that the employers and the employed should have the chance of acting together, and making recommendations. Surely it is too late to suggest, where you get a considerable majority of employers and employed in an industry agreeing voluntarily when they meet together that a certain course of action is right, that it is not the proper function of the State to have reasonable power to impose that course of action on the whole of the industry. I am surprised to find my hon. and learned Friend the Member for the Exchange Division of Liverpool (Mr. L. Scott) opposing such a principle, because on a Committee on which he and I sat that was the very principle of the Report. If you reject this Clause you will in effect destroy the Bill and any constructive effects it might have, and you would make it impossible. The Noble Lord spoke about nationalisation. I can hardly think that the majority of the employers are likely to recommend a policy of nationalisation. If they did, it would raise a very interesting problem, and we might consider our views on nationalisation afresh. These recommendations will be practical suggestions with regard to the safety and working of the mines, and will be threshed out by both sides at their meetings. It would be absolutely outrageous if it was not one of the functions of the Minister to see that any proposal of that kind, agreed upon by the majority, should be made obligatory, if necessary, throughout the working of the industry. If the House were to reject this Clause they would be stultifying the object of the whole Bill.

It is not a question of the majority of the employers and a majority of the workmen deciding on a scheme. There would be a very small minority of owners and workmen on the District and Area Boards. After they are elected by their respective associations they may recommend a scheme to the Minister, and that may be adopted by the Minister and forced on the whole industry. I agree with the Noble Lord that this is a very dangerous Clause, and it means very dangerous control of this industry, and therefore I oppose it.

I do not think this Clause has received the attention which it deserves. I gather that what the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) objects to when he talks about nationalisation is centralisation, and that he objects to a central bureaucracy that can dominate these Committees. I have been waiting for the intervention of the hon. Member for Lanarkshire, who on one or two occasions has contributed very interesting views on the functions of these industrial councils, and this is really only an industrial council for the mining industry, or what I may call Whitleyism applied in a halfhearted manner to the mining industry. I agree with certain hon. Members that it contains the germs of something rather good, but unfortunately those germs have not been allowed to develop. I think the situation may be summed up in the statement that in the mining industry we do not want centralised control or bureaucracy. What is wanted is self-government in the industry, and what should be done is to give legislative sanction to these national boards. Make them sovereign bodies. An hon. Members says, "See what I am driving at." It is a revolutionary proposal. The President of the Board of Trade does not know how this Bill may be amended when he has gone to another place—I mean the other side of the Lobby. All that is required is to give sovereign rights to these bodies and let them thresh out the problem. The answer, I have no doubt, will be that that is syndicalism. Nothing of the sort. You still have your sovereign Parliament, but we must have industrial parliaments as well, and that is what we shall have to come to in this and every other State. I am afraid the Bill is past mending, and that we shall not be able to end it. I agree that we should avoid centralisation, but here we have the evils of centralisation without the possible value which we should get from properly constituted national boards for the control of the mining industry.

One always finds that one's style is cramped by having previously heard the arguments in a discussion of this nature, and consequently the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) speaks with an ampler swing than those of us who have sat here all afternoon, but I would not avoid a conflict on that ground. I wish to point out that this is a typical example of what happens when you get an ardent Sovietist coming in in a hurry and saying, "We want industrial self-government," and refusing to envisage the problem of what is to be the ultimate control at the top. The Sovietist, unfortunately, in every branch of industry must submit to a certain amount of discipline, and the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull, who is no shining example of submitting to discipline in this House, naturally does not wish to advocate submission to discipline in industry. The particular proposal that we were discussing was whether eventually the Minister was to have the power of carrying through a recommendation which had been submitted to him by the Board. I think everybody must admit that that is a power which the Minister will have to have. Some controlling authority must ultimately exist. I cannot enter now into the discussion of whether, when you get your industrial parliament set up, the industrial or the political body will be supreme. Obviously, I think the political body will have to be supreme, and you will find that you are not very much further than when you started, because in Russia, where self-governing industrial bodies are set up, it is found—and I am rather disappointed—that more and more power has been taken away from them. They have been broken up in every direction, and the power has come back to the political, geographical chamber, such as this House is. The Soviet system is certainly not working very well in Russia. The industrial parliament is breaking down in Russia, and has been tried in Germany and is not working very well there. The very moderate suggestion made here, that the political body, namely, this House, should have the ultimate controlling power, will have to be adopted under whatever system you work. The ultimate government of industry will, I am afraid, have to rest in the political chamber here. It is rather an unfortunate impasse into which we have been led, and I regret to differ here from the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil), but the ultimate control must rest in this political chamber, and therefore I hope the House will support the Minister in resisting the Amendment.

No, no!

Amendment negatived.

CLAUSE 19.—(Schemes as to drainage.)

(1) It shall be lawful for the Minister of Mines after consultation with a district committee or area board or holding such other inquiry as he may think fit, and subject to the approval of the Board of Trade, to make schemes with respect to any group of mines as to the drainage thereof, and as to the apportionment as between the owners of the mines in question of any expenditure for a common purpose that may be required by any such scheme, and any such scheme may amend or repeal any local Act of Parliament in connexion with such drainage.

(2) The provisions of Section eighty-six and Part I. of the Second Schedule to the Coal Mines Act, 1911, with respect to the making general regulations shall apply with the necessary modifications to schemes under this Section.

The hon. Member, I am afraid, has fallen a victim to what is commonly known as the "kangaroo."

I thought I had put, in picturesque language, the reason to the hon. Member, but I will go further and explain that I think he has had a very considerable amount of indulgence. He handed in at 4 o'clock this afternoon a whole series of manuscript Amendments, which we have been steadily going through, any one of which he could have put on the Paper more than a week ago, and I think if they had been of sufficient importance, they ought to have been put on the Paper then.

It is not altogether my fault, but it is the fault of the Department, because they were not in a position to discuss them.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (1), after the word "thereof" ["the drainage thereof"], to insert

"( b ) as to the common working thereof;

( c ) as to common transport;

(d) as to subsidence."

The Clause as drafted introduces a very valuable and important principle, that of working for a common purpose. It provides that with reference to drainage only, but there are other equally important matters in connection with the common working of many groups of mines in this country where very great facilities would be obtained by having some common method of working. It is not intended that this should be compulsory in any particular sense, but that where the circumstances of the case were favourable and desirable the Minister should have the power to make such schemes, where all the interests agree, but there might be one refractory mine or owner who would not agree, to a valuable proposition put forward on behalf of a considerable number of mines who otherwise wished to carry it out, and my proposal is that that principle should not only apply in the case of drainage of mines, but also to other purposes in which very great advantages might be obtained by having facilities for common working.

I recognise the importance of the Amendment, and I confess that I should like to see all the powers which my hon. Friend suggests in operation to-day, as undoubtedly they could be worked to great advantage. The only reason why I cannot accept the Amendment is that I think we should, by adding these powers, be overloading this particular Measure. The day must come, and I think it will soon come, when arrangements must be made for common working, and certainly the time has already arrived when we must deal with subsidence. The Government have promised to bring in a Bill to deal with subsidence in the near future, and I think it would be far better that that should be left to be treated under the provisions of that anticipated Measure. With regard to common working and common transport, there are involved very large and important questions. I do not think, without provisions for dealing with expropriation of owners, you could by any chance succeed in providing efficiently for arrangements for common working and for common transport. The question of drainage is urgent, as there are many known cases in this country where it is necessary to have a common scheme of drainage and where owners are eager to arrange it if only a proper sanction can be given. Under these circumstances, we put drainage into this Bill and give the Minister a power to levy upon the people who will benefit a contribution for this very necessary purpose, but I hope my hon. Friend will not press his Amendment. I have these matters very fully in view, and it is only because I do not think we can appropriately deal with them under the provisions of this Bill that I cannot agree to accept the Amendment.

I am extremely disappointed that we have not had something more definite about subsidence from the right hon. Gentleman. I have brought the subject up time and again in this House, and I have had nothing but promises of action at an early date, which has been once more repeated to-night by my right hon. Friend. It is an urgent question in Scotland at the present time, and I should like some definite assurance from my right hon. Friend that the early date which he mentions will be adhered to. I had a promise last year from the Leader of the House about an agreed Bill brought in by the Labour members, but so far that promise has not been realised. I am aware that my right hon. Friend is very fully occupied, but I hope he will accept my statement that there is very strong feeling indeed on this particular subject in Scotland. In my own constituency there are houses lying in ruins at the present time, for which no compensation can be obtained, and it is idle to say that these people knew the conditions of the land system of Scotland before they took the houses. They have to live near their work, and they have no choice in the matter. I hope my right hon. Friend will bear this question in mind.

After the statement of the right hon. Gentleman, I beg leave to withdraw my Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment made: In Sub-section (2), leave out the words "with respect to the making" and insert instead thereof the words "which relate to."—[ Sir R. Horne. ]

CLAUSE 20.—(Power to make general and special Regulations with respect to Metalliferous Mines.)

The provisions of Sections eighty-six and eighty-seven of and the Second Schedule to the Coal Mines Act, 1911 (which relate to the making of general and special regulations), shall apply to metalliferous mines within the meaning of the Metalliferous Mines Regulation Acts, 1872 to 1875, as if they were re-enacted in those Acts and in terms made applicable to those mines, but with this modification, that in the said Section eighty-six for the reference to Part II of or the Third Schedule to the Coal Mines Act, 1911, there shall be substituted a reference to the general rules contained in Section twenty-three of the Metalliferous Mines Regulation Act, 1872.

I beg to move, at the end of the Clause, to add a new Subsection:

"(2) For the purposes of the Metalliferous Mines Regulation Acts, 1872 and 1875, the expression 'mine' does not include any part of the premises on which any manufacturing process, other than a process ancillary to the getting, dressing, or preparation for the sale of minerals, is carried on."

This is a Sub-section which the Home Office desire to be inserted, following a similar Clause in the Coal Mines Act, 1911.

Amendment agreed to.

CLAUSE 21.—(Establishment of fund for improvement of social conditions of colliery workers.)

(1) There shall be constituted a fund to be applied for such purposes connected with the social well-being, creation, and conditions of living of workers in or about coal mines and with mining education and research as the Minister of Mines, after consultation with any Government Department concerned, and subject to the consent of the Board of Trade, may approve.

(2) The owners of every coal mine shall before the thirty-first day of March, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, and before the same day in each of the subsequent five years, pay into the said fund a sum equal to one penny a ton of the output of the mine during the previous calendar year, and the sums so payable in respect of any mine shall be defrayed as part of the working expenses of the mine and shall be recoverable either as a debt due to the Crown or by the Minister of Mines summarily as a civil debt:

Provided that in the case of the first payment the amount shall be calculated with reference to the output during the six calendar months ending the thirty-first day of December, nineteen hundred and twenty.

(3) The duty of allocating the money from time to time standing to the credit of the said fund to the several purposes aforesaid shall be vested in a committee consisting of fire persons, appointed by the Minister of mines, of whom one shall be appointed by him after consultation with the Mining Association of Great Britain, and another after consultation with the Miners' Federation of Great Britain. The committee shall have the assistance of three assessors appointed by the Minister of Health, the Board of Education and the Secretary for Scotland respectively; the assessors shall have the right of attending meetings of the committee and of taking part in the deliberations thereof, but not of voting; and different persons may be appointed by the above-mentioned departments to act as assessors in relation to different matters.

(4) The committee may invite a local authority to submit a scheme for any of the purposes to which the fund may be applied, and if such scheme be approved by the committee they may make such grants in aid to the said local authority out of the fund and upon such conditions as may seem to them desirable:

Provided that in no case shall any grant be made out of the fund for the building of new dwelling-houses.

(5) Payments out of and into the fund, and all other matters relating to the fund, and moneys standing to the credit of the fund (including temporary investments thereof) shall be made and regulated in such manner as the Minister of Mines, subject to the approval of the Treasury, may direct.

(6) The Minister of Mines shall in each year cause an account to be prepared and transmitted to the Comptroller and Auditor-General for examination showing the receipts into and issues out of the said fund in the financial year ended the thirty-first day of March preceding, and the Comptroller and Auditor-General shall certify and report upon the same, and such account and report shall be laid before Parliament by the Minister of Mines.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (1), after the word "well-being," to insert the words, "including the provision of a superannuation scheme."

The coal industry is a very prosperous one, and a very well organised one, and I think it is thoroughly able to arrange for a scheme of this kind. There is no more arduous occupation in the country than that of coal-getting. It requires, on the whole, as high an average of physical effort as any occupation, and I think a well-organised industry of this kind ought to be able to find funds for a superannuation scheme for its old workers. I do not know whether my right hon. Friend will meet me with the same explanation as before, namely, that the words "social well-being" already include the possibility of such a scheme. But, at any rate, there can be no harm, and there may be much good, in putting in these words.

I am sorry I cannot accept my hon. Friend's Amendment. "social well-being" would undoubtedly cover a superannuation scheme. On the other hand, if we put in these words they would make it compulsory. I think my hon. Friend will agree that it will be far better to leave to the Committee what shall be the objects to which they apply their funds. I think it would be a great pity to tie the hands of the Committee at the present time to any particular scheme. Therefore, I would ask my hon. Friend not to press his Amendment.

As this is a point of substance, and one of particular interest to the workers in this industry, I would ask the right hon. Gentleman if the position is quite as he states it. If the effect of the Amendment were that this money must be applied for that purpose, that, of course, would be unfortunate, because a good deal is being done in the country by voluntary effort in respect of superannuation, particularly in Northumberland and Durham. As I read this Clause, the fund is only to be applied after consultation with the Government Department concerned and subject to the consent of the Board of Trade, and I take it that, in a great many cases, it might never be proposed that the fund should be applied in that way owing to the fact that sufficient provision was being made by voluntary effort. But one can perceive that, in other parts of the country, it might be desired that a portion of the money should be applied to this purpose. Would it not be desirable for the right hon. Gentleman to take the powers under this Amendment, so that if cases were presented to him, then, on the facts of the case and in view of the local, situation, he would be able to exercise his discretion?

I am sorry the right hon. Gentleman does not see his way to allow this fund to be used for the purpose of financing a superannuation scheme. In point of fact, this Section of the Bill is regarded, as I happen to know, somewhat jealously by certain owners in my division, at all events, where the social well-being of the workers is well looked after Of course, at 70 years of age, there is the Old Age Pension, but that does not provide a very large sum of money. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether this Clause could not be made more definite. Nobody seems to know what schemes will be produced under this Clause. That is a complaint I have received, and putting in a superannuation scheme would at least be something specific.

In answer to my hon. and gallant Friend's question, I think it would be a great pity more closely to define the objects than has been done in the Clause. You leave it open to cover a superannuation scheme if the Committee, upon investigating the matter, find that they have got enough money for that purpose. I think it would be tying the hands of the Committee far too much if you began to define the particular object. It is much better to use words which will cover any possible scheme of social well-being and any possible scheme for improving the conditions of the workers, and, accordingly, I would ask my hon. and gallant Friend not to press me upon this matter.

Amendment negatived.

I beg to move, to leave out Sub-section (2) and to insert a new Sub-section:

"(2) The said fund shall be constituted by the payment of the sum of £5,000,000 out of the account established under Section seven of the Coal Mines (Emergency) Act, 1920, provided that nothing in this Section shall affect the distribution as directed by Section one of that Act of the profits of the undertakings to which that Act applies.'

The coalowners are opposed to this Section altogether, because they feel it is a hardship that they should be singled out for a levy of this kind. However, the House seems to favour this, and it is suggested, therefore, that the money may well be found right away in order that any schemes drawn up may be begun at once.

I beg to second the Amendment. The scheme would start with much greater éclat if there were £5,000,000 in the fund than if it were started with contributions of a penny a ton to enable the Minister to carry out what he wants. I greatly regret that, owing to a conference on the matter, earlier notice could not be given of this Amendment.

It is one of the disadvantages of short notice of an Amendment that I have had no opportunity of considering the merits of the proposal. Upon the face of it, I think the Amendment has got certain advantages over the Government proposal, because, as the Mover has stated, money is provided at once and you can begin your scheme, whereas, according to the terms of the Bill, you have to wait for five years to raise a sum necessary for the purpose. If I had the opportunity, I should like to consider this Amendment between the passage of the Bill in this House and its appearance in another place. At the moment I cannot possibly accept it, and if my hon. Friends wish to go on with it now, I must oppose it. But I will consider whether it is possible to put it in this Bill in place of the present Subsection.

I hope the Minister will not accept this proposition. I believe, for the working of this Bill, it will be found a great deal better to apply the principle of a penny a ton rather than to have a lump sum of £5,000,000. There are certain areas where a vast amount of work requires to be done, and in other places a good deal less, and when you have a district producing 10,000 tons and another 1,000 tons, in what proportion are you going to allocate the money? If a lump sum is placed in the hands of the Minister, I am sure a great deal of friction will arise.

In view of the undertaking given by my right hon. Friend, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Before the Amendment is withdrawn, I should like to say something with reference to the Subsection as a whole. When the Bill was first introduced, a point of constitutional practice in reference to this matter was raised, namely, that as it was a taxing Clause, it required a money resolution. You decided that it did not actually come within the scope of a proposal requiring the previous sanction of a Financial Resolution of this House. Although, technically, we were wrong in our contention, in substance no doubt we were perfectly right. This Sub-section makes almost an entirely new precedent in the practice of taxing schemes in this country. It imposes a tax of one penny a ton on the coal raised for certain specific purposes. That is to say, it practically puts under the control of the President of the Board of Trade the power to levy a general tax on the people of this country and to distribute it in ways which, I have no doubt, are very proper, but which are altogether outside the powers of control of this House. It is a general tax, because everybody, practically, if not an actual consumer of coal, is a consumer of some product in the production of which coal is a necessary thing, and so we find a subsidiary exchequer established. Everybody knows that it was considered a great achievement when all sorts of subsidiary exchequers were abolished, and there was set up one Consolidated Fund in which all money raised by tax had to be paid.

8.0 P.M.

In moving this Amendment the hon. Member suggested that there should be a grant of £5,000,000 from the coal industry for the purposes specified. Where is this going to lead to? It may be desirable or advantageous that this should apply to other industries as well, and some Department may be given power to levy on other industries for these various purposes. It may be quite right. But I do contend that it is quite wrong that these taxing powers should be exercised without the intermediary of the control which this House should have over these matters. The amount is not very large. I do not know what the total yield may be.

But you would establish an undesirable precedent. You may take another industry, or some other equally deserving cause, and attempt to subsidise it in the same way. We know quite well this fund is the result of an exacting inquiry into the revelations made as to the bad housing conditions in the mining districts. It is quite right that something should be done, but it is quite wrong that you should set up a small, partial, limited exchequer for the purpose of dealing with what is really a general problem. You ought certainly not to take from this House the power it ought to possess, or does possess, but which at present is certainly in abeyance. You destroy the consolidated fund by setting up a system of partial control and limited taxing. You are proposing to take a step which is most retrograde as regards financial purity and Parliamentary control. I do not propose to divide against thsi Sub-section, or it might be supposed that one was opposed to the beneficent objects intended by it. I do not think it is necessary, in view of the fact that Parliament is losing—I was going to say slowly but very fast—its control over expenditure, when Parliament is asked to vote enormous sums of money at times when it is impossible to have proper Debate, and at a time when the old Parliamentary system of checks and counterchecks has largely broken down: it is necessary at such a time that some protest should be raised in the House of Commons against the system which will break up the unity of our system of Finance, and put it into the hands of one Minister, for a certain purpose, to exercise taxing power over the people of this country.

The point raised by my hon. and gallant Friend is a point of substance. What the Sub-section is doing is adding to the indirect taxation of the country. It is perfectly true that the amount is very small, and as coal stands to-day, and the price at which it is retailed, 1d. per ton, appears a trifling matter. Especially when we are raising a total of £350,000,000 for taxes which add to the price of the commodity, to add an extra million to that amount is certainly a matter which does appear trifling. But it raises a very important question of principle. In addition to the indirect taxation which falls upon the consumers of this country, through the ordinary methods of the Finance Act, we are going to have that which is added by measures of this kind. If so, the position is undoubtedly going to become a very serious one. I have no recollection that there was any attempt made during the passage of this Bill to establish any precedent for this. It is an entirely new and novel proposal.

That is, of course, not necessarily any indictment of the proposal. Proposals must originate at some time or other. But this is one, I think, to which the House might very rightly and very properly give some consideration. The protest my hon. and gallant Friend has made against it is entirely justified.

One point about this fund which has not been brought out is that which says that some of this money to be raised is to be applied to research——

That point is not included in the Sub-section we are discussing at present. That comes under Sub-section (1).

