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Commons Chamber

Volume 132: debated on Monday 2 August 1920

House of Commons

Monday, August 2, 1920

Private Business

Brighton and Hove Gas Bill,

Norwich Corporation Bill,

Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.

Derwent Valley, Calver, and Bakewell Railway Bill [ Lords ],

Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

South Suburban Gas Bill [ Lords ],

As amended, considered.

Ordered, That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]

Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Dunfermline and District Tramways Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords ],

Considered; to be read the Third time To-morrow.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

British Clearing House (Enemy Debts)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the 615 officials and others employed at the Enemy's Debts Clearing House and the Reparation Clearing Department will be continued to be employed there after 15th August; if not, how many will be employed; how much per month in salaries the 615 officials are costing British subjects, whether as taxpayers or creditors; apart from the cost in rent, rates, and taxes of the buildings in Stamford Street and other streets; and how much in salaries these two Departments have cost since they were instituted?

The date referred to by my hon. Friend will occur during a period of maximum pressure on the staffs of the two Departments, and no reduction will then be possible.

The present average monthly salaries of the staffs of the two Departments referred to are as follows:—

£

Clearing Office

6,594

Reparation Claims Department

1,987

The gross amount paid in salaries to the 27th instant is as follows:—

£

s.

d.

Clearing Office

44,509

0

3

Reparation Claims Department

11,926

0

0

Transport

Railway Rates and Fares (Increase)

asked the Minister of Transport whether the Advisory Committee on Railway Rates has made any Report as regards increasing the existing rates for goods; and, considering that passenger fares are to be increased from 6th August, can he state when goods rates will be increased, and also to what extent?

The Report of the Rates Advisory Committee, as regards increasing the rates and charges for merchandise and other traffic by freight and passenger train, has just been received, and is now under consideration. It is proposed that the increases should come into operation on 1st September, which is the earliest date by which the necessary arrangements can be made.

asked the Minister of Transport whether he will instruct all the railway companies, in view of the further increase of fares from 6th August, that railway tickets shall now be issued with the exact amount of the fare printed or written on the same, so as to prevent disputes and delays taking place at crowded passenger stations?

In their Report upon passenger fares the Rates Advisory Committee recommend that as soon as possible after the new fares are brought into operation the correct actual fare should be printed upon the tickets, and the railway companies have been requested to give effect to this recommendation.

asked the Minister of Transport what means he proposes to adopt for the purpose of making easily understood the percentages of advances in railway fares over pre-War rates in order to avoid any risk of friction caused by disputes at the ticket-collecting offices?

Notices will be prominently displayed at the various booking offices indicating the increase made in fares, and effect will be given as soon as possible to the recommendation of the Rates Advisory Committee that tickets should be printed showing the fare chargeable.

asked the Minister of Transport whether the railway companies have deducted during the period of control, and are still deducting, from the return of their net receipts the 4 per cent. increase in fares which followed upon a wages settlement prior to control; whether this deduction, if made, amounts to a sum estimated at £5,000,000; and what is the present attitude of the Ministry of Transport towards this sum or any sum deducted in the manner stated from claims submitted to the Ministry by the railway companies?

The railway companies have made deductions since the beginning of the War in respect of 4 per cent. increase in goods rates, not passenger fares as stated. The total sum is approximately the amount mentioned by the right hon. Member. My attitude after consulting the Law Officers is that by far the larger proportion of the sum in question is due to the State.

21 & 23.

asked the Minister of Transport (1) whether, when considering the increase of railway rates now pending on goods and mineral traffic, he will have regard to the desirability of maintaining free competition between railway traffic and seaborne traffic provided there are proper safeguards against advantage being given to foreign produce over home produce;

(2) whether he is aware that the trade of the iron and steel industries has been built up over a long series of years on the basis of exceptional railway rates which, prior to the War, proved profitable both to the railway companies and to the industry; and whether the amount of the proposed increase in railway rates will be based merely on the sum necessary to render the railway companies self-supporting, or will the increase be such as to destroy all competition with freights in order to enable the shipping industry to make a profit out of their coastal services?

The Rates Advisory Committee have given the fullest consideration to this matter, and particularly to the statement made by the iron and steel trades in their evidence that those industries have been built up on the existence of exceptional railway rates. In their Report on the interim increase of merchandise rates, the Committee have not recommended any differentiation between class rates and exceptional rates. The increases they recommend represent their advice as to how the necessary additional revenue can be obtained to render the railways self-supporting with the least disturbance to trade.

Are we to understand that these particular trades will not be asked to pay a bigger proportional increase than other industries?

Did the Advisory Committee consider the question of foreign competition as well in connection with this matter?

I am afraid I cannot say off-hand what they considered. Their Report has only just come to me, and I have only looked at it in order to enable me to reply to this question.

Canals

asked the Minister of Transport if he will state in what manner and from what fund it is proposed that the owners of canal undertakings shall repay to the Treasury any moneys advanced to them, in accordance with the statement recently issued to the Press, to enable them to pay their working expenses after the subsidy has ceased and before rates, tolls, and charges, can be raised?

asked the Minister of Transport whether any communications have been received from canal companies declining the terms upon which the Ministry of Transport proposes that they shall be carried on after 31st August and stating that it will not be possible to continue working after that date unless the Ministry of Transport will make provision either for guaranteeing the expenses or for continuing the subsidy until the tolls, rates, and charges can be increased; whether the railway-owned canals have been given more advantageous terms than those proposed to other canals; and what reason there is for this different treatment?

asked the Minister of Transport whether he is aware that, unless steps are taken to avert such a disaster, all the independently owned canals and waterways in the country will be compelled to close down upon 31st August; and whether he contemplates such an occurrence as a result of the policy of his Ministry?

The Defence of the Realm Regulation under which canals were controlled in 1917 ceases to have effect on 31st August. In March, 1920, during wage negotiations, the Ministry of Transport, although pressed to do so, declined to take an active part, and referred the companies to the Ministry of Labour, thereby clearly showing that the Ministry of Transport was not taking any direct responsibility for the settlement which their representative did not sign by my instructions. The notes of a meeting on 18th March make this quite clear, and the canal companies dealt with this labour advance in that way and on their own responsibility. As in the case of tramways, docks, and all other transport undertakings, canal, companies require increased charging power. The Ministry of Transport Act gave the power to authorise increased Charges after reference to the statutory body set up for the purpose. The canal companies, however, in March this year pressed for the subsidy, now at the rate of £1,400,000 a year, to be continued. The level of competition of railway rates is the principal, if not the decisive, factor in the ability of canals to earn a living, and this could not be foreseen until the Rates Advisory Committee had made its recent Report. The proportionate increase allotted to goods rates should make it possible for canal companies to meet their expenses without further subsidy, and 17 applications for control received have already been disposed of. I see no reason why the necessary formalities cannot be completed to enable these companies to raise their charges by 14th September, and between the lapse of the Regulation on 31st August, under which the subsidy is paid, and the increase in rates the Government has offered to render temporary financial assistance to controlled canals under the Ministry of Transport Act, if circumstances justify it.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman to reply to my question, which he has not answered at all?

Would the right hon. Gentleman also reply to my question, which he has not answered?

I have endeavoured to answer them both. If the canal companies after the 14 days find that the assistance which the Ministry of Transport can render them is insufficient they will have to meet it out of the general receipts which they will be getting from these tolls.

Will the right hon. Gentleman guarantee that there will be only an interval of 14 days between the time when the subsidy ends and the time when the rates will be increased? Is it not necessary to give a month's notice?

In the case of 17 of these companies the month is already running. In the case of others who have not applied there are a number of days within which they can apply, but I see no reason why for those who have applied these rates should not come into force.

Will the right hon. Gentleman guarantee that by the 14th September they will be in force?

There is no reason why those who have applied should not be able to introduce them by the 14th.

Is it a fact, as suggested in my question, that some canal companies have said they would not be able to continue working after 31st August unless some arrangements are made by the Ministry to enable them to provide for their expenses?

Will the right hon. Gentleman also say whether, as also suggested in my question, railway-owned canals have been given more advantageous terms than other canals?

Railway-owned canals are included under the general guarantees given in 1914 and 1916, and of the reasons for that I have no doubt my hon. and learned Friend is well aware. The canals themselves have not been specially treated, and railway-owned canals are having their rates put up just as the others.

asked the Minister of Transport whether his Department have any intention to recommend to the railway companies that they should reintroduce excursion, week-end, and tourist fares; and whether he can hold out any hope of any of these being put into force during the present holiday season?

I dealt with this matter in the Debate on Thursday, and I cannot add to the full statement I then made.

Do I understand that the North-country industrial people are to be still further penalised in comparison with the advantageous terms given to the South and Midlands, in respect to date of advance?

Locomotives and Rolling Stock

asked the Minister of Transport if he can state if the railway systems of the United Kingdom are suffering from any deficiency, and, if so, to what extent, in locomotives and rolling stock as compared with pre-War figures; and, if so, whether he can give a date when it is expected that the railway companies may reach the pre-War level?

The stock of locomotives on standard gauge railways in Great Britain on April 25th last, was 24,496, as compared with 23,612 on December 31st, 1913. There are, however, a larger number of engines under and awaiting repair than at the end of 1913, consequently there is a temporary shortage of engine power. Corresponding figures as regards coaching stock are 72,800 and 75,700, and wagon stock 733,800 and 735,200 respectively. These figures exclude privately owned wagons, in respect of which accurate figures are not available. The deficiency is being dealt with, and as regards wagon stock the pre-War standard will be exceeded by the end of the current year.

Midland Railway Station, Nottingham

asked the Minister of Transport whether he has now seen the correspondence between the Midland Railway Company and the Corporation of Nottingham upon the subject of the reopening of the closed exit from their station; and will he say what steps he can take to meet the wishes expressed in the Memorial presented to this House by the travelling public using this station?

I have seen the correspondence referred to. As was stated in answer to a question by the hon. Baronet the Member for Holborn (Sir J. Remnant), I am advised that I have no legal power to compel the Midland Railway Company to re-open the closed exit.

Are we to understand that, after thirteen months, it has only now been discovered that the right hon. Gentleman has no legal power; and, if he has no legal power, will he use his good offices as Minister of Transport to see what can be done?

I have made en deavours, as I assured my hon. Friend I would, in the most sympathetic way to get the Midland Railway Company to undertake this. I understood that they questioned any power on my part to give them directions, and on taking legal advice I was advised that I had not that power. I have used my good offices as far as I could. I asked the Midland Railway Company to deal with it in that spirit, but they have not yet been able to come to an arrangement.

Will the right hon. Gentleman call the attention of the Midland Railway Company to the fact that Messrs. Boots have offered to contribute £100 towards the expense?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the country districts outside the boundaries of the corporation are interested in this question, and that many thousands of people from the outlying districts use the station every day?

Railway Reserve Funds

asked the Minister of Transport whether the railway companies were permitted during the period of the War to accumulate reserve funds amounting to a sum of about £40,000,000 to be devoted to purposes of maintenance and renewals which, because of the War, could not then be executed; and whether the railway companies are prepared now to spend this money on renewals and repairs before any such further claims are made upon the State under any existing agreements?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, but the sum involved is about £36,000,000, not £40,000,000 which is a figure given in the Press. The sum is made up of periodical reservations in respect of renewals and repairs on the standard of 1913, which owing to the War, the companies could not execute annually. The Ministry of Transport claim that it is impossible to say that the renewal and repair work being done to-day is all attributable to the current year and that it is not the accumulation of arrears which ought to be met out of the funds referred to. The railway companies have not yet accepted this view. As the matter is under discussion and turns largely upon the legal construction of complicated documents and correspondence, I am not now in a position to give further information on this point. Under the arrangements any company doing less renewal and repair work than the 1913 standard in any one year, is entitled under certain conditions to reserve the amount under-spent, and under certain headings some companies are still doing so.

North-Eastern Railway Company

asked the Minister of Transport whether a final decision has yet been arrived at in regard to the claim of the North-Eastern Railway Company that the £50,000 paid to the ex-deputy general manager should be met under the State guarantee; and, if not, can he say whether the matter in dispute has been submitted to the Law Officers of the Crown and what opinion they have given?

As I informed the hon. Member on the 6th ultimo this question is being dealt with by the Treasury and not by the Ministry of Transport. That is why the hon. Mem should put questions to the Treasury. A final decision has not yet been arrived at, nor has the matter yet been submitted to the Law Officers of the Crown. The Treasury is in correspondence with the North-Eastern Railway Company in regard to the grounds upon which it is contended that the sum in question is a proper charge against the Government.

Does the right hon. Gentleman mean that all questions affecting railway finance are now to be transferred to his Department, and are not to go to the Ministry of Transport?

No. I thought I had made it clear to the hon. Gentleman the subject of this claim of the North-Eastern Railway Company was first brought to my notice by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport, and he asked that, as he was personally concerned, the matter should be dealt with by the Treasury, and not by the Ministry of Transport. Accordingly, from the first it has been dealt with by the Treasury, and it is on that matter alone that we should be asked to answer questions.

London Traffic Board

asked the Minister of Transport whether he can now state whether it is the intention of the Government, or not, to set up a traffic board for London?

I would refer my Noble and gallant Friend to the replies which were given him on the 12th instant, and to the hon. Member for Hornsey on 24th June, to which I have nothing to add at present.

Motor Chars-à-Bancs

asked the Minister of Transport whether, seeing there is no legal limit to the number of passengers which may be carried by a motor char-à-bancs, nor as to how they may be accommodated, except in the Metropolitan police area, he will state what is the reason for this difference; and is it proposed to remedy these anomalies?

Outside the Metropolitan police area motor chars-a-bancs are licensed to ply for hire as hackney stage carriages in boroughs and urban districts by the police or local authority (under the Towns Police Clauses Acts and various local Acts), who prescribe the number of passengers which may be carried in the vehicle. The whole question of the regulation of these vehicles is now being considered by the Departmental Committee on the Regulation of Road Vehicles, who will make recommendations to me as to the action which they consider should be taken to bring the ex sting provisions as to licensing, etc.—which are, for the most part, out of date—in accord with modern requirements. I anticipate that if the Committee's recommendations are to be carried into effect, legislation will be necessary.

Railway Revenue and Expenditure

asked the Minister of Transport whether the balance of revenue earned over expenditure on the railways of Great Britain has been reduced by a loss of £426,527 on services other than railway services, including hotels, refreshment rooms, and other separate businesses; and whether he can give figures showing the excesses of expenditure over revenue under each of the headings enumerated in Statement No. 2, Cmd. 815?

The balance of revenue earned over expenditure (Railway Working Account) shown by controlled railways in Great Britain in respect of the financial year ended 31st March, 1920, namely, £7,587,747, was reduced by a loss on "other business" of £426,527, as stated by the hon. Member, leaving a net balance of £7,161,220. I am giving the detailed figures in the OFFICIAL REPORT, as I think that will suit the convenience of the House.

Following are the detailed figures promised:

£

Omnibuses

Loss

40,242

Steamboats

Loss

62,199

Canals

Loss

417,159

Docks Harbours, and Wharves

Loss

599,605

Hotels, Refreshment Rooms and Cars

Profit

770,028

Other businesses

Loss

77,350

East London Railways

asked the Minister of Transport if he is aware that the London County Council propose building thousands of houses in the district of Dagenham to relieve the overcrowding in East London, and can he say what arrangements he proposes to make to meet this increased traffic; if his attention has been called to the transport scheme devised by Mr. T. H. Mawson for the removal of the station at Fenchurch Street and the laying of additional lines at Mark Lane; and, if so, is he prepared to give favourable consideration to such, or similar, proposals for the purpose of dealing with the conditions now existing on East London railways?

I am aware of the Dagenham Housing scheme, and responsible officers of the Ministry of Transport are investigating in conjunction with the general managers of the railway companies concerned the best means of catering for this increased traffic. I have heard generally of Mr. Mawson's scheme, and if he will forward detailed proposals these will be considered with the railway companies.

Excursion Trains

asked the Minister of Transport whether the inability of the railway companies to run excursion trains even at fares which would make such trains a paying proposition arises solely from lack of adequate rolling stock; and, if so, will he say what extra, efforts are being made by the railway executives to deal with the after-War deficiency of passenger wagons?

The hon. and gallant Member will see from pages 210, 211, and 212 of the evidence given before the Rates Advisory Committee on the 22nd July that shortage of engine power (not passenger-carrying coaches) was only one of the reasons given on behalf of the railway companies against the running of excursion trains. All available capacity for repair and new construction of locomotives is being utilised to make good the deficiency of engine power arising out of the War, but progress in this matter was retarded, inter alia; by the lengthy moulders' strike.

Questions

Danzig and Allenstein (British Troops)

asked the Prime Minister why British troops are still retained at Danzig and Allenstein; when they are going to be withdrawn; and whether steps will be taken to ensure that these British soldiers do not become involved in disturbances or fighting arising out of the Russo-Polish War?

British troops are retained in Danzig for the purpose of supporting the authority of the temporary Administrator pending the completion of the organisation of local forces and administration. In Allenstein British troops are retained pending the taking over by the Powers concerned of the territory allotted as a result of the plebiscite. It is hoped that the battalion at Allenstein will be withdrawn almost immediately, but it is impossible to indicate definitely when the battalion at Danzig will be withdrawn. The answer to the last part of the question is in the affirmative.

May I ask if that means that the right hon. Gentleman will give an assurance that no battalion of British troops is going to be cut off, necessitating large reinforcements to rescue them, in this area?

By any disturbed elements that may be operating. May I ask respectfully for a reply? As the right hon. Gentleman will recollect, that is what happened in North Russia.

If the hon. and gallant Member desires a formal assurance, he had better put down a question. It is a serious matter.

Ireland

Strategical Position

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the declaration by the hon. Member for East Clare at the Gonzaga Hall, Washington, on the 25th July last, to the effect that he would be prepared to recommend a solution of the Irish problem along the lines of the first article of the Platt Amendment for Cuba to the Irish people; whether such a solution would safeguard the strategical position of Great Britain; and whether he has considered the possibility of entering into negotiations with the Sinn Fein leaders on this basis?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative and to the remainder of the question in the negative. The proposal would involve the acceptance of an independent Republic in Ireland. To this we can never assent.

Does the right hon. Gentleman intend to proceed with what is known as the Government of Ireland Bill?

Is the right hon. Gentleman serious? Is he seriously proposing to go on with that as a solution to the Irish Question?

Outrages

asked the Prime Minister how many soldiers, policemen, and other citizens, respectively, have been killed by revolutionaries in Ireland during the month of July; and whether, having these figures in view, he will reconsider the decision to postpone till after the autumn holidays the passing of the Government of Ireland Bill in which the remedial policy of the Government is embodied?

It is a question of time for the House of Commons and the House of Lords as well. There is a limit to the endurance of Members, and it would involve, undoubtedly, their sitting here for several weeks longer, and the Government do not feel they can accept any responsibility, and they think more effective work would be done if the House adjourned and resumed its deliberations later on.

Does the right hon. Gentleman regard the passing of this Bill as essential to good government in Ireland, and if he does, does he think Members will place two or three weeks off their holidays, or even longer, as against the killing of these brave and gallant men which is going on every day? Does not civil war override everything?