I merely rose to say that surely it is sound accounting that some portion of the profit derived from the sale of wasting assets should be used in attempting to replace those assets? It is, I submit, a legitimate operation of accountancy that some of this money should be carried forward to look into the means of replacing our sources of fuel. I wish to congratulate the Minister on having this in the Bill—of taking some of this money for the purposes of research.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I beg to move, in Subsection (4), to leave out the words "for the building of new" ["for the building of new dwelling-houses"], and to insert instead thereof the words "in respect of"

It would be an improper use for the fund to be used for

SECOND SCHEDULE.—PART I.—COAL DISTRICTS.

Name of Districts.

Counties or parts of Counties included.

26. North Ireland

Counties of Leitrim and Roscommon.

27. South Ireland

Queen's County, and Counties of Kilkenny and Tipperary.

PART II.

COAL AREAS.

Names of Areas.

Coal Districts included.

1. Scotland

Fife and Clackmannan, The Lothians, Lanarkshire, and Ayrshire.

2. Northern

Northumberland and Durham.

3. Midlands

Cumberland, Lancashire, and Cheshire, North Wales, South Yorkshire, West Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire, Derbyshire, South Derbyshire, North Staffordshire, Cannock Chase, South Staffordshire and Worcestershire, Leicestershire, Warwickshire, Shropshire.

4. Southern

Forest of Dean, Somerset, Bristol, and Kent.

5. South Wales

South Wales.

6. Ireland

North Ireland and South Ireland.

the purpose of reconstruction of old houses, but I think the Amendment goes too far. If it is altered to read "building or repairing" I shall be prepared to accept it. It would be a pity to put in words such as suggested, which have so wide a significance.

I accept the suggestion of the right hon. Gentleman, and ask leave to withdraw my Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment made: In Sub-section (4) leave out the words "of new" ["the fund for the building of new houses"], and insert instead thereof the words "or repairing of."—[ Sir B. Horne. )

CLAUSE 22.—(Accounts, Statistics, Returns, etc.)

(2) No information with respect to any particular undertaking shall be included in any published report, and any person who may obtain any such information under this Section shall be required to make a declaration of secrecy in such form as may be prescribed by the Minister of Mines, and any person who acts in contravention of any declaration which he has so made shall be guilty of a misdemeanour and on conviction be liable to imprisonment, with or without hard labour, for a term not exceeding two years, or to a fine not exceeding one hundred pounds, or to both imprisonment and a fine.

Amendment made: In Sub-section (2), after the word "report" ["included in, any published report"], insert the words "unless the owner of the undertaking so agrees."—[ Sir R. Horne. ]

I beg to move, in part I to leave out

This is is to make Ireland one area instead of two areas—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"]—but the grounds of this proposal have not, as hon. Members opposite seem to imagine, any political aspect. There are something under 1,000 miners engaged in Ireland altogether, and that seems an inadequate reason for dividing the country into two areas.

I very gladly avail myself of this opportunity of congratulating my right hon. Friend on discovering that division is not the best thing even when dealing with coal mines. I hope he will understand and apply the lesson which he learnt in a wider sphere. I should like to congratulate my right hon. Friend for another reason. I notice that the draughtsman of this Bill has included in the North of Ireland the counties of Leitrim and Roscommon. I can only assume that that draughtsman has never seen a map of Ireland. It shows the deplorable ignorance about everything Irish that possesses the Government, to describe two counties of the West of Ireland as being in the North of Ireland. I would suggest to my right hon. Friend that a much more sensible course would be to take this out altogether. We in Ireland are not anxious at all to have this Bill. May I ask my right hon. Friend whether he could not see his way to drop this out altogether? The first Coal Bill for the United Kingdom took 90 per cent. of the profits and guaranteed the coalowners against loss. Then in May of this year that Act was repealed, and another brought in which was declared to be retrospective, but under that Ireland, although it was controlled, was not entitled to any of the finances. In this matter those concerned were trying to make the best of both worlds. It was possible for the coal-owners in Ireland to get some share of the guaranteed profits in the earlier Bill, and then Ireland was not included. Now when it is impossible for them to get any they have been included. I object to this discrimination when it works against the interests of the coal mines in my own country. There is another joke about this Bill. It is applied to the whole of the United Kingdom, but my right hon. Friend apparently assumes that the United Kingdom includes Ireland. Nobody in Ireland wants this Bill, neither the coalowners nor——

The hon. Gentleman will have to put forward a new Clause excluding Ireland from the Bill should he wish to pursue that point. This Amendment is simply altering the Schedule.

I was appealing to my right hon. Friend that, before this Bill gets to another place, he should consider whether there is any demand from Ireland for the inclusion of Ireland in this Bill. There is a very excellent Coal Bill working there already; there is, therefore, no necessity for making this applicable to Ireland. Perhaps my right hon. Friend will give me an undertaking that he will make inquiries from the mineowners and the miners regarding this between now and the Bill being taken in another place. If he does, I shall be quite satisfied.

Yes, I will do so.

It being a Quarter-past Bight of the Clock, and leave having been given to move the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 10, further Proceeding was postponed, without Question put.

Railway Fares (Increase)

I beg to move, "That this House do now adjourn."

I would like first of all to thank my hon. Friends on the Opposition Benches for the unanimous support which they gave to my Motion this afternoon. Without it it would have been impossible to have this Debate this evening. I noticed with regret and surprise that only a bare dozen of the Coalition Members sup- ported my Motion. I am glad to see the Minister of Transport present. I do not propose to take up the time of the House with the question of fares in general, except for a moment or two to comment on the answer which I received from the Government yesterday afternoon. The last few words are of interest. The Leader of the House said, "The only alternative, therefore, to putting up fares and charges immediately is for the taxpayer to assume the burden, and that is an alternative which the Government feel obliged to reject." I am very much surprised to note that the Government, in that reply, gave no indication whatever that the railways are going to be conducted more efficiently in the future. They gave me no indication that they were going to move trucks faster than ever, that they were going to carry more passengers; in fact, that they were going to do anything at, all in order to make more profits, and lessen the cost of fares and charges. They frankly say to the House that the only thing is to put it on fares or to charge the taxpayer. That leaves us without hope. Where are we going to get to? When they decided that they were going to increase fares, how did they decide to increase them? I believe my right hon. Friend will agree that I am right when I say that first class fares are to be increased 1d. in the 1s., and third-class fares 2d. in the 1s.

That is not true. Will my right hon. Friend tell me that they are to be increased 2d. in the 1s?

All round? Everything is to be 2d. in the 1s.—all ordinary fares; that applies to first-class and third-class? Everyone travelling on the railways, except workmen, will pay the same fares?

My right hon. Friend, or the Government, in deciding how they were going to increase these fares, threw a sop to labour by saying, "Your fares will not be increased before 1st September." I submit that it does not make any difference to labour; they do not want any sops of this kind, either in this House or out of it. All they want is to get fair treatment all round. The Government suggest that the reason for the increase of fares is the extraordinary large increase in wages. I am one of those who do not believe you can make railways efficient or profitable by paying high wages. I do not think it makes any difference what you pay men, it is what you get out of men that counts, and what my right hon. Friend and the railway executive are doing is taking away from these men the incentive to do good work. Men will only work if they feel goodwill towards the people who employ them, and trust the people they have got to deal with. I feel the reason for the lack of speed in working, and in loading and unloading trucks, and the general lack of efficiency on railways, is not due to any desire on the part of the men not to do a full and honest day's work, but because there is not the incentive there, there is not the feeling back of it that it is worth doing, and you have got to have that. If you do not have that, it is hopeless. What does my right hon. Friend do? He knew, or he must have known some three months ago, that it would be essential in the middle of this summer or the early autumn to increase fares. I am not going to argue whether it is right or wrong to do that. He may be able to make a fine case to the country, and tell the people that they must pay the farthing, in fact the Government have decided it only this afternoon. The Prime Minister said the increase must start on the 6th August. Heaven knows why it is the 6th August. I submit that my right hon. Friend knew that these increases were coming into effect some three months ago.

The people of this country do not mind at all what they have to pay. I do not think there are any people in the world who will stand more from their Government, for constitutional government, than the people of this country. It makes no difference how high you tax them, or how high the cost of food, or what the privation, it makes no difference what they have got to pay for railway fares, if they only feel that it is absolutely essential to the welfare of the State that they should do it, and if the Government will give them due warning. People of the professional class and the middle class, fathers and mothers of large families, decided some three or four or five months ago to go on summer holidays. They saved their money, working out the cost practically to the last penny. Only 10 days ago was it announced when these fares were supposed to come into effect, at least the earliest date was announced as the 5th August. The Government, I presume, think they have made a concession by making it 6th August, a Friday, of all days in the week! I submit to the Minister of Transport that he failed to have sufficient imagination to realise the effect of this change. I hope he will not mind my saying this, but Governments to-day, and men in position in Governments, fail to realise the effect of many of the things they do. It is not the thing that they do, but it is the lack of understanding of what the effect will be en a large part of the public. Had not the Prime Minister been engaged in very important matters at the Peace Conference, with his mind fully occupied by them, I do not think he would have tolerated this for two minutes. Ever since he has been in office he has been known as a man of great vision, a man who realises that there must be a reason for everything, and that notice must be given of everything, and that things must be explained. He was not here, he depended on his Ministers. My right hon. Friend, I feel, has failed lamentably to realise the psychological effect of thus suddenly rushing in with these increased fares.

Not very long ago, when the railway-men decided that they were going to have a strike, we heard from the Government Benches how badly the Government felt the sudden way in which direct action had been brought on the country, and it was said that men had no right to strike in this way, that they ought to have given notice to the great public of the country of the difficulty that would be facing them. They who are supposed to have vision, imagination, judgment, sanity, go and do exactly the same thing that they found fault with in labour itself, and I cannot for the life of me understand how it is possible for the Cabinet or for my right hon. Friend not to have realised that when he puts these fares into effect suddenly he is not only saying to the people, "You have got to pay this," but, "You have got to pay it when we will." The point I want to make is, that Ministers must not forget that they are there by the will of the people. We have in this country a great and tolerant people, and that is all the more reason why consideration should be given to them. It is not too late to alter this decision. In business or in Governments we are all liable and likely to make mistakes. Supposing the Government had announced, as I hope the right hon. Gentleman will do to-night, that they had made a mistake by forcing hundreds and thousands of people to pay more money after the 6th of. August for their holidays than those paid for their holidays who went before that date Supposing they said, "We will put this increase off until 1st October." The people would then say that the right hon. Gentleman had the courage of his convictions. I do hope that, as a result of this Debate, my right hon. Friend will realise that if this country is going to be run peacefully during the next six months, it is essential that the greatest possible care must be taken not to antagonise any section of the public.

During the railway strike the right hon. Gentleman depended upon the loyalty of those who travelled, and they put up with great inconveniences in order that the right hon. Gentleman might carry his point, and they did everything to help him. What is he doing in return? He says that he must have the money. If later on the right hon. Gentleman can show that by the loss of this two months for which we are asking he will be obliged later on to make it up in the next ten months, then I believe the travelling public would submit to it. What I want to impress upon him is that he has a chance to give some extension of time in order to give these poor women, these professional women, and people with fixed incomes, many of them with five, six, seven, and eight children, who need the health-giving air of the seaside, to obtain it. We constantly talk about bad buildings and the necessity for people living healthier lives, and now for the first time since the War that there has been a chance for this healthy recreation, when we felt that things were settled and there was a chance to get fit, we find that these people are going to be penalised. The right hon. Gentleman looks like a man of courage. It requires courage for him to get up and say, "I am wrong. The travelling public stood by me, and I will give them a chance. Here is the alternative. Will you take the responsibility for it? and I will give the people a chance until the 1st of October to travel at the old rates, and before that time I will convince this House that I should charge these extra fares." If he does that, on the 1st of October he will have no bad feeling towards his Ministry or himself.

I rise to second this Motion on grounds that, in many particulars, differ from those advanced by my hon. Friend. First of all, I do not agree that a case has been made out for this increase. For the sake of argument I assume that there is need for a substantial increase in the fares, but I submit the right course was to have waited until the Advisory Committee set up by the right hon. Gentleman had had an opportunity of going into the question of a revision of the rates on goods. In that case two things would have happened. First of all, it would have been found what was to be the right allocation of the burden as between passenger fares on the one hand and goods rates on the other. This would have shown in detail how they were to be worked out among the particular classes. What has happened is that the Ministry say to the Advisory Committee: "We have estimated that there is a deficit of £54,000,000 per year which must be made up. Expert advice has been taken, and it shows that 40 per cent. of that £54,000,000 should be allocated to passenger fares and 60 per cent. to goods rates." What the Ministry now recommend is practically that 60 per cent. should be allocated to passenger fares. They recommend that there shall be an increase in fares on passenger merchandise of £34,250,000, and in relation to the £54,000,000 that is approximately 40 per cent. That was the railway companies' calculation contained in a memorandum furnished by the Ministry of Transport, and with their sanction.

It was not from the Ministry of Transport, and it was sent direct without any knowledge of the Ministry.

At any rate, it stated that 40 per cent. should be allocated to the passenger fares and 60 per cent. to the goods rates. That certainly is the case put forward by the Advisory Committee, and they say quite definitely in their view the right proportion is 40 per cent. to passengers and 60 per cent. to the goods. Now the recommendation comes out very much different. Hanging to this is the statement which is their strong ground upon which to make an appeal to the Government to postpone this proposed increase until the Advisory Committee have gone into the question of the rates on goods, and this is what they say:

There has not been any material increase in the prices of materials for repairing, and so on, of the railways since the 1st of April this year. The Advisory Committee are told that they must make an alteration in the rates and fares on the assumption that there is going to be a deficit of £50,000,000, I think it is very unfortunate, from the point of view of the country, and from the point of view of this House retaining effective control over a great Department—a Department which at present probably matters as much as any single Government Department—I say it is unfortunate there are no means available for this House, or for anybody else, to check the estimates. The Advisory Committee say, and they say it pathetically, "We have no power to go into these estimates. All our business is, is to allocate as between fares and rates the amount for which the Minister asks." I know that we in this House are blindly responsible for it. In game-keeping it is an excellent thing to get a poacher to act as game-keeper, provided you appoint him permanently to the post. I have never yet come across a single case in which a preserver of game was so foolish as to make a poacher a temporary game-keeper. Yet that is what, we have done. Practically every member on these Benches voted in favour of the creation of this grandiose Ministry, with a superman at the head of it, in the belief that it was going to become a real State Railway Department, and that, by such a move, we were going to avoid the danger of having an ordinary bureaucratic Civil Service governing Department. It is nothing of the kind. There are going to be no State railways, no permanent control of the railways by the State; they are going back to the railway companys in 18 months' time, and in the meantime the right hon. Gentleman has brought into the Department from the railway interest a number of big men, some whom are so altruistic——

There is nothing about this in the Motion on which leave was obtained to move the Adjournment of the House.

I am desirous of keeping well within your ruling, but I suggest respectfully that we are dealing in this matter with the effect of certain defective machinery, and I submit that I am in order in pointing out that we are likely to have a repetition of these mistakes unless we do something to change the machinery.

No, I absolutely differ from that. That is not a definite matter of urgent public importance. The Ministry has now been in operation for a year and a half. The Motion on which leave to move the Adjournment was obtained dealt with "the proposed increase in railway fares and the need for an immediate assurance from the Government that these increases shall not be put into effect before 1st October."

May I put it in this way—that inasmuch as the country has not had an opportunity of considering these fares, and inasmuch as by the machinery which has been set up the House of Commons, as representing the country, has not had an opportunity of considering them, these two things form a very substantial ground indeed for delaying the putting into operation of the fares, so that the House may have an opportunity of examing into and checking the estimates upon which the increases are based. I suggest that there is very strong ground for delay, and that the right course for the Government to adopt is not to put these fares into operation before the 1st of October. In the meantime, let the Advisory Committee of the Ministry of Transport go into the increases and make a proper allocation as between goods rates and fares. Also the Government might very properly get up a Committee of this House to examine the estimates and see whether they are well founded. I submit, further, that the estimates, which, on the face of them, are swollen, ought not to go unchecked from a Department which has at its head a number of temporarily borrowed men from the railway interest who will permanently benefit from these increased fares. It is for these reasons that I make an earnest appeal to the Government not to insist upon these fares being put into operation. It is a perfectly monstrous thing that we should, without any previous notive, authorise the railway companies to so increase their charges that whereas a workman to-day is paying 1s. he will, after the first week in September, have to pay 3s., and you call upon him to do that when the Advisory Committee frankly say that, until they have gone into the railway rates, they cannot tell what is going to be the effect of the levying of these increased fares.

The Government have protested, and, I think, quite rightly, against railwaymen, miners, and engineers and other sections of labour jumping upon them demands and saying that unless they are at once conceded trouble will happen. The Government have followed that example. They have said, without any effective notice, that, unless this great increase of railway fares is allowed, the country will have to pay an increased subsidy. I am all against subsidies of any sort or kind. There would have been no question of subsidies in connection with the railways if the Government had only dealt justly by the community and charged themselves, as a capital charge, with the cost of the railway services performed during the period of war in the same way as they charged themselves, as a capital charge, with the cost of munitions, of building ships, and of employing men. There is no more reason why the cost of munitions should be made a capital charge upon which this generation will pay interest and something towards redemption than that the cost of the carriage of men and munitions on the railways should be. It has not been done, and the travelling public are now being asked, without notice, to pay for the excess wear and tear during the War period, and to pay for it in extra fares instead of its being made a capital charge arising out of the War. I do suggest that the Government might well be asked to consider whether they did the just thing, before they talk about a subsidy as the only alternative. It is a great fraud on the travelling public—I use the word quite deliberately—to attempt to "jump it" on the poor people. Evidently, some of the members of the Government and those responsible at the Ministry of Transport do not know the conditions of the social life of the people. They do not know of the case of the little shopkeeper, the typist, the girl clerk, the little seamstress, or the shop assistant, who have saved their shillings or their sixpences week by week through the year. There are thousands of such people in my constituency, who will either have to curtail their holiday because of this, or will have to pay so much that they will have to go short of food a little later on, especially with the enormous increase of 200 per cent. in the workmen's fares in the morning, of which they avail themselves. I am perfectly certain that there is not an hon. Member in this House who would not help the Government to the very last to put the railways on a right basis, but I, for one, and I say it deliberately, after going into these figures, do not believe the figures to be true. I believe that some of the estimates are bogus and spurious, and I believe it to be an unmitigated "ramp" in the interests of the railway companies by the railway representatives in the Ministry of Transport.

I rise to support this Motion, because I am a London Member, and know what a strong feeling there is outside this House against the decision of the Government to increase the ordinary fares from the 6th August next. In the answer given yesterday by the Leader of the House, he dealt, really, with three subjects on three different lines. If the House will permit me, I should like to read a portion of the right hon. Gentleman's answer. He said: me to be very unfortunate that the Government, the Ministry of Transport, and the Advisory Committee, should have selected this date of the 6th August for increasing the ordinary fares. The other recommendations made by the Committee deal with other classes of tickets. In the case of season tickets it does not apply in the same way. Season tickets are either monthly, quarterly, half-yearly, or yearly, and it would be rather a farfetched thought that all the season tickets would end on the 6th August. The season ticket holder certainly gets a much longer notice of the increase than the ordinary passenger, and the Government have already decided that the increases in workmen's fares shall not come into force until the 1st September. We think in London, and I think I carry the bulk of the London Members with me on this question, that the Government should not have selected the 6th August as the date. We think that, as they propose that the increase in the workmen's fares shall commence on the 1st September, there is no reason why that date should not apply in the case of the ordinary passenger fares.

I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for East Ham (Mr. A. C. Edwards) that, if they are going to make good this deficit on the railway companies which has been put up to the Advisory Committee, it would have been good business, if they are going to raise the passenger fares, that they should at the same time raise the goods rates, and that the increases should be made all together at the same time, so that everyone would be treated alike. It does not seem to be possible to take any other view than that somebody in the Department or in the Government or on the Advisory Committee has set out specially to penalise the people who are going on their holidays. The Minister of Transport was at one time an important railway official, and I venture to suggest to him that, when he was in the North-East of England, he would not have given his passengers in that district such short notice of an increase in fares as has been given by this decision of the Government. I should also like to put before him the point that it is very bad business to upset customers on whom you are going to depend for future revenue. This holiday traffic is a very large traffic, and it affects a great many people in different ways. It is not necessarily traffic that goes to seaside places or holiday resorts. A good many people in places like London are people who come from the Provinces—from Scotland, Ireland and Wales—and a good many of them, particularly young girls who are shop assistants, and other people in employment of that kind spend their holidays by going home to their own districts. People like that have to take along railway journeys, and the fares are very dear, and this kind of increase is going to hit them very hardly indeed. I should like, to ask the Minister of Transport if he has considered whether you cannot increase fares too much. I believe that you can increase fares to such an extent that you do not gain the object with which you set out, and by increasing the fares to the extent they propose I should not be at all surprised if the revenue, instead of going up, is less than it was before. There are two other classes of people whom I specially want to mention. In London and in some provincial cities we have a good many boy scouts. They arrange for a fortnight or longer holiday, and this increase will also affect that class of traffic. It will also affect the children who are sent away by the Children's Country Holiday Fund. Therefore it is a very unfortunate thing that the Ministry of Transport and the Government have chosen this particular time to increase the fares.

If they had thoroughly gone into the question of railway facilities, I think they might have done something to appease the public, but we get nothing from the Government or from the Advisory Committee as to whether they propose to give us any excursion fares, or any cheap fares at all, and I cannot understand why the railway companies, who were so keen in pre-war times to run excursions, and to give the travelling public facilities at cheap rates—day facilities or weekly facilities—at once turn down any proposal of that kind. I am certain those who are asking for cheap fares do not expect them at the same price they were in pre-war times, but if in pre-war times they could run a day trip for a single fare there and back, I want to ask the Minister of Transport why we cannot have day trips now at single fares? I believe if that could be done it would help a good many of the travelling public, and it would certainly help some of the people who want to go home to visit their friends. Not only that, but in pre-war times we had cheap weekly tickets, cheap fortnightly tickets, tourist tickets, and other railway facilities of that kind which allowed the public a great many privileges in travelling about the country. Even then we did not have the same privileges that some Continental countries did. But the whole of these have been swept away and nothing is brought forward by the Ministry of Transport or by the Advisory Committee to meet the travelling public and to take the place of those cheap tickets. I am not satisfied with the figures which have been produced by the Advisory Committee, and we have had no figures produced which show that the deficit on the railways is as has been stated in answer to questions. There is very great dissatisfaction at the date when these proposed fares are going to be put in force, and I would urge on the Government, if they can, to reconsider it and give the public fair notice, which they are entitled to, and I hope they will adopt the date of 1st October.

9.0 P.M.

We have heard speeches from both sides of the House, and I think the House is already agreed as to the desirability of making the railways maintain their upkeep. There is something to be said, no doubt, for bringing the subsidy to an end, but the feeling of those who are objecting to this is not so much to any action being taken on the part of the Ministry of Transport with a view to making the railways self-supporting as what I may call the wrong time for increasing the charges. It all turns on that. Most Members will realise that the Ministry of Transport would be consulting the public convenience and the rights of the public in imposing the increase at a later date. I rise more especially to put in a plea for the Welsh watering places. I have been asked by the Town Council of Aberystwyth, of which I am a member, to urge their standpoint, and that of other watering places on the Welsh coast. These Welsh watering places are far removed from populous centres. They are not like Brighton, Eastbourne, Blackpool, and other English watering places which are in close proximity to great cities. They are far away. Some three years ago the return fare from London to Cardigan Bay was little more than £1. If this increment is put on it will now be about £4. It is absurd to expect families to incur this expense of £4 per head to go to these Welsh watering places, which I may say incidentally are amongst the best in the Kingdom. [An HON. MEMBER: "They will go to Brighton!"] They may go to Brighton, but they will not derive the benefit there that they will in Wales. These Welsh watering places will be heavily penalised. They suffered more than any other watering places in the Kingdom during the War. There are exceptions, I admit, and they but prove the rule. I will put it in this way. They suffered heavily. I think the Minister of Transport will bear me out there.

That is the first note of assent the right hon. Gentleman has given to-night. They did their work, and in proportion to their population no part of the country did so well for the country as these Welsh watering places did. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] In proportion to their population they did well during the War. I will go a step further. They did better in proportion to their population than any others. The tradesmen and the lodging-house keepers in these remote places have made their preparations for the summer, and the season as it is is a very short one. I appeal to the Minister of Transport to think of these places. Unfortunately, he has never been to Wales. If he had he would have committed fewer blunders than he has. He of all men ought to appreciate the value of a Welshman in the Government. My hon. Friend who moved the Adjournment charged the Minister of Transport with a lack of imagination. I think that observation was just. He has many qualities, but not even his best friends, not even those directors of the North-Eastern Railway who worship him so much, have ever credited him with the possession of imagination. I have sometimes heard it said that his Parliamentary Secretary is the keeper of his conscience. Every great man has the good fortune to possess a Man Friday; but the Parliamentary Secretary in this case represents Sheffield, and Sheffield is far removed from the Welsh Coast, so that he knows very little of our needs.

We were told a short time ago that the incidence was to begin on 5th August— at any rate, not before 5th August. It is now to be 6th August. Why the 6th more than the 26th? It has been put off one day; why not one month? [An HON. MEMBER: "Why not a year?"] Owing to the circumstances of the Welsh watering places, and the way in which these watering places will be penalised by the putting on of the increment at this time of the year, I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman, even with his lack of imagination, to see whether he cannot come to the rescue of these watering places and help the lodging-house keepers to have a chance of making a living.

I am very reluctant to join in the general condemnation of the Government, but I feel myself obliged to do so. I speak even as a shareholder in railway companies, because I can see the inappropriateness of the increase at the time that is proposed. I do not agree with one hon. Member, who said that the Advisory Committee had set out to penalize the public. They did nothing of the kind. The Advisory Committee is an impartial body, and the Government realises that they have advised this increase, not with any idea of penalising the public, but because it is absolutely necessary. The enormously increased expenditure on the railways and the great deficit has brought all this about. The reason for that deficit is mainly the increase in the wages of railwaymen. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] At any rate, it is largely due to that cause. Therefore, when the proper time comes, those who use the railways will not object to a moderate increase in the cost of fares. Unfortunately, this proposal coincides with the general holidays. It has been said by one speaker that on 6th August the holidays will not be over. In Lancashire they are only just beginning on 6th August. It is the time of all times when the labouring classes take their holidays. We know how they flock to Blackpool and seaside resorts of that kind. It is most unfortunate that the Government should have thought proper to increase the railway fares at this particular juncture. Probably the Minister of Transport will reply that, if we do not increase the railway rates on 6th August, but postpone the increase, we shall have to make a greater charge later. Even that would be better than putting on the increase at this particular moment. It might have been better to impose it earlier, because the extra cost of working the railways has been going on for a long time. I should not have complained if it had been proposed earlier in the spring, when those who were using the railways more than the labouring classes could well afford to pay. I hope the motion will meet with the general approval of the House.

Every speech delivered in support of this Motion has attempted to demonstrate the unfairness of the increase and its hardship at this time of the year. In a series of questions which have been directed to the Minister of Transport and the Government, and in connection with some of the speeches this evening it has been suggested that the main cause of this burden is the action of the railwaymen.

As one of those who took part in the strike as a blackleg, my hon. Friend——

he might at least limit it to his particular efforts on that occasion, and direct his support to it when I have finished. I do not usually interrupt others, and the hon. Member will have his opportunity of replying. Attempts have been made to show that the cause of the increase is mainly through the increase in the railwaymen's wages. If it merely meant that the railway men were fairly treated no one would disagree. If, on the other hand, they are unfairly treated, and they are responsible for an unfair burden on someone else, then I have no hesitation in saying that the interest of the community is greater than that of any section of the community. I do not limit this gospel to this House; I tell it to my own people. Therefore, I am going to approach the question this evening from both points of view. The complaint at this moment is against a new increase of 25 per cent. on the top of an increase of 50 per cent. put on three years after the War began. That is to say, the complaint is that on this particular commodity there is a total increase of 75 per cent. to-day. I ask the House, and any Member of the House who is in any business or in any industry, to name any other commodity sold in the market and not restricted by legislation, coal, iron, cotton, anything you like, which has not increased more than 75 per cent. over the pre-war price.

I will deal with that presently. I am dealing now with the wages of the workers. Is there any worker in any industry who is not now receiving more than 100 per cent. above what he received before the War?

If Members of Parliament have to be judged by the people who pay them, the conclusion would be that they were dear, even in 1914. There was a question put to-day to the Minister of Transport as to the grades of railway-men whose wages to-day were two and a half times what they were in 1914. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport could not name any grade, because there was none. I want to put a few facts before the House. In 1914, when the War broke out, 102,000 railwaymen, not boys, were getting less than £l per week. That is the cold, hard fact. You may say "Shame," but it is a fact. When the War broke out those men had given notice to cancel the arrangement and had said they were going to have an improvement. The time to negotiate was November, 1914. The War broke out and the first thing these 102,000 men did was to make a truce, and to say, "No, we will not go in for a new programme because of the War." I put it to the House, that if they are to judge this matter fairly they must go back to that point. The whole of the railway employés engaged in the manipulation of traffic, 570,000 in number, had an average wage of 25s. 8d. in 1914. To-day the cost of living is up 150 per cent. I am giving the railway companies' figures as presented to the National Wages Board when they considered the men's case only a few weeks ago. Those figures show that the engine drivers receive 122 per cent. above what they received in 1914. In other words, those men are 28 per cent. worse off than in 1914. Taking the whole of the grades at £1 a week or less, the highest increase was 177 per cent.

The right hon. Member uses the word "are." He says, "The wages are to-day." Those figures apply to the date before the recent advance.

I have said that I am giving the figures presented to the National Wages Board. It has repeatedly been said that this increase in fares is due to the action of the National Wages Board in granting increased wages. I propose to show that it is not true. I have quoted the figures given by the railway companies before the National Wages Board.

I am going to show that the National Wages Board award was not £5,000,000. I am trying to deal with the question fairly and I want it fairly stated, because the assumption is that the railway man's life is a paradise, that he has been profiteering, and that he is the cause of all this difficulty. I am going to prove that that is not true. I repeat that these figures show that 100,000 men with less than a £1 a week got the highest increase, namely 177 per cent., and that the lowest increase granted was 122 per cent. That was a few months ago. It was the case that the National Wages Board had to consider. They decided that in the industrial centres they would give ten per cent. increase on that, and five per cent. increase in the agricultural districts. The total amount in the conciliation grades was £6,000,000 per annum, and the award did not become operative until June of this year. In order that the House may have a fair comparison I will examine it in another way. I will take the most highly paid men, those of the North-Eastern Railway Company. The House then cannot accuse me of being unfair. I am taking the North-Eastern Railway goods porter who, pre-War, received 26s. per week. That was in some cases, mark you, 6s, more than other porters received. I do not mean platform porters; I mean men doing heavy goods porters' work. To-day they receive 69s. 6d. per week. Taking the cost of living at 150 per cent., which is the Board of Trade's figures, these men's value to-day compared with 1914 is 27s. 6d. I have taken the highest and not the lowest. Is there any man in this House who will take the responsibility of saying that 27s. 6d. is too much for men occupying this position?

My hon. Friend said that no grade of railwayman has received an increase of more than two and a half times their pre-War wage. He has just quoted an increase from 26s. to 68s. 3d. If I multiply twenty-six by two and a half it is sixty-five, so that that grade alone seems to have received an increment of more than two and a half times its pre-War wage.

I said distinctly the "average" figure. I quoted them for the average, and I said quite distinctly that there were some even lower than 100 per cent., and some more I have given this exact figure, and it works out to more than two and a half times, but it works out to 27s. 6d. as compared with 26s. That is the luxury in which these men are working. I think my hon. Friend is a private secretary——

I think the right hon. Member is getting right away from the subject. I must remind the House of the question on which leave was granted. It was not the question of the increase in fares, but as to whether the increase should be postponed until the 1st of October.

That means, of course, that the interruptions were most unfair. Now to deal with another aspect of the matter. I find that in 1913, which incidentally is the high-water mark of the railway receipts, the highest figure reached was £118,000,000. Taking the estimate for this year as presented by the railway companies, exclusive of any increase such as is now cotntemplated, it is estimated that the figure will be £228,000,000. I really give these figures, with a £90,000,000 increase in receipts, to answer the suggestion as to the increase from £40,000,000 odd to £152,000,000 in the wage bill.

I will immediately come to a third aspect of the question, which is this. If the price of other commodities has gone up, can we justify a policy that says the only exception to the rule must be railway fares or railway rates? I believe the development of the railways of this country is of vital importance to the interests of the community I submit the railway companies must not be treated more unfairly than any other seller of commodities in this country. Whilst I hold no brief for the railway companies, I am bound to say that if they had been free in 1914 and they had charged the Government for the services they rendered to the community, I am absolutely convinced in my own mind—and indeed the figures will prove it—that they would have paid a far higher rate. That being so, you cannot complain of these people being put in at least as favourable a position as other people in the community. I am going to submit that they are not by the increase in charges. I have already intimated that I' do not think there is any other commodity which is so cheap, comparatively, as railway travelling. I do not think the worker in any other industry has a right to complain about the railway men sharing equally with them, and if the price of a commodity—which is always transferred to the consumer—is increased, the workmen have no more cause to complain than anyone else.

I have heard of so many people who live on their losses that I should put many of the landlords under that particular category. All I say is, that if printers, gasworkers, engineers, steel-workers, cotton operators and miners are all in a position to demand a fair standard wage, as they are; if they are to be put in a position, as they are entitled to be, to say that they must be compensated for the increased cost of living, then they are not entitled to complain when another section of the community says, "We are going to have fair treatment in this matter." I join issue entirely with those who assume that railway companies must be treated differently from someone else.

The whole point turns on the advisability of the particular tax at the particular time. On that I think the Government are open to criticism, for an entirely different reason to that which has been urged, and it is this—that if we are agreed, as I am satisfied, that it is wrong to subsidise the railways, and that the railways ought to be made self-supporting—that is clearly a policy which I advocate and support—then I submit to the House that that ought to be carried out by every section of the community bearing the burden equally. The unfairness of the immediate tax is that it calls upon a particular section of the community at a particular time to bear an unfair share of the burden. I have seen it stated in the Press that folks could take their holidays earlier. That only shows how little those people know of the great mass of the people of this country. What father or mother would enjoy a holiday without their children? Everyone knows, whether it be elementary or public schools, that there are certain clearly defined months in which the children are allowed home. There are some people who can take their holidays earlier.

I do not know the point of the interruption. I said that children from the elementary and public schools came home at a certain time and people took their holidays then. I suggest it would have been fairer to have equalised the burden more if the increased rate was for the period ending in March next, and that would justify the holiday period' being passed over. I do not mean that the money should come out of the State, because I think the railways ought to be self-supporting. I think the great mass of the public would have preferred that method rather than to unfairly penalise one section in a particular period. I do not join with those who condemn the Government because of the increased fares. I say it was justified by the circumstances, and I repeat that all industries of this kind should be self-supporting. I believe that the burden ought to have been shared and spread over the whole people rather than penalise people at this time, and in that way injure the people who depend on holiday makers, and prevent many people from taking a much needed and legitimate holiday.

I am always interested in the speeches of my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas), and never so much so as when he is placing before the House the autobiography of the railwayman who begins with the oil box on the wheel and ends up by driving a 50-mile-an-hour express at a huge salary. But, if I may say so, that has nothing at all to do with the question before the House. That question is not whether the level of wages of the railwayman is the level of up-to-date living, or whether he is 28 per cent. worse off than he was in 1914. The question is, Ought the public, ought the holiday makers who are going away in August and September, to have had earlier notice of the change in fares than has been given to them? This question has been spoken of for months, and that is the one point which I have consistently put forward, namely, that you ought to give the public proper notice. In the case of goods under the Railway Acts, you have to give at least 14 days' notice, but there is no provision of that kind concerning passenger traffic, and those fares can be put up, apparently, when you please. The Leader of the House said yesterday, "I have given much more than 15 days' notice, for I stated on the 3rd June that increased fares would be put into force as soon as we had decided on the amount." I need scarcely tell the House I immediately went to the OFFICIAL REPORT of the 3rd of June to see what notice had been given, and I could find nothing said by the Leader of the House. But I found a statement in a reply to a question given by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport, and this is apparently the notice to the public that they might be called on to pay increased fares. He say:

"As to the second part of the question I understand that certain of the railway companies are prepared to issue circular tickets for ordinary travellers at full fares. As regards the third part of the question I can hold out no hope of an actual reduction of ordinary fares. The hon. Member will appreciate that the return of goods wagons from France would not assist the railway companies to cope with the excursion traffic."

The hon. Member is quite mistaken. My statement was on the 21st June. The Parliamentary Secretary said on the 3rd June:

"The settled policy of the Government is that any increase' to cover the cost of railway transport should be borne by the users in the shape of increased charges."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 3rd June, 1920. cols. 2091–2092, Vol. 129.]

Yesterday we were told that you gave more notice than 15 days, but even if you accept the Parliamentary Secretary's statement, it is not a notice, but a warning, or, as an hon. Member puts it, a pious hope that you are going to raise the fares. In law a notice must always have a certain day. No notice has been given to the public and no notice was given to the public until yesterday. The Minister of Transport was asked the following question on the 28th June by the right hon. Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert):

"Will the right hon. Gentleman say when the increase of fares, if any, is to take place?"

The answer was:

"As soon as possible after the Rates Advisory Committee have advised. It is a matter for them as to when they give that advice. I have asked them to do it as soon as possible."

The same right hon. Member went on to inquire:

"Will the House have an opportunity of discussing these increased fares and rates?"

and the Minister of Transport replied:

"That question was put to the Leader of the House quite recently, and he gave an answer. Perhaps my hon. Friend will put the question to him again."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 28th June, 1920, col. 11, Vol. 131.]

I contend that the whole point at issue in this matter is whether the public have had sufficient notice. I do not think they have. You have given them five days' notice, and you have chosen to institute this increase in fares on a Friday, when the holiday people of that week are going away. That is to say, you have selected a most unfortunate date, and in the second place, you ought at least to have treated them on the basis of people who consign goods. Somebody complained the other day that the Ministry of Transport rather treated the people of this country who travelled as rolling-stock, and that is apparently what you are doing now. In regard to these people who have entered into their contracts long ago, these poor middle-class people who make up their minds to go for a holiday, who enter into their arrangements many months in advance, who save up week by week in order to cover the cost, you are at the last moment placing upon their back a burden which they may not be able to bear. I say that it is unfair, and I do appeal to the Minister of Transport, if he has got any of that humanity which my hon. Friend who said that Aberystwyth was the only place for a holiday spoke about, to put back this increase and to give such notice as will enable these people either to cancel their contracts of to make rearrangements as to their holidays. Supposing you postponed this for a week, the cost to the State would only be a matter of about £137,000. In these days, when you have Supplementary Estimates every day in the week for millions upon millions, that seems a very small amount, and if you say that that is not possible, you ought at least to be able to make some arrangement whereby the bonâ fide holiday maker should be able to go to the local authorities and obtain a warrant, a principle which you applied with so much success, so far as the soldiers were concerned, during the War.

The Mover of this Motion twitted the Minister of Transport with lack of imagination and lack of judgment. May I suggest that no one would accuse the hon. Member with lack of imagination, but I do suggest that he may readily be accused of lack of judgment. The main burden of his speech was that this proposed increase in railway fares would prevent countless numbers of persons departing for their usual summer holidays. I refuse to believe it, and I believe that the whole of the facts are dead against such a suggestion. T listened with some interest to the speech of the hon. Member who represents the Welsh watering places. I happened to be in one of them last Sunday, and I never saw a watering place in a more flourishing condition in my life. It was never more difficult to get accommodation, and never were the hotel and lodging-house people so well satisfied as they are this year.

Will the hon. Member suggest to me that the small increase of a farthing a mile will make a serious difference to places of that kind? What proportion does the railway fare bear to the expenses of an ordinary family at a seaside resort? A mere trifle. A man goes for his holiday to a place 100 miles away. The present fare is 25s. return, and the increase is 4s. 2d. He will spend that 4s. 2d. twenty times over in the first week he is down there in increases in other directions, and pay it quite readily. Does anyone venture to tell me that the people with the wages they are now receiving cannot go? It is the middle classes who will not be able to take holidays, and the hon. Member who wants to postpone the imposition of the increased railway fares would, I presume, transfer it to that patient ass the ordinary taxpayer, who for years with a fixed income has been unable to go anywhere, and does not propose to go anywhere this year. The increase in the fare is but a small proportion of the expenditure of a family on holiday, and in my experience amongst the middle and labouring classes—and it is not wider than that—in a fairly active life, I have never known a period when they were so able to take their holiday as they are this year. Some of my Lancashire friends, not content with railway travelling, are positively motoring back to Lancashire to-day. If you ask for how long a period they are going to their favourite seaside, they quote now, not in terms of days, but in terms of pounds, and quote four times the amount they used to quote before the War; and do you mean to tell me that because there is to be an increase of a farthing per mile in the fares that will prevent hundreds and thousands going? [HON. MEMBERS: "Yes!"] Produce some evidence, and not mere assertions, not merely a desire to attack the Minister of Transport, which appears in the speeches of certain hon. Members every time an opportunity occurs. Whatever he may do, it must be wrong, because his appointment was objected to in the earlier days.