That is the same question in another form. I can only answer it by saying if the House of Commons felt certain the carrying of this Bill, even at the expense of an additional six weeks or two months, would immediately put an end to massacre and outrage, I do not believe there is a Member of the House who would object to staying here. One has only to listen to what is said by the hon. Member opposite (Mr. Devlin) to see that he, who is not in the least responsible for any of these offences, or anyone who is associated with them, does not think so.

The right hon. Gentleman has introduced my name. Is he aware that a great deal of the irritation that has caused these outrages in Ireland, and the general irritation in the country, has been caused as a manifestation of the resentment and indignation of the country at these proposals?

If I thought that, I should regard the Irish situation as more desperate than ever. The mere fact that the House of Commons is doing its best, according to its lights, to try to meet the legitimate demands of Ireland should be given as a legitimate excuse for murder and outrage shows how impossible the situation is.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, so far from these proposals satisfying the legitimate aspirations of the Irish people, they are regarded as an insult to the aspirations of the Irish people?

I have stated repeatedly that there is no doubt that in the present temper of the Irish people, which my hon. Friend does not represent—I am putting that as showing that the bulk of the Irish people are putting forward demands which he does not support because they are so unreasonable, and therefore, under those conditions, I cannot hope that any measure that is carried by the House of Commons—by any British House of Commons—will meet extreme extravagant demands of that character.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the policy of the Government is driving moderate men of all sections into the extreme movement, and is it the policy of the Government not to leave a single leg for a moderate man to stand on in Ireland? He has stated that we do not represent anyone in Ireland.

Well, we do not represent Ireland. Is he aware that when we did represent Ireland, we were not listened to?

I can hardly accept the last statement. I do not know who had a better hearing.

Listened to pretty effectively, too. We did our very best to meet them according to our own views, and what was right and fair for both partners in these islands. With regard to the last question, I do not agree with the hon. Member that moderate opinion in Ireland has anything whatever to do with these outrages. I firmly believe that they are the work of a small and infinitesimal minority of the Irish people. Therefore I cannot associate moderate views in Ireland with these outrages.

That was not the question I put. I asked whether, with the knowledge in the right hon. Gentleman's possession, it is not a fact that the present policy of the Government is driving every moderate man in Ireland into the extreme camp of terrorism?

The terrorism is the work of a very small minority, and moderate people are terrorised to such an extent that they dare not express their views. I have seen signs even in the last few days that moderate opinion in Ireland is beginning to assert itself, and the last evidence of it is a very fearless verdict in the case of the murder of Mr. Brooke.

Murder of Colonel Smyth

asked the Secretary for War whether he has received information to the effect that after the murder of Colonel Smyth in Cork the troops, under great provocation, behaved with self-restraint and preserved complete discipline?

Yes, Sir. I am informed that on the occasion referred to the behaviour of the troops was as stated by the hon. Member.

Irish National Foresters, Enniscorthy

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that on the 20th instant the military raided the hall of the Enniscorthy branch of the Irish National Foresters, damaged some of the fittings, and ordered all the members present to stand with their hands above their heads for over an hour; whether he is also aware that the annual conference of this non-sectarian and non-political friendly society is to be opened in the same hall on Monday, 2nd August, with dele- gates from all parts of the United Kingdom in attendance; and whether he will give an assurance that steps will be taken to prevent the proceedings of the conference or the delegates being interfered with in any unwarrantable way?

I have made careful inquiry into this matter, and have ascertained that there was good reason to suppose that the meeting to which the hon. Member refers was not the only meeting which took place on the date and at the hall in question. The search which was carried out by the military was not directed against the Irish National Foresters, nor will there be any interference with the annual conference to be held on the 2nd August, but I can give no such guarantee as regards any other meeting which may be held in any other room under the same roof at the same time.

Brigadier-General Lucas

asked the Secretary of State for War if he will state the purpose of the search for General Lucas; and whether the Government has decided to endanger the liberty of other British generals by continuing the occupation of Ireland?

As the hon. Member is aware, General Lucas has now regained his liberty. As regards the policy of the Government concerning Ireland, I can add nothing to the statements that have already been made. I cannot see why the policy of the British Government to re-establish and maintain law and order should be influenced in any way by an incident of this kind, except that it should be pressed on with greater vigour.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether General Lucas actually escaped, or was released?

My information is that he made his escape from the confinement to which he had been kept by his kidnappers.

Disturbances, Belfast

( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary whether his attention has been called to the meetings held in the shipyards of Belfast and in other centres of North-East Ulster, at which decisions were arrived at not to allow Catholic workers to return to their employment; and whether, in pursuance of his former statement in the House, he can now say what steps he has taken to deal with those who organised those meetings, and who are continuing to carry on an illegal conspiracy to prevent Catholics, many of whom are ex-service men, from carrying on their legitimate occupations, and what action will be taken to reinstate and protect those workers in their employment?

I posted the question on Saturday to the Irish Office. I thought from Saturday to Monday was fair notice of a Private Notice question.

Had I received the question it would have been most adequate notice. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will address the Postmaster-General as to the delay. Speaking generally I would remind my hon. Friend that I have no power to insist upon employers employing Roman Catholics, Orangemen, or anybody else. I have no power to compel one trade unionist to work alongside another, against whom he has an antipathy, as I think an unreasonable antipathy. I regret, therefore, that I do not see how I can do anything to compel the employment of the employés to whom the hon. Gentleman refers.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that according to their own description of it they are introducing a Bill on Thursday next to defend citizens from territorism? What I want to know is if on Thursday next there will be any Clause in the Bill to protect these citizens who are being assailed in this fashion which renders it impossible for them to carry on their citizen rights, and what he proposes to do to protect those men at their work? Is the Government prepared to pay these men unemployment donation when they are kept out of work?

In regard to the last question put by the hon. Gentleman, I do not see how the Government can pay out-of-work donation in the particular case to which he refers, but that is not a ques- tion that should be addressed to me; it should be addressed, I think, to the Minister of Labour.

Will there be any Clause in this Bill next Thursday for the purpose of protecting citizens in the discharge of their legitimate duty from the terrorism that is brought to bear upon them in driving them from their work?

The Bill, I hope, will be in the hands of hon. Members tomorrow, and I do not think it would be right for me to say at this moment what is within the confines of the Bill.

May I ask if there is any difference in principle between what is complained of and the well established trade union practice of refusing to work with men who do not belong to the union?

May I ask whether it is a fact that pressure is being brought to bear upon the workers who work against the views of their fellow workers, and whether it would not be illegal for these people organising against the workers if force ws used? In this case, what I maintain is that force has been used against these men, and they are attacked, and speeches are made threatening to assault them physically if they go back to their work. Is that an illegal thing, or is it to be one law in the south and another law in the north?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a resolution passed by the workers in the Queen's Island shipyards states that they will refuse to work with disloyalists and Sinn Feiners until such time as the railwaymen consent to carry munitions and armed forces of the Crown? Also is he aware of the fact that a number of ex-service men have been driven from their employment in Messrs. Anderson's works in the Short Strand, a Nationalist quarter of the city?

I am painfully aware of many things in connection with Ireland, and I am aware of the bitter dispute still going on within certain trade unions themselves in Belfast in reference to the religious and political views of the Members, but I do not think I can usefully add anything to what I have already said.

Am I to take it now from the right hon. Gentleman that the declared policy of the Government is that they refuse to take steps to defend citizens in the legitimate discharge of their duty?

The hon. Gentleman well knows that the Government is doing its best to protect all innocent people throughout Ireland, and it will continue to do so. I repeat that it is impossible for any Government to compel employers to employ or workmen to work.

Questions

Albania

asked the Prime Minister if Albanian nationality was recognised and Albanian independence was guaranteed after the Ambassadors' Conference in London under the Chairmanship of Lord Grey of Fallodon in 1913; and if His Majesty's Government will use its good offices to secure the territorial integrity and political independence of this neutral state?

His Majesty's Government have every sympathy with Albanian nationalism, but they are unable to act independently in a matter which directly concerns the interests of other Allied powers.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether an agreement has now been reached between Italy and Albania, and whether the Italians have evacuated Avlona?

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any official information showing that the Italian Government is now negotiating with representatives of the Albanians with a view to the evacuation of Albania and the establishment of an independent Albanian State?

I have no official information on the subject, but I would refer the hon. Member to the statement made in the Italian Chamber of Deputies by the Italian Prime Minister on the 24th June last, to the effect that Italy did not favour the idea of a protectorate over Albania, but wished it to be independent.

Channel Tunnel

asked the Prime Minister whether a, communication has reached him asking him to meet a representative deputation on the question of the Channel Tunnel; whether the deputation is to be received; and, if not, if he can now give the decision of the Government with reference to the construction of the tunnel?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As I informed my hon. Friend the Member for Great Yarmouth in a letter dated the 24th July, the pressure of urgent work is so great at present that I must ask him to leave the matter over for the moment. As regards the last part of the question, I regret that I am not in a position to announce the decision of the Government.

Munitions

Richborough Port (Stores)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Munitions whether all or part of the stores at Richborough have now been sold; if so, can he state in what manner offers were obtained; if the highest tender was accepted; can he state the name of the firm or firms whose offers have been accepted; what is the approximate value of the stores sold at this depot up to date; and if there are still further stocks to be sold there?

The port of Rich-borough is still being used as a receiving port for stores which are being returned to this country from overseas, and although a vast quantity of stores have already been disposed of at the port, the stocks are constantly being supplemented by fresh importations from overseas. In accordance with the general policy of the Disposal Board sales have been effected by auction and by tender and in some special cases by private treaty also. In all cases the best offer has been accepted. I regret that I am unable to give a complete list of purchasers and the total sum realised by sales as the goods sold by the Disposal Board are credited in the accounts according to their description and not according to where they were sold. I could not, therefore, give the information desired by my hon. Friend without great clerical labour. Perhaps my hon. Friend will see me on the matter.

Wool (Accounts)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Munitions whether his attention has been drawn to recent public utterances in Australia complaining that it has been impossible to obtain from the Imperial Government any statement regarding wool accounts and the bonuses falling due to the wool growers whether the Colonial wool accounts printed in Cmd. 788, some of them dated so far back as 31st March, 1919, were not communicated to the Australian Government as soon as completed; and whether steps have yet been taken to pay over to the Australian and New Zealand Governments the bonuses which have been ascertained to be due to the wool growers?

As the reply is a lengthy one, I propose to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The following is the reply referred to:

I am aware that some complaints have been made of the kind referred to in the first part of the hon. Member's question, but no ground for dissatisfaction really exists. All the accounts and balance sheets printed in Cmd. 788 were communicated to the Australian Government as soon as completed, commencing with the accounts up to 31st March, 1918, which were forwarded on 4th June, 1919. There has been no avoidable delay in completing the yearly accounts, but owing to the immense amount of detail involved it is impossible to complete them until a year after date. Details of sales of wool have, however, been communicated to the Australian Authorities immediately after they are effected, at monthly intervals, in the same way that the Australian Authorities have communicated details of their purchases. The payment of a bonus to New Zealand wool growers equal to one half of the profits ascertained up to 31st March, 1919, has recently been arranged. The Australian Government have been informed that the sum of £6,486,991, corresponding to one-half of the profits on Australian wool sold up to 31st March, 1919, will be credited to them as soon as they have definitely accepted the accounts as rendered and have complied with certain other conditions considered to be requisite by His Majesty's Treasury. No payments on account of bonuses have become due either to Australia or New Zealand until very recently, because until May of this year the wool accounts were continually in debit, and no funds, therefore, existed out of which a bonus in cash could be paid.

Questions

Royal Parks (Memorials)

asked the First Commissioner of Works whether he can assure the House that no proposal is in contemplation for curtailing the space in any of the Royal parks for the purpose of any monument or public memorial?

I have declined to consider any proposal which would in any way entail an encroachment on the parks proper. A site has been allotted for a memorial to the Guards opposite the Horse Guards Parade on the edge of St. James's Park, but this will not affect the grass area of the park.

I do not think it will affect any growing plants. It may affect a slight edge, and the railing will be set back.

Am I to understand that the park is to be encroached upon, that the very limited space which is of extreme importance in the Metropolis will be still further encroached upon by this monument?

No. As a matter of fact, a small edging and the railing will be set back, but it will not affect the grass area. Another part which is not in the park, under the scheme will be thrown into the park, and the park area will be larger than before.

Will the plan be submitted for inspection of Members of the House before any plans are adopted which will encroach upon the park in any way whatever?

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the question of hanging in the tea room a large drawing which everyone can examine and criticise?

I will consider that. I do not think the plans are forward enough to enable that to be done now, but I will certainly do so.

Will the right hon. Gentleman remember that one of the most beautiful parts in St. James's Park are the plants, trees, and shrubs which grow on each side, and that these are to be encroached upon; it is no satisfaction to say that no grass space will be encroached upon?

National Health Insurance (Stamps)

asked the Minister of Health if he will issue instructions that persons holding National Health stamps for which no further use is required may exchange them at any post office for ordinary postage stamps or cash?

Arrangements are already in existence under which persons in possession of unused National Health Insurance Stamps for which they have no further use can obtain a refund of the value of the stamps from the Inland Revenue Department in accordance with a procedure explained in a Memorandum, a copy of which I will send my hon. and gallant Friend.

Scotland

Continuation Classes

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he is aware that in the minutes providing for the payment of grants under the Education (Scotland) Fund under Section 21 (2) ( a ) of the Education (Scotland) Act, 1918, no provision is made for payment on the enrolment of young persons in continuation classes or for teachers employed in these classes; and whether he is in a position to indicate how the expenditure incurred by Scottish education authorities on continuation schools or classes is to be met?

I am aware that the minute of the 30th June last does not provide for grant in respect of the number of pupils attending continuation classes, or of teachers employed in these classes. Expenditure incurred by Scottish education authorities on continuation classes is taken into account, together with other expenditure, for the purpose of Section 1 ( b ) of the Minute, and has an important effect upon the amount of grant payable under this Sub-section.

Would it not be possible to make a much more definite statement on behalf of the Department, in view of the uncertainty of the Scottish education authorities whether their expenditure will be covered?

Perhaps the hon. Member will give expression to the view on the Estimates next Wednesday.

Revision of Sentence (James Martin)

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, in view of the accused's good behaviour for the past 10 years, he will cause the sentence of nine months' imprisonment awarded to James Martin for assault in the Airdrie sheriff court to be reviewed?

I am considering this case and I hope to reach a decision in the course of this week.

Will the right hon. Gentleman not only consider the fact of this man's 10 years' most excellent character, but also the fact that his employers describe him as a most industrious workman?

Housing

Labour (Scotland)

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether any more joiners, bricklayers, and general labourers have been obtained for Scottish housing schemes since the figures given as available on 15th June?

According to returns as at 15th July, the number of bricklayers and masons has increased by 17, the number of joiners has increased by 73, and the number of other skilled and unskilled workmen has decreased by 418.

Does that mean that there is a deficiency of over 14,000 out of 17,000 workers required still for housing in Scotland this year?

Construction (Scotland)

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, in view of the Debate on Scottish Estimates, he will give the latest figures available of the number of houses completed in Scotland under the Housing Acts of 1919, and the number of houses for which schemes and tenders have been approved?

As at 15th July, 138 permanent houses were occupied and six were ready for occupancy. In addition, 136 temporary houses were occupied Up to 29th July, the Scottish Board of Health had approved schemes for 108,916 houses and tenders for 10,869.

Housing Bonds (Income Tax)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that local authorities find that the deduction at the source of Income Tax on local housing bonds is prejudicial to their issue; and if, in view of the vital necessity of making a success of these bonds, he will consider allowing Income Tax to be recovered later, irrespective of the amount of holding, in the same manner as was allowed for Government issues during the War?

No, Sir. I am not prepared to go beyond the special concession made in the Housing Act of last year, under which interest on holdings not exceeding £100 is paid without deduction of tax. This matter was fully considered by the Royal Commission on the Income Tax, and their recommendation was against extending freedom from deduction at the source.

In view of the urgency in respect of housing and the difficulty of raising locally loans, which will otherwise fall on the Chancellor of the Exchequer, will the right hon. Gentleman consult with the Board of Health further on this matter?

I have given very full consideration to it, and have consulted with my colleague. The deduction of Income Tax at the source is the great protection of the Income Tax, and it is very undesirable that freedom from deduction at the source should be extended further. That is not merely my opinion but the opinion of the Royal Commission, which has investigated the whole matter.

Empty Houses, Windsor

asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been drawn to the action of the Woods and Forests Department in refusing to lease to the Windsor Corporation two empty houses in Osborne Road; whether he is aware that these houses have been empty for some years and are capable of holding four or five families; and whether, in view of the shortage of houses in this district, he proposes to take any action in the matter?

The houses in question have been inspected on behalf of the Ministry of Health and are considered entirely unsuitable for conversion into working-class dwellings. My right hon. Friend understands that the same view is held by the Housing Committee of the local authority. He does not propose therefore to taken any further action in the matter.

Questions

Hours of Employment Bill

asked the Minister of Labour whether the Bill limiting the hours of labour to eight hours a day with certain qualifications, as provided for in convention at Washington last year, is to be proceeded with and carried into law this year in accordance with the commitments of the Government?

We hope to introduce and proceed with the Hours of Employment Bill after the Recess.

Ex-Service Men

Musical Training

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that disabled soldiers who are being trained in violin playing under the Ministry are not provided with a violin, even though they do not own and are without the means of purchasing one; and whether he proposes to take any steps to remedy this matter?

Grants for violin training and musical training generally fall to be dealt with by the Board of Education in higher educational institutions and by the Appointments Department in other cases. If the application of the candidate whom the hon. Member has in mind is being dealt with by the Board of Education, he should inquire of them. If the application is with the Appointments Department and the position is that the training grants scheme does not include specific payment for equipment, but where such equipment is essential, the maintenance grant may, in suitable cases, be increased provided that it does not exceed the maximum.

Questions

Cable Messages, India

asked the Postmaster-General whether Government messages received from India all have a red slip pasted on, with the words Government priority; whether the same priority applies to Government telegrams sent from this country to India; and whether such Government messages, though only paid for at 10d. a word, have priority, not only over the ordinary telegrams at 1s. 8d. a word, but also over the triple-rate messages at 5s. a word?

It is the Eastern Telegraph Company's practice to mark all British Government telegrams with a red slip, but only those which are specially marked by the senders as urgent are given priority over private messages. Other British Government telegrams have, since the beginning of last year, taken turn on the Company's system with private telegrams paid at ordinary rates. All British Government telegrams are transmitted by the Company at half rates under the terms of their landing licences.

Is it not very misleading to attach this red slip of "Government priority," and does it not naturally lead to dissatisfaction among people who are spending 5s. a word on cables?

I will refer to the Company what the hon. and gallant Gentleman has said.

asked the Postmaster-General whether he can say what is the greatest number of hours' delay which has taken place for the last month for which figures are available, between the handing in of telegrams for India at full-message rates at local telegraph offices and their despatch by the Eastern Telegraph Company's cable to India?

The Eastern Telegraph Company have no such figures immediately available, but they are taking steps to procure them, and I will communicate them to the hon. Member as soon as possible.