I think the time has come when somebody should raise an emphatic protest in this House against the constant proposal to transfer burdens from the people who ought to bear them to the shoulders of the taxpayer, who is called upon to bear everything. It is getting positively unbearable to the people with fixed incomes. The wage-earning classes are infinitely better off to-day than the people who have no opportunity of getting their wages increased, but have to meet the whole of the increased cost of living. I am not prepared to follow the right hon. Member for Derby (Mr. J. Thomas). The question to-night is not whether an in- crease in railwaymen's wages be right or not. That, to my mind, is almost irrelevant-to the question at issue. The question at issue is a very narrow one. Whatever be the cause, the railways are not paying their way. Who is to make good the deficit—the taxpayer? No, Sir; the people who use the railways, and these subsidies from the State should be discontinued at the earliest possible date. I hear the cry week after week in this House from pretty well every quarter—Discontinue these subsidies; stop this extravagance! And the very moment a Minister comes along and says, "I will take steps to stop this subsidy and put the burden on the right shoulders," then a protest is made. The hon. Member who moved this motion said postpone the increase. Yes, postpone it until September or October. Very well, then, if the same amount of money is to be secured during the financial year the increase must be greater. Who is to bear that increase? I have heard some pathetic plea on behalf of the seamstress, the small clerk, the poorer section who earn their daily bread, against their having to pay an increased railway fare when they take their summer holidays.

My protest was that there was 200 per cent. increase for them after the summer holidays.

10.0 P.M.

There has been one argument running through the speeches this evening in favour of postponement. If you postpone it, the increase must be greater to get the same amount of money in the financial year, and that increase later in the year has to be borne by those who have to travel backward and forward every day to earn their living. Therefore, you will put a tax upon the worker travelling to and from his work, and not upon the people who are going away for pleasure. A more preposterous proposal I never heard put before the House of Commons. I know what it all means. There is a certain amount of Press agitation going on, catering not to the highest morality of the electorate by any means, but catering for the thoughtless, and, I am afraid, the desire to catch votes is not unknown in this House. What I am saying, I know, will be exceedingly unpopular to the people who are going away for their holidays, who would not pay a penny more than they could help if they could shift it on to other people's shoulders, but I entirely object to shifting it on to other people's shoulders. This industry must be made self-supporting, and self-supporting by the people who use it—the travelling public—and there is no section more capable of paying, and no section upon whom it ought o be imposed with greater rapidity, than those who are going away for their summer holidays, and can well afford to pay. I know it is the unpopular line, but I venture to believe it is the right line. Whatever may be the result with regard to votes, I am perfectly certain the common-sense of our people will, in the long run, realise that the Government are right in the action they are taking. The hon. Member who has moved this Motion may snatch a passing popularity, but, in the long-run, will be condemned by the common-sense of the people.

With much of what was said by the hon. and gallant Gentleman, who has just sat down, in the guise of a Daniel come to Judgment, I agree, but I do not see why he should lay claim to a virtue which he will not allow to other hon. Members. I am sure they have spoken as independently of votes as the hon. and gallant Gentleman. The hon. and gallant Gentleman seemed to think that 100 miles away from London was nothing. I quite agree that, compared with the distances which some of us have to travel, 100 miles is simply the backdoor, and the noise which some hon. Members are making about twopenny halfpenny railway journeys in and about London is not justified by the facts. I am sure the Leader of the House, who saw this scare rising, with his native sense of humour, would regard it as another of the jokes of Parliament, because he knew that by a simple statement he would blow this agitation to the four winds of heaven, as he has blown others during the last eighteen months, with which some of us feel a little bit tired. But I should like to make an appeal to my right hon. Friend. There are some real grievances in connection with this new move on the part of the Ministry of Transport. There are great numbers of people who have to travel 600, 700, or 800 miles out of London to their holidays, who have not been able to get holidays during the War, and who are looking forward to this year as their first chance, and I think the doubling of the pre-War rate to the Highlands of Scotland will make travelling in that direction absolutely impossible. There is one point of view I should like to bring before the right hon. Gentleman. These fares are affecting some parts of the country unfairly as compared with the Continent. They will encourage people to go to the Continent, where travelling is cheaper, instead of going to many parts of this country, where it would be perhaps better for them. I hope my right hon. Friend will endeavour, at least, to make some arrangement to reduce the return fare to those more distant parts, because otherwise, it will be impossible for ordinary people to proceed to distant parts of Scotland, or for those in distant parts of Scotland to come to London. I know it is difficult to make some concession in this matter, because so many railways are involved, but I hope he will sympathetically consider this point.

Before making some general remarks upon this question, I would like to refer to points of detail which have been mentioned. The Seconder of the Motion, the hon. and learned Gentleman for East Ham (Mr. A. C. Edwards), gave a discourse on the unreliability of every figure which had been presented. I think he complained, too, of the lack of figures. He threw doubts on the veracity and honesty of any figures which had been presented, and in various other ways he was not as accurate as I am sure he would wish to be in what he said. There are two or three points I would like to mention to the House, because they are of importance. In the first place, it has been stated over and over again in this House that these figures are in no way affected by the fact that in the early days of the War and until the Armistice Government traffic was not charged. I do not wish to embark upon a discussion as to whether if that traffic had been charged the Government would be in a credit or a debit position on the whole transaction. That is outside the scope of the Motion. Therefore I will not touch upon it. But in the figures, which have been presented, and which have been compiled as carefully as such figures can be, and which are in Command Paper 815—a paper which runs into 10 pages, all of which deal with the account—it is clearly stated as follows:

"That the estimated value of the services rendered by the railways to the Government free of charge are taken into account in Statement A above."

That is the statement which is the basis of the Estimate before the House. The other point which my hon. Friend made was this—and I think it is due to the officials of the Ministry of Transport that I should reply to it—he suggested that the Ministry of Transport was filled by senior officials lent by the railways who are endeavouring to do the best they can for the railways, and then will return to them. There is only one senior official in the Ministry lent by the railways, the Secretary and Solicitor; there is no other who has not entirely severed his connection with the railways.

There are a number of other railwaymen who have, been withdrawn from the railway service by you?

That is quite a different point. The point my hon. and learned Friend made, at least, so I understood his suggestion, was that the railway officials were using their position as officials at the Ministry in the interest of the rail-the Ministry in the interest of the railways. That is not true. Then again my hon. and learned Friend quoted from the Report of the Railway Rates Committee. He read out a certain statement of figures of £34,000,000 to be paid, according to the Report, and called it a recommendation put forward by the Ministry of Transport. It is clearly stated in the Report that these recommendations were put forward by the representatives of the railway companies. They suggested that these rates were necessary. These rates were not adopted by the Ministry of Transport which was against their adoption. Yet my hon. and learned Friend suggested that they were put forward by the Ministry of Transport. That is not fair. They were given before the Committee as evidence by the Railway Companies.

The plea was put forward by my hon. Friend the Member for Southwark (Mr. Gilbert) that excursions should be started again. This is a matter which the Ministry is most anxious to carry out. I would like, if I may, just to explain to the House how this question of tickets below ordinary fare—whatever it may be—appeals to anyone who has studied the question from the point of view of endeavouring to make ends meet. Excursion traffic is traffic carried at a low fare in trains which run fully loaded, both with respect to the engine, and each vehicle, to and from a place on the coast or inland—you get a full train both ways. That is very paying traffic. It is very beneficial traffic. It allows people to get out of the towns and into the country, and to the sea. I can assure the House that I have already made representations, and I am going to continue to make those representations with renewed energy, because with a higher fare it is unfortunately the case that the only way the poor people get away is going by excursion. It is purely a matter of the capability of the railways to carry excursion traffic in addition to the ordinary traffic. Excursion traffic is a good paying business; very beneficial—and I hope the railways will be able to do something.

Is it not true that the railway companies have asked to run excursions and they have been refused permission to do so?

No, that is not so. If my hon. Friend will send me the names of any railway companies, I shall be glad to take the matter up with them. I am for excursion trains, and for the railways running as many as they can. Cheap tourist tickets stand in a different class altogether. As practical men we are doing everything we can to make the receipts balance the expenditure. If you can get people to fill every train you run at the ordinary fare, then, much as it would be desirable to do it, you cannot afford to carry people cheaper—if they will pay the full fare. So soon as the train service gets to the point where it is running partly empty, there is a great inducement to give cheaper fares to induce travel and to fill the empty places. We will have to look at it in that way, and I hope it will be possible to run excursion trains.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say if there is any chance of having excursion trains this autumn?

I am doing all I can in that direction. Doubtless my hon. Friend has read the evidence given by Sir Herbert Walker before the Committee as to the physical impossibility of running the trains. There is nothing I can add for the moment, but I do say I am proposing to take the matter up as soon as this present question is out of the way. I have not doubt that as soon as the railways can run them they will run them.

Have you not the power to compel the railway companies to give these facilities?

You cannot compel people to do what they cannot do. The point was raised as to why we are putting up the passenger fares now, the workmen's fares at the end of the month, and the goods rates also at the end of the month. The answer to that is really simple. There may be a difference of opinion as to what has been done. It has not been done out of hard-heartedness towards the public. It is not the easiest thing to do this. It has not been done out of political expediency. That is not what would make one do it. It has been done because, honestly, we think it is the best thing to do. The point is this: we have got to raise, before the revenue of the railways ceases to be the concern of the Government, £66,000,000 additional for Great Britain. The ordinary way one looks at raising that additional sum of money is this: you have to divide it between two classes—goods freights and passenger fares. The first thing one does is to see in what proportion the revenue of the railways is derived from these two sources, and the increase should be provided in the same proportion. That is the first step we would take. The revenue of the railways is derived as to 40 per cent., roughly, from passengers, and 60 per cent. from freights.

Therefore, if you follow that line of argument, you should put 40 per cent. of the deficit on to the passengers, and 60 per cent. on to the freights. For reasons which the Rates Advisory Committee have given very fully and with which I will not weary the House, they came to the conclusion that, even although you took that basis, even though you took the item of the cost of carrying passengers, passenger traffic deserves more consideration and was a great deal more vulnerable than goods; for we are getting to a point where traffic may be killed. So what do they do? They have not given the figures, but I know the figures, and I can make an estimate as well as they can, if you assume the traffic will go on. They have put an estimated figure of 25 per cent. of the deficit on to the passenger traffic instead of 40 per cent., leaving the remainder for the goods. That is roughly what it comes to, so that the passenger traffic has got off more lightly than it would have if you had taken the full proportion, but they say very distinctly' in their report, "We can only do this, we can only get the revenue necessary if the smaller amount is put on at once." They do not say so definitely in their Report, but that is their meaning. That is the reason why passenger traffic has been dealt with immediately—because it was thought fairer to put a small amount on at once and not carry the higher burden on to August next year, on to the Christmas holidays, the Eastern holidays and Whitsun holidays of next year, putting higher rates on these, because this particular holiday was let off. There may be a difference of opinion as to the date, but the necessity of raising the money is admitted by everybody. Those who say the figures are no good, have not attempted to show why. It was thought fairer to put the small amount of 25 per cent. of the United Kingdom deficit instead of 40 per cent. on the passenger traffic.

The next question is, "Why raise the workmen's fares?" The workmen's fares have not been touched since the beginning of the War. They are pre-War rates. They are very irregular. There are rates where the workman is carried 22 miles for 2d. That, I think, is the lowest, but they are so irregular that if you take the recommendations of the Committee, and even if you assume that there are not going to be many cases where there will not be an increase of anything like 200 per cent., surely it is only fair to the workmen to consider the matter further. It is not only the workmen, but it is the worker who travels early, it is the early clerk, or shop assistant, or typist—it is those people who are affected. You might very well say, with the increases in wages that workmen have got, that it is no great hard-ship to the man who pays 2d. for 22 miles to pay 6d. Fourpence a day increase, or 2s. a week. Wages are up enormously, and I do not think it is unfair to ask him to pay 2s. a week. When you come to long distances with the higher workmen's fares of 8d. or 10d. the operation of this increase would add sixteen pence a day. It is too much to put on them. It is 9s. a week. [HON. MEMBERS: "8s.!"] Either eight or nine shillings—it is too much to take out of the weekly earnings of a girl earning £2 or £2 10s. a week. It is for that reason that while this scale may be perfectly right in principle, when you examine it it may be prefectly wrong that you should apply it to these individual fares. It is for that reason that the Cabinet decided that we ought to delay it so as not to absolutely ruin the lives of these people, who have gone far out of town—which we all want them to do—and put absolutely enormous advances on them. It is for that reason we delayed this increase.

The next thing is goods. Why should we delay the increase on goods? As my hon. Friend pointed out, we have a legal obligation—I am not sure if it applies to this particular advance, but still we always have had a legal obligation—to give fourteen days' notice. Again, the goods have to stand the rest of the money. Passengers have got off, frankly, very lightly, perhaps unduly lightly. The Rates Advisory Committee—I should like to say this here—have done their work with great care, the majority of them working five days a week for no pay at all. The Rates Advisory Committee found that the goods question was far more complicated, and it is bound to take much longer, and for that reason it was put off, but the goods have to pay. That is all I have to say in detail on this question. I have given the amount that has to be raised before the end of the year. I have explained how the allocations have been arrived at——

When the right hon. Gentleman says "the end of the year" what date does he mean?

I mean the end of the period of control, August next year. I am asked why we did not do this earlier and announce it earlier. If I could have announced it earlier I should have done so. I ask the House to consider these facts. At the end of the last financial year in March we had already estimated that in the railway accounts, which do not come in on the first day of the next month, that we were showing an increase. We asked about that, and it was clear that in the accounts there were certain items which were quite abnormal, and it was not until we got well past March that it became apparent in the accounts what we knew was going on, that the rise in the price of materials and other things were going to produce a deficit. I had just made a settlement with my right hon. Friend (Mr. Thomas) and those he represents. They then referred the whole question of wages to the National Wages Board. Between March and the 14th of June, when finally the findings of the National Railways Board materialised and were accepted, coal increased in price during that period, and this no one could have foreseen at the time. This amounted to an additional £3,500,000, and between March and June £26,000,000 were added. Supposing before the National Wages Board had reported—they reported on the 3rd of June—I had made these proposals, although I could not have done so, as a matter of fact, because the settlement I made with the right hon. Gentleman opposite was not made until the 20th of March. Supposing in April I had come along with a large proposal for increased charges in anticipation of what the National Wages Board was going to give the men and what the sliding scale was going to give to them. I should have been told that I was providing money simply to encourage a request for increased wages. I could not possibly do it. I would have been even a worse fool than I am made out to be here.

The findings of the National Wages Board were published on the 3rd June and passed by the Cabinet with the estimate of what they would cost on the 14th June. The recommendations together with the three increases that came automatically under the sliding scale represented a sum of £13,000,000. We immediately went into the Estimates and we had a conference with the railway companies. It took us up to the end of June to find out how much more money would be required. It was not an unreasonable time to take, especially as during a fortnight of the period I was in this House fighting for the life of the Ministry on my Estimates. On the 7th of July we made the reference to the Rates. Advisory Committee, which put its work on one side in order to deal with this question. It reported to us last Saturday. It took evidence from the public and dealt with the subject in a most judicial and dignified manner. We could not give notice of a definite figure, we could not say what increases were to be put on until the Committee had made its inquiry and decided what was a fair amount to add. With regard to the date also we had no opportunity of giving notice, but in answer to questions in this House on June 3rd, 7th, 14th, 21st, and 28th, my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport, and I myself, made it as clear as possible that the additional burdens on the railways would be put on to the rates and fares as soon as the Rates Advisory Committee had reported on the amount to be imposed. The question was should the deficit be wiped out by the end of June, as we first suggested, or by the 31st July, running over the end of the financial year—a course which will have to be explained when the Estimates come up again. The Rates Advisory Committee laid it down that if the full time from the beginning of August until the end of next July could be allowed, then they would be able to recommend small increases which were far less than the proportion the passenger traffic should bear. That is what the Government have consented to do.

I have been challenged for saying this was the only course open to us. I can demonstrate to the House there are only two ways in which the railways can economise. One is by showing an increased dividend; but who expects a dividend, with fixed charges and costs as we have them to-day? The other way is by economies in working—economies in the power you use to carry your traffic. In the first three months of this year, the railways carried 31 per cent. more passenger traffic than in the corresponding period of 1913, with a 20 per cent. reduction in train mileage. If that is not economy, what is? What manufacturer in this country can show a similar result? Certainly not a better result.

I come now to freight. We have not the figures comparing the freight working to-day with 1913—these are the statistics which some people condemn—but we can show now what the improvement has been since January. From the first four weeks of January to the last record we have—probably a month ago—that is to say, in four or five months, we have improved the actual work done, the number of tons moved one mile in an hour by freight locomotive, to the extent of 4 per cent. That is not bad in less than half a year. It is worth well over £2,000,000 per annum. Everything is moving in the same direction. The railways are straining every nerve, and they have a great deal of extra work in the way of inquiries, rates advisory committees, and worries of all kinds.

I am afraid I cannot give figures like that now, but there, in five months, is an actual improvement in the tons hauled per mile per hour, amounting to 4 per cent., and all down the line these improvements are going on. The railway companies are doing it themselves. I am not taking credit for it, but am anxious to give the railways the credit. It is for that reason, namely, that they are working the traffic more cheaply, even with a rise of 200 or 300 per cent. in everything that goes to make transportation, that we are able to carry on with these 75, 50, and 100 per cent. increases. I know that the House wishes to be fair to the railways, and I know that it wishes to be fair to the Ministry too. It is not simply out of light-heartedness that we are doing this. It would have been easier to do it in another way, but where are we going to get the money? If it were put off the burden would be heavier. At any rate, do not let us estimate for a deficit.

After the satisfactory speech we have had from the Minister of Transport, I would be the last person to stand between the House and the vote for more than a moment, but I wanted to say that I think it is pretty satisfactory that the increases suggested are, in all the circumstances, not extravagant. A good deal has appeared in various newspapers about these increases, and I am very much surprised that the sheets on which those papers are printed do not blush, because their own price was raised 100 per cent. long ago. Papers that used to be ½d. are now 1d., and those that used to be 1d. are now 2d., and in some cases even 3d. Why have they so much fault to find here, when the outside increase is 75 per cent.—not even 100 per cent.? One is, of course, very sorry for people with families who have made arrangements to go away for holidays, but people who can go away for holidays are people who have a surplus. What about the people who have no surplus? I wish we had something such as they have in Norway, where a man travelling with his family gets half fare, and people with a number of children get round about one-quarter fare. My view with regard to this raising of the railway fares is this: The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) said that wages ha little or nothing to do with it.

Well, that they had not a great deal to do with it. It has, however, something considerable to do with it—not, however, the wage of the individual man. I have always thought before the War—and I knew many rail-waymen—that they were much underpaid for the responsibility they bore. I say even yet many classes are not highly paid, but it is the number of men who are engaged in it, and that is because the Railway Union unfortunately made a fetish of the eight hours day. The short hours of labour were meant for men who were busily engaged toiling all the time of their shift. It was never meant to be applied to men who, for a large part of the day, were marking time and were not exhausted with the day's toil. Take a wayside station. There is often one train in the morning and one in the evening, and nothing more, and it is absurd that two men should be employed to make a double shift. They are far happier with a single shift. I know many places where a man goes on at six in the morning and is finished at two, and is bored stiff for the rest of the day. He would far rather be in the station. It would be a much more sensible arrangement. This system of eight hours in many ways results in a great waste of human labour, and there is nothing worse in these struggling times than that any part of human toil should be wasted. Men used to go on in London in two spells, and had the best part of the day to themselves, and with just a little allowancs for travelling back and forwards to their homes twice a day, that system might have been continued. But now it has been put forward that the men have to work continuously for eight hours, and 25 per cent. more men are engaged, and the result is a loss of £1,000,000 per annum, which ought to be employed in getting increased facilities instead of having us hanging on to straps. It would be a thousand times better that the facilities should be increased. That is where labour has cost more. It is the quantity of it, because we have made a flat rate all over the country of hours. Hours should be adapted to a man's circumstances, and his hours of toil, as far as possible. If some come and go could be arranged between the unions and the railway companies the great saving of labour might result in giving us increased facilities. I do not want any labour dispensed with, but I believe greater facilities could be got with greater profit. We may be reaching the stage when the result of fares may be simply to develop road transport. It may be much better for us that it should be so. The House seems to be anxious to divide, and I shall not stand longer in their way.

Question put: "That this House do now adjourn."

The House divided: Ayes, 61; Noes, 156.

Division No. 262.]

Ayes.

[10.49 p.m.

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Gilbert James Daniel

Myers, Thomas

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Glanville, Harold James

Newbould, Alfred Ernest

Brace, Rt. Hon. William

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

O'Grady, Captain James

Briant, Frank

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Bromfield, William

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool)

Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay)

Holmes, J. Stanley

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Cairns, John

Hood, Joseph

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Cape, Thomas

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Purchase, H. G.

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Kiley, James D.

Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend)

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Lawson, John J.

Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich)

Edwards, C (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Lunn, William

Robertson, John

Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath)

Maddocks, Henry

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Finney, Samuel

Martin, Captain A. E.

Sitch, Charles H.

Galbraith, Samuel

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Spencer, George A.

Wignall, James

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Swan, J. E.

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—.—

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Mr. Higham and Mr. Clement Edwards.

Warren, Lieut.-Col. Sir Alfred H.

Wintringham, T.

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Yeo, Sir Alfred William

NOES.

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge)

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Armitage, Robert

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Parker, James

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Perring, William George

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Grant, James A.

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Pulley, Charles Thornton

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood-

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals)

Gregory, Holman

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.

Barnett, Major R. W.

Gretton, Colonel John

Reid, D. D.

Barnston, Major Harry

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Remer, J. R.

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Hanna, George Boyle

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Rogers, Sir Hallswell

Betterton, Henry B.

Haslam, Lewis

Rose, Frank H.

Borwick, Major G. O.

Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill)

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Bowles, Colonel H F.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Breese, Major Charles E.

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Bridgeman, William dive

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)

Brown, Captain D. C.

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Seager, Sir William

Bruton, Sir James

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H.

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Simm, M. T.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Butcher, Sir John George

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Campbell, J. D. G.

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Stephenson, Colonel H. K.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Jameson, J. Gordon

Stevens, Marshall

Casey, T. W.

Jephcott, A. R.

Stewart, Gershom

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Sturrock, J. Leng

Chadwick, Sir Robert

Johnson, Sir Stanley

Sutherland, Sir William

Chamberlain, N (Birm., Ladywood)

Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

King, Commander Henry Douglas

Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby)

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Maryhill)

Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Townley, Maximilian G.

Cory, Sir C. J. (Cornwall, St. Ives)

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Tryon, Major George Clement

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Lorden, John William

Vickers, Douglas

Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton)

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A.

Walton, J. (York. W. R., Don Valley)

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern)

Ward-Jackson, Major C. L.

Dawes, James Arthur

Macmaster, Donald

Waring, Major Walter

Edge, Captain William

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Worsfold, Dr. T. Cato

Fell, Sir Arthur

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Younger, Sir George

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Murchison, C. K.

Foreman, Henry

Murray, Major William (Dumfries)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—.—

Forrest, Walter

Neal, Arthur

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

Ministry of Mines Bill

Postpones Proceeding resumed on stand part of the Bill."

26. North Ireland.

Counties of Leitrim and Roscommon,

27. South Ireland

Queen's County, and Counties of Kilkenny and Tipperary,'

The comment I make on this Amendment is that it will introduce confusion. I understand the position to be that there will be one Minister of Mines, who will be a semi-or-quasi-independent Minister responsible

Consideration of Bill, as amended ( in the Standing Committee ).

Question again proposed "That the words

to the President of the Board of Trade. He will have the power to receive recommendations from the committees which are to be set up in Ireland. Clauses 10 and 11 provide for the setting up of district committees and area boards, and these are to make recommendations to the Minister of Mines. The effect of the Amendment is to consolidate the two areas in Ireland, so that in effect there would not be two bodies at all. If the Amendment is carried there will be only one area for the whole of Ireland. I see no other Amendment on the Paper suggesting that, as a corollary to the proposed alteration of the Schedule, there is to be only one body in Ireland. Apparently there is to be the one area but two bodies, one representing the area and the other the district. We were told on previous Amendments that these committees may make recommendations to the Minister, of Mines, and that the Minister of Mines may then apply for the sanction provided by the Coal Mines Act, 1911, so that the instructions he gives, after recommendations made, will have the force of law. Delinquents can be pursued and punished by courts of summary jurisdiction. The sort of thing that is to be extended to the President of the Board of Trade or the Minister of Mines will be in the nature of laws to make Regulations for the good management of the industry and for the punishment of people who do not obey such Regulations. That will be made for the whole of Ireland on recommendations from these one or two committees, whatever arrangement is made when the two areas are brought together. We are engaged at the present time in setting up two separate legislatures for the two areas referred to in the Schedule. What I want to ask the Minister is this: What is going to happen, supposing that the Ulster Parliament or the Southern Parliament makes a Regulation as regards the conduct of miners, which they are perfectly entitled to do, and supposing that this area committee of employers and employed together come to some agreement and send it forward to the Minister of Mines, and he endorses it and gives it the force of law under the penalties of the Coal Mines Act of 1911? What is going to happen then? I do not know. I suppose there is an explanation, and in order to give the Minister an opportunity of making it I will resume my seat.

Question, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill," put, and negatived.

Proposed words there inserted in the Bill.

I beg to move, in Part II, paragraph 3, to leave out the words "North Wales."

I submit this Amendment because I have noticed that North Wales has somehow or another strayed away from home and landed itself in the Midlands, and the object of this Amendment is to bring it back home again. I need not enumerate the very many instances in which this House has regarded Wales as a unit for legislative and administrative purposes, and also in which the Departments in seeking advice on most matters have regarded Wales as a unit in seeking that advice. The people of Great Britain generally have the same idea of the entity of Wales, and the Welsh people have spoken with no uncertain voice upon this point. It is true that some hon. Members may say that the powers to be devolved on area boards—if you can call them powers; they are really nothing more than powers to recommend—are very small powers. It does not matter so much how great or small the powers may be, the principle is there of interfering with the entity of the Welsh nation; and I am afraid that if this Schedule goes through as it is, it will be accepted as a precedent for future legislation. I feel certain that whatever powers are devolved should be devolved nationally and not in arbitrary areas. You will give satisfaction to the people themselves, and out of that satisfaction will spring an efficiency which you cannot get by devolving these powers on arbitrary areas.

People in Wales have been thrown together by some circumstances over which they had no control. They have lived together, enjoyed and suffered together, and they understand their wants better than any one else can dictate. If there is a claim for Leith, which is surrounded on three sides by Edinburgh and on one side by the sea, there is a far greater claim for Wales, which is surrounded, thank goodness, on three sides by the sea and on one side by England. We may be able to recommend schemes for the remuneration of workers and in regard to conditions which may be an example to England, and even to Scotland. It is by national emulation that we progress at all. I noticed in my experience during the War the emulation that existed between regiments of different nationalities. They vied with one another for perfection, and in spite of that emulation they co-operated for a common object. I know what it felt like to be transferred from a regiment of the nationality to which I belong to an English regiment. Those who, like myself, were so transferred were, I feel convinced, like miniature Samsons who had lost a good deal of their hair, and their power was to a very large extent reduced. Although engaged in a common cause, they could not possibly work with that same spirit as when they were together. Why can we not get this emulation in industry as well as in warfare. It would lead to constant progress in industry. We bear no bitterness now for very many years against the English people. There was a time when it was said that there are two things you have got to pay for, the blessing of the priest and the smile of an Englishman. Those days are past. We have no desire to keep any one out of our country. Our blood is strong enough to absorb all that may enter.

We are not discussing the general relations of Wales with other countries. The hon. Member should confine himself to the Amendment, which is of a very simple character.

11.0 P.M.

I am very sorry that, without noticing it, I strayed away from the straight path. I feel it is essential for progress, nationally and internationally, that we should not interfere with the entity of any nation. We should rather encourage these characteristics and encourage the people to have a say in regard to their industries as well as their education and other matters. Let us rather help to guide the little streams of Welsh characteristics into a big Severn of Welsh national progress, running into a Channel of British improvement, and out into a sea of human destiny.

I beg to second the Amendment.

The air is full of possibilities of devolution, and if the Bill is left as it is it will make it very difficult under any scheme of devolution for administrative purposes to have as the authority for the coal industry of North Wales the same authority as that which controls the Midlands. I do not see what objection the right hon. Gentleman can have to includ- ing North and South Wales in one area, as, for administrative purposes, the conditions are practically the same, although, of course, the quality of the coal is different.

I anticipated many difficulties with regard to this Bill, but I confess that I did not apprehend the possibility that I should run counter to an enthusiastic spirit of nationality. The speakers for the distinguished and eminent district of Wales to-night have shown a becoming modesty. They have explained that they might be able to show an example to England, but, with some hesitancy, that they might even, in the course of doing that, indicate some course for Scotland to follow. I think that what they have said, while it may have relation to their own patriotic feelings, has no possible connection with the working of the coal in Wales, and there is one thing of which I am certain, that neither of these gentlemen has consulted those who represent the coal miners of North Wales and of South Wales. It is all very well for hon. Members to come here with the Bardic influences of the Eistedfodd thick upon them.

May I ask if the right hon. Gentleman has consulted the representatives of Wales?

Certainly I have. It is all very well to come here with the Bardic influences of the Eistedfodd, but they have no relation to the practical interests of coal-mining. Coal-mining in North Wales is as different from coal mining in South Wales as it is from coal mining in Scotland. In point of fact, South Wales does not represent a purely Welsh community, and North Wales has always been associated with the federated area. In drawing these areas I have consulted, not only the convenience of the coalfields, but the wishes of the people who work in them, and therefore I do not see the advantage of altering the areas.

Amendment negatived.

I beg to move, in Part II., paragraph 6, to leave out the words "North Ireland and South Ireland," and to insert instead thereof the word "Ireland."

Cannot the right hon. Gentleman see his way to make some answer to the questions I was so bold as to put to him on the Amendment to which this is consequential? Surely there is some answer.

Surely we are going to have some reply to my hon. and gallant Friend. The right hon. Gentleman has just poured some contumely on my hon. Friends from Wales because of their national sentiment, in wishing to have North and South Wales combined, and now he is doing in regard to Ireland the thing about which he poured scorn upon them. We have had a very interesting speech from the hon. and gallant Member for Leith, and we have had no sort of reply from the right hon. Gentleman.

Amendment agreed to.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

I beg to move to leave out the word "now" and at the end of Question to add "upon this day three months."

I regret to have to trespass upon the indulgence of the House at this late hour, but we feel that we should be misunderstood unless I used this opportunity to explain why my colleagues and myself have taken no part either in the Committee or Report Meetings of the Bill. I hope the House will not make the mistake of thinking that we are not deeply and most profoundly interested in this measure. The Bill is not altogether bad. There are some parts of the Bill which, had they stood by themselves, we should be disposed to support. Take Clause I which lays down the principle for the establishment of a Ministry of Mines. The mining community as reported by the workmen, have been pleading for and advocating the establishment of a Ministry of Mines about as long as I can remember. We believe that the Ministry will be better served by having in one Department all the ramifications of this and the key industry of the realm. It is so difficult to differentiate between safety wages and other mining questions, and we have found it most perplexing and confusing to go from one Department to another for the purpose of getting these matters inquired into. The Home Office, as the House knows, deals with the safety side of mining problems. I was Under-Secretary there. During the War we had to assume an authority which we did not possess, for we found when we were asked to deal with questions affecting the safety of life and limb, that it was impossible to say where safety began and ended. If we have a Ministry of Mines we shall have safety and all other problems appertaining to the industry dealt with in one Department, and to that degree the industry and the nation will be enriched by the establishment of the Ministry. We should indeed be a peculiar people if we offered any objection to the provisions in Clause 21 which aims at creating a system under which mining will be more scientifically treated and the whole science of the world placed under review so as to make mining more productive and less dangerous. Therefore, if I approached this Bill from the standpoint of Clause 1 or Clause 21, the latter of which sets up a research Department, and will give the industry all the advantages of science, then I should be disposed to support the Bill on behalf of the people it is my privilege to represent.

The real crux of the Bill is to be found in Clauses 11 and 12. Clause 11, Subsection 3, is, broadly speaking, exactly the same as when it left this House on Second Reading. I would have the House and the President of the Board of Trade believe that our opposition as Labour people is not directed against the Bill because we will not, in a capricious spirit, work it. It is because, basing ourselves upon our practical experience, we are convinced that the Bill cannot be worked. Therefore we would mislead this House if we allowed this measure to pass into law under the misapprehension that the Bill could be given administrative effect to when we know that if the House of Commons gives a Third Reading to this Bill and it passes through the other Chamber and receives the Royal assent, many sections of this Bill cannot be worked.

Under Sub-section (3) of Clause 11 we are asked to engage ourselves, as a mining community, in a scheme which will rend us from top to bottom. After years of effort and agitation we have brought the Miners' Federation to a standard of national responsibility, so that we are now able to arrange and settle our wages questions upon a national basis. But if we accepted Clause 11, Sub-section (3), of this Bill we should go back home, and instead of being a united people we should divide ourselves into at least five different area sections. How can we be expected to do that? How can the House of Commons ask us to do that? How can my right hon. Friend expect the Miners' Federation to commit what after all may be classified as industrial suicide? It is because we cannot work this Bill that we are moving its rejection. In addition to that, there is a proviso in Clause 12 which, when it is taken with its literal context, is nothing more or less than compulsory arbitration.

I hope my right hon. Friend is right. I read the Amendment which he made to-night on the Report stage of the Bill hoping to find that he had reduced somewhat the imperativeness of the demand for the appointment of an independent chairman. Under Clause 12, as we read it, it is compulsory upon us in the area board to accept the principle of the appointment of an independent chairman. True, it may be said he is limited in his power to giving a casting vote for or against the proposals, but we cannot refuse to have him there presiding in cases of disputes on wages.

My right hon. Friend misjudged the Amendment. I certainly intended to meet the point which he made, on the Second Reading I think, and the Amendment provides that

"the regulations shall not provide for the appointment of such an independent chairman when the committee or board acts as a conciliation board except in pursuance of an agreement to that effect."

That is to say, there shall only be an independent chairman if both sides agree to have one.

I hope my right hon. Friend is right in his interpretation of the Amendment. I do not read it so. But if that is the intention of the Amendment it is not for me to argue that the Amendment does not carry out his meaning. If his Amendment is that it is to be a matter of adoption on the part of the Conciliation Board if the independent chairman comes in or not, I have nothing more to say.

That amounts to our old practice of calling in an independent chairman. The first independent chairman of our old board, which we elected by agreement between the coalowners and ourselves, was a distinguished member of this House—Lord Peel, the Speaker of this House. We have had the advantage of the services of such distinguished persons as Lord Peel and Lord St. Aldwyn and I would hesitate not to commit myself to any proposal which would allow us to take advantage of such high minded citizens as these noble gentlemen, but if we are compelled to have them, that is an entirely different proposition. Taking the Bill as it stands, I am authorised to say on behalf of my colleagues, both of the Miners' Federation and the Labour party, that we cannot give our support to the Third Reading of this Bill. We feel that the Government have made up their mind to pass the Bill, and we feel that no good purpose can be served by a prolonged discussion of this measure.

The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has given the views of his colleagues with regard to this Bill and has spoken with his usual moderation, but before we give a Third Reading to this Bill we ought to consider the point of view of other people who are greatly affected by this measure. Three successive Presidents of the Board of Trade have tried their hand at making satisfactory arrangements for our coal supply, but I think that it has been the general verdict up to the present that the Government has not been very successful in handling the coal problem. Before the war the coal industry was like any other trade in the country, it was under private ownership, and was not interfered with by the Government in any way except intervention in the case of a threatened strike. During the war, owing to the shortage of labour and the desirability of reducing the distances over which coal was dispatched on our railways, some sort of pooling and control had to be set up, and with the consent of all parties the Coal Control Bill came into operation in 1918. That arrangement was necessarily accompanied by the pooling of profits. When Parliament assembled at the beginning of 1919, there was a very serious situation in the coal industry, and a general strike was threatened. The Government appointed the Sankey Commission, which issued an interim report during the month of March, 1919, which recommended a reduction of hours and an increase in wages, and that was accepted by the Government and dealt with in the following July. The Sankey Commission made another report signed by Sir John Sankey, recommending nationalisation, and setting out a full scheme, which suggested that each mine should be managed by a pit committee and a district committee, and finally a national council. That was a complete scheme from which the coal-owners had disappeared altogether. It was State owned, and it was the system by which State ownership was to be run.

The Government have brought in this Bill for the future management of the industry. They have adopted the Sankey Report to a certain extent. They have given us pit committees with equality of representation for representative owners and miners; they have given us district committees similarly constituted, and they have given us area boards and national boards. I want to call the attention of the House to the fact that, while we get all these things from the Sankey Report and all these various committees, the coal industry is still in private ownership, and that that provision for State Ownership which was embodied in the Sankey Report is not adopted by the Government. In this Bill we have neither the one thing nor the other; in my view we are combining all the disadvantages both of nationalisation and private ownership with few of the advantages of either. I believe that this Bill was simply produced in the hope that it would be a sop to the miners by adopting so much of the Sankey Report as would make it appear that that Report itself was being adopted, and that the miners would as a result be satisfied. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Abertillery (Mr. Brace) said there were good points in the Bill. I quite agree. The collection, preparation, and publication of statistics affecting the mining industry is all to the good. The making of schemes for combined drainage will lead to economy in the coal industry. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the creation of a fund to which the coal-owners will contribute 1d. per ton on out-put—a fund which will be devoted to various purposes connected with the social welfare of those who work in the mines. I agree that these things are all to the good.

Look at the other side of the question. Under the Sankey scheme, the pit committees, district committees, and area and national boards were to be part of the machinery for running the mines, with actual authority for the carrying out of, their duties. What does the Bill give these committees to do? They can make recommendations to the owners, and if they are not complied with by the owners they can refer the matter to the district committees. The district committee, in its turn, can take into consideration any question or recommendation referred to it by the pit committee, or by the area board, or by the Ministry of Mines. They can make their recommendations, and if they are not adopted by the coal-owners they can refer them in their turn to the Ministry of Mines with a Report. Then there are the area boards for the consideration of area questions, or of any question referred to these by the district committee, or by the national board, or by the Ministry of Mines. If their recommendations are not complied with, all they can do is to send them on to the Ministry of Mines with a Report. There is the other point as regards wages which I will refer to later. The national board under this Bill simply takes into account any question which affects the coal industry as a whole and any question referred to it by the Area Board or the Ministry of Mines as in the other cases. We must note further that these committees and boards consist, one-half of representatives of the coalowners, and one-half of representatives of the miners; and that no recommendation can be sent to the owners, nor, if it be refused by them, can it be sent on to the other boards or to the Ministry of Mines, unless it is passed by a majority of each half of the committee. You may have a case in which ten miners and only three coalowners are present, and in that case if, while the ten miners vote for something, yet two of the coalowners vote against it, that is not a recommendation, although 11 out of 13 have voted for it. Again, the recommendations, in themselves, can have no force whatever; they are simply sent to the Minister of Mines, and he can adopt them or not, as he likes. Work like that, which consists merely of recommendations, with no power to accomplish anything, will not be well done. When people find, after weeks of hard work, that they can do nothing but recommend, their interest will very soon flag.

The Clause, however, which has aroused with peculiar intensity the opposition of the Miners' Federation, is Clause 11 (3), which enables the area boards to formulate schemes for adjusting the remuneration of the workers according to the profits within the areas. I do not know whether my figures are correct, but I have been informed that this may mean that the South Wales miners would get an increase of 12s. per day, and the Northumberland and Durham miners an increase of 7s. to 8s., while the Midland miners would actually suffer a decrease. When you throw a bone of contention like that into the middle of a trade union you are bound to meet with strenuous opposition. I can see no justice in men who are carrying on the same trade being paid differently, not because some of them work better or for longer hours than others, but simply as the result of the geographical position or the fact that the coal they are working can be sold more profitably in the market. All profit-sharing schemes must depend upon the efficiency of the man's work, and not upon any particular local circumstances over which neither he nor his employer has any control. I can understand that the Miners' Federation, naturally, feel that this Clause, which will cause so much dissension in their own ranks, will destroy the organisation which they have been gradually building up during the last 50 years. The view of the man in the street is that we want coal plentifully and cheaply for three purposes: for domestic use, for industrial use, and for export. It is agreed by all that we want increased production, and the one question that we have a right to ask, in coming to the Third Reading of this Bill, is: Will this Bill give us increased production? To obtain increased production in any industry you must have the good will of both employer and worker. Unfortunately, the coalowner and the miner have not, of late years, worked well together as a general rule, though there have been happy exceptions. The fault is differently attributed, according to the different point of view, but I think it may be said that, as a country generally gets the Government it deserves, so the employer in the coal industry gets the work he deserves. What is the position of the coalowner under this Bill? The mine still belongs to him, but he is being surrounded by various committees who will give directions to him, and by a Ministry of Mines which will also control him to a large extent. A great deal of money is required in all the mines of this country for development purposes. If we had nationalisation, that money would be supplied by the State. The State is going to supply no money at all now; the coalowner has to find the money. I ask the House who in the future is going to put up money for coal development, having regard to these restrictions which are being put round the industry. You are not going to get money for future development, and nowadays it takes 2½ times as much to sink a shaft as it did before the War, and that is one of the dangers of this Bill, that future development will be neglected—development that is absolutely essential—because the money will not be found by the general public for the coalowners who require it. What is the position of the miner? He finds that he can serve upon various committees, but he can always be outvoted on those committees by a majority of the coalowners. He sees a danger of his federation being split into pieces, with thousands of its members benefiting at the expense of thousands of others of the members. There will be no peace in the coal industry on these lines. There is no hope of increased production through this Bill. There is no chance of a lower price to the consumer. There are grave fears for the future development of the industry. There are good points about the Bill, but they are outweighed by the bad. A Bill like this, which is neither one thing nor the other, is no good to the country and the Government have to make up their minds that they have either to give the industry back to the coalowners and let them run it the same way as any other industry is run, so that they may develop it to the full, or they have to adopt the full scheme of nationalisation similar to that suggested by Sir John Sankey.