Mauritius

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what steeps have been or are being taken to counteract the movement for retrocession of the island of Mauritius organised by known agitators, some of whom are reported as being responsible for the trouble in 1911 and who are endeavouring to bring about a recurrence of that trouble; and will he state whether the Indian population of the island are loyal or if they are showing signs of joining in an anti-British movement?

As I stated in my reply to the hon. Member for Sevenoaks on 11th December last, no importance need be attached to the movement referred to which is repudiated by the great majority of all classes in Mauritius, including the Indian population. I have received no report from the Governor suggesting the desirability of any special measures in this connection.

British Army

Building Trade Employes (Scotland)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has received representations from the Amalgamated Society of Carpenters and Joiners with reference to the remuneration of their members employed at Leith Fort, the Ordnance Depôt, Stirling, and also at West Fenton aerodrome; whether these men have been paid anything under the award of the Industrial Court No. 14, dated 23rd December last, giving an advance of 1¼d. per hour to all operatives in the Scottish building trades; whether a further advance of 4½d. has just been made in settlement of the recent dispute; and whether the men employed in these departments will receive the new rates without further delay?

Inquiries are being made, and I will inform the hon. Member of the result as soon as possible.

Athletic Sports

asked the Secretary of State for War whether, having regard to the necessity for the encouragement of athletic sports in the Army, he will consider the desirability of one day per week being set aside for this purpose and of providing that non-commissioned officers and men taking part in these exercises should not attend more than one parade on that particular day?

Whilst the Army Council are fully alive to the value of athletic sports, and are doing everything to encourage them compatible with the training of the soldier in his military duties, I regret it is not possible at present to give effect to the suggestion of the hon. and gallant Member.

Questions

Women, Young Persons, and Children Bill

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the Bill for the regulation of the hours of work of women, young persons, and children, as amended in Committee, in accordance with the Washington Convention, is to be passed this year?

Yes, Sir. The further stages of the Bill will be taken in the autumn.

Will it be taken without the foreign element introduced here in the Bill?

As the hon. Member knows, I have appointed a Committee to go into that question.

Is the Bill still to be hampered in going through the House by the introduction of the question of two shifts. My question is, whether the Bill is to be proceeded with as amended in Committee?

The Bill will be proceeded with in any case, but what will be done with regard to the two shifts will depend upon the report of the Committee.

In view of the urgency of the matter, is it not possible for the Bill to be taken before the adjournment for the recess, omitting the objectionable feature?

Workmen's Compensation

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department when the minutes of evidence given before the Departmental Committee on Workmen's Compensation will be printed and circulated?

The minutes of evidence will be presented in the course of this month when the index which is now being prepared has been completed.

Income Tax

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is the custom of the Inland Revenue to refund to preference shareholders in a Colonial company Colonial Income Tax at the rate of Income Tax payable in that Colony when their income, which is a fixed percentage on their investment, has not borne any Colonial tax; and, if so, how much is it unnecessarily costing the Exchequer, as the incomes of these people are no less than they were before Colonial Income Tax was imposed in that Colony?

In a case where a preference shareholder in a Colonial company receives his dividend out of a fund which has borne Dominion Income Tax and he is liable to pay United Kingdom Income Tax in respect of that dividend, a claim is admitted to the appropriate relief from double Income Tax. I have undertaken to look into this matter again, but I must not be understood to assent in any way to the suggestion that any unnecessary cost falls on the Exchequer by reason of the admission of such claims.

Pre-War Pensions

asked the Prime Minister whether pre-War Army pensioners will shortly receive an increase to their inadequate pensions?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply on 22nd July last to the hon. and gallant Member for East Fife. The announcement as far as the Army is concerned will be made by the issue of a Royal Warrant as soon as the Pensions (Increase) Bill has been passed.

Food Supplies

Stores, Nottingham

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Munitions whether half a million tins of salmon and milk are stored in the old drill hall, Nottingham, and are rapidly becoming unsaleable; and, if so, whether early steps will be taken to dispose of these accumulations?

There is no foundation whatever for the suggestion contained in the first part of the question. Some 22,000 cases of canned salmon were originally stored in the building referred to in order to relieve congestion at the ports. Of this quantity the Ministry of Food have already disposed of all but 6,000 cases, and 4,000 of these are now under negotiation for sale. I have just received a report of an examination of the stock made a few days ago by a recognised authority in the canned salmon trade. He reports that the stocks are in excellent condition and that with the exception of a few cases under a leak in the roof the storage of the stuff has been excellently arranged. No condensed milk is stored in the building in question, either on behalf of the Ministry of Food or of private traders.

Will the right hon. Gentleman put a sample of this salmon in the tea room?

Questions

Secret Service

asked the Home Secretary whether lie will make any statement as to the need for and purpose of the increased cost of working the Secret Service Department?

I do not know what Department the hon. Member describes as the Secret Service Department. There is no increase in the cost of any secret service under my control or for which I am responsible.

May we take it that the Supplementary Estimate which is to be presented to us is not under the control of the right hon. Gentleman?

Russia

Proposed Armistice

asked the Prime Minister whether the Russian note of 24th July last referred to the surrender by General Wrangel of all territory under his control; why these words were left out of the version of this Note published by His Majesty's Government; and whether he can now state the policy of His Majesty's Government towards General Wrangel?

asked the Lord Privy Seal whether the official text issued from Downing Street of M. Tchitcherin's cablegram of 29th July was a full transcript; and, if not, will he state what were the omissions?

I presume the hon. and gallant Member for Leeds refers to the telegram from M. Tchitcherin of the 24th July. This telegram, which I referred to in the House on the 26th July and which appears in the OFFICIAL REPORT of that date, was also circulated in the Press and was identical with the one which I received from the Foreign Office. Since the receipt of the hon. and gallant Member's question, however, I have made further inquiries, and I regret to say that owing to a clerical error at the Foreign Office the words "of all the territory under his control as well as of …" had been omitted. It makes no difference in the effect of the proposal, for if his Army capitulated the territory would necessarily pass from under his control. As regards the last part of the question of the hon. and gallant Member for Hull, the policy of the Government has been repeatedly stated in this House, and I have nothing to add to what has already been said.

[ The following is the telegram as published in the OFFICIAL REPORT on the 26th ultimo:

Reval, 24th July, 1920.

Following from Tchitcherin. Begins:

The Russian Government expresses its willingness to meet the desire of the British Government as to its proposal to convene a Conference with the purpose of establishing a definite agreement between Russia and other Powers, which participate in hostile actions against her or support such, and is of the opinion that the said Conference ought to be composed of representatives of Russia and of the leading Powers of the Entente. The Russian Soviet Government agree that this Conference should be called together in London. It makes known, at the same time, to the British Government that orders had been given to the military command to meet the Polish parlementaires and to begin with pourparlers relative to armistice and peace. The Russian Soviet Government cannot refrain from expressing its astonishment in view of the demand of the British Government to suspend the trade negotiations after the adoption by the Soviet Government of all its proposals, which were the conditions for the opening of these negotiations, seeing that none of the said proposals has been violated by the Soviet Government. The latter thinks that the establishment of durable peaceful and friendly relations will be extremely difficult if agreements once adopted are violated on the following day or left unheeded, or if conditions already accepted are, after the adoptions of agreement supplemented by new and unexpected conditions not stipulated before. The Soviet Government expresses the hope that the British Government will henceforth adhere immutably to the principles laid down in the British Memorandum of 1st July and in the reply of the Soviet Government of 7th July, and will in future abstain from any violations of this Agreement or from adding to the letter new conditions not provided for therein. The Russian Government, on its part, strictly adhering to its declarations as laid down in its Note of the 17th July, expects that before the beginning of the above Conference the surrender of ex-General Wrangel and of his military forces will be carried through on the condition of securing personal safety to him, his adherents, and the fugitives under his protection, and of the transfer to the Soviet power of all the war material, stores, means of communications, and vessels now in his hands.]

Did not the Foreign Office get a copy of the actual cable sent to London, in order to check the wireless message they received? Also in regard to the last part of the question, in view of the fact that Wrangel is equipped with our uniforms, and is using our munitions, have we ho sort of responsibility for preventing him from further attack while we are attempting to make peace with the main Government of Russia?

Did we not ask the main Government of Russia to grant an armistice when they were pressing Wrangel in the first place, and did not they accept, and have we no sort of responsibility when Wrangel breaks that pact?

I am not aware that the Russian Government has granted an armistice.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman seems to have more intimate information than I have. Up to this moment, I have not heard that an armistice has been granted.

British Prisoners (Baku)

asked the Prime Minister whether he has received a copy of a dispatch sent from Batoum on 29th June containing the most recent information in regard to the British prisoners at Baku; whether he has any information contradicting the statement that Krassin before leaving Russia was aware of the contemplated massacre of thousands of Mussulmans and Christians at Baku and elsewhere in the Caspian region by the orders of Lenin and his associates at Moscow; and, in view of the responsibility of the Russian Soviet and of Krassin personally for these outrages as well as for the imprisonment of British subjects, whether he will immediately inform Krassin that neither he nor any other emissary of the Russian Soviet will be received in London until all the British prisoners at Baku have been released and repatriated?

My attention has been called to the article referred to, which was published in the Press on 29th July. It is impossible for me to say what information may have been in the possestion of M. Krassin before his departure from Russia. The answer to the third part of the question is in the negative; but the Soviet Government have been informed that the release of all prisoners under arrest by them will be a necessary preliminary to the resumption of discussions with the Russian Trade Delegation.

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that for a year previous to 28th April, 1920, no hostility was shown by the Government of Azerbaijan to British or other foreigners in Baku, who were unmolested until that date when Russian troops occupied the town and set up a Soviet Government, the members of which were selected by Lenin; whether the first act of this Soviet was to execute twenty-one officials of the late Azerbaijan Government with certain other prominent citizens, while at the same time the British consul, 48 officers and men of the British Navy and Army, and eight British civilians, some of whom were women, were flung into a mediaeval dungeon in the centre of the town; whether Baku is occupied by a Russian Army 20,000 strong, while despotic power is exercised by one Pankratoff, a creature of Lenin's; whether his attention has been called to a despatch sent from Batoum on 29th June and published in London on 29th July confirming these facts and giving detailed information as to recent occurrences at Baku; and whether, in view of this information, he still regards the so-called Government of the Azerbaijan republic as in any degree responsible for the lives of the British prisoners at Baku?

I am obliged for the information which the hon. Member gave me and which enabled me to pursue further inquiries. I cannot vouch for the accuracy of all the facts given in the question, but as I have already stated, His Majesty's Government have spared no efforts to secure reliable information regarding the British prisoners at Baku. His Majesty's Government repeatedly insisted in telegraphic messages that the Moscow Government should secure their release. We have now been informed by our representative at Tiflis that letters, parcels, and money have been sent to our prisoners at Baku by Bolshevik courier and that the former is now engaged in negotiations for their release with the head of the Bolshevik Mission at Tiflis, who has promised to use his influence in this direction. We are now awaiting the result of these negotiations.

Is there any confirmation of the statement the other day of the massacre of some of these prisoners?

No, there is no confirmation in the least. I find that that story, which is supposed to have come from Paris, really came from London and was sent from here to Paris.

Mr. Churchill's Article

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to an article which appeared on Wednesday last in a London newspaper by the Secretary of State for War on the subject of Poland and Russia, in which he stated that peace with Russia was only another form of war; and whether the opinions therein contained represent those of the Government as a whole?

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to an article appearing on Wednesday, 28th July, in a London newspaper written by the Secretary of State for War on the subject of Poland and Russia, in which he states that peace with the Bolshevists is only another form of war; and whether the opinions therein contained represent the views of the Cabinet?

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to an article in the Press on Poland, written by the Secretary of State for War, which seems intended to instigate the German military party to assist in fighting Bolshevism in the East; whether this article represents the views of the Cabinet; and, if not, what action he intends to take regarding the Secretary of State for War?

34 & 35.

asked the Prime Minister (1) whether His Majesty's Government are of opinion that one way of defeating the progress of Bolshevik rule is by enlisting the military aid of Germany to check the advance in Europe of the armed forces of the Soviet Government; if this forms part of the policy of the Government, whether our French ally will be asked to consent to a cessation of the process of disarmament under the Treaty of Versailles and to an immediate increase in the military forces of Germany;

(2) whether his attention has been called to the fact that the policy of individual Ministers is frequently stated by means of articles in the Press instead of by pronouncements in the House of Commons; if so, whether such methods of communicating the views of Members of His Majesty's Government has his approval; whether collective Cabinet responsibility is maintained in the Coalition Government or whether these individual pronouncements weaken this old constitutional theory, and, if so, will he take steps to check this growing practice?

The article in question does not bear the interpretation sought to be placed upon it.

May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman has seen the criticism in the French papers on this article, particularly having regard to the statement made in the article about Germany being given a Mandate, which would, therefore, make her our Ally?

I should be very sorry to make anyone responsible for what is attributed in criticisms in papers, whether French or English.

May I ask, if the article in question does not bear the view which it is sought to put upon it, is it an expression of the agreed policy of His Majesty's Government.

I only read it this morning. I do not think it is so much an expression of policy as of a hankering.

Does the Prime Minister approve of the hankering, on the part of his colleague, on a matter of Very vital European policy, which is expressed in the daily newspapers?

Is it not a fact that the Cabinet came to some considered policy upon the question of the issue as between Poland and Russia, and, if so, what does he think of a colleague who cuts right across that policy? Does he think that, in an ordinary business concern, if one of his co-directors did a thing like that, there would be anything for him but discharge?

There is nothing that I am aware of that cuts across any declaration of policy by His Majesty's Government.

Is the right hon. Gentleman prepared in future, to allow his colleagues—who, of course, are under his direction—to publish articles of this kind in the daily Press?

May I ask whether it is not the declared policy of the Government to prevent the Bolshevists from over-running Poland, and is there anything contrary to the declared policy of the Government in expressing a wish that Germany should assist in that policy?

May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that this article by his colleague has appeared in Russia; whether he thinks that the publication of that article in Russia is likely to bring the Russians to come to terms with Poland; and whether it is not likely to make them lose any sort of faith in the British Government?

I really do not know what is the effect on the Russian Government; I wish I did. As to what the effect of this will be in Russia, for better or worse, I am really not prepared to express any opinion.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise the significance of the fact that the right hon. Gentleman who wrote the article is the Secretary of State for War, and is he, as Prime Minister, willing to allow a colleague of so near importance to himself to have an opposite policy, even extending to a hankering?

I do not know that there is any declaration of policy here which is inconsistent with the policy of His Majestys Government.

On a point of Order. May I ask the right hon. Gentleman to answer my question No. 35, which raises an entirely different point, and which he has not attempted to answer?

I do not know of any rule which has ever been laid down that a Cabinet Minister is not entitled to express his views by means of articles in the Press, so long as they are consistent with the policy of the Government. That is another question. I am on the specific question put by my hon. Friend. I am not aware of any rule that precludes a Cabinet Minister from contributing articles to newspapers, even to newspapers that are opposing His Majesty's Government.

Owing to the unsatisfactory answer of the right hon. Gentleman, I beg to give notice that I shall, after Questions, ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it is the habit of Cabinet Ministers——

The hon. Gentleman should give notice of that question.

At the end of Questions,

I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House in order to call attention to a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, "the gravely disturbing effect which the manifesto issued by the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War and Air, appearing in the 'Evening News' of the 28th July, 1920, has had on Allied and German opinion, as revealed in the news from the Continent published to-day, and the urgent need, in view of the present negotiations with Soviet Russia for a Peace Conference in London, for an immediate and unequivocal repudiation by His Majesty's Government of the opinions expressed, and the hankering policy proposed by the Secretary of State for War and Air."

On a point of Order. May I ask whether this Adjournment Motion, in the event of your allowing it, would over-ride the Motion which stands in the name of the Lord Privy Seal appropriating the time of the House, and which says that the Government business is not to be interrupted under the provisions of any Standing Order regulating the sittings of this House? In view of the Standing Order with reference to Adjournment regulating sittings by bringing them to an end, will the Lord Privy Seal's Motion override this in case this is granted, and in general would that Motion be retrospective? In view of the House having once-decided to grant this Motion, could it interfere with it afterwards?

This Motion would not over-ride the Motion, which can be made under Standing Order 10.

May I ask whether this can be a matter of urgency to-day, inasmuch as you ruled on Thursday last when I asked a question that it was not an urgent matter?

If the hon. and gallant Member will refresh his memory by looking at the OFFICIAL REPORT, he will see that I was careful to safeguard that.

I have refreshed my memory in the manner indicated. At a quarter to four questions may be asked on matters of urgency. You ruled, I submit, that inasmuch as other Members had given notice of questions to be asked to-day, therefore my matter could not be a matter of urgency.

If the hon. and gallant Member will look at that again, I think he will See that I was careful to guard myself, because I foresaw that it was possible that a Motion of this sort might be made to-day.

The pleasure of the House not having been signified, Mr. SPEAKER called on those Members who supported the Motion to rise in their places, and, fewer than 40 Members, but not fewer than 10, having accordingly risen ——

On a point of Order. I understand I have the right to challenge a Division if my request be supported by more than 10, and therefore I wish to challenge a division.

Navy, Army and Air Expenditure, 1918–19

Resolved, "That this House will Tomorrow resolve itself into a Committee to consider the surpluses and deficits upon Navy, Army, and Air Grants for 1918–19, and the application of surpluses to meet Expenditure not provided for in

Question put, "That leave be given to move, 'That this House do now adjourn.'"

The House divided: Ayes, 32; Noes, 134.

the Grants for that year."—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]

Ordered, "That the Appropriation Accounts for the Navy, Army, and Air Departments, which were presented upon the 8th March, 18th March, and 12th April last, be referred to the Committee."—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]

Bill Presented

Restoration of Order in Ireland Bill,

"to make provision for the restoration and maintenance of order in Ireland," presented by Lieut-Colonel Sir HAMAR GREENWOOD; supported by the Prime Minister, Mr. Bonar Law, Sir Gordon Hewart, Mr. Denis Henry and Mr. D. M. Wilson; to be read a Second time upon Thursday, and to be printed. [Bill 195.]

Business of the House

4.0 P.M.

May I ask the Leader of the House whether it is intended to take any business to-day following upon the Supplementary Estimates; what Bills it is intended to take during the remaining part of this Session; and on what date it is intended the House should rise?

As regards the business to-night, we hope to take some of the Orders, perhaps the first three on the Paper, after 11 o'clock. I have a list of the business which we propose to take during the remaining period before we adjourn, but I intended to give it in moving the Motion which stands in my name on the Paper.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say—it is quite important—when the House is likely to meet again?

It is quite important, but it is, I think, a little premature. I should like to be sure when we shall adjourn before answering that.

Autumn Adjournment

I beg to move,

"That, until the Autumn Adjournment of the House, Government Business be not interrupted under the provisions of any Standing. Order regulating the Sittings of the House, and may be entered upon at any hour although opposed."

I am sure the House will not desire that I should occupy its time in moving this Resolution. [HON. MEMBERS: "Yes!"] I think it is confined to a very few Members. At this stage of the Session——

On a point of Order. May I ask my right hon. Friend, having regard to the terms of the Motion, whether he does not expect the House to rise before 23rd September, which is the beginning of Autumn?

It is a matter of ordinary phraseology. If it does not begin in the Autumn, I hope it will extend into part of the Autumn. I was just proceeding to say that the suspension of the Eleven o'clock Rule has always been necessary at this stage of the Session, and I am sure the House will agree with me that it has never been more necessary than now. The whole machinery of government, in my opinion, has been subjected to a pressure and a degree of strain which is almost unprecedented in our history, and, in my belief, is greater even than during the War. That applies, to an almost exceptional degree, to the House of Commons. The work that has been done during the present Parliament is out of all proportion to what has been done, I think, in any previous Parliament, and I am bound to say that I agree with what was said by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister, in answer to a question by my hon. Friend behind me, that there is a limit to the work which can be usefully done, if the strain is too great. I feel sure, therefore, that we should have the Adjournment as soon as possible. That applies, if I may say so, to an almost greater degree to the Civil Service in the various Government Departments. It is not merely a question of giving them a holiday. It is undoubted that the continuous strain which we have undergone over the whole year must make it more difficult to do the work efficiently, and, apart altogether from any question of holiday, it is desirable that we should have the Adjournment as soon as possible. With these very few words of preface, I wish now to give to the House the business proposed to be taken before the Adjournment.

In addition to the Restoration of Order in Ireland Bill, which will be taken on Thursday and Friday,

And the Consolidated Fund Bill, which we propose to take on Tuesday and Wednesday of next week,

There are the following Bills now before Standing Committees which we intend to take:—

Pensions (Increase) Bill,

Telegraph (Money) Bill,

Post Office and Telegraph (Railway Remuneration) Bill,

Shops (Early Closing) (No. 2) Bill.

In addition, we propose to take the remaining stages of the Blind Persons Bill, and the

British Empire Exhibition (Guarantee) Bill, Financial Resolution.

Besides those Measures, the following Bills have passed through another place, and we hope the House of Commons will carry them through the remaining stages:—

Maintenance Orders (Facilities for Enforcement) Bill,

Census Bill,

Firearms Bill,

Fertilisers (Temporary Control of Export) Bill,

Air Navigation Bill,

Duchy of Lancaster Bill,

Seeds Bill.

The last-named is a very small Measure, to which I think there is no objection.

No, the Seeds Bill. Thanks to the co-operation which we have received from the House of Commons during the last two weeks, I hope it will be possible for the House to adjourn either on Thursday or Friday of next week. That must depend, of course, not only on the work which is done in this House, but on the action in another place, and the amount of work which they give us in reconsidering any decisions to which they come. I hope, however, as I say, it may be possible to adjourn either on Thursday or Friday of next week.

I would ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he could not assent to the alteration of the word "Autumn" into the word "Summer"?

I would really point out to my hon. Friend that we are living in too serious times to concern ourselves about words like that.

After what the Leader of the House has just said, one might imagine it is only proposed now to begin to sit after eleven o'clock at night. As he knows, and must be painfully aware of the fact, as I am, we have been sitting after eleven o'clock at night for a good many sittings already, and this-is not an inappropriate time to remind my right hon. Friend of the importance of many of the Bills which he has already taken after eleven o'clock at night, and the most deleterious effect that must have, not only upon the physique of Members, but upon their intellectual output in many of these most important matters. I must admit that I see no signs of deterioration on the part of the Leader of the House. To take, for instance, such a measure as the Rent Restriction Act, that Bill, owing to real mismanagement, was taken in the small hours of the morning. We had to work really in the dark. There were no printed Amendments, and hon. Members had to feel their way as best they could under those conditions, through one of the most intricate and complicated measures put on the Statute Book for a long time. The result is that members of the judicial bench are already complaining of the nature of that legislation. What I believe is that this House, if given a fair chance on the Report stage, is a very competent body to deal with even a measure of that kind, if they can do so before 11 o'clock, and if they have the necessary material before them. I think we are entitled to complain of the way in which His Majesty's Ministers have dealt with such a measure at that. Take another Bill which was also dealt with after 11 o'clock at night, namely, the Indemnity Bill. It raised most important points affecting the liberty of the subject and also the rights of property, but it was discussed between one and two in the morning. Then there was the Health Insurance Bill, which was dealt with at about 6.30 in the morning. The Third Reading of the War Pensions Bill which was taken after 11 o'clock at night; the Mines Bill was also taken after 11 o'clock at night, and the Third Reading of the Ministry of Food Bill was taken after 5 o'clock on a Friday afternoon. There is another point upon which I wish to insist, that is the enormous importance at all times, but especially at the present time, of money Bills not being passed after 11 o'clock, and of the Committee stages not being taken after 11 o'clock. I quite agree that, under the Standing Orders, the Report stage of any money Resolution is exempted from the Eleven o'clock Rule, but the very essence of that was the assumption that the Resolution had been efficiently and effectively dealt with before 11 o'clock at night on its Committee stage.

My right hon. Friend the Leader of the House talks about the great strain upon Members. That is quite true. There has been a great strain upon Members, but if I may say so, in my humble opinion far too much legislation has been attempted for this Session. An enormous amount of what I may call small stuff has been put out by the various Government Departments. What happens, no doubt, is this: One Department sees another one has got its Bill. They have all got their pet Bills. They bring their pressure to bear upon their Minister, and sooner or later their Bill finds its way to the Floor of the House. I suggest to the Leader of the House that his true policy ought to have been with regard to the business of the House itself this: He knew, and the Government knew, that there were four or five measures of first-class importance, and they ought to have given the House of Commons a proper opportunity of considering that kind of first-class legislation, and they should have dealt, with a firm hand, with the subordinate Ministers or Departments and said, "That kind of legislation must stand over until the House of Commons has dealt, as it ought to, with first-class legislation."

With regard to what happens upstairs, I hazard my opinion that the Committee experiment has very largely broken down. I agree it is a machinery for turning out legislation. Given a quorum, it can turn put legislation, but the only time at which the House has an opportunity to express its corporate sense—and that, after all, is what we want on legislation—is on the Report stage, and that is impossible if the Government will insist on overloading its legislative programme with all sorts of Bills from all sorts of Departments, the inevitable result of which is tired-out Members, deficient legislation, and no real effective check upon administration, financial and otherwise. I do not know that in all my experience of Parliamentary procedure, now going back for some time, I can recollect an occasion upon which, when the Eleven o'clock Rule is asked to be suspended (and it always has been up to this time, I quite agree) Members have a greater claim to impress upon the Government to see that a much more coherent sense of perspective is exercised by the Leader of the House and those who work with him, so that the House of Commons shall not be overloaded and overtired.

I want to say, in conclusion, that we all recognise the very great strain which has-been placed upon the Leader of the House. As far as we are concerned, we have had no reason to complain of any lack of courtesy on his part to all sections of the House. He has discharged a Herculean task to the best of his ability, but it is beyond the powers of any body to deal with this huge mass of legislation in the way in which the House of Commons ought to do.

My right hon. Friend has mentioned the matter of the Committees, and as I am responsible for the appointment of those Committees, perhaps I might be allowed to say one word. I do not think they have broken down, but I do say this—that the pressure has been too great. Bills have been passed in this House almost everyday, read a Second time, and sent upstairs immediately. There has been great difficulty in getting a quorum. Members have to be whipped up. They come, perhaps, with great reluctance to the Committee in order to form a. quorum. They have to sit several hours in the morning, and very often several hours in the afternoon as well. I do not think myself that such full pressure on Members for the whole day is. desirable. I believe that Standing Committees would work better if they were not overloaded, and I do ask my right hon. Friend to bear that in mind in the next Session. I thought it was advisable just to say this, because I hope the House will not think the Standing Committees have been the offenders. They have not been the offenders.

I have no doubt the Leader of the House will admit that there is a good deal of force in the criticisms which have been addressed to him. I do not rise to add to those criticisms, unless it be just to observe that it is clear to us from the experience of the present Session that we cannot go on burning the candle, so to speak, at both ends in this way. It is physically impossible for Members to serve, as they are required to do, on these Committees and at the same time for a good part of the Session to have the Eleven o'clock Rule suspended in order to get through the weight of work. At this stage I only just make that observation, as I am sure the Leader of the House himself recognises it is a matter requiring further consideration at some later date.

I want to put just three questions. In the list of Bills mentioned by my right hon. Friend there was no mention of the Milk and Dairies Bill. That is a Bill of some importance, and I should like to know what are the intentions of the Government concerning it. I would also ask whether it is intended to take the Bills in the order in which they have been named to-day, and if not, can we be assured that two of the more important of the Bills will be given precedence—I refer to the Bills dealing with pensions and with the position of the blind. These, I think, are urgent because of their character. My last question is this. The Government has recently decided to extend for a very short time the unemployment grants to discharged soldiers and sailors. They will be deprived of their grants, and the pay will be discontinued before the House resumes in the autumn. In view of anticipated unemployment, and what is now the impossibility not only of civilians but of discharged soldiers and sailors themselves obtaining regular work, I think it is highly important that the House should be given an opportunity to consider the position of these men before it rises. I should therefore like to ask whether, in addition to the business which has been outlined, the House can have an opportunity of separately discussing and considering what ought to be done in order to hasten the opportunities of finding work for the men whose pay will be discontinued before we are asked to reassemble

I would like first to allude to an observation of my hon. Friend opposite (Sir Samuel Roberts) with regard to the Committee system. I have been myself a Member of many Committees, and I have had the honour of being the Chairman of some. I must thank my right hon. Friend and my other colleagues for having spared me so far as they could. I may say that I am a strong and convinced supporter of the Committee system. I would venture, almost at the risk of affronting the amour-propre of the House, to say that in my experience of Committees the tone is more businesslike, more temperate, and the results obtained are inspired more by the compromises of common sense than by the extremes of party spirit which naturally must be prevalent in a large and popular Assembly like this. [An HON. MEMBER: "If you can get a quorum!"] My hon. Friend says, "If you can get a quorum." I will just say one word on that. Whenever I have been honoured with the Chairmanship of a Committee, I have taken on myself—I do not know whether rightly or wrongly—the duty of getting a quorum if I could, and by canvassing among my friends—by which I do not mean merely my political friends, but my friends in all parties—I have generally managed to get a quorum. Whether that is outside the duty of a Chairman of a Committee or not I do not know, but certainly I always think myself that neither the time of the Chairman nor of the Committee should be wasted by waiting for a quorum. There is one necessary condition of good working of the Committee system of the House of Commons, and that is that you should not overburden the Committee and, simultaneously — the one proposition hangs on the other—that you should not overburden the House of Commons. My complaint of the present system is—I suppose the right hon. Gentleman is more responsible than anybody else—that the House is part of an overworked machine. It is trying to do in the twentieth century a work which requires the express train of the twentieth century, not the diligence of the eighteenth, which is a description of our present rules. It will be really destructive of the efficiency and of the authority of Parliament if you have men so overworked in the House that they cannot attend to the Committee, and so overworked in the Committee that they cannot attend to the House.

I pass from that observation—for which the House perhaps will excuse me, for I have had some long experience of Committee work—to the general proposition of the Government. I know the right hon. Gentleman will think that when I attribute this Motion to the mismanagement of the Government I am only repeating the commonplaces of the Opposition speakers, including the commonplaces which the right hon. Gentleman himself gave very eloquent expression to in his own day when he was wandering in the Elysium of Opposition. But I think I shall be able to prove my proposition a great deal more successfully than, in my judgment, in those days he was able to prove his. What has brought the business to the mess in which it is to-day? It is that on the one hand the Government insisted on taking up a very considerable portion of this Session in trying to thrust down the throats of the House of Commons a measure the condemnation of which was universal from all parties and sections of the House. I see my hon. Friend the Member for St. Augustine's (Mr. R. McNeill) opposite. We do not often agree—at least, in public. [An HON. MEMBER: "Oh!"] But my old Friend and I are both old journalists, and we have much more interesting subjects to discuss, especially in the private recesses of the House, than mere politics. But my hon. Friend knows I am with him, and we are just as violent in the condemnation of this principle, and this Bill, as have been hon. Members above the gangway. So far, what I may call the independent opinion of the House, that is to say, those who generally support the Government—give them an independent support—among the holders of that opinion I do not think the measure found a single man that was not a violent critic either as to its details, principles, or practicability. If I had not been absent from the House—from reasons the House has already heard—I could not have used language stronger or voted against this measure more earnestly than the Noble Lord (Lord R. Cecil) or the hon. and gallant Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness).

This measure, condemned by the universal voice of this House, was persevered in with the obstinacy of weak people for month after month. The result of it is that the Bill has passed in the limbo of an Autumn Session, if not the deeper depth of absolute withdrawal, amid the derision and contempt not only of the nation but of the whole world. That is the reason the right hon. Gentleman has to come down here to ask for the suspension of the Eleven o'clock Rule. If the right hon. Gentleman wants my vote——

The right hon. Gentleman will notice that I speak in a subjunctive mood, "if" he wants my vote. He did want it in his day. When he was first elected to this House for a division of Glasgow it was by Irish votes. If the right hon. Gentleman wants my vote—which he says he does not—I will tell him the terms on which he can get it. That is, to announce to the House immediately that the ridiculous proposals of the Government are abandoned and will never be heard of again. I think I am entitled to ask the Leader of the House, and the House itself, what is the purpose for which this time is wanted, this extension of the Eleven o'clock Rule. It cannot be for finance, because we are going to get little chance of discussing finance. I am sure the British people will some day or other wake up to the astounding, incredible, and scandalous fact that, while everybody is talking about extravagance and everybody finds it hard to make ends meet owing to the heavy taxation, especially men of modest means and professional avocations; at the very moment when the whole cry of the country is for economy and against extravagance, millions of public money will be passed in the small hours of the morning, and without a single word of discussion on a penny of that money.

If, then, the purposes of this suspension is not for finance, if must be for legislation. I think it is relevant to the rules of Order for me to ask what is the purpose for which the Government want this Eleven o'clock Rule suspended, and this acceleration and rush of legislative action. It is for the purpose of passing Irish coercion! Suppose by some extraordinary and impossible transformation I became, not an old Constitutionalist—as I was, and am, and ever shall be—supposing I became a Sinn Feiner, and I took the proposal of the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House as a text, would I not be able to draw an effective and perhaps exciting contrast between the hurry of the Government to carry coercion and the leisurely dilly-dally postponement of a measure of so-called conciliation? Why, Sir, we have been fifty years trying to get what the Government said they are going to give us, and we cannot get yet. When, however, coercion is wanted, hey, presto! and immediately the machine goes at lightning speed. The House of Commons cannot give justice to Ireland in fifty years; they will be asked to give injustice to Ireland in fewer hours! For what purpose? With what result? Has anything the Government has done within six or twelve months given the House any reason to have confidence in it, or to give them these further powers that they ask? Everything the Government has done with regard to Ireland—and other countries—during the last six months or so has been stamped with failure, disaster, and tragedy. It is only three months ago that the right hon. Gentleman declared they were doing their best to administer Ireland effectively, and if they did not succeed, well, then, they had better give way to other people.

I fail to see the connection between the observations of the hon. Gentleman and the Motion before the House. There is not a word about Ireland in it, or about proceedings that may arise on Thursday and Friday. Ireland might not exist so far as the Motion is concerned. The time for raising the discussion the hon. Gentleman is raising is when we get to the Bill.

I am sure, Mr. Speaker, you will understand how the strength of my conviction in regard to the folly of the Government and the policy of the Government in respect to Ireland may lead me outside the Rules and Regulations of Debate. But I will not pursue that matter further. I think, however, I may say this much without calling for reprimand from you. Three months have now passed, and I think I have a right to ask the right hon. Gentleman to relieve the strain on himself by giving way to others to do what the Government have failed to do—bring about the conciliation of Ireland.

I have listened very carefully to the speech of the bon. Gentleman and noticed with what skill he steered past the Rules of Order for a very long time before he made a slip. I cannot show anything like the same skill, and I am not going to attempt it. I rise merely to say three words. In the first place I hope my right hon. Friend is not going to be discouraged about the Standing Committee system. I am quite sure it is a great improvement on what we had before. It may not be perfect. I do not pretend to have had the experience of some who have addressed the House. But I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman the desirability of considering the alternative which was held out when the Standing Committee system was established, namely, if they had to press the machine at all, they would try to arrange that the Standing Committees should sit in the afternoon and that the House should not sit when the Committees were sitting. I am quite sure that is really the proper solution of our particular difficulties, or of a great improvement in our procedure. I hope my right hon. Friend will consider that. May I ask him two questions? The first is: Can he say whether he is going to have a guillotine Motion for the Irish Coercion Bill, and, if so, when it will be taken?

I am assuming, which is a not very improbable thing, that the Government will be able to carry their way in the House. The second question is whether the right hon. Gentleman, if not now, at some early period, can tell us when we are likely to meet again? This is a matter of immense convenience to everybody to know upon what basis one has to make one's plans and what preparation we have to make for coming here again.

I wish to turn to the Motion, and ask the attention of the House to its bearing on the control of this House over finance. We are accustomed in this Parliament, not only to esti- mates exceeded by several times the Estimates introduced into the House, but we are accustomed day by day to see Bills introduced, each of which adds appreciably to the cost of the government of the country, and each of which involves subsequently a Resolution of this House authorising more or less debatable expenditure. I would draw the attention of the House to the growing practice of the Government to take these Financial Resolutions after 11 o'clock at night, when it is quite impossible for the House of Commons to exercise the control it should exercise over the expenditure of public money. It will be generally admitted, I think, in all parts of the House that the task before the House is to set some limit to public expenditure. As my right hon. Friend beside me (Sir D. Maclean) has pointed out time after time within the last two months, Money Resolutions, even in their Committee stage, have been put down for after 11 o'clock and this House has been committed to the expenditure of vast sums of money at a time when no proper criticism was possible.

Nothing in the country, I suppose, causes more general discontent and alarm than the creation of new Ministries. Yet I would direct attention to the fact that two Ministries have been set up entirely after 11 o'clock. The Ministry of Food (Continuation) and the Ministry of Mines, the expenditure for which was sanctioned in the Committee and on Report after 11 o'clock, while the Third Reading was also taken after 11 o'clock. Of course, there was some discussion before 11 o'clock; but the money part, the essence, was passed at an early hour in the morning. As regards the programme which the right hon. Gentleman has outlined, in it is no less than four Bills which involve the expenditure of public money. Of some of that expenditure we approve. No one, I am sure, would regret or criticise the expenditure of money on the blind. But there is some expenditure which is of a much more vital kind in these four Bills, and I think we are entitled to ask that they should be put down in such order that it is possible for hon. Members of this House to be present in order to examine the proposals in detail.

I refer particularly to the British Empire Exhibition (Guarantee). I know the amount is stated, but it is somewhat new expenditure to add to the already heavy burdens of the taxpayer. In arranging the programme I ask the Leader of the House to see that all these particular measures are put down early. The other night, despite the fact that we understood a special Whip had been issued to the Government supporters, there were not 100 Members present when an important Bill received its Third Reading. If the Government intend to persist in this long programme, I hope the right hon. Gentleman will put down as early Orders those Bill which involve a further call upon the overburdened taxpayers of this country.