I support the Amendment, but on totally different grounds from those put before the House by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Brace). I am not opposed to the provisions in the Bill put forward by the Government with their knowledge and experience for the better control of the Coal industry. It is my belief that if you are to hope for industrial peace and prosperity in the coal industry, and practically all other industries, the only broad line of solution that lies in front of us is the organisation on a national basis of the owners on the one side and the workers on the other, and of machinery for their joint meeting on common ground and with an equal voice. That is my broad idea of the tope that lies before us of obtaining peace and greater industrial prosperity, and holding that view I cannot oppose the principles which are set forth in the Bill for the better control of the coal industry. I am not impressed by the arguments which were put forward by the right hon. Gentleman in moving the rejectment of the Bill when he starts by saying that he and his colleagues who represent the coal industry have taken no part whatever in the passing of the Bill through the House and then proceed to explain, in order that they may not be misunderstood, that they have no hope for the successful working of the Bill because of Sub-section (3) of Clause 11. It is the duty of every Member of the House if he is not in agreement with the Bill to get up on the Third Reading, if he has made no attempt during Committee or Report stage, and put fairly and frankly before the House what the difficulty is and the proper means the House should adopt for removing those objections. In this instance, the right hon. Gentleman has a lifelong experience of this trade. There is probably no Member in the House who has closer knowledge of the difficulties of the trade, and I think there is probably no Member who is in a better position to inform the House of the direction in which a better future could be found for the industry, for the coal miner and for the consumer. Therefore, for these reasons my opposition to this Bill is as far removed as it is possible for it to be from the reasons which have been given by the right hon. Gentleman.

There are two reasons why I oppose the Bill. In the first place, if it is considered desirable that there should be appointed a Ministry of Mines, the Bill should make it a genuine Ministry with the same powers as other Ministries presiding over the various Departments of State. The Minister can only be a Minister in name. In clause 2 he is given all the powers and duties of the Board of Trade in regard to mines, but under certain circumstances he is helpless unless he goes to the President of the Board of Trade and gets his sanction for any action which he desires to enforce. Such a position must be intolerable for any man who has the designation of a Minister of his Majesty's Government. My second and principal reason is based on my belief that the provisions for the better control of the industry could be well carried out by a section of the Board of Trade as in the past, with such reforms as the wisdom of any right hon. Gentleman may suggest, and that the duties could be carried out much cheaper than by setting up a separate ministry. When I referred to the limit of expenditure of £250,000, I was well aware that that is not the total amount. It includes a considerable amount of money which is now covered by Civil Service estimates on the Board of Trade and the Home Office votes for those sections which now deal with the administration of mines. When we had the financial resolution before the Committee and before the House on Report we tried to ascertain the nett additional expense of this Bill as a charge upon the Exchequer. We have not been given a straightforward, frank statement of the nett increased cost to the taxpayers. My right hon. Friend must be in possession of the facts. He must know approximately the nett increase. Even if the amount is small I oppose the setting up of this Ministry as a means of saving even that amount. It is right to oppose every expenditure, large or small, in the hope that we shall all the quicker reduce the amount of our national expenditure and the need for such heavy taxation. Obviously this Bill is not one of the best cases for anyone to take as an illustration of his desire to use all the power at his command to bring about more economical administration. That I recognise. It is a comparatively small matter in this case, but I think the time has come when we have to lay down principles in our politics and to follow them religiously on big occasions and on small Distasteful as it will be to me to go into the lobby with those who are taking that action on totally different grounds, yet, because I believe we have to oppose all these expenditures that can be opposed, I shall oppose this Motion.

We might allow the speeches in opposition to the Third Reading to cancel each other, but I should like, not only out of courtesy to those who have spoken, but also to put this most clearly to the House, to say a few words before we decide. I appreciate to the full the object which my right hon. Friend (Sir E. Cooper) has in view in raising the question of economy. There is no question of greater or more vital importance to the country than the preservation of the country's resources to the fullest possible limit. On the other hand, I would ask my hon. Friend to recollect the condition in which the coal trade has been for a period of years. There are many people who, at this time last year or in the early spring of last year, would have gone far greater lengths than I am proposing now, in order to get something like peace in the industry. But memories are short, and when people have got rid of the immediate menace they became extraordinarily optimistic as to what may be done in the happy glow of the future. I beg to remind hon. Members to cast their minds back to the troubles through which we have come and to the recommendations which have been made. There is no question at all that immediately before the war the coal trade was in a condition of disturbance which threatened the public welfare, and that was at a time when, in the view of the hon. Members, the mines were in the happy position of being under unrestricted private ownership. No one who remembers that time believes that the country could have "carried on" with the coal trade managed as it was then. There would certainly have been trouble, and some means would have to be taken by the State, if not by the individuals themselves, to avert that trouble. It is well that that should be remembered. The situation is additionally complicated by what was done in the course of the war. Control was imposed on the coal trade. There is no doubt that that altered the point of view of a very large number of those people who were engaged in the trade. You cannot say simply "we shall go back to 1914." If you had proposed to do any such thing without any remedy at all for the difficulties which had arisen, I am certain you would have had great embarrassments, the solution of which you would have found it very difficult to achieve.

A Ministry of Mines, which the hon. Member (Sir R. Cooper) deprecates because of its expense, has been sought for many years by all the people engaged in the coal industry. The importance of the industry is such that it deserves special treatment and consideration. It is the foundation upon which the success and prosperity of the country depend. Undoubtedly there are now conditions which require much more intimate consideration than they get. There is the question of the conservation of our coal supplies, the question of combined drainage, and so on, which deserve the whole attention of a separate department. An hon. Member says, "Why do you not give them a full Ministry to take charge?" I agree that there is a good deal to be said for that; which was the recommendation of two important Commissions. But one recognises that this is not the time for forming a full-fledged Ministry with all the expense that that involves. We have preferred to adopt the more modest course recommended by Lord Haldane's Committee, of having grouped under a single Department several other departments. I should like to say this to the House with regard to the administration of the Board of Trade—that to say you can operate a Mines Department in the ordinary way, in which a Minister would supervise the whole routine work of every section of his Department, is a sheer impossibility. If you begin to estimate the great interests which the President of the Board of Trade has to supervise on behalf of the country, you will realise the absolute impossibility of congregating so many important departments under one head and expecting that head to look after the routine establishment of each. Does the House realise some of the important departments which are under the Board of Trade? There is the whole question of company law. There is the whole mercantile marine of this country, which in itself is an interest big enough to occupy the whole attention of a single man. Not only that—there are the whole trading relations of this country.

A Minister, doing his duty by the office which it is my privilege to hold at the present moment, ought to be foreseeing the developments of British trade in every part of the world, and yet you seek to put upon him the job of managing the routine of every section of that Department. If you put that burden upon any man you will give him a task which it is entirely impossible for him to accomplish. Therefore, I say if the Department of Mines is to be under the President of the Board of Trade, it must be managed by somebody who has status sufficient to take the responsibility of all the routine management of his Department, while he must look to the head of the Board of Trade as the ultimate resort upon great matters of policy. I put it to the House that we have selected a method in this case which at once is the most economical from the point of view of the State's finances, and gives a certain status to this Minister, which everybody concerned in the trade has for long desired, and at the same time takes from the head of the great Department, in which he serves, some of the routine duties which it would be impossible for that Minister himself to accomplish.

I turn now to the other comments which have been made upon this Bill. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Abertillery has, with his usual fairness and moderation, pointed out what the merits of this Bill are, and what are its disadvantages. He has taken the same view as I have presented at more length to the House relating to the establishment of the Ministry of Mines, and he has pointed out the benefits which the mining industry may derive from the fund which we propose to establish to improve the social conditions under which the mining committees of this country live. Both of these things are grave in themselves. My hon. Friend the Member for North-East Derbyshire (Mr. Holmes), to whose speeches, if I may say so, I always listen with the greatest possible respect and admiration, has indicated various lines upon which he thinks this Bill must fail. I confess that in listening to his speech to-night it seemed to me he put up two sets of arguments which were mutually destructive. On the one hand, he said that the miner would be unwilling to accept the proposals of this Bill because they gave him no power or importance whatsoever in the management of the industry; and, on the other hand, that the mineowner would be unwilling to put any money into the development of the industry because all his power was taken away. Both of those theories cannot be true. He indicated that a scheme which only gave the various committees power to make recommendations was of no value whatsoever. We listened to a most vehement and even violent argument this afternoon. On the part of the noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord E. Cecil), who expressed his detestation of this measure because it formed the first element of nationalisation. When you find arguments on each side so violently opposed as those are in characterising this simple measure, I think I am entitled to say that we may possibly have achieved a moderate compromise which is capable of doing something in the end for both parties. I venture to say that Part II of this Bill is a great advance on anything that has taken place in industrial organisation in this country in the past. You set up a mechanism for bringing the two parties of the industry together in the hope that by meeting each other much more amicably than they have done in the past you will be able to bring about far more harmonious relations than you have ever seen before. I am not perfectly certain that my hon. Friend opposite would rather not see those harmonious relations upset.

The hon. Member makes my point. There is no doubt that there has been a system of something like pit committees in many parts of this country in the past, and wherever you had them they have been good. But they have not been operating in all parts of the country and accordingly what we propose by this Bill is to make a system which is working in some parts apply to all parts. We go further than that. It has always been complained in the working of the industry that the workmen did not know precisely what was happening, and that if they only knew a great many of their apprehensions and fears would disappear. For the first time in any industrial legislation in this country we have given the workman the opportunity of knowing what is happening in the industry and what its profits and proceeds are in order that they may understand the vicissitudes with which the employers are faced and realise from time to time why it is that the particular thing which they demand cannot readily be given to them. On the other hand, the employer is under the knowledge that all the facts have been placed before the workmen, and that he can no longer, if he did so before, decoy them with stories which do not quite fit the facts, I think that is a very great advance. But more than that, recommendations which can be made by em- ployers and workmen can now be put into force. The Noble Lord described that as an interference by the State which was intolerable. My hon. Friend, the Member for North East Derbyshire, described it as something which is not worth having. I venture to think that the truth lies between the two views, and that in point of fact it is a matter of great value if the exercise of that discretion is properly used. I have already talked at much greater length than I had intended, but I must refer to the comment of my right hon. Friend the Member for Abertillery (Mr. Brace) upon Clause 11, Sub-section (3). It may be that that Clause is good or bad, but if it is bad there is nobody on the benches opposite who has a right to complain of its not being as good as it should be. There was an opening for every Member appointed on that Committee—and there were many Members of the Labour party who were Members of that Committee—to come and help us to put that Clause into the shape in which it should stand. That opportunity was not taken advantage of, and if the Clause is not all that it should be, at least there are people whose mouths ought to be shut on the subject. I tried to anticipate as well as I could what the objections were which would be taken by the Labour party. I judged that the difference of the scale of profits in the various districts might be a cause of offence, and I believe that that was the ground upon which it was said that the great Miners' Federation would be split up into parts. Having that in view, I provided that profits should not be the only subject of consideration in dealing with remuneration, and accordingly that the Board in deciding what the remuneration should be was in a position to say, in cases where profits were very divergent, "We shall adopt some principle which either will go upon different grounds or, having regard to profits, will nevertheless take into account some other factors which might modify the situation in any particular area."

The hon. Member for N.E. Derbyshire (Mr. Holmes) spoke on the footing that there was a uniformity of remuneration in the past, and as if we were breaking up the uniformity in such a way that the Miners' Federation could never act together again. Nothing could be further from the truth. If you look at the earnings throughout the minefields of the country, you will find the greatest possible divergences between the earnings of one part of the country and the earnings in another part of the country, and if hon. Members will cast their minds back to the time when we were passing the Minimum Wage Bill they will remember that there was set up in every district, and exists now in every district, a separate committee dealing with the fixing of the minimum wage. If you advert to the minimum wages which exist in these different parts, you will find that they vary everywhere, and you will scarcely find two districts in which the same minimum wage operates. Not only that, but the basis wage in Scotland and in the federated areas in England was fixed at a different time from what it was fixed for the other districts, and is entirely different, and the percentages by which wages have gone up in the various districts are entirely divergent, and every difference in the percentage makes an increased difference in the earnings. Therefore, it is absurd to suppose that you are dealing with a situation to-day in which you have a uniform remuneration and that you have to split that up in order to give differences of remuneration. It has been recognised in the coalfields of this country from the beginning of time that some yield different results from others, and that in some a larger remuneration could be paid than in others. The sliding scale in South Wales has given larger wages than are given, for instance, in Somerset.

Well, it is now a conciliation board arrangement, which works more or less on the same principle as the sliding scale arrangement, and I think I am right in saying that the divergence between the remuneration paid in South Wales and that paid in Somerset has always existed. It must be remembered that you cannot entirely fail to regard the differences in the results of particular coalfields, and I think my hon. Friend the Member for North-East Derbyshire is really aiming at a situation of perfection when he suggests that you can have a situation in which every man is to be remunerated according to the amount of work he does and without any regard whatever to the effect on the owners' profits. I cannot imagine a very important industry being carried on anywhere under such a system as that, unless you make it an entirely national system for everyone. If you do that you will have to get rid of a great many other anomalies which exist, and I do not think the hon. Member intends to push his theories as far as that. I venture to say, in regard to this Bill, that although there are indications that it may be perhaps difficult to work or difficult, for sentiments which are held, to put it into operation, if it is given a fair chance I am confident that this Bill will operate with the greatest possible success in the industry to which it is to be applied, and in the end I have the greatest hope that it will produce that spirit of harmony and of good will which may bring back a great era of prosperity to the coal trade of this country.

In answer to one of the hon. Members who desired to associate North Wales with South Wales for the purposes of this Bill, the right hon. Gentleman replied that he was sure the Mover of the Amendment had not consulted either of the parties. As a retort, the hon. Member said, "Has the right hon. Gentleman consulted the parties?", and the right hon. Gentleman replied that he had. My question is: Has he consulted the Miners' Association in North Wales, and have they given him information that they wish to be put in the Midlands area?

In answer to that question, my information is that the Coal Controller's Department consulted all the interests involved. I do not know whether they consulted this particular association, but certainly the views of all the various interests were taken into account in drawing up the measure.

Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

The House divided:—Ayes, 129; Noes, 35.

Division No. 263.]

AYES.

[12.8 a.m.

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Perring, William George

Armitage, Robert

Gregory, Holman

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Pulley, Charles Thornton

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Purchase, H. G.

Barnett, Major R. W.

Hanna, George Boyle

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Barnston, Major Harry

Haslam, Lewis

Rankin, Captain James S.

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend)

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Betterton, Henry B.

Higham, Charles Frederick

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Borwick, Major G. O.

Hood, Joseph

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Bridgeman, William Clive

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Simm, M. T.

Bruton, Sir James

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H.

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Jameson, J. Gordon

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Casey, T. W.

Jephcott, A. R.

Stevens, Marshall

Chadwick, Sir Robert

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Stewart, Gershom

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Jones, William Kennedy (Hornsey)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Sutherland, Sir William

Cobb, Sir Cyril

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster)

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Edge, Captain William

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd)

Townley, Maximilian G.

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Tryon, Major George Clement

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Vickers, Douglas

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Macmaster, Donald

Waring, Major Walter

Foreman, Henry

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Forrest, Walter

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Murchison, C. K.

Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge)

Murray, Major William (Dumfries)

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Neal, Arthur

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Gilbert, James Daniel

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Goff, Sir R. Park

Parker, James

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—.—

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool)

Mr. Dudley Ward and Lord Edmund Talbot

NOES.

Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Rose, Frank H.

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Royce, William Stapleton

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

Sexton, James

Brace, Rt. Hon. William

Gretton, Colonel John

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Breese, Major Charles E.

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Spencer, George A.

Bromfield, William

Holmes, J. Stanley

Swan, J. E.

Cairns, John

Lawson, John J.

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Cape, Thomas

Lunn, William

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole

Newbould, Alfred Ernest

Cory, Sir C. J. (Cornwall, St. Ives)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—.—

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich)

Mr. Tyson Wilson and Mr. Griffiths.

Dawes, James Arthur

Robertson, John

Bill read the Third time, and passed.

Indemnity Bill

As amended ( in the Committee and on re-committal ), considered.

The Amendments on the Standing Paper in the name of the hon. and learned Member for the Exchange Division of Liverpool (Mr. Leslie Scott), all raise exactly the same points that already have been twice discussed.

CLAUSE 1.—(Restrictions on the taking of legal proceedings against persons acting in good faith.)

(1) No action or other legal proceeding whatsoever, whether civil or criminal, shall be instituted in any court of law for or on account of or in respect of any act, matter or thing done, whether within or without His Majesty's Dominions, during the war before the passing of this Act, if done in good faith and done or purported to be done in the execution of his duty or for the defence of the realm or the public safety, or for the enforcement of discipline, or otherwise in the public interest, by a person holding office under or employed in the service of the Crown in any capacity, whether naval, military, air-force, or civil, or by any other person acting under the authority of a person so holding office or so employed; and if any such proceeding has been instituted whether before or after the passing of this Act it shall be discharged and made void.

(3) For the purposes of this section a certificate by a Government department that any act, matter, or thing was done under the authority of a person so holding office or so employed as aforesaid shall be sufficient evidence of such authority or duty and of such act, matter, or thing having been done there under, and any such act, matter, or thing done by or under the authority of a person so holding office or so employed as aforesaid shall be deemed to have been done in good faith unless the contrary is proved.

(4) Nothing in this section shall prejudice or prevent the institution or prosecution of proceedings for giving effect to a final judgment given before the passing of this Act by any court of final resort or by any other court where the judgment at the passing of this Act is not then the subject of a pending appeal and the time for appealing against it has expired.

I beg to move, in Subsection (1), after the word "void" ["discharged and made void"], to insert the words "subject in the case of a proceeding instituted before the twentieth day of July, nineteen hundred and twenty, to such order as to costs as the court or a judge thereof may think fit to make."

I move this in fulfilment of the undertaking I gave to the Committee that, in respect of pending cases before the courts, the applicant should have the opportunity of obtaining his costs, and the question of whether or not he should obtain them should be decided by a judge at the law courts.

I have not any particular objection to the Amendment moved by the Solicitor-General. It is all in the direction of many of these Amendments of giving increased protection to property. I want to say that this series of Amendments will make it all the more urgent for us to move our Amendments later on to give protection to civil liberty.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move in Sub-section (3), after the word "aforesaid" ["as aforesaid shall be sufficient"], to insert the words "or was done in the execution of a duty."

This is an Amendment consequential upon an Amendment which I accepted from the hon. Member for the Exchange Division of Liverpool.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move in Sub-section (3), after the word "there-under," to insert the words "or in execution thereof."

This is consequential upon the previous Amendment.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (4), to leave out the words "and the time for appealing against it has expired."

I undertook on the Committee stage to move this Amendment. I think the words otiose, and I agree to omit them.

Amendment agreed to.

CLAUSE 2.—(Right to Compensation for Acts Done in Pursuance of Prerogative and other Powers.)

(1) Notwithstanding anything in the foregoing Section restricting the right of taking legal proceedings, any person not being a subject of a state which has been at war with is Majesty during the War and not having been a subject of such a state whilst that state was so at war with His Majesty—

( b ) who has otherwise incurred or sustained any direct loss or damage by reason of interference with his property or business in the United Kingdom through the exercise or purported exercise, during and for the purposes of the war, of any prerogative right of His Majesty or of any power under any enactment relating to the defence of the realm, or any regulation or order made or purporting to be made there-under, shall be entitled to compensation in respect of such loss or damage;

and such payment or compensation shall be assessed on the principles and by the tribunal hereinafter mentioned, and the decision of that tribunal shall be final:

Provided that—

(ii) nothing in this Section shall confer on any person a right to payment or compensation unless notice of the claim has been given to the tribunal in such form and manner as the tribunal may prescribe within one year from the termination of the war or the into when the transaction giving rise to the claim took place, whichever may be the later; and

(iii) nothing in this Section save as hereinafter provided shall be construed as conferring on any person a right to compensation in any case where, in accordance with the principles on which the tribunal has hitherto acted, he would not have been awarded any compensation.

(2) The payment of compensation shall be assessed in accordance with the following principles:—

(ii) Where the payment or compensation is claimed under paragraph (a) of Subsection (1) of this Section, it shall be assessed in accordance with the principles upon which the Board of Arbi- tration constituted under the proclamation issued on the third day of August nineteen hundred and fourteen has hitherto acted.

( b ) If the claimant would not have had any such legal right, the compensation shall be assessed in accordance with the principles upon which the Commission appointed by His Majesty under Commissions dated the thirty-first day of March nineteen hundred, and fifteen and the eighteenth day of December nineteen hundred and eighteen (commonly known as the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission) has hitherto acted in cases where no special provision is made as to the-assessment of compensation set forth in the Schedule to this Act.

(3) Where before the fifteenth day of April nineteen hundred and twenty any claim for compensation has been made and disposed of by award or agreement, or has been rejected, or any payment (other than a payment expressed to be made on account) has been accepted in respect thereof, and such claim is one to which paragraph (iii) of the last, preceding sub-section would have applied,, no claim for compensation or further compensation under this section shall be brought without the leave of the tribunal, and the tribunal shall not grant such leave except on proof of a material change of circumstances or new evidence not previously available being adduced.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (1, b ), to leave out the words; "and for the purposes of."

In order that I may make the possibility of compensation wider, it is necessary to omit those words.

This is a perfectly monstrous thing for the Government to move at this time of night. We have had practically no notice of any such attempt to widen this Clause.

Perhaps I may explain to the hon. and gallant Gentleman that he wilt find it is entirely a mistake in drafting. He will find that there are no such words in paragraph ( a ) and they have unfortunately been placed in paragraph ( b ). The two paragraphs must be coincident. It is not for the purpose of increasing the area of compensation. It is in order to fulfil what is the purpose of the Bill. When there are words in paragraph ( b ) which are not in paragraph ( a ) it is necessary to make them alike. For that purpose it is necessary to eliminate words which ought never to have been there.

If I understand this aright, paragraph ( a ) refers to a Schedule for shipping commandeered on an entirely different basis to anything else in the Bill. This shipping is commandeered on Blue Book rates. I think even the shipowners will agree that the Blue Book rate is fair compensation paid for the shipping. In paragraph (b) it is a different thing altogether. There the Government have commandeered certain goods for which they have to pay, and those goods were commandeered for the purposes of the War. If the Government propose to leave out the words "for the purposes of the War," then anybody who has had goods taken for any purposes whatever is entitled to compensation. That is widening the scope of the Clause altogether.

There is great point in what my hon. and gallant Friend has said. As I understand the position it is this: People are entitled to come before the Court to get compensation. The Court was intended to award compensation to people whose goods had been taken for the purposes of the war. Now we find the Solicitor-General leaving out those words, so that people will have a right to this form of compensation if they can show that their goods were taken during the War though not for the purposes of the War at all. It means that any action of any Government Department during the War, though it has nothing to do with the War, and in any part, presumably, of the territory to which this Bill will apply, may entitle these people to a special form of compensation. The House should pause and should ask from the Solicitor-General some further explanation before it takes out a form of words which appears to be the very essence of the Bill.

It is clearly wrong, whether in the case of ships or any other goods, that no compensation should be paid in cases where they have been taken if the suppliant cannot prove they were taken "for the purposes of the War." It would be quite wrong to impose on the subject the burden of having his goods taken and pay him nothing because he failed to prove that they were taken for the purposes of the War. Both paragraphs must read alike, and these unfortunate words crept in, and there is really no ground for saying that if a person does not prove that his goods were taken for the purposes of the War he is to have no compensation of any sort whatever.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (1, ii), to leave out the words

"later; and

(iii) nothing in this section save as hereinafter provided shall be construed as conferring on any person a right to compensation in any case where, in accordance with the principles on which the tribunal has hitherto acted, he would not have been awarded any compensation."

I was pressed on the Committee stage by the hon. Member for a Division of Essex and by the hon. Member for Enfield to leave out these words as causing confusion and I am glad to do it, provided that I can leave out certain words on page 5 which will make the whole of the Act more consistent.

I only want to draw the attention of the House again to the fact that every Amendment proposed is to increase the powers of the people to get money out of the Government. This proviso was put in, which prevented people from having certain rights. Under pressure from those who are standing up for the claims of property against the State, the Solicitor General has yielded, and he is moving to omit the Sub-section intended to protect the Exchequer.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (2, ii), to insert the words "which principles are set forth in Part I. of the Schedule to this Act."

It is in order to carry out the principle which I adopted on the Committee stage to insert the principle in the Schedule that I propose this Amendment. It is a matter of drafting.

We have some Amendments, Mr. Speaker, to the Schedule. I presume that we shall be allowed, if this Amendment be carried, to move those Amendments on the Schedule?

I have not received any Amendments to the Schedule from the hon. and gallant Member.

On a point of Order, Sir. I handed in an Amendment to Part I. of the Schedule, and I would like to call your attention to the fact that we have never had an opportunity of debating in the House the merits of this Schedule. We have had Part II. of the Schedule, but Part I. was taken too late for discussion on the Committee stage.

Amendment agreed to.

Further Amendment made: In Subsection (2, iii, b ) leave out the words "set forth in" ["assessment of compensation set forth in"], and insert instead thereof the words "which principles are set forth in Part II. of."—[ Sir E. Pollock. ]

I beg to move, in Sub-section (3), to leave out the words "and such claim is one to which paragraph (iii) of the last preceding Subsection would have applied."

It is necesary to move this Amendment, which deals with the claims for compensation, in order that the Sub-section may apply to all the claims included.

Amendment agreed to.

CLAUSE 5.—(Validation of Sentences.)

Any sentence passed, judgment given, or order made by any military court (other than a court-martial constituted in pursuance of any statute) in connection with the war, or by any court established by the authority administering any territory in the occupation of any of His Majesty's Forces during the War for the administration of justice within such territory, whether passed, given, or made during such occupation, or after such occupation has determined until the court has been abolished or superseded by such lawfully constituted authority as may hereafter be established for the administration of such territory, shall be deemed to be and always to have been valid, and to be and always to have been within the jurisdiction of the court.

I beg to move to leave out the Clause.

Speaking as a member of the Select Committee which was appointed to inquire into this Bill, I think that the Solicitor-General will agree with me that on this Committee we raised the point which I raise now on Clause 5—[Sir E. POLLOCK: "Hear, hear!"]—and not haying been able to obtain satisfaction on the Committee we did retain the right to raise this point in the House. I do not think, therefore, that we can be accused of any undue persistency in this matter. We have now arrived at a stage where we are able to see that the most meticulous care has been given to the Clause which preceded Clause 5, and that every precaution has been taken—and quite properly taken to protect the rights of all individuals in respect of their property when it is dealt with by the State. We come here to the first Clause of the Bill which deals with the rights of individuals in respect of their liberty, and we are anxious that some protection shall be given to individuals whose liberties are affected as well as to those whose property is touched. We have been asking that in Clause 5 there should be a provision which should give to all such individuals a similar right of appeal, not, of course, in the same form, but at all events as substantial a right as has been given to individuals who desire to proceed to the Courts to get justice as against the action of the State. We have received no concession at all, either in the Select Committee or in this House, with respect to this Clause. Nothing has been done to meet us. We do not complain—we have no right to complain—of the manner of the Solicitor-General. That has been a model of courtesy throughout the discussion; but, after all, good manners are not satisfying in this case unless they are accompanied by concessions in the direction of good work. In that respect we have every right and reason, on this side of the House, to feel disappointed.

We put forward in Committee a proposal to the Solicitor-General to the effect that individuals who came under the operation of Clause 5, who were serving sentences which had been imposed on them by a military Court, should have the right of appeal, and I think that the Solicitor-General was somewhat disposed to meet us, and some suggestion was made—I do not say in any way a binding suggestion—that something would be put into the Bill that would, at least, give the right of appeal to the Judge Advocate-General. But before the Select Committee had finished its sittings our hopes in that direction were disappointed, for the Solicitor-General told us that he was not able to meet us to that extent. But, on consideration, we came to the conclusion that, while it was better than nothing, it was not all that was given here, and a very carefully drawn Amendment was placed on the Paper. It was discussed on the Committee stage by the House and not accepted. That Amendment was that an appeal might be made to the Privy Council. That Amendment has been discussed and disposed of, but I want to suggest to the Solicitor-General that he has left this Clause in a very unsatisfactory condition. There are things which he has said in this House in resisting our Amendment which entitle us to ask him further to consider this matter. We may have gone to too great a length in the consideration of the Bill in this House to enable him to do anything to meet us here, but, in putting down this Amendment to leave out this Clause our principal motive is to get him, at this stage, to give us some kind of assurance that, when this Bill goes to the other House, he will insert in this Clause, words that shall give a substantial, satisfactory, right of appeal to persons who are suffering under these operations. I think we are entitled to ask him that, and we feel that, if he cannot give us that assurance, the Bill would be better without the Clause. After all, when one comes to consider the Bill, one sees that the Bill is dealing, in the main, entirely with claims affecting property and that these particular Clauses are tucked away in the rear part of the Bill, and, really, have no substantial connection with the Bill. It would be much better, if the Government cannot meet us on this Clause, to make the Bill a simple Bill dealing with questions of property and leaving these larger questions of life and liberty to be dealt with in another measure.

What is the position with regard to appeals under this Clause? The Solicitor-General has not suggested that there should be no appeal. What he has told us is that in practice there is an appeal. He agrees with us that it is right that sentences which have been passed by these military Courts should come under review. He admits that a good many of them have come under review, but he made one or two significant statements. In resisting the principal Amendment moved by my hon. and gallant Friend (Col. P. Williams) he said: but we feel that it would be a considerable concession and I think we would be satisfied if we could get a concession made on this Clause, either here or in another place, so that these Military Courts, as regards the right of appeal by those tried by them, shall be put in the same position by statute as a court-martial. Failing that assurance, we shall have no other option than to divide against this Clause.

I beg to second the Amendment.

I would make one more appeal to the Solicitor-General and the Government. No Government, however powerful it may be, or however big its majority, can afford to perpetuate a wrong upon individuals. Many attempts have been made by previous Governments to burke the discussion of individual right and they have all failed. In the end the Government have been compelled to give way, and here we have or may have cases of men who have been improperly convicted and the Government has declined to give them a right of appeal. I would appeal to the Government even at the eleventh hour to see reason and not be led away by such speeches as we had the other night on the Committee stage from one hon. and learned Member. Because there is a prima facie case against a man it does not prove that he is guilty. You are not entitled to hold a man in prison for a lengthy term simply because there is a prima facie case. If there is no case the Government cannot be hurt by giving the right of appeal. The Government stands to gain by accepting our proposal. In addition we have not been told how many people are in prison. All these courts have acted in secret or they have not been reported. We have had no report of the number of cases in Egypt, Togoland, or East Africa. All these cases I believe are from the Colonies or from territory in occupation of the Military Forces of the Crown. They do not refer to people convicted in this country at all. I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to let us know how many people are affected by the refusal of the grant of the right of appeal.

I should be the last to complain of my hon and gallant Friends for moving this Amendment even at the last moment. The hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle was good enough to say some kind things about myself and I reciprocate what he said because I am indebted to him for the trouble that he and his friends have taken on the Select Committee and far be it from me to complain. But I yield to neither of them in my regard for the liberty of the subject. This is one of the most important parts of the Bill and therefore we stand on a common basis and where we are apart is this—My hon. Friend with a certain amount of suspicion is not prepared to be satisfied with the assurance I gave. He wants to have something put into the Bill and I have looked into this matter over and over again but I say at once and I am going again from the point of view presented to-night, to see whether or not in another place we can give this right of appeal. At present I have satisfied myself from having again seen the Judge Advocate-General since the matter was before the Committee and all these sentences do in fact come to him for review, and they pass under exactly the same careful scrutiny as all cases of court-martial. These sentences have to be confirmed and reviewed, and there is power of appeal to the superior military authority as in the case of persons who have been tried before a regular court-martial.

I have also, in fulfilment of the undertaking I gave to the Committee, seen the Judge Advocate-General, and he has assured me that is the fact and that he will see that it is the fact. I have satisfied myself that the liberty of the subject is maintained and that that is being faithfully preserved. May I add that these Clauses are no new Clauses. They are modelled, though not exactly copied, from the Indemnity Bills passed in the South African War. The scheme of appeal which at present exists in the case of regular courts-martial to the Judge Advocate-General will be strengthened by the practice of these Courts. There ought to be, as there is this system of appeal to the Judge Advocate-General. The last Amendment proposed an appeal to the Privy Council. My own experience may be relatively unimportant, or my hon. Friend may not accept it, but I have been before the Privy Council in efforts to secure an appeal to the Privy Council, and the Privy Council are very slow indeed to entertain such an appeal, as they are always anxious that these matters should be dealt with on the spot, and the Amendment might well fail in its object. With that experience I could not accept an Amendment which from my experience as a lawyer I know would fail. But I will again look into the matter and see whether or not an Amendment can be put in in order to ensure that the Judge Advocate-General should have imposed upon him this duty, which he does at present in practice. One difficulty which occurs is this: We are dealing with a number of cases from various parts of the world, and it may be that it is better to continue a system which has created no feeling at all in any part of our Dominions. All I would say is that by the time this Bill reaches another place I will consult in order to see whether something should not be put in which would secure this right of appeal to the Judge Advocate-General, and if so it can be done in another place. I do not think I can go further, but I am grateful to hon. Members for having raised this, because it has given me the opportunity once more of saying that I am just as strongly in favour of the liberty of the subject as they are.

The Solicitor-General, as is usual with him, has put the matter very plainly before the House, but I think I may say we are indebted to the two hon. and gallant Members for having raised this point. We do not want to have any question as to the right of appeal. I would suggest this to the Solicitor-General. According to his own speech there is a doubt whether there is a right of the subject to this appeal. If there should be any question of doubt whether there is a right of the subject, I am sure the House would say that so long as my right hon. and gallant Friend is there we should be perfectly satisfied to accept the undertaking that he has given in the House this evening, but times may alter, and we do not always have the same Solicitor-General Bills come before judges and all sorts of people and if there is no specific clause with a direction saying that a certain object is to be carried out, then, notwithstanding all promises that are given by my loyal Friend, which while he is Solicitor-General, he will see carried out, circumstances might arise which would make them of no avail. Wherever there is such a question and we are satisfied that there should be protection. It is the duty of this House to insist on words being put in to ensure it. I hope, therefore, that as the question has been raised and as the Solicitor-General himself is not altogether satisfied in his own mind that there might not be a question—I am glad to hear he said he would discuss the matter with the Judge Advocate-General—I hope that he will undertake that in another place words shall be put in, in order that the difficulty which hag arisen and which is acknowledged may be done away with. In the circumstances the Solicitor-General will see that the opinion of the House is in that direction and that he will do what is asked.

Of course, I join in the tribute to the courtesy with which the right hon. Gentleman meets us in his explanation, but his explanation to-night is totally unsatisfactory. It is all very well to say he will consult with other authorities as to adding something in another place. The matter was raised in the Select Committee. Nothing was done then. It was raised in Committee in this House. Nothing was done then. Now the Solicitor-General says it is possible that, after consulting somebody, something may be done in another place. Now and here is the place to do this. We are grateful to the Member for Dulwich (Sir F. Hall) for his support to-night, because it has been a rather tedious, and to the House it seems a somewhat insistent course that we have taken in raising this matter throughout the Bill. All through the Bill additional safeguards have been inserted by the Government for the protection of property. A right ex-gratia has been converted into a legal right. People were allowed to get money for things that were done not even arising out of the war. Every consideration was shown. I think it went too far, but the House supported it.

Why should the Solicitor-General steadfastly refuse to accept an Amendment that would give the slightest protection to those people who might have been wrongfully convicted. I have a better opinion of the solicitude of this House for the rights of private individuals who may have suffered injustice. Surely it is our pride that no individual should be imprisoned when there is the slightest suspicion that he has been wrongfully convicted and detained. The Solicitor-General says that he looks on this in a practical light. We do not want a better authority than him to decide the case, but he will not be always there, and if he were we want this to be a right, not a concession to be granted by the Judge Advocate-General if he thinks proper. Unless the people have got the right and know they have got the right, how are we to know that they will take the necessary steps to set an appeal in motion if they are dependent on the grace of some higher authority? The Solicitor-General referred to appeals to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and said he appeared before the Judicial Committee, and they always said it was better to refer the matter back to the Court in which it was tried. These were regular Courts in which there was a regular appeal to the Privy Council. Such a regular tribunal is a better tribunal than a Court of Appeal like the Privy Council. Here we are not dealing with regular Courts at all, but with impromptu Courts set up under the stress of War, not always very much adorned with legal training, but rough and ready Courts to meet an emergency. A conviction from such a Court should allow the convicted person to have an appeal to see that justice was done. There is very little in common between the South African War, which has been referred to, and the last War. The last War was a universal conflict. The South African War was a local expedition. I am not speaking disrespectfully of the gallant men who took part in it, but you cannot draw a parallel case between the two. I want to ask the Solicitor-General this question. What area is covered by these Courts? The Clause says: lenged the authority of the Court. The learned Judges said they could not grant a writ of habeas corpus, because the Defence of the Realm Act over-rode the rights of habeas corpus, but they found that Foy was wrongfully convicted. What happened? The boy was pushed out into the street with a railway ticket and sent home. The Solicitor-General said he had not heard of such cases, but this was a well-known case. Does this include the Courts set up in Ireland? What use is there in letting these people know that there is to be an appeal, but they must depend on the grace and favour of some Department in which they have no trust. I contend we are entitled to bring forward this Amendment, and to ask in the name of what is dear to all citizens the form of words in which the Solicitor-General is going to bring in his provision.

1.0 A.M.

I venture to suggest that the House should not part with this very important matter affecting the liberty of the subject without something very much more definite from the Solicitor-General. He has only promised us that he will consider and consult with others as to whether it is possible or desirable to introduce words in another place, but that is really rather vague. It is not even a promise that he will try to introduce words in another place, and even though we had a definite promise to introduce words in another place we know that a very short time ago the Government failed to get the other place to accept words which they proposed. The only safety for this House in dealing with a matter which affects the liberty of the subject is to retain the matter in its own hands, and I hope the Solicitor-General will allow the House to do so. There are two ways in which it can be done. One is to agree to leave out this Clause here and now, and then he can put back in another place what may be necessary, and when what he puts in in another place comes back to this House, we will have the opportunity of criticising, but if we accept this clause now, and another place refuses to modify it, then, even if the Bill came back to us on other matters, we should have no power of criticising that Clause. I hope the Solicitor-General will accept that proposal and leave out the Clause now. On the other hand, he could meet us by an undertaking not to take the Third Reading to-night, and then he could tell us before the Third Reading exactly what he will or will not do in the matter.

I hope the hon. Members will not press this Amendment to a Division, because the Solicitor-General has distinctly said that he would carry the point to another place and see if some words cannot be inserted, and I think we may rely on his word.

I am particularly anxious, as one who voted for the appeal to the Privy Council, to try to avoid a Division to-night, because I feel perfectly certain it would give a wrong impression We all desire that justice should be done to any convicted prisoners, and therefore if the Solicitor-General could see his way to grant the request, which I think is a reasonable one, that in the Bill itself there should be inserted a right of appeal, hon. Members on either side of the House would consent without going to a Division. This is really a matter of principle. I am not a lawyer, and I may be entirely wrong, but it does seem to me that this Clause does admit the fact that a man or a woman may be in prison undergoing a sentence to which he or she ought never to have been sentenced at all. The Solicitor-General has pointed out that the Judge-Advocate-General does review these cases, and probably justice is done, but no harm could be done if it were inserted in the Act that there should be a statutory declaration that that course was being pursued. There are a great many people outside this House who have not had the advantage of hearing what the Solicitor-General has said, and I cannot help thinking it would be a regrettable thing if the impression got abroad after the Debate that there were a certain number of people improperly in prison, and without a right of appeal to any legal authority outside. If the Judge-Advocate-General is reviewing these cases, as I have no doubt he is doing, there could be no harm in putting that in the Clause. If would not add any more to the labours of the Judge-Advocate-General himself, and it would satisfy members of this House who would really like to see a statutory enactment that these people shall not be subjected to imprisonment without a legal right of appeal. I think if the Solicitor-General could see his way to give that assurance we should avoid a Division on this subject.

Might I ask the Solicitor-General if he could say anything more definite on the subject?