I wish to offer one comment on this proposal. I think we are entitled to ask what are the reasons why such a state of affairs has arisen in regard to congestion, and secondly, have the Government got any remedy to put forward with regard to the future? It may be suggested that this state of things has arisen on account of the mismanagement of the business of the House, but I do not thing that charge can fairly be made, and it certainly was not made by the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir D. Maclean). I never remember a Session in which the House was led with greater courtesy or greater willingness to meet the view of all sections of the House. This pressure is not due to any accidental policy, such as some unprecedented event, which has thrown the work of this Session out of gear as compared with previous Sessions.

During the ten Sessions that I have sat in this House, I have noticed this congestion increasing rapidly, and it has reached a climax this Session. This is due, not to the breakdown of the Committee system, or the machinery of the House, because that has remained intact. It is the Members who have broken down, and it is no longer humanly possible for individual Members to cope with the volume of work they are asked to cope with in this House. It is not the system, but when hon. Members are asked to attend here until three or four o'clock in the morning, and on the following morning are asked to attend a Committee at eleven o'clock, it is not surprising that quorums are not forthcoming. This is all due to the enormous increase in the work of the House, the increasing scope of our legislation, and the increasingly intensified nature of the legislative work of this House. There is only one remedy for this, and it is that we must get rid of some of the work. The Government are said to be in favour of Devolution, and if they want to prevent this state of thing arising again in the future they should hurry up with their Devolution scheme.

I wish to offer my support to the Noble Lord who emphasised the value of the Standing Committee system. All hon. Members who have sat on those Committees must have been convinced that the atmosphere in Grand Committees is usually calmer, and hon. Members look upon the legislation before them more from the point of view of the good of the country rather than from the point of view of party interests. I also join with the last speaker in agreeing that it is not so much the machine that has broken down, but the Members. Take the case of the ordinary private Member who cannot afford a private secretary. If he wants to do his work effectively he must do it in the early hours of the morning. He is asked to come down to Committees at 11 o'clock, and I notice that the willing horse is usually put to the work, and he is given more than he can possibly do. It has been my misfortune to be placed on two Committees meeting at the same time, and of course I could only attend one of them. We all have our correspondence to attend to, and to ask us to attend so many Committees is not only unfair to hon. Members, but it is unfair to their constituents.

I think there is a good deal in the point which has been put forward, that when the Committees sit in the afternoon the House should not sit at the same time. From careful observation I find that hon. Members who are willing to serve on the Committees, if they are called upon to sit in the afternoon, they cannot give that close attention to the business which they would like to give because often they are anxious to take part in the business in the House, and listen to some question or other in which they are interested. Therefore, they cannot give that amount of concentrated attention which is essential for good legislation. After all, the function of this House is not merely to fill columns in the OFFICIAL REPORT. Our function is to pass beneficent legislation according to our lights and to keep a firm hand upon finance. I agree that the finances of this country have not received that careful attention which they ought to have received, and whether it be this or any other Government, unless the country is convinced that the money being spent is voted wisely, then that Government will be doomed to failure. I am sure no one will quarrel with the method of the Leader of the House and his general attitude to all hon. Members, because he has been courtesy itself, but I want him to bear in mind next Session, in making his legislative proposals, that we are only human beings, and we do not want the Parliamentary machine worked in the way it is being worked at the present time.

I beg to move, at the end of the Question, to add the words "and that at the conclusion of Government business each day, Mr. Speaker do adjourn the House without Question put."

I agree with much of what has been said by the hon. Member who has just sat down, but I do not think a private secretary will make the difference. I do not have a private secretary, and I think I attend to my Parliamentary duties as well as most hon. Members. A private secretary cannot make his employer be in two places at once. It has been the invariable custom when Motions of this kind have been made to make such provision as I am now proposing. I understand that the Motions for the Adjournment of the House are not touched by this Motion. I would like to ask what is the use of going through a private Member's Bill, for which there will be no opportunity for discussion at all, except after 11 o'clock. I hope the Government will accept my Amendment, which has always been inserted in these Motions in the past.

I hope my right hon. Friend will not accept this Amendment, and I am surprised at it coming from the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London, who is indebted to a great many Members of this House for the assistance they have given him in regard to one of the Bills on the Order Paper. Some of us have made considerable sacrifices in order that the right hon. Gentleman may get passed into law what many of us think is a perfectly beneficent measure. There are one or two odd measures on the Paper which are agreed amongst those who are concerned. I do not know whether the right hon. Baronet opposite is in favour of the Duplicands of Feu-Duties (Scotland) Bill, or whether he has really interested himself in that measure.

I may say that I have interested myself in that Bill, and my Amendments to it have been passed in the Lords and the measure is now coming back for confirmation. If there is a Bill on which the whole House is agreed, then the Government can star it.

The Amendment which the right hon. Baronet (Sir F. Banbury) has moved would, if anything, simplify business from the point of view of the Government, and I will gladly accept it if there is no objection to it. Such a Bill as the hon. Member for East Edinburgh (Mr. Hogge) has referred to the Government would give the necessary opportunity, and there would be no necessity for taking it after 11 o'clock.

I hope the Government is not going to accept this Amendment. This proposal means cutting off one more of our privileges, that is, that if the Government block us in discussing matters of public importance we can discuss them on the Motion for the Adjournment. I hope the Government will not accept this Amendment.

Question, "That those words be there inserted," put, and agreed to.

Main question, as amended, again proposed.

5.0 P.M.

I rise to oppose the Motion. It is entirely uncalled for, and I believe the Government are not entitled to secure it. They come here now towards the end of the Session and ask the House to sit for the next fortnight practically all night in order to enable them to carry out the long programme which they have submitted to Parliament. This is another manifestation of the degradation that is being rapidly brought upon the House of the Commons. We have seen for a considerable time that not only are private Members being robbed of their rights, but that the public policy of the Government is being declared outside the House. I was somewhat astounded—it only shows how gradually their rights are slipping away from individual Members of the House, and how regard for the dignity of that institution is disappearing—that when a Member of this House asked to-day to be allowed to move the Adjournment in order to call attention to one of the most striking things that has occurred in modern times, he could not get forty Members to back him up. Here was a case in which a Member of the Cabinet had actually written an article in one of the London daily papers declaring his absolute conviction that the policy to which the Government were committed within the House was not a policy with which he agreed, and so important was this question that the very writing of the article was bound to have the most terrific consequences——

The House has decided by a large majority that that matter shall not be discussed. It has no relevance to the Motion now before the House.

I thought that on an occasion of this character it might be possible—your decision, however, upsets that idea—to bring the attention of Members of the House of Commons to the fact that Cabinet Ministers are robbing the House of its character as a great constitutional democratic institution. I will not, however, press that point. The point I want to raise is this. The present Government introduced into this Parliament what they call a Home Rule Bill. Everybody knew it was not a Home Rule Bill at all. They said it was for the purpose of settling the Irish question. Everybody knew it settled nothing, and our experience from the moment the Bill was presented has shown that, so far from settling the Irish question or anything else, it has unsettled everything. Yet the Government took up a considerable portion of the time of the House that might have been legitimately given to business in which English Members were interested in order to carry this insulting scheme of so-called Irish liberty. Of course, the right hon. Gentleman and the Prime Minister and the Cabinet knew as well as I do that the Bill was never intro- duced for the purpose of settling the Irish question. I remember on an historical occasion the Prime Minister, standing at the Table, said "We propose to introduce a measure of self-government for Ireland which will satisfy America."

The Home Rule Bill is not a matter open to discussion at the present time. When we reach the period in the Autumn Session in which the Government comes forward to take the whole of the time of the House, then it may be possible to raise it, but now it is not relevant.

I shall not be here in the Autumn Session. I should like to have it explained how it is that when a Member of this House rises to show that there has been an absolute waste of public time—and I do not believe the Home Rule Bill will ever be passed—I do not believe there was ever any intention to pass it, and that is another reason why I am entitled to be listened to when I complain of this waste of the public time——

We were not present when the Bill was being discussed. The right hon. Member for Duncairn (Sir E. Carson) was, and he repeatedly stated from his place that it was perhaps the most disgraceful thing he had ever witnessed to find a measure of this character, which was supposed to be a measure of appeasement, conciliation, and freedom, and a solution of the Irish question, was being discussed in a House which never contained at any time during the discussion much more than twenty or thirty Members.

Really the hon. Member is not discussing anything which is relevant to the Motion. As he is here now, I hope he will discuss matters which are relevant to it. It is no use his saying that he was not here when the other matter was under discussion.

Then it seems to me that there is nothing relevant here and it would be far better for the Leader of the House to come down and say, "Give me the rest of the time of the House: I must have it, and there is no use discussing it." He will get it, no doubt, but these are the things which are degrading the House. They are making the people think that the House is not sitting for the decision of great problems affecting mankind. It is causing the House to be treated with contempt by all believers in democratic constitutional liberty.

I often tremble to think what the hon. Member who last spoke could do if he made himself acquainted with the Rules of Order, bearing in mind what he is able to do outside those Rules. I am rather sorry the Leader of the House is bringing forward a proposal for the suspension of the 11 o'clock rule in bulk. He told us he hoped that we should rise on the 13th instant, and if we do that my right hon. Friend does not really require the suspension of the rule either to-night, or to-morrow night, or on Wednesday. Until Friday he has his own guillotine rule respecting the Bill for the Restoration of Order in Ireland. Tuesday and Wednesday next week are to be devoted to the-Consolidated Fund Bill, for which the 11 o'clock rule is automatically suspended. The only exception is Monday, on which day I take it, judging by the small programme he hopes to get through, he could probably get the bulk of his Bills by suspending the 11 o'clock rule on that night in the ordinary way at the close of Question time. I put it to him as Leader of the House whether it is not worth his while to see whether he cannot carry through the business in the time he requires with ordinary suspensions of the rule. I listened carefully to the list of Bills he read out, and quite candidly I do not see why he should not get them in the time left.

I think the House really ought to devote its mind to the question of the allocation of its time and see if it cannot secure a better arrangement. There are practically four periods into which the Session is divided: the first from some day in February until Easter; the second from Easter to Whitsuntide; the third until some time in August; and the fourth an Autumn Session. I may observe in passing that it has been my misfortune ever since I have been a Member of the House to have to come here in the autumn. What kills the time of the House of Commons in the, first period is that private Members have Tuesday and Wednesday evenings and Fridays. At the same time the Government have to get their financial business through by the end of March. This year my right hon. Friend, in the period between Easter and Whitsuntide, gave the private Members Wednesday night. I am not pure whether it would not be worth while for the House to meet nearer to the beginning of February and to give private Members time not before Easter, but between Easter and Whitsuntide. My second point is in regard to the great delay in securing the Second Readings of big Bills. This stage is not taken soon enough. It is put back too often by the pressure of financial business up till the end of March, and then when the Bills are read a Second time they are kept in Committee too long. Consequently the work of the House is thrown back too late in the Session. I think it might be worth the while of the Government to consider the desirability of getting the Second Readings of their big Bills before the Easter Recess. I hope my right hon. Friend will see his way to try and make arrangements more convenient for Members of the House of Commons, and I think the suggestions I have made are well worth his consideration.

I hope the House will feel that I am entitled now to say a few words on the subject under discussion. First, I will try to answer the definite questions that have been put to me. My right hon. Friend (Sir D. Maclean) asked me about the Milk and Dairies Bill. The Government carefully considered it, and came to the conclusion that it was one of those Bills which, at this stage of the Session, could not be proceeded with. Then I was asked in what order we propose to take the Bills when they come from Committee upstairs. It is impossible to take more than one Bill as the First Order. All we can do is to take them in the order they come from the Committees upstairs, and in the order most convenient in the autumn. My Noble Friend the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) asked on what date the House would meet again after the Adjournment. I have discussed the matter with my Noble Friend (Lord E. Talbot), and we have come to no decision; but I think I can say that, unless something quite unforeseen happen, we do not propose that the House should meet again before the middle of October. I think, probably, some time shortly after that date.

The kind of discussion which has just taken place is one with which I am very familiar. I was reminded as my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) was speaking of the speeches of the same kind I made myself. I should like, if I may, to express the hope that they were all made in the same courteous and fair manner as those of my right hon. Friend; I will not, however, guarantee it. My hon. Friend the Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool (Mr. T. P. O'Connor) said that he had listened to many such discussions, but he acknowledged that, this time, we were better justified than ever before. I never remember an occasion in my life when my hon. Friend has been on our side in discussing these matters. He made a proposal by which I could get his vote to-day, but I told him I did not want it, for I knew he would ask a price which I was not prepared to pay. He was good enough to remind me that, when I first came into this House, I had the Irish vote. That is quite true, but he will bear me out when I say that the vote was given, not from love for me, but to "punish the other man!"

My Noble Friend the Member for Hitchen (Lord R. Cecil) made a suggestion which does not commend itself to me. He recommended all new Members closely to study the methods of the House, so as to be able to "talk out" matters. As the Leader of the House, that is not a form of Parliamentary activity which I desire to encourage. But, if I were to give any advice, I would say to Members that there are two ways in which to talk. One way is by asking questions which require a certain amount of speeches in reply. There is another way which I think seems as effective, and that is, that hon. Members should talk in a manner so very uninteresting that neither Mr. Speaker nor anyone else would listen to them. A question was also asked me as to the payment of unemployment benefit. I think that some hon. Members are under a misapprehension. The extension of the period of payment is until 8th November, and therefore the House will have an opportunity of considering the matter before payment comes to an end.

I would now like to say a word or two about the business of the House. There is much that we regret, and I promise that I will give careful consideration to the suggestions made by the hon. Gentleman the Member for East Edinburgh (Mr. Hogge), although I can, right away, see objections to them. In one respect my hon. Friend did not show that complete acquaintance with the urgency of the Resolutions which I should have expected. He assumed that, because of the Guillotine Resolutions to-day and to-morrow, the suspension of the Standing Order would not be necessary; but, supposing he and his hon. Friends chose to divide on every one of the Votes, they would keep us here to a late hour, and therefore it is necessary to suspend the Eleven o'clock Rule.

With regard to the Standing Committees, that was a great experiment to start with. I am sure the House agrees that, if we were to face the programme of business which the Government had undertaken, something of the kind was absolutely necessary. I do not think these Committees have worked badly. At the beginning of the Session I took the liberty of asking my hon. Friend the Chairman of the Select Committees to ask the opinion of the Chairman of the various Committees. I am glad to say that, although, of course, they all felt that the pressure was too great, they thought that the work had been done very well. I do not think I am exaggerating when I say that, generally, the work was done, in some respects, better by the Standing Committees than it would have been done on the floor of this House. The Committees upstairs have not been, influenced by the same motives as our sittings here, and are a little less inclined to look at things from the ordinary party point of view. They regard things more from the ordinary commonsense point of view, and the result has been that there have been changes made in Committee upstairs, and accepted by the Government, that would not have been made on the floor of this House with the Government Whips on.

The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) made the complaint that there has been too much important business taken at too late a stage in the evening, after 11 o'clock. Undoubtedly the legislation during this Parliament has been on a scale that has entailed a great deal of disadvantage both to the House of Commons and to the legislation. But, apart altogether from other considerations, the House knows that the Government put before the country a very definite programme, as definite as has ever been put, and so far that has been carried out to a greater extent than is usual in these cases. The view taken by the Prime Minister and by myself was that the first two Sessions of this Parliament would be taken up entirely with overcoming, as far as we could, the arrears of the War, and getting these Measures through. We looked forward to a period of greater ease, when the work of the Government would be chiefly that of administration rather than of legislation. That is still what we look forward to, but, as regards this Session, I would point out to my hon. and right hon. Friends that they have to some extent exaggerated the amount of business that has been done after 11 o'clock at night. The Ministry of Mines Bill was mentioned, but the greater part of that was taken before 11 o'clock, and I think the whole of it would have been taken before 11 o'clock had it not been that the adjournment was moved on another matter. In the same way with the Indemnity Bill. The whole of the Committee stage and the work before the Select Committee was taken before 11 o'clock at night and the great bulk of the work remaining to be done in connection with the Bill was also taken before that hour. But I am going to say quite frankly to the House that we have not got through all the legislation that we contemplated at the beginning of the Session. We anticipated that the Home Rule Bill would have been sent to a Standing Committee upstairs. We found, however, when we came to discuss it in this House that there was a strong feeling that that would not be the right course to take, and we therefore bowed to the wishes of the House. That upset absolutely the business programme of the Session.

I am not going to set an example in trying to get round the rules of the House by referring to the speeches made by two of my hon. Friends opposite. The hon. Member for the Falls Division (Mr. Devlin) seemed to think that one of the privileges of being a Member of this House was that, if he did not choose to come at a time a particular subject was under discussion, he could take any other opportunity when he was present of raising that question in the House of Commons. That is not the view that we take. The hon. Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool (Mr. T. P. O'Connor) told us that the Bill we have introduced to deal with the Government of Ireland was universally condemned by every section of the House. That is curious. I have been looking very carefully into the records, and I find that, when it came to Divisions, those who "universally condemned" the Bill voted in a majority of four to one in favour of it. Therefore, I think my hon. Friend's views are a little exaggerated. I have said that our business was upset by that Bill. We are now told that the Departments love to put through Bills as Departmental measures. I do not say that does not happen, but I ask the House to realise that the five years of war has meant that an amount of arrears in small things as well as in big had to be undertaken.

Ever since we decided not to take the Government of Ireland Bill upstairs, my Noble Friend (Lord E. Talbot) and myself have looked with the greatest suspicion on any Bill introduced by any Department, and I cannot tell the House how many of these small Bills we found to be absolutely necessary to deal with the many circumstances which have arisen on account of the War. I think it must be admitted that there has been, in some cases, a delay in introducing Bills which ought not to have occurred. I quite admit that, but, as an excuse, I ask the House to remember that every one of the officials in all these Departments are pressed to an extent they have never been in their lives before. We look forward, if fate should be so kind, or the reverse, as to leave us here for another Session, to having less legislative work to do, and to making the conditions of life in the House of Commons more tolerable than they have been during the last two Sessions.

Main Question, as amended, put.

The House divided: Ayes, 152; Noes, 35.

Division No. 272.]

AYES.

[5.27 p.m.

Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S.

Foreman, Henry

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Forrest, Walter

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Macquisten, F. A.

Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S.

Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge)

Mallalieu, F. W.

Atkey, A. R.

George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd

Malone, Major p. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Bagley, Captain E. Ashton

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Mitchell, William Lane

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Gilbert, James Daniel

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A.

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Barnett, Major R. W.

Grant, James A.

Morris, Richard

Barnston, Major Harry

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Mosley, Oswald

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Gregory, Holman

Murchison, C. K.

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Greig, Colonel James William

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Murray, Major William (Dumfries)

Betterton, Henry B.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Neal, Arthur

Blair, Reginald

Hall, Captain Douglas Bernard

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l,W.D'by)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Hanna, George Boyle

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Bridgeman, William Clive

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Palmer, Major Godfrey Mark

Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Burdett-Coutts, William

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, Yeovil)

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay)

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Percy, Charles

Carr, W. Theodore

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Perkins, Walter Frank

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn,W.)

Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City)

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.)

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Home, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Prescott, Major W. H.

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Purchase, H. G.