I really can say no more. I have said what I would do and what I will do. I promised last time to see the Judge-Advocate-General. I have seen him, and I have got an assurance as to what the practice is—one that safeguards the liberty of the subject and prevents any injustice, and really one can do no more. This is a matter which would be very difficult to carry out in a Bill. It is not a simple matter of words. There is no use in repeating undertakings. If the undertaking I have given to the House is not accepted I can give no further or better undertakings. What I have said I have said.

We will not divide if the right hon. Gentleman will say that he will insert the words giving a legal right of appeal in the Bill.

Question put, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

The House divided; Ayes, 88; Noes, 6.

Division No. 264.]

AYES.

[1.6 a.m.

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Edge, Captain William

Gregory, Holman

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Barnett, Major R. W.

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Barnston, Major Harry

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Hanna, George Boyle

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Betterton, Henry B.

Foreman, Henry

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Borwick, Major G. O.

Forrest, Walter

Hood, Joseph

Breese, Major Charles E.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Bridgeman, William Clive

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Bruton, Sir James

Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge)

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Casey, T. W.

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Goff, Sir R. Park

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Greene, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Hack'y, N.)

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Tryon, Major George Clement

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Pulley, Charles Thornton

Vickers, Douglas

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Purchase, H. G.

Waring, Major Walter

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Murchison, C. K.

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Winterton, Major Earl

Murray, Major William (Dumfries)

Steel, Major S. Strang

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Neal, Arthur

Stevens, Marshall

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Sturrock, J. Leng

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Parker, James

Sutherland, Sir William

Lord Edmund Talbot and Mr.

Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool)

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Dudley Ward.

NOES.

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Spencer, George A.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—.—

Holmes, J. Stanley

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

Major Barnes and Colonel Penry Williams.

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

The next Amendment raises substantially the same question as that just decided.

Yes, Sir. With your leave I understood you to say that the next Amendment raised substantially the same question that we have just decided. Am I right?

The hon. and gallant Member has no need to say that. Mr. Speaker's instruction to me was to call upon the first of these Amendments. He had some doubt on that point, the matter having been discussed in Committee of the whole House very fully. I must carry out his instruction.

There is no point of Order. It is in the exercise of the duty of the Chair.

We are entitled under the Standing Orders to ask why they wish to amend it.

The hon. and gallant Member is quite wrong.

Schedule

The compensation to be awarded shall be assessed by taking into account only the direct loss and damage suffered by the claimant by reason of direct and particular interference with his property or business, and nothing shall be included in respect of any loss or damage due to or arising through the enforcement of any order or regulation of general or local application, or in respect of any loss or damage due simply and solely to the existence of a state of war, or to the general conditions prevailing in the locality, or to action taken upon grounds arising out of the conduct of the claimant himself rendering it necessary for public security that his legal rights should be infringed, or in respect of loss of mere pleasure or amenity.

I beg to move, at the beginning of the Schedule, to insert:

"Part I

Principles on which the Board of Arbitration has hitherto acted.

The payment or compensation to be awarded for the use of a ship, or vessel, or cargo space, or passenger accommodation therein, and for services rendered shall be based on the rates and conditions contained in the Blue Book reports, or in cases of a class where those rates and conditions have not been applied on some other liberal estimate of the profits which the owner could have made if there had been no war, and shall be assessed without taking into account any increase of market values of tonnage or of rates of hire due to the war, together with, in cases where damage to or loss of the ship or vessel directly due to such use has occurred, a sum by way of compensation in respect of such loss or damage, so, however, that nothing shall be awarded for any other damage or loss incidentally caused to the owner or to other persons.

For the purposes of this Part of this Schedule the expression 'Blue Book reports' means the reports as to rates and conditions published in October, nineteen hundred and fourteen, by the sub-committee of the Board of Arbitration, subject to such increases or modifications thereof as may have been agreed to before the first day of January, nineteen hundred and twenty.

Part II

Principles on which the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission has hitherto acted."

An Amendment has been handed in. If this be a drafting Amendment it is all right. If it propose to change the principles the House has already——

The hon. and gallant Member cannot raise a point of Order in the middle of a sentence of mine. I was pointing out to him that I have some doubt in the matter. We have decided in an earlier part of the Bill, according to the principles which are set out in Part I. of the Schedule of this Bill, and I must have regard to the question whether or not the Schedule proposed by the Solicitor-General carries out what has been decided in the earlier part of the Bill.

On a point of Order. When that Question was put, I raised the specific question with Mr. Speaker and asked him whether by raising that Amendment we should be in any way prejudicing our right to move the Amendment which is not a point of drafting but a point of grave substance, and I understood that we did not sacrifice our right.

I was present in the House at the time, and I heard everything that passed. If the hon. and gallant Member would read the Bill and the Amendment on the Paper, he would see it was not the Amendment moved at this stage to which I am referring. This simply guided the House to the Schedule, the principles of which are set out in Part I. of this Bill. It is the previous words which stood in the Bill to which I am referring, and the matter arising, to which I was referring, has nothing to do with the Amendment on which the hon. and gallant Member raised his point of Order.

My point of Order is that we have never had an opportunity of discussing the Part I. of this Schedule. In the Committee stage of the Bill it was laid on the Table by the Solicitor-General too late for the Committee to discuss it. Therefore, it has never been before the Committee. We have never decided the principle of it and my Amendment, which I have put in, I think, goes to the very root of the principle of the Schedule.

I was just proposing to call upon the hon. and gallant Gentleman to discuss the proposals of the Solicitor-General. He is entitled to discuss the whole of these principles in Part I. of the new Schedule.

I beg to move, as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment in Part I., to leave out the words "some other liberal" and to insert instead thereof the word "an".

Part I. of this Schedule which has just been moved by the Solicitor-General seems to be a further extension of the power which has been given to certain classes of property owners to extract compensation from the Government—[HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed! Order!"] The Amendment which I have handed in in manuscript would make the Schedule read as follows: largesse with a liberal hand, and that is the policy which has been adopted by the Government, who distribute the taxpayers' money with a liberal hand. But, if it comes to a question of putting a poor fellow in prison, then it is a different matter entirely. I think that this Amendment ought to have been drafted so that the instructions to the Courts as to the compensation that should be granted to these people should be on the basis of an estimate of what they would have made had there been no war. I quite see my hon. Friend's point. I do not like to leave out "any other Liberal." It might be put on a Conservative basis, and I object to leaving out any Liberal at all. But I do not want to detain the House at this late hour, and I would appeal to the right hon. Gentleman the Solicitor-General to leave these words out. Let the Courts decide what is a fair compensation. Do not give them any leading hints as to how to deal with this matter.

In a very few words, I can explain to the House how these words come here and how it is quite impossible to leave them out. We are now comparing the principles on which the Board of Arbitration has hitherto acted, and in describing those principles Lord Mersey, in his letter, which is contained in the Special Report of the Select Committee, says:

"But, as regards payment for the use of vessels, the Board has held that the increase of market values already due to the War are not to be taken into account, and that payment should be made on a liberal estimate of the profits that the owner could have made had there been no war."

Therefore we use these words

"on some other liberal estimate of the profits which the owner could have made if there had been no war."

Lord Mersey says that those are the principles on which the Board of Arbitration has hitherto acted, and he describes the way in which they have acted as

"a liberal estimate of the profits that the owner could have made had there been no war."

It was my duty to find words precisely to enshrine the principles on which the Board had hitherto acted, giving no more and no less, and it would have been quite wrong for me to alter the statement made by Lord Mersey on the principles on which he has acted, and he says these words are necessary for the purpose. Further, in order to be quite sure that in this Schedule I had embodied the principles on which the Board of Arbitration had acted, no more and no less, I have referred the matter to Sir William Walton, who has been Chairman, and he has referred the matter to Lord Mersey, and they both agree with the statement here, and the Schedule is in accord with the principles on which the Board of Arbitration has hitherto acted. It is for that reason that the Schedule is drafted as it is, and I cannot therefore accept the Amendment. May I point out that, in saying this, you may describe the principles on which the Board has hitherto acted as, I think, liberal or not, but, whatever the principles have been and whatever measures they have been accustomed to impose, that same they will impose in the future, and, therefore, it is necessary to maintain these words as they are.

I understand that the hon. and gallant Member (Colonel P. Williams) does not propose to divide on this Amendment, because we propose to reserve the Division until the Third Reading stage. It is worthy of notice that here are the principles on which the Board of Arbitration has acted and these words occur. This is about the fourth or fifth time that this same point has been raised. Whenever the question of dealing with property comes up you are to deal with it on a liberal estimate, but when it is a question of rights you are to deal with it on a conservative estimate.

Amendment to proposed Amendment negatived.

Proposed words there inserted in the Bill.

Motion made and Question proposed "That the Bill be now read the third time."

I am sorry that the Government have thought it necessary to take the Third Reading at this hour. As a consistent supporter of the Government I cannot allow the Third Reading to be taken without making my protest against this Bill. I have taken no part in the debate, as I came to the conclusion earlier that the Bill was so bad as to be incapable of amendment. The name of the Bill is a misnomer; it is not an Indemnity Bill at all. It is a Bill to alter the law of England, and a bad one at that. If my right, hon. and learned Friend wanted an Indemnity Bill in the proper sense of the word he could have got such a Bill passed through all its stages in an afternoon. That is not what we have got here. We have got here a Bill of very much wider scope; a Bill which touches English rights and liberties, and which ought not to be allowed to go through without a protest.

I am not going to deal with the Board of Arbitration because I understand that there was something in the nature of an agreement with the shipping industry, and that it attorned to the jurisdiction and therefore there was no injustice. But, so far as the second part of the Bill is concerned, the part which deals with "the principles on which the Defence of the Realm Losses Commission has hitherto acted," I protest against these "principles," and I say that, instead of enshrining them in our laws for a further period we ought to go back to the law which has been good enough hitherto. This Bill amounts to a denial of justice as regards a large number of the subjects of His Majesty.

I asked a question of the Attorney-General in this House on May 20 which deals with these hardships. I inquired. Then my right hon. Friend gave a very different answer. He said: Reading, and I hope that it will be dealt with faithfully in another place.

The Solicitor-General has heard a series of protests against one side of the Measure and he cannot expect the Bill to pass without some protest from us with regard to those parts which we feel to be bad. All we want to say is that we do feel that in the passage of this Measure through this House far too large a proportion of the time has been given to matters merely affecting property and too little to matters affecting the liberty of the subject. We feel that all the concessions that have been made have been made in one direction, and that the House and the Government have shown themselves singularly indifferent to what are more important than questions of property—that is the conditions under which life and liberty are held by the State.

What my hon. Friend has said is perfectly true. Our objection is that the Bill leans entirely to the side of property, and not to that of liberty. I want to clear up one point that arose in the course of the Debate as to the supposed pledge given by the Solicitor-General in respect of the appeal by people who may have been wrongly convicted by these military courts. If we had understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that he would put in words that he would give the right of appeal we would not have divided. I should be glad to have such a pledge now, and I invite the right hon. Gentleman when ha replies to say definitely whether he will put in words to give the legal right of appeal.

That justifies us in having had a division. There is one point I desire to raise in reference to Clause 6, which deals with the validation of ordinances made in occupied territory between the time of the end of the war and the time when ordered Government may be set up in these territories. It was stated that this was the same point that arose in reference to the appeals from Military Courts, but apparently there was some misapprehension, because the case under Clause 6 is different entirely from the case under Clause 5. Clause 6 deals with the validation of ordinances in occupied terri- tories. In order to show how unnecessary a great deal of this legislation is, I want to tell the House what was the history of Clause 6. I asked the Solicitor-General whether it was true that there was an implied provision in the law of the land to make whatever orders might be necessary for the good government of occupied territories before stable government was imposed upon them, and the Solicitor-General replied:

"My hon. Friend, however, appears to prefer an interregnum in which there will be no possible security for life and property because you will have withdrawn the original power of authority of the occupied area and not set up any other."

I venture to draw my right hon. Friend's attention to the Act of 1890, the Foreign Jurisdiction Act, and I appealed to him to tell us whether that did not answer for all the powers that were required. The right hon. Gentleman did not vouchsafe at that time to give us any reply at all and the House supposed that it was only a facetious query raised by the Members of a hopeless minority for obstruction, but this Foreign Jurisdiction Act of 1890 supplies the very need which this Clause is supposed to supply. It says it is and shall be lawful for His Majesty to hold, exercise and enjoy any jurisdiction in any foreign country in as ample a manner as if his his Majesty had acquired that jurisdiction and so on. I do not want to go unnecessarily into detail. It goes on to supply the Government with all the necessary powers in these districts for making regulations, making laws and setting up courts and dealing with business of that kind. If that is so and I am informed it is so—it is not my research, but the authority of those qualified to judge—if it is so, what can be the use of this? It proves that once you give Government officials these extraordinary powers for which no full responsibility is exacted and enable them to exercise responsibility without control it is very difficult to get them to drop them. They cling to them and pretend it is in the exercise of good order and Government, but it is because they do not like to give up powers only granted to them by this House for the purpose of a great national emergency.

I only rise for a moment because I do not want there to be a misapprehension. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Leith appealed to my right hon. and learned Friend the Soli- citor-General by asking whether he gave an undertaking with regard to Clause 5 to see that he would put in in another place a provision to protect those who had a right to appeal, and then he turned round to my right hon. and learned Friend, having divided, and asked whether under the circumstances he has given an undertaking to this House. It is generally recognised that if a Member of the Government gives to the House an undertaking that he will endeavour, as far as he is concerned, to have in another place an alteration put in, the House generally accepts that undertaking; but when a minority, large or small, elects to divide the House, they cannot expect the Government to be held to that promise or undertaking. Notwithstanding the Division which was taken, by which my hon. and gallant Friend obtained, I think, six supporters in the lobby, notwithstanding that many of us were in sympathy with the proposal brought forward, I do hope that the Solicitor-General will carry out the intention he had provided the House had not divided, and will in another House bring in an Amendment which will protect these cases.

I beg to move, the end of the Question, and to add instead thereof the words

"this House declines to give a Third Reading to a Bill which, while granting a right of appeal with respect to property, withholds a similar right of appeal in cases affecting personal liberty."

I am very glad to see the Leader of the House present. He smiles, and attaches very little importance to this matter. We are a small minority, holding a position which we attach great importance to. I appeal to him even now to give the same right to the individual who has been deprived of his liberty that he is giving to the person whose goods have been requisitioned by the authorities for the purposes of the war. There is really no injustice. I do not think that this Government has learned anything from the war. They often ask us whether we have not learned anything from the war, but I do not think they have learned anything from the war. This Bill here is simply the old policy of the right of property. A man in the old days might kick his wife for years and years, and he would not be fined by the justices beyond about 40s. or a month. But if he dared to steal a turnip out of a farmer's field he was promptly sent to prison for it, for a second offence of the same sort he was promptly sent to penal servitude for it, and in future, if he dared to look over the hedge, then woe betide him. This Bill follows the same policy. The Government seem to have yielded to the property owners. They have yielded to every claim made upon them for facilities to extract money from the Government for people whose goods have been requisitioned, but they have resisted all claims for the man who has been deprived of his liberty. I really do not think that is fair, and I do not think even this Government dare let it go out to the country that this is their policy.

I ask the hon. Gentleman how many of his own party are up here against it—only four so far as I can see.

I would put it to the hon. Member that, although on the last Division we were six, the Government majority was smaller that it has been for a long time. I would point out that there has been a special whip sent out to the Ministers for them to attend. I may fairly claim that I supported the Government right through in the Select Committee in resisting, as far as they did, the claims of the property owners for compensation. Had those Amendments been carried it would have involved an expenditure of something like £700,000,000. That is the estimate. The Solicitor-General resisted many of them. I want to thank him now for having dealt with Clause 4 in the way he did. He undertook in the Committee to make Clause 4 fit in with our wish, that it should be an indemnity against any acts done, but that it should not legalise any proclamation or prohibition. I make this appeal now to the Solicitor-General and to the Leader of the House, that they will grant the right of appeal to the man who has been imprisoned. Perhaps the Solicitor-General cannot say that, but the Leader of the House can. I must refer to the assertion of the hon. Member for Dulwich (Sir F. Hall). The Government do not give undertakings simply because of what they fear.

They give an undertaking because they think it is just, not because they think that they may be beaten. If they use their majority they can beat us, but that does not alter the justice of the case, and I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to see if they cannot meet us on this point which is really a matter of very great importance.

I beg to second the Amendment. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] Why should you be impatient? Surely we have a right to be heard? I do not wish to detain the House, but I am very glad to associate myself with the Mover of the Amendment.

I will say very few words indeed, but I think something ought to be said in answer to the specific Amendment that has been moved. I have already said all that I desire to say in detail on this question, of what shall be done, and of what undertakings I have given and can give. The suggestion that I am less interested in the liberty of the subject than any other Member of the House is quite unfounded. I am just as much concerned about the liberty of the subject as the Mover of the Amendment. What I will do is already recorded in the OFFICIAL REPORT, and I shall continue to interest myself in the liberty of the subject with other Members of the House and to see what can be done. It is not a very strong incentive to do one's best when one finds that such words as I have used have met with so little response upon the other side. A sentence or two about the Bill generally. It must be a very fair Bill. It is criticised by those who are interested in what is called property, or are alleged to be interested in property, such as the hon. Member for South-West St. Pancras (Major Barnett), who says we are doing an injury to persons whose goods have been taken, and on the other hand, it is said to be a Bill which is doing more than justice to those whose goods have been taken, but less than justice to those who are subject to the sentence of some Court. With these different criticisms from different points the Bill will probably be found to be a fair and just measure. As a matter of fact, there are three Clauses, 1, 4 and 5, which deal with proper matters of indemnity. In those Clauses we prevent profiteering, and maintain the same measure and standard as in the past. We have given recourse to a tribunal now being formed with a judge of the High Court, who, I am happy to say will be Mr. Justice A. T. Lawrance, a judge than whom there is none more distinguished and none who inspires greater confidence among those who practice in Court, and we have given a right of appeal. It remains only for me to say a word in answer to my hon. and gallant Friend opposite, who tells me of the Foreign Jurisdiction Act, and suggests that that contains all the powers which it is necessary to exercise. I am not unfamiliar with the Foreign Jurisdiction Act. Section (1) declares that the King in his Sovereignty can take possesion of certain lands. Section (2) follows on the lines which the hon. and gallant Member has read out. Section (3) gives jurisdiction over British subjects who are in territory not then settled, and Section (5) or Section (9) gives power to issue Orders in Council. Until these orders set up a jurisdiction, there is no jurisdiction, and the result is that it is necessary, as the Section does, to fill up the interregnum before the Orders in Council are made, as they will be made in certain cases under the Foreign Jurisdiction Act. I am as familiar with the Act as the hon. and gallant Member, and it will be used for all legitimate purposes.

Question, put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House divided:—Ayes, 84; Noes, 3.

Division No. 265.]

AYES.

[1.58 a.m.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Forrest, Walter

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Barnett, Major R. W.

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge)

Barnston, Major Harry

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Edge, Captain William

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Betterton, Henry B.

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Goff, Sir R. Park

Borwick, Major G. O.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Breese, Major Charles E.

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Hack'y, N.)

Bruton, Sir James

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Gregory, Holman

Casey, T. W.

Foreman, Henry

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Hanna, George Boyle

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Stevens, Marshall

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Sturrock, J. Leng

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Murchison, C. K.

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Hood, Joseph

Murray, Major William (Dumfries)

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Neal, Arthur

Tryon, Major George Clement

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Vickers, Douglas

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Waring, Major Walter

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Parker, James

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool)

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Winterton, Major Earl

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Pulley, Charles Thornton

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Purchase, H. G.

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES .—.—

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Lord Edmund Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

NOES.

Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.)

Holmes, J. Stanley

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—.—

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Colonel Penry Williams and Major Watts Morgan

Bill read the Third time, and passed.

Supply

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. J. HERBERT LEWIS in the Chair.]

Navy (Excess), 1918–19

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to make good Excesses of Navy Expenditure beyond the Grants, for the year ending on the 31st day of March 1919."

At this time of the morning, we should not be asked to deal with this matter.

I may say I have made special inquiries. I saw the Whips on both sides, and it was agreed to take this Resolution.

I am sorry. I do not want to be discourteous to the hon. and gallant Gentleman, but there is £5,000,000 involved.

Your Whips agreed to it.

Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again," put, and agreed to.—[ Sir J. Craig. ]

Committee report Progress; to sit again to-morrow (Friday).

Post Office and Telegraph (Railway Remuneration)

Committee to consider of authorising the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, of the amount of the railway remuneration payable in respect of the year commencing on the first day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, and any subsequent year, under any Act of the present Session to amend the Law with respect to the statutory limits on postal and telegraph rates, and with respect to the remuneration to be paid to railway companies for the conveyance of postal parcels (King's Recommendation signified), To-morrow .—[ Sir Eric Geddes. ]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Thursday evening, Mr. SPEAKER Adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Nine minutes after Two o'clock.