Collins, Sir G. P. (Greenock)

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Jameson, J. Gordon

Remnant, Sir James

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Johnstone, Joseph

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.)

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford)

Dawes, James Arthur

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Doyle, N. Grattan

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Seddon, J. A.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lloyd, George Butler

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Simm, M. T.

Falle, Major Sir Bertram G.

Lorden, John William

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Fell, Sir Arthur

Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

M'Micking, Major Gilbert.

Stewart, Gershom

Sturrock, J. Leng

Tryon, Major George Clement

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Sugden, W. H.

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Wood, Major S. Hill- (High Peak)

Sutherland, Sir William

Ward-Jackson, Major C. L.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Taylor, J.

Waring, Major Walter

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Parker.

Tickler, Thomas George

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D.

Irving, Dan

Royce, William Stapleton

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Jones, William Kennedy (Hornsey)

Spoor, B. G.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Tillett, Benjamin

Cairns, John

Kenyon, Barnet

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian)

Waterson, A. E.

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Malone, C. L. (Leyton, E.)

Wedgwood, Colonel J. C.

Devlin, Joseph

Mills, John Edmund

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Galbraith, Samuel

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Wintringham, T.

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

Myers, Thomas

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

O'Connor, Thomas P.

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

O'Grady, Captain James

TELLERS FOR THE NOES .—.—

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Robertson, John

Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. Tyson Wilson

Hogge, James Myles

Rose, Frank H.

Ordered, "That, until the Autumn Adjournment of the House, Government Business be not interrupted under the provisions of any Standing Order regulating the Sittings of the House, and may be entered upon at any hour although opposed; and that, at the conclusion of Government business each day, Mr. Speaker do adjourn the House, without Question put."

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee A

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had added the following Member to Standing Committee A: Sir Leicester Harmsworth.

Standing Committee D

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Member to Standing Committee D: Mr. Johnstone.

Standing Committee C

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee C: Sir Stuart Coats and Mr. Purchase; and had appointed in substitution; Sir Stanley Johnson and Mr. Talbot.

Standing Committee A

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Fifteen Members to Standing Committee A (in respect of the Telegraph (Money) Bill and the Post Office and Telegraph Bill): Mr. Baldwin, Captain Wedgwood Benn, Mr. Carew, Colonel Sir Godfrey Collins, Commander Viscount Curzon, Colonel Du Pre, Mr. Hallas, Mr. Hayday, Mr. Hopkins, Mr. Illingworth, Mr. Pike Pease, Mr. Walter Smith, Captain Stanley Wilson, Mr. Woolcock, and Mr. William Young.

Standing Committee C

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Fifteen Members to Standing Committee C (in respect of the Shops (Early Closing (No. 2) Bill): Sir John Baird, Major Barnett, Captain Bowyer, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Raymond Greene, Mr. Kiley, Mr. Macquisten, Mr. Munro, Mr. Percy, Mr. Secretary Shortt, Mr. Alfred Short, Mr. Solicitor-General for Scotland, Captain Thorpe, Mr. Waterson, Sir Kingsley Wood, and Mr. Robert Young.

Reports to lie upon the Table.

Orders of the Day

Supply

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates and Supplementary Estimates, 1920–21

(UNCLASSIFIED SERVICES.)

Advances for German Coal Deliveries

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £100, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1921, as the British share of the advances to be made in respect of German coal deliveries."

On a point of Order. This is a new service, as described in the Vote. Under the Standing Order relating to Supply, it is laid down that

"Any additional Estimate for any new matter not included in the original Estimate for the year shall be submitted for consideration in the Committee of Supply on some day not later than two days before the Committee is closed."

The Committee will be closed to-morrow, so that it is clear that to-day does not come within the two days of the closing of the Committee. I understand that it has been ruled from the Chair that this Standing Order does not mean effective consideration, that is to say, opportunity for Debate, but that it has been held that the Standing Order is complied with if the Vote in question has been put down for consideration on some previous Supply day, even though on that day it may not have been reached. I would, however, direct your attention to the fact that this Estimate for £5,000,000 was not put down for any previous Supply day, for the simple reason that it did not exist. It was only printed and circulated to Members on Friday night or Saturday morning. I therefore submit that, under Subsection (10) of Standing Order 15, it is impossible for this Committee to take into consideration this Vote at the present time. On the same point of Order, perhaps it may be convenient if I say that I shall raise the same objection to a further Supplementary Estimate which was printed on the 27th July; but I will raise that when you call that Estimate from the Chair. I submit that, in accordance with our Standing Orders, we cannot proceed to consider this Estimate.

I think there is no question that can arise to-day. I do not know whether the hon. and gallant Member is correct or not as to the position of this Vote; but this day, as he will notice from the Order Paper, is not an allotted day, and therefore the putting down of these Votes as they are is perfectly regular.

Then I would ask your guidance in this matter. The Standing Order of the House says that such a Vote as this must be submitted within two days of the closing of the Committee. It has been ordered by the House that the Committee shall close to-morrow. Will you direct me as to the proper time for private Members to protect themselves against Votes for new services being introduced in non-compliance with the Standing Orders?

To-morrow may or may not be the day for closing Supply: I do not know. If it is, and any Vote then is set down irregularly or without authority, that will be the proper time for the hon. and gallant Member to raise the matter.

I very much hesitate to appear obstinate on this point, but tomorrow you will obviously reply that I should have raised the point when the Vote was first submitted in Committee of Supply to-day. This Vote may not be called to-morrow; it may be called when we are asked to go through the guillotine process at 10 o'clock. I submit that the right time to draw attention to the non-compliance with the Standing Order is when it is discovered that the Vote is put down on the wrong day. I should imagine that the answer of the Chair would be, either that it is a matter which cannot be taken, or that it would be impossible until the Committee closes to-morrow. If, of course, you say that, in view of this Vote being taken, the Committee cannot close to-morrow, my objection falls to the ground.

On a point of Order. Presuming that the facts as stated by my hon. and gallant Friend are correct, it would seem perfectly evident that, if the Committee of Supply does close to-morrow, this Vote is irregular. Am I to understand, Mr. Whitley, from your ruling, that if Supply is closed tomorrow and my hon. and gallant Friend then draws your attention to this point again, you will then rule that this Vote cannot be included in Supply because it was put down irregularly?

It may be my fault, but I am not sure that I quite comprehend what will be the result. If we pass this Vote to-day, it will not come up again to-morrow. The House will have agreed to it, and it will pass automatically to the Report stage.

The right hon. Baronet (Sir F. Banbury) is perfectly correct. There are amongst the Votes set down for to-day several Votes which are described as new services. They are put down to-day on purpose, because this day is not an allotted day, and, acording to the Standing Orders, they could not be taken on an allotted day unless the House specially authorised their being put down. Therefore, the time to raise the point is to-morrow. It would be my duty of my own Motion, if I found a Vote irregularly proposed to be included in the final Votes at 10 o'clock to-morrow, to withdraw that Vote.

I am perfectly satisfied, Mr. Whitley, that the rights of private Members of this House are safeguarded if that is your ruling. I understand that, if we proceed to consider this Vote in Committee to-day, you will say— not to-morrow, because to-morrow is a Committee day, but when the Report stage arrives—that it cannot be taken, inasmuch as Standing Order No. 15 has not been complied with. This will not come into your purview to-morrow; the Committee stage will presumably have been passed to-morrow.

At the Report stage it will be for Mr. Speaker; I can only deal with Committee.

When you know, as the House does, that the Committee is to be closed to-morrow, and when you are advised that a Vote for a new service is being put down in defiance of the Standing Order, may I suggest that it would be the duty of the Chair to draw the attention of the Government to that, and ask them to withdraw the Vote and take it on a proper occasion?

Nothing whatever is irregular in the Vote set down for to-day. That is quite clear. As to what may happen to-morrow, I am obliged to the hon. and gallant Gentleman, and I will exercise due vigilance to see that nothing incorrect happens.

I take an interest in this as a student of the Rules of the House. May I draw your attention to the wording of the paragraph? It seems to me to be very difficult to know what ought to be done. Paragraph 10 of Standing Order 15 says:

"Any additional estimate for any new matter not included in the original Estimates for the year shall be submitted for consideration in Committee of Supply on some day not later than two days before the Committee is closed."

In other words, it must not be submitted for consideration in Committee of Supply unless it is submitted at least two days before the Committee is closed. I agree there is an obvious difficulty in dealing with this because no one can know when the Committee will be closed. Still there is the proposition. It is not to be submitted for consideration in Committee of Supply unless there is to be an interval of two days before the Committee is closed. This is, I understand, the occasion on which it is being submitted for consideration to the Committee of Supply. I do not know how it is possible to make that ruling effective if, in point of fact, Supply is closed to-morrow, unless you were to rule to-morrow that it could not be closed in consequence of this Vote being submitted to-day.

The point the Noble Lord has quoted have been frequently raised, in my experience, in the House, and Mr. Speaker has ruled on more than one occasion that the words "submitted in Committee of Supply" means that Committee of Supply shall be set down on the Orders of the Day, the particular Vote being there submitted. Whether the House reaches Supply on that day is another matter. It does not always happen so. I have not looked to see whether these Votes have been submitted.

That is a question which may arise to-morrow. It does not arise to-day. To-day's proceedings are perfectly regular.

You, Sir, are the Chairman of the Committee of Supply. You determine the twenty days which shall be allotted to Supply. At any rate, you preside, and you are well aware that to-morrow will be the last occasion on which you will preside over Committee of Supply for twenty allotted days. The Standing Order says that no Vote of this kind shall be submitted at such a late period, and I suggest, therefore, that it is your duty, as Chairman of Committees, to say that the attempt to submit this Vote in Committee so late is a defiance of the Standing Order. If, of course, you let this occasion pass, it passes altogether out of your control, because the Vote will not arise tomorrow, the Committee Stage having been passed.

Any question as to my duty can only arise to-morrow and not to-day. The present proceedings are perfectly regular. I can only repeat that I will exercise all proper vigilance to see that no irregular thing is done to-morrow.

What we are trying to arrive at is this. Obviously, if we proceed with this Vote now, it is taken in Committee of Supply to-day. Therefore, even although you are in the Chair all to-morrow, no question of this Vote can or will arise. It can only arise on Wednesday at ten o'clock when the Guillotine falls. Is our only opportunity of testing the validity of this Estimate being put down to-day at ten o'clock, when Mr. Speaker, who will then be in the Chair, is dealing with all Votes on Report I We want to know whether we have to Kangaroo the Chairman of Ways and Means or the Speaker in order to get a decision.

I apprehend that the point may be raised with Mr. Speaker either at the beginning of the consideration of Report of Supply or at ten o'clock, as the hon. Member pleases. He will, no doubt, exercise the same vigilance that I shall to-morrow, and see that nothing irregular occurs. In further reply to the Noble Lord, if he wishes to look up the first ruling that has been the standard on that question, he will find it in the OFFICIAL REPORT, volume 99, columns 159 and 160, and 360 to 366, on 9th August, 1901.

I do not wish to discuss the point of Order, but I wish to assure the Committee that there has been no negligence on the part of the Government in putting this Vote down at the earliest possible moment. The necessity for the Vote did not arise until after the Coal Deliveries Agreement, which was concluded at Spa on 16th July, was made, and that agreement necessitated the further detailed agreement which was made at Boulogne on 26th July, and after that it was necessary to communicate with the Reparations Commission, and last Friday this Vote was issued, and I think the Committee will see that, no matter for the moment what the value is of the point of Order, in point of fact the Government has made no delay and has taken every measure to bring this before the Committee at the earliest possible moment. The amount I am asking on this new Estimate is a nominal amount of £100. It is explained in some detail in the Estimate, that this is towards a sum of £5,000,000, which is the British participation in the loan to be made to Germany in connection with the coal deliveries. The Vote will not call for any fresh borrowing on the part of the United Kingdom. The balance of the sum will be supplied by an Appropriation-in-Aid coming from actual receipts from Germany under the reparation Clauses of the Treaty. The British participation in the total loan to be made to Germany is 24 per cent.

The Committee will like to know the object of the loan and the circumstances under which it has been agreed to. The object of the loan is to secure to France the monthly deliveries of coal to which she is entitled under the Treaty, and which by discussion at Spa had been settled at 2,000,000 tons a month for the next six months. The German representatives were pressed at Spa to give the highest possible deliveries of coal to the Allies in accordance with the Treaty, and when pressed to give the 2,000,000 tons, at first they explained that they were, quite unable to make any such delivery because the coal which they were asked to deliver was in part being used by them at that moment for the purpose of getting food for their miners and for their people. They had no other means of paying for food from outside Germany. Their currency is very much depreciated and they had no other means of supplying their people with food unless some of the coal was used for that purpose, and they made the proposition that the Allies should pay for part of the price of the coal they received in cash, varying in that way the actual terms. If they paid in cash, of course the Germans would have had cash with which they could get food, but the French and ourselves agreed that the Treaty was not to be varied in this respect, and so it became necessary to find another method whereby the food that was necessary for the miners to produce the coal could in fact be supplied, and by Article 235 of the Treaty a method was provided. Article 235 provided that out of the first indemnities payable by Germany under the Treaty, whether those indemnities were in cash or in kind, such an allowance should be made to the Germans for essential food and raw materials as the Allies might think fit, and so, in accordance with the terms of the Treaty, the Allies agreed to make advances to the Germans, in proportion to the coal actually delivered month by month during the next six months, of sums equal to the difference between the internal prices of coal in Germany and the world's price. There was no other way of securing the deliveries to the Allies except going and fetching it from the Ruhr Valley by means of occupation of the Ruhr Valley. That, of course, was a possibility. But those who object to this Vote on the ground that we are making advances to Germany should take into account what the expense of such an occupation would have been and should consider whether after all this is not the most economical way of arriving at the result desired, and this is a way provided by the Treaty itself.

There has been some criticism of this arrangement. The French Government has received some criticism in the French Press, and the British Government is naturally not without critics in the Press of this country. The French say M. Millerand has got nothing by the Spa Agreement. It is suggested in some of the French Press that Great Britain has got everything, and that the French have got nothing, and it might be worth while seeing what benefits the French have actually received under the Spa Agreement. First of all they have got deliveries of coal at a total rate of 2,000,000 tons a month to the Allies, secured in a way which really gives great probability of the Agreement being carried out. The advances which we are asked to participate in depend upon the deliveries. Those advances are payable ton for ton delivered, and the workpeople who. are working at the coal know that their chance of getting the extra nutriment which will come from these advances depends upon their working and delivery of coal, and equally the coal-owners know that those advances, which are to be used for the purpose of essential raw materials and food, depend upon the coal being actually delivered. Secondly, the French succeeded in arranging that we, the British, should participate in this loan to Germany. We are not directly interested in the coal. We do not receive one single ton of this 2,000,000 tons per month, but we, in the interests of the good working of the Allies and of their future and present friendship, have participated in the loan to the extent of 24 per cent. Thirdly, the French have obtained a somewhat larger percentage of the general reparation. So I think there can be no doubt that the arrangements made at Spa and at Berlin have been in the best interests of France, and we are glad to cooperate with the French in securing those interests.

6.0 P.M.

Another line has been to accuse the British of putting up their export prices of coal and so causing France to pay more. It is true that in the Treaty the British export price was the gauge of the price of coal to be paid by France; but it would be exactly the same to France if instead of the words "British export price," the words "the world's price" had been inserted. I wish now, knowing the sort of criticisms which some of the French Press have made upon this Clause, that the words "the world's price" instead of "the British price" had been put in. The British price is not, in fact, settled by us. The British price of export coal is the world's price. It will fall or go up, not through anything that we do, because it is not controlled by us in any way, but depends entirely upon the world's demand for and the world's supply of coal. One of the British newspapers repeats this French complaint and quotes, with approval, what is really a charge against the British nation of profiteering with regard to coal. Our internal prices of coal are controlled, but if our internal price rose to the world's price, so that for our internal coal we were having to pay the same price for coal that the French manufacturers are paying, even then it would not affect favourably the French price in any sense whatever. Their prices would not in the least be reduced if the remaining control upon our internal prices was taken off. One British newspaper has been repeating these arguments and accusing us of profiteering. That merely arouses a suspicion in the minds of our ally and cannot be considered in the interests of the alliance. A closely related paper makes a different complaint. It says:

A summary has been published. It was in the "Times" on the 17th July. It was published immediately after our return, or even before our return from Spa. It is an agreement between the Allies themselves; the Germans are not parties to it. There are reasons why I should ask the Committee to be content with the summary and not to press for the publication of the full agreement. There is no question that the Spa arrangements are favourable to Great Britain in many particulars, but I think they are perfectly fair to us and I think perfectly fair and just to the French. My point is that you cannot reject this loan without, at the same time, rejecting the whole of the Spa Agreement. These two newspapers are never tired of posing as the upholders of the Entente, and yet each, in its way, endeavours to sow suspicion and to raise opposition to agreements come to in full accord between the representative heads of the Allied Governments.

I am dealing with a quite serious matter; the suspicion which the action of one of these papers is bound to cause in the minds of the French, who are paying, not 40s. or 50s. a ton, but £6 or £7 a ton for coal, and who are, therefore, not unnaturally, looking about for the cause of the high price. On the other hand, there is an endeavour in a closely-related paper to arouse further suspicion in this country. It is not possible to carry on the alliance in an atmosphere such as that, and I ask the House of Commons to disregard both these mischief makers and to pass this Estimate, in reliance that the heads of the Government who have been in conference and who have discussed this for four days have done their best to maintain the alliance and to do all that is right and proper in the interests of the two nations.

I am sorry that my right hon. Friend has devoted so much of his speech to dealing with some of the criticisms of certain outside papers who have nothing to do with the subject matter that we are discussing to-day or with the House of Commons. It comes very badly from Members of the Government, some of whose colleagues depend upon having their pretty large incomes eked out by the proprietors of these papers, to flaunt the columns of those newspapers in the face of the House of commons on an occasion of this character. What we are up against is a change in policy on the part of the Government, a welcome change for those of us who never believed that it was a good policy to re-echo the election cry that Germany should be made to pay. It is a change which may well contribute to the world's peace, in so far as in this document the Peace Treaty is being revised in at least two parts. The time has come when the revision of the Peace Treaty would be a good thing, and if the Prime Minister an shake himself free of the absurd rhetorical promises that he gave during the General Election, when he was shedding both his principles and his friends, and direct his energy to seeing that that revision is a real effort, he may atone for his very doubtful past. This Vote requires to be understood. As far as I can gather, under Article 236 of the Peace Treaty, Germany agreed to direct her economic resources to reparation as specified in provisions 4, 5, 6 of the Annexe, relating especially to merchant shipping, physical restoration, coal, the derivatives of coal, and so on. That is presumably the governing clause of this arrangement. That is to say, that if we make an arrangement with regard to the amount of coal which is to be delivered by Germany to the Allies, it cuts across this arrangement by which Germany agreed out of her economic resources to make this reparation. It is difficult to understand what is going to be paid by Germany, and I rose more for the purpose of putting some of these questions in order that we may know exactly where we are. The Prime Minister, when he last spoke on this question, said:

"Germany undertakes to deliver 2,000,000 tons of coal per month to the Allies, and of that quantity 1,500,000 tons will be delivered to France. As a matter of fact, it should have been 3,500,000 on the estimate of the French losses. Great difficulty arose with regard to price. Those who know about the coal market in this country are aware that we have two prices, and so have they in Germany. We have an inland and an export price. The great question for Germany was whether she should be credited with the export price or with the inland price. If she was only credited with the inland price, she felt her only means of buying food would be taken away and that she would be deprived of the coal necessary for her own industries. The Allies met that by stipulating that the difference between the two prices should, as to five marks per ton, be paid in cash to Germany, and, as to the balance, be advanced to her for the purpose of buying food and clothing for the miners."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 21st July, cols. 489–90, Vol. 132.]

That is not quite the same as that we have been told this afternoon.

My right hon. Friend says it is exactly so. If that is so, how much is credit and how much is cash? How much of the £5,000,000 that you are making in loan represents the five marks per ton to be paid in cash to Germany.

The five marks gold additional per ton is not paid by us in any sense. It is paid by the recipients of the coal; that is, France, Italy, and Belgium. The difference between the inland price, plus the five marks, and the export price is the amount of the Allied loan to Germany, and in this Allied loan we participate. I did not repeat that, because it is printed with great clarity on the Paper.

It equals the £5,000,000 which we are asked to grant this afternoon. If that is so, it means that this is being done not by the Reparation Committee, into whose hands this work was committed, but by the Supreme Council.

My right hon. Friend shakes his head. We are labouring under some considerable difficulty in putting these points. We have been referred by my right hon. Friend to the fact that in some obscure issue of the "Times" a summary appeared of what was done at Spa with regard to this arrangement. The Members of this House have never had that information. I inquired to-day at the Vote Office whether the Minutes of the Spa Conference were available, but they were not.

Nor, as my Noble Friend says, is the summary in the "Times" official. We cannot be expected to trust the "Times" for the summary.

Is it not the same point that no official summary has yet been presented to Parliament, and that the only summary we are referred to is one which has been published in the "Times." My right hon. Friend did not mention all the papers. He mentioned the "Times" The Government do not accept what is put in the "Times" as accuracy while we are asked casually to look in the "Times" of a particular date. After all, while the "Times" is an important newspaper, it has not the same kind of wide circulation that is possessed by the "Evening News" or the "Sunday Pictorial," or other numerous illustrated papers for which members of the Government write. We are entitled surely to be in possession of the facts in discussing this matter. This arrangement was made by the Supreme Council. My right hon. Friend made a perfectly good point of order so far as he was concerned—we do not blame him or his Department—that on the technical point they were not to blame, because they had to consult so many people—the Supreme Council, the Reparation Commission, and so on. Does not that mean that this alteration was made by the Supreme Council and on the authority of the Supreme Council? That indicates that this is a revision of the Peace Treaty. The second point is the modification with regard to price. There is no provision at all in the Treaty, as far as I know, for any such modification. If there is, I should like my right hon. Friend to point it out. If it were not so near the close of the Session, it would be fair to report Progress, so that the House could be in possession of the facts. The issues at stake are enormous. On Thursday week we are going from this House into the country, leaving all these affairs in the hands of the Government as an executive. I protest against the fact that discussion is going on without knowledge. My third point is that if the coal is paid for on delivery, and the deliveries are monthly deliveries, why should any money be required at all? I see the Noble Lord (Lord R. Cecil) shakes his head.

It would, perhaps, be better if I reminded the hon. Gentleman of the Treaty. It is paid for in this sense, that it is credited to Germany and debited to France or Italy or Belgium in the reparation accounts, but it does not produce actual cash in the hands of the Germans. The five marks gold is paid over in cash.

It means, then, that only the five marks gold is of any use to the German people in the way of purchasing food.

It is represented by £5,000,000. The Government which came into power to make Germany pay is now advancing £5,000,000 of the British taxpayers' money in order that the German people may live. I am glad of it. It is a humanitarian object. It is monstrous that this country should allow Germany to drift further than it has drifted. It is "up to" this country, with its honour and its sense of fair play, to come, to the rescue of the German people, particularly the women and children, if they are in dire physical distress. But do not let us have any humbug about it. Do not let the Government take the platforms of the country as the overpowering force which is to make Germany pay, when all the time they are arranging to use the British taxpayers' money to help Germany.

I think the last speaker has made a false point on this occasion. This transaction seems to me to be a prudent as well as a humanitarian transaction, but it does seem to indicate that the view held by many of us, that the reparation terms of the Treaty were unworkable, clumsy, and in some respects very difficult to rectify, has been borne out. It has been necessary to devise this exceedingly complicated and elaborate arrangement in order to make the thing work at all, whereas if you had had a perfectly simple provision that such and such an indemnity should be paid by Germany, with certain guarantees for its payment, and had struck out the whole of this elaborate system providing that this shall be paid in kind and that paid in kind, and then a provision that you are to be entitled to go into Germany and legislate for Germany, and that you are to have all the other elaborate provisions in the reparation terms—if that had not been part of the Treaty this difficulty would not have arisen. It is not only a question of humanity. The thing we have to realise is that we can treat Germany in only two ways. We can say, "We will crush Germany to the earth; we will never allow her to rise again. She has shown herself an enemy to the world; she shall be converted into a nation of helots and never have a commercial or political future." That, to my mind, would be an insane policy. It would never work, it would cause a greatest possible disturbance and ultimately would have to be abandoned. If you do not adopt that policy you have to say, "What we want is to make Germany pay as much as we can of the vast cost and damage she has caused to the world; and the first thing we have got to do is to set Germany on her legs again commercially." From that point of view it is a mere matter of business, not of humanity. If you have a debtor you may think it prudent to advance something to enable him to carry on his business and to pay some of the debts he has incurred. So it is right to advance this money to Germany in order to put her in a position to carry out as much at any rate of the indemnity terms as may ultimately turn out to be practicable.

And that the Government had been driven to make this advance, which was quite out of keeping with their previous policy to make Germany pay. It is not so. It is part of the policy of making Germany pay. I agree that if anyone held out the hope that Germany would be able to pay the whole cost of the War, they were holding out hope of a policy which could never be carried out, and if ever there was any misunderstanding in the country on that subject, I hope it has now been entirely removed. I think it would be a pity to throw difficulties in the way of this Vote being passed as rapidly as possible. Details may be subject to criticism, but the general principle of the Vote is sound. It is right and proper that we should abandon the theory that we can both crush Germany to the earth and make her pay. We can do one or the other; we cannot do both. That is a truth which several of my hon. Friends do not seem to have realised. I do not know whether they have begun to realise it now, but it must be realised. We have to recognise that Germany is a fact, that we have to live with her on the earth, and that we must treat her on a peace footing and not on a war footing.

I want to ask the Government whether this is genuinely part of their new policy. We have heard the right hon. Gentleman talk about the mischief makers, and he has, as pointedly as he could, referred to the Northcliffe Press. If this is part of our new policy let us be frank about it. If we are to feed Germany in order that Germany may fight for us, let us say so. It was Napoleon, I believe, who said that armies fought on their stomachs. Let us know what we are after. But do not let the right hon. Gentleman play this double game, denouncing the Northcliffe Press—that press did more for this country during the War than any press in the country—from the Treasury Bench and then allow one of the Members of the Treasury Bench to use that particular press in order to put forward this new policy with regard to Germany. We have a right to know where we stand. I would ask any hon. Member who has some recollection of the absurd and flamboyant election promises of the Prime Minister to say how this squares with searching deep into the pockets of Germany. A sum of £5,000,000 out of the pockets of the people of this country is to be used to feed Germany in order that she may fight Bolshevism according to the policy of the Secretary of State for War. It is a poor thing for my right hon. Friend to make cheap capital out of the mischief-making press when that very press is chosen by his colleague the Secretary of State for War to put forward a new policy for the British Government. It was just a mere chance that we were prevented from discussing this matter at 8.15 to-night. The Government once more are riding off and covering up the blazing indiscretions of the Secretary for War. We know that according to the Secretary of State for War he has put forward a new policy. Is part of this new policy adumbrated in the Resolution we are now discussing—that we are going to pay Germany, to make new terms with her in order that she may come into the great comity of nations and start a new Red war against Bolshevist Russia?

An hon. Member opposite interrupts me, but I cannot hear him, as he has such a squeaky voice.

I apologise if I have exceeded the decencies, but when I am interrupted twice in a voice which I cannot hear, I think the hon. Member might at least rise in his place, and say what he has to say.

I have not tried to do so, but I have endeavoured to lecture the Government, and I think I have a perfect right to do so. I wanted to find out from them as to this new policy adumbrated by the Secretary of State for War, and is it part of this proposal we are discussing now? Where are we drifting to, and what is to be the result of it? I say, and with all respect to you, Sir—and nothing is further from my mind than to say anything disrespectful—that the people of this country have been grossly deceived. They have been told that we must search Germany's pockets for the money to pay the Indemnity, while Germany has not yet paid a penny for the Army of Occupation. I quite agree with the Noble Lord that we cannot ask Germany to pay a great indemnity unless we enable her to rehabilitate herself and bring her people back to some physical fitness in which they can work, as I think they ought to work, so that they can pay the ecormous price which we exact for the awful horrors which that country committed in going into the devastating War. The Noble Lord is right. We must do justice by Germany. It is useless to drive down the face of that country until she has no moral left. We must be fair to her, but at the same time we must be fair to our own people, and must ask the Government to have a consistent and definite policy in regard to Germany.

What is the result and what has happened since the article to which I have referred appeared? We know that Germany is saying, "If you want us to help you to push back the great tide of Bolshevism which is pouring over Europe, you must revise the Treaty of Versailles and give us a chance to do it." Is this part of the new policy of revising or tearing up the Treaty of Versailles. If it is, I think we ought to know. We know that the League of Nations is a broken reed at the moment. The right hon. Gentleman spoke strongly about mischief-makers in the Press, and I think we have a right to ask, what is the Secretary of State for War doing in consorting with those mischief-makers of the Press? If we are out for a new policy of consideration and tenderness for Germany, let us know where we are. If we are going to feed Germany, so that she may fight Russia, then do not ask the House or the country to agree to this sum of £5,000,000 going into the pockets of Germany, and at the same time use sarcastic remarks in regard to the mischief-makers in the Press. It is a common practice of the Government, when they dislike the Press, or when the Press criticises them, to turn and rend them. We have had the Prime Minister coming down time after time, whenever he was in a small difficulty, and insulting the great Press of this country, and to-day the right hon. Gentleman who associates himself with the Prime Minister indicated his new policy to the Press, and the Minister without portfolio describes the Press as mischief-makers. You cannot have it both ways. Either the Press is disgraced by the article which was published by the Secretary of State for War, or the Secretary of State for War should leave the Government. I beg the Government to tell us what this new policy means, and I hope we shall vote against this proposal

I hope what has been said as regards the Press in this connection will not be entirely lost on the Government. I do not want to pursue that point further than to say should we have to deal later on with similar questions, it would be a help to Members to have the information supplied to them in some other way than that referred to by the right hon. Gentleman. I do not think the Members of the Committee should be left merely to some announcement which a few weeks ago found its way into the "Times," upon this question. It would be helpful if we could have in a handier form the particulars relating to this very important matter. I hope that the Committee will not place any serious difficulty in the way of getting this Vote through but it cannot be passed without asking the attention, not merely of the Committee, but of the country to the very material change in policy which this Vote denotes. We are approaching the day of the anniversary on which the great War began and it would be well for the people to note the absence throughout the land of any preparations to celebrate that anniversary; and it would be well for the people to note what this Vote means. As I think, it clearly proves the futility of war as a means to settle even great differences between great countries. I agree, and I think so does every hon. Member that the criminal follies and aggressions of Germany had to be resisted, and happily, were successfully resisted by the military forces of the Allies. Let us now agree that the War is over and that the peace era has begun, and that we can only really make the wrongdoer pay by creating a peace spirit, and by facing those issues from the standpoint of commonsense, and from the standpoint of the impossibility of a beaten people being able to make good the wrongs they have committed, or to repair the damage they have caused, unless by the co-operation of the Allied nations. I cannot understand some portions of the speech of the hon. Member (Mr. Palmer). Germany cannot perform miracles, nor can we in the sense of dipping deep into the pockets of Germany and making her empty them and pay. This Vote shows that we can only hope to help Germany to pay by ourselves advancing some of our wealth upon terms to enable her gradually to resume her ordinary individual and commercial activities.

It is therefore folly to continue to think of the War in terms of sustained bitterness and vengeance in relation to Germany and the other countries which act with her. We have lost a great deal, both in respect of the general work of restoration and in reconstruction and in respect to the prospect of getting back the indemnities by the absence of this peace spirit. It is essential there should be co-operation, and that co-operation must take the form not merely of the expression of humanitarian sentiments, but must be reduced to terms of assistance, and this is evidently the beginning and the first step taken by the Government on that very useful and very necessary road. If we are going to save ourselves from the general consequences of the War, we must help Germany to save herself, too. There must be on the part of the world more co-operation for the general rescue of mankind from the losses which the War has entailed. I do not remember that the right hon. Gentleman told us precisely the terms upon which this advance or loan is to be arranged, and I think we ought to know. I hope that the Committee will not regard this as an opportunity for discussing at any great length the unhappy activities of a certain Member of the Government in certain of the newspapers of the country. That is a question which, I think, must itself be creating some disturbance in the minds of Members of the Government. Let us face this issue as indicating a change in policy and in spirit towards beaten countries and give the Government what help we can to obtain it.

I regret that the hon. Member for Lonsdale (Col. C. Lowther) is not in his place, and also the hon. Member for York (Sir J. Butcher) and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Duncairn (Sir E. Carson). I think they ought to have been here. Last year they sent a round-robin telegram to the Prime Minister claiming to speak for their constituents, and at a time when I believe the Prime Minister was doing his best to try and get a decent Treaty of Peace. They protested that he was not going to make Germany pay for the War. I was fighting a by-election, and the action of those misguided though hon. Members brought me a tremendous lot of support as the people of Yorkshire began to understand that we were not going to get the cost of the War out of Germany. I am not going to throw javelins at the Government. They are all sorry for their temporary intoxication in November, 1918. And the rest of the country is too. They are at last beginning to see that you cannot actually crush and dismember Germany and expect her to pay the costs of the War at the same time. I only wish the Noble Lord (Lord R. Cecil) had said last year that the terms of the Treaty of Peace were utterly unworkable. There is the question of the price of coal. It was prophesied that it would lead to friction. I think it is immoral for us to charge France and Italy just as much as we can screw out of them for coal.

It has a very big effect on the price to be paid under this Vote. The French are complaining, and I think with some reason, that we wish to make as much as we can out of our coal, and therefore we are willing to see a larger price paid for the German coal. Our Government declare that we are putting up the price of German coal in order to enable the Germans to get food and comforts for the German people, but the French case against that is that it is to our interest to keep up the world price of coal. I think that is a very short-sighted policy. One of the causes of the high cost of living is the high price we have to pay for commodities coming from abroad, and that is due in its turn partly to the price of coal. I think it would be wise in every way, sentimentally and morally and from the business point of view, to take international action to lower the world price of coal, and then we should have to find some other means of giving these credits to Germany. What happens if the coal delivered per month is under the 2,000,000 tons? Is no payment made at all? Another question I would like to ask is this: Our French allies occupy the Saar Valley. What sort of output are they getting from the coalmines of the Saar? Some of us made a protest, and the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin, I think, at the time suggested that it would be much better to leave the Saar in German occupation and allow them to make the best use they could of the mines there towards paying off the indemnity. I would also like to point out that there is no doubt about it that the Germans are having great difficulty in scraping together the coal, owing, of course, to lack of output, as in this country and elsewhere, and the Prime Minister himself has admitted that he thinks the German Government are trying to do their best to deliver the coal.

I mention that because it is very much affected by the present political conditions in Eastern Europe. One of the greatest and richest of the German coalfields is that of Upper Silesia, and while there is all the disturbance in Poland the Upper Silesian coalfields must be affected. If men never know when the tide of war is not going to sweep over their homes, you cannot expect them to be working at full blast. Further, the Allies are tremendously to blame for not having tackled the Teschen question long ago. Over a year ago the Prime Minister quoted Teschen to the House as one of the possible causes of war between two of our Allies. The Teschen question, I am sorry to say, according to my infor- mation, has not yet been settled, and naturally that is affecting the whole supply of coal to Europe, is putting up the world price, and is one of the causes of the present trouble. There is a very rich coal basin in the Donnetz Valley, and that is being attacked and threatened by another of our glorious allies, General Wrangel. The Donnetz basin is being kept in a state of ferment by the partisans of General Wrangel, whose men are clothed in British uniforms, armed with British weapons, firing off British poison gas shells and British munitions generally. The men fighting them are also provided with British uniforms and munitions at our expense, and I think the fact that this great rich coal basin, the Donnetz, so affects the whole coal supply of Europe, reinforces the need of peace in that district. The right hon. Member for Colchester (Sir L. Worthington-Evans), I suppose, has made himself coal controller for Europe for the time being. At any rate, he is the British representative on the Committee which controls the coal supply of Europe, and I beg him to use his influence, in the first place, to get place in those parts of Europe where coal is produced, and, secondly, to sit on the heads of his colleagues in the Cabinet who are trying their best to prolong war.

Earlier in the Debate reference was made to the attitude of France, and I am not going to refer to that beyond saying this, that I believe in the discussion of proposals of this kind it is possible to exaggerate the fears and feelings of our Allies, and even the fears and feelings of Allies who have suffered perhaps to a very large extent during the recent War. As regards France, it is one of the most remarkable facts at the moment that even in the devastated areas they expect round about two-thirds of the harvest of pre-War times, and even Belgium itself is making at the moment a quite remarkable recovery. These are almost irrelevant considerations in this Debate, save for this purpose, that they help us to appreciate exactly what is happening in Europe and to understand that even the so-called devastated countries, much as we sympathise with them, are now making a recovery which is certainly in their interests and is very much in ours. On the narrower question of the coal supply, I want to press for any information which the Government can give us. The right hon. Gentleman in the course of his statement used one phrase which seemed to sum up the proposal. He said the miners would understand that their nutriment, the food upon which they depend, turned entirely on their output of coal.

Recently, I had an opportunity of seeing a detailed investigation of the mining position in Germany, and it falls into two parts, the first referring to the physique and stamina of the miners, and the second to the world problem of production or output. There cannot be the slightest doubt that the physique of the German mining class is in an appalling condition. That is due, of course, to the ravages of war, to the fact that many of these men served with the forces and returned impaired in health, and to the general effects of, the blockade which was necessary in order to bring victory to our arms. If that is the position, it becomes perfectly clear that, not merely as a humanitarian but also as a purely economic device, this country wants to do everything in its power to restore the physique of the producing classes in Europe, and included in that I should place, of course, the German producing classes as well. On the other side—and this is where my personal difficulty in this matter enters—we are expecting a very large contribution, month by month, from the German miners, and I read, in the same publication which made that it detailed investigation of physique and stamina among the German miners, that it has been found impossible to carry on certain of the mines in Germany because of these and other difficulties, and that certain industries have closed down in Germany because of the absence or shortage of coal. It is just on that somewhat narrow but very important point that I desire to ask for some information on this proposal. Obviously, the first business is to restore the physique, but at the same time, as the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) has pointed out, we want to help German industry to recover. We may be restoring physique by this proposal, but how about the recovery of German industry depending to a material extent upon German coal? That seems to me to be a very important point in this Debate, and I trust, while giving a general support to the Government in this humanitarian, broadminded, and, indeed, generous proposal, that some information will be forthcoming on that head.

There is one point I should like information upon before this goes through. As I understand it, credit of £5,000,000 sterling is to be given to Germany. Has any option been taken of providing this money in kind? The Government have given credit to the fishermen of £3,000,000 to enable them to proceed with the herring fishing, but that £3,000,000 will not cover the amount required, and it would help the fishermen very much indeed were the option taken of providing a certain proportion of the catch in kind instead of allowing it in sterling altogether.

7.0 P.M.

I have no objection to the general policy behind this Estimate, but I think it is one on which we ought to have full details before we vote it. The question is, what is going to be done by France and the other Allies with the money that they realise from the sale of this coal? The money which they will realise is composed of three elements. First of all, there is the German inland price, which I understand will not be paid at all, but will be pledged against reparation; secondly, there is the five gold marks per ton which will be paid by these Allies; and thirdly, there is the difference to make up the sum to the export price. That money is going to be realised by the three Allies. What are they going to do with it? Are they going to put it in their pockets or to pay it over to Germany? If they are going to realise it, as they will do from time to time, why should they not pay it over to Germany, and why should we be dragged in to pay our share of this money when they are going to realise it by the sale of their coal? If it is desired that we should make an advance to Germany to enable her to set up her industries again, why should it be complicated with questions about coal? Why should we not make our advance and be done with it? Then we should know where we are. France, Italy, and Belgium, who alone are going to share in this coal, are going to get the money from those to whom they sell the coal, and therefore they will have the money to dispose of. Therefore, it seems to me that they should hand over the whole of that difference by way of an advance to Germany. If they do not do that, it seems to me that we are actually making an advance to France, Italy, and Belgium, and if it is desirable that we should do so, then let the Government say so, but let us know exactly what we are doing.

I am sorry I did not hear the whole of this Debate, but I am very gratified to know that in the main the loan is supported by the Committee. I understand that it was a matter of observation by those who supported the loan that it indicated a change of policy. That is not so. The policy is the policy of the Versailles Treaty—not the Versailles Treaty as represented by its critics, but the Versailles Treaty as it really is, which is a very different thing. There is some sort of monster dressed up as the Versailles Treaty which does not in the least represent the actual terms of that document. An hon. Member opposite seems to think this is not the case.

I beg pardon. If hon. Members will take the trouble to read the Articles of the Treaty instead of reading comments upon them——

I am not referring merely to "The Times," but I am referring to other papers more in accord with the views of the hon. and gallant Member than even "The Times." If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will only look at Article 235 of the Treaty of Versailles, which is the proposal that Germany shall pay such instalments, whether in gold, commodities, ships, securities, or otherwise, as the Reparation Commission may fix, he will find this provision:— What is done in this case? Under the Spa Agreement, the proceeds of the sale of the ships allocated to Great Britain are to be credited to Great Britain. In addition to that, the amount of freights earned for a certain period by those German ships is also credited to Great Britain. It is not for me to estimate what that amount will be. Hon. Members know just as well as I do what 2,000,000 tons of shipping will fetch. Whether it is £20 or £25 a ton, I cannot say until the market is made. But whatever the figure—put it at £20 a ton, which will mean £40,000,000—it will be credited to Great Britain in respect of these ships actually sold. Then there is a sum which has actually been received in respect of freights for the use of those ships. I am not sure what the amount is, but it represents some millions of money. That is a sum of money which we have got either in cash or in kind. We have got the ships. They are here. We can sell them in the market. The freights are being received. Therefore we made arrangements at Spa that this advance should be made to Germany under Article 235 of the Treaty. That is to be found out of the reparation proceeds whether in cash or in kind, and, up to the present, it has been entirely in kind. France and Belgium will receive coal. They will, I hope, receive 2,000,000 tons a month for the next six months and beyond it. France will find the money out of her coal and also out of her ships. We shall have to find the money out of the ships.

It will be deducted out of sums we have already received, which are considerably in excess of this amount, and I think it is right that any mistake which may have been created in the public mind, some of it deliberately, some of it in real innocence, and some of it in real anxiety of heart, should be dispelled. The theory that, without receiving anything from Germany, the first action to be taken under the Treaty is to raise £5,000,000 is absolutely wrong. We shall receive, at any rate, something like ten times that amount. Out of that, under the terms of the Treaty, we shall have to advance this £5,000,000, in order to enable Germany to find food for her industrial population. That is business. France wants coal, and coal is one of the most effective methods of meeting the reparation demands on Germany. Coal is gold. Germany cannot pay in gold or raw material. She has no gold, but when she sends coal across the frontier she sends gold, or the equivalent in value of gold. An hon. Member says that coal is more valuable than gold. I agree it is much more valuable. It is the equivalent of gold now. Therefore, the more Germany can produce, the more she can spare, but she cannot produce with an underfed population. There is no doubt at all as to the conditions of the people. We have got representatives throughout Germany who are quite impartial. I am rather proud of the fact that the men who were quite prepared to face Germans, and to face death in the most terrible conditions, are the moment it comes to adjudicating fairly, even in the case of an enemy, doing so with characteristic fair-play and characteristic British generosity. I think it is one of the proudest stories in the history of our nation, and although, at the present moment, there may be some criticism on the part of people whose criticism really does not matter very much, I am perfectly certain it will be one of the things that will count as a permanent asset in the story of our people. The fact that in 1814 and 1815, when France was beaten by an allied combination, we stood up for fair play against the extremists who wanted to dismantle and dismember France, stands to the credit of the British people. So to-day, and, in the same way, we are acting, it may be sternly—I think sternly—but fairly, judicially and impartially. I think it is to the credit of our people that they should take up that position.

The population of Germany is underfed. They have not got the means to purchase food, and all the information we have is that the people are not now receiving anything within 60 or 70 per cent. of the food which they enjoyed before the War. Under those conditions, you cannot expect them to produce coal, and we are convinced, and France is convinced, that if we are to expect coal from the Ruhr Valley or Silesia, or anywhere else, the first thing to do is to give them the necessary food and stamina, in order to enable them to work under these trying conditions. We foresaw that possibility in this much-abused document of the Treaty of Versailles, and again I ask that, when it is criticised, it should be, first of all, read. Then you will find there are a great many gleams of mercy in this terrible document, and this is one of them, that, under Article 235, we contemplated raising money upon the credit of the reparation received for the purpose of feeding the population to enable them to work. My right hon. Friend, in his statement, pointed out how much better it would be, from the point of view of France and Great Britain, apart from the point of view of humanity, that you should get your 2,000,000 tons of coal in this way, instead of getting it by sending a large army to the Ruhr Valley for the purpose of collecting it. That would have involved an enormous additional expense. It would not have fed the population. You would have had to feed the population even then. You could not have got coal without doing so, and therefore it is to the advantage of the Allies, as well as to the advantage of Germany, that this was done. But I want to clear up the misconception that we are advancing money, and that the first fruits of the Treaty of Versailles are not that we are receiving anything, but that we are asking the House of Commons to vote money. We put this Vote down because we wanted the sanction of the House of Commons to the transaction, and because we wanted the House of Commons, at the first opportunity, to have a chance of expressing its opinion upon the subject, and I am very glad that, in so far as that opinion has been expressed, it has been in favour. I was rather sorry to see my hon. and gallant Friend raising a technical objection to the passing of the Vote, of which I know, in his heart, he must thoroughly approve.

I have no objection to this Vote. What I was protesting against was the further attack on the waning powers of this House as to finance.

There is really no attack on the waning powers of this House as to finance. We want to get the earliest opportunity of obtaining the sanction of the House to the transaction. We felt that the House of Commons ought to be acquainted with the facts, and I should be very sorry if, for technical or any other reasons, there were any re- luctance shown on the part of the House of Commons to carry through the Treaty upon a basis which secures the goodwill of the working population of Germany, whilst, at the same time, it satisfies the legitimate demand of France.

I think we shall all welcome the Prime Minister's speech, not only the words but the spirit of the speech. I can quite understand, as I am sure all other hon. Members who have really thought the matter out will understand, the difficulty in which the French people and the French Government find themselves. No one can have been over the French coalfields and seen what has happened, where the whole place has been absolutely obliterated, without sympathising with the views which the French politicians, the minority in the French Chamber, and the mass of the French people hold with regard to the question of coal supply. Their position is one for which I have very great sympathy. At the same time, we have to remember that there has taken place quite recently a Debate in the French Chamber on this very question, and that by a very large majority the Chamber supported M. Millerand, the Prime Minister, in an identical proposal, subject, of course, to the necessary proportions which have been submitted by the Government here to-day. There is one question which I may put to the Prime Minister. I do not know whether he can answer it now, but I hope he will be able to answer it very soon. How much in value has been handed to this country from Germany? He says that it is in ships, so far.

Ships and their results. The public would be very interested to know what the financial advisers estimate to be the value of that kind of indemnity which has been received, so that we can know at once whether this advance which we are now making is in excess of, or less than, that estimated amount. The House will certainly be interested to know, and indeed the House is entitled to know, the amounts.

My right hon. Friend will realise the difficulty in estimating the value of these 2,000,000 tons of ships. I do not know what the market is to-day. I could have told fairly well what the market was some time ago, but it is a falling market. If they had been sold a year ago they would have fetched a pretty big price—£60 per ton. You certainly would not get that to-day. I do not want to give a figure which might be quoted later on as showing that we had sold these at too low a figure and that Great Britain was not debiting herself with a fair amount. The Reparation Commission will sell these in the open market, and whatever they fetch in the open market will be debited to us. Besides shipping, we have things like floating docks which represent a fairly substantial sum.

I appreciate the difficulty. As soon as it can be ascertained, the country is entitled to know what really is the sum, and no doubt it will be given to us. Therefore, out of this amount, which obviously is in excess of what we are now advancing, we are advancing to Germany such sums, agreed at the Spa Conference, as will enable her to make a start to get on her legs again. That is not only humanity, but it is commonsense and good business, and I hope that that policy will be pursued without any reference whatsoever to clamour, wherever it arises, which is based upon the assumption that we can, either in the name of humanity or business, pursue indefinitely a policy of hate either to our late enemies or prospective enemies. You cannot go on those lines at all. I think the transaction is covered by Article 235, though not in very definite terms. I agree at once that in a treaty of this kind it is quite impossible to foresee all contingencies, and that, given sufficiently wide and general words, you must work out the details of your transaction in accordance with the needs of the day and the times in which you are operating. I welcome very warmly indeed this first instalment of getting down to the facts of the situation. I hope at Geneva the matter will be gone into in the same spirit. That is the point. It is not the wording so much as the spirit in which things are done, and, if at Geneva this spirit of commonsense prevails, we shall before very long settle down to a definite sum which Germany within reason can pay and work to, and then the whole world will be able to settle down. We never shall get business going until this great question is settled. When that is done business all over the world will begin to accommodate itself to that great fact. That is all I have to say on the matter, except to repeat again that what the Prime Minister has said to-day, and what he has said on one or two occasions recently, gives me, at any rate, great hope that we are not far distant from the time when humanity and commonsense will work hand in hand for a better state of affairs.

May I ask two questions? First, what happens if the amount of coal delivered is under 2,000,000 tons a month? Do we advance pro rata, or is there no payment at all? Secondly—and I hope this matter will be discussed at Geneva—is any attempt going to be made to bring down the world price of coal by international action, because I think that is of vital importance to the whole of Europe?

With regard to the first question, the Germans, if they do not deliver the 2,000,000 tons of coal a month, will have failed in their agreement.

They certainly can claim nothing under the agreement. They are given until November to deliver it so as to be able to equalise. Supposing they fail in September or in October, they are given until November so as to be able to claim the average. If they fail altogether, the agreement has not been adhered to; they have broken it, and they certainly cannot, under the agreement, claim anything. With reference to the second point about the world price of coal, I do not see how anything can be done. There is only one way to bring the price of coal down, and that is by increasing production. We are suffering an under-production of about 50,000,000 or 60,000,000 tons — a very considerable quantity. I think France is down on the mines working. Germany is very considerably down, and there are mines in every part of the world which are not operating fully, because the world is not settled. There is an increase in production we cannot expect a decrease in price. No convention can possibly bring down the world price as long as the quantity is limited and the demand is considerably in excess of the supply. That is one of the reasons why this loan to Germany is very useful, because we trust that the miners—they rather promised it—will work extra hours in Germany for the purpose of producing coal provided they are decently and reasonably fed. If all the miners of the world will work in the same spirit, I have no doubt the price of coal will soon fall.

I think the Prime Minister gave the Committee to understand that he looked for repayment of this sum, not solely by the amount that would be made when the ships came to be sold, but from funds actually in hand, owing to freights, which had already been earned by these ships, and which funds could be ascertained. I think he will find that is so when he refers to the Report. We are not only looking forward to what we can get when the ships are sold, but to what has actually been earned. I do not wish to press for any details now, Hit if this matter comes before the House again, I think the public would like to know, simply as a confirmation of the point which he most rightly made, that we are not beginning these operations by a payment out of funds, but that there actually is money in hand—with regard to which, presumably, some sort of estimate can be given—upon which we are really drawing. I hope that will be confirmed, and possibly amplified. I was very much impressed by what the right hon. Gentleman said about the condition of Germany. There have been speeches of his in this Session, with reference to Russian affairs, for instance, in regard to which, somehow, it appeared to me later that the facts were not quite what one had hoped them to have been from his speeches. Undoubtedly we all accept what he said about the condition in Germany. What is it? We have officers all over that country—and I join with him in paying a tribute to their splendid qualities in being able to put themselves in the position that they do—who have reported to as that the state of nutrition of the German people is extraordinarily bad, and he gave a figure. He said that, on the whole, the reports showed that they were not getting by 60 or 70 per cent. as much as they got before the War. Let us try to imagine what that would mean if we had to apply it to ourselves. We would have had to follow up all the privations of the War, which, of course, were far worse, from the point of view of food, in Germany than they were here, by a period of nearly two years after the Armistice, during which we should have only been able to get something like one-third of the food that we were accustomed to before the War began. If that is so, that applies not only to the Ruhr mining, but also to the whole population of Germany. One point I want to ask; that is a point many of us have been trying to make in and out of season for many months. Obviously, not only in regard to this coal question, but in regard to the whole state of Central Europe, you cannot expect to get the country settled up in the way of reparations, or whatever else it may be, until you make these people once again capable of output, industry, and production, until you give them something in the nature of a reasonable life of their own. If that is true—if these appalling figures in regard to the state of nutrition are true, of Germany at all——

I think my right hon. Friend has misquoted me. I did not say that it was only one-third, but 60 or 70 per cent. of what they received before the War.

Very likely I have misquoted my right hon. Friend. If they are now getting, as the Prime Minister says, 60 or 70 per cent. of what they did before the War, then they are getting two-thirds. I thought the point was they were lacking by 60 or 70 per cent. I am afraid I am wrong. At any rate, the position, as the right hon. Gentleman explained to the House, is not peculiar to these miners of the Ruhr district. It is necessary that before they can get into full working order they must have the necessary food, and that also applies to those who are engaged in the other great industries in Germany. The moral of what I said still remains: The first efforts of all statesmen of all countries must be again to set industry on its legs before we can talk in any way about indemnities, reparations, or anything of that sort.

I would not have intervened in this Debate had it not been for the Prime Minister's remarks about coal. When the Prime Minister comes down to this House and tells us that the price of coal is solely due to output, I think he is expecting more from the House of Commons that even this House of Commons would justify him expecting. After all, we do remember that the profits of what is called the coal industry in this country have risen from £10,000,000 a year before the War to some £36,000,000 a year now. There is a pretty tidy margin between £10,000,000 and £36,000,000 to bring down the price of coal. When he says this is solely due to output, I think he might recollect that output is restricted, not only by lazy mine-workers, but also by the fact of the mine-fields, that all over the world are at present closed down. There are those in the Doberitz basin, where coal is not being reduced; in Silesia, where coal ought to be produced and where anarchy prevails. The same thing applies to Teschen, where many coal-fields are not working owing to the great unrest in the East of Europe. Obviously at the present time the price of coal is a matter that the Governments must settle. The different owners of the coal-fields have formed a strong combine and are able to get what price they like for their coal. The limitation of the price of coal depends upon the Governmenis, and not now upon the laws of supply and demand. Till you have got supplies somewhere within reach of the demand you are bound to have the price of coal limited by the Governments. Therefore we cannot accept the dictum of the Prime Minister that the high price of coal at the present time, in regard to the world supply, is solely due to the shortage of production of coal either in this country, in France, or in Germany.

There is another point. The right hon. Gentleman seems to think—and I have no doubt wishes—that everybody on this side of the House is opposed to him! But on this question, and on many other questions, we spend our time—it is our duty, our laborious duty, sometimes to attempt to rescue him from his Front Bench. We know quite well the struggles, even the desperate struggles, he often has to separate himself from his next door neighbour. We do our best to help him. Far be it from us on these Benches to say one word against him now that he has adopted this admirable policy of helping Germany to get on its legs in order that Germany may pay. We do not mind when he tells us that this is by no means a revision of the Versailles Treaty. But I think he is going rather far when he tells us that this Vote to-day was merely put on the Paper so that Parliament might have an opportunity in the few days left to us in this House of discussing this matter. I do not think that even his regard for free democracy in this House will carry him so far as to put this Vote on the Paper, involving three hours' discussion, at a critical period of the Session. This token Vote of £100, which is in front of us to-day, is likely to grow and grow as the years roll on, and we continue to attempt to put Germany on her legs.

The memory of the right hon. Gentleman no doubt goes back to 1902, when, speaking from that Bench, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, in almost the same words as used to-day by the right hon. Gentleman, was pointing out to the House of Commons that instead of getting £30,000,000 out of the Rand unfortunately we had to give £30,000,000 to put them on their legs. It is the same process now. We end the War by demanding an indemnity; we begin the Peace by lending money instead of getting that indemnity! The process is quite natural. Where you have destroyed your adversary you have to get him going again in order to restart the world afresh. This is a little beginning. After all, we are making the advance to Germany of £5,000,000. If that is all, I think we shall be getting oft very cheaply. If we get back £499,999 we shall be doing very well indeed. It will come back when the Grecian Kalends come along, and the Germans are not only able but willing to repay this money. It is this futile pretence that it is not going to cost us anything to which I object. It was said that the profits made on the ships and other goods which we are to secure from Germany would meet our claim. As it is we are going to have to pay. This is a reduction upon the amount we have already secured from Germany.

The Prime Minister could not have done better, not only for this country, but by the whole of Europe, than by coming to this arrangement at Spa, to commit the country to the attempt to feed the people of Germany in order that they may produce something. This is the first step in the right direction, and the more steps he takes in the same direction the better we on these Benches will be pleased. It is no good going on with the policy of hate indefinitely, it is good neither for Germany nor for Russia. We have got to re-establish things. In spite of all that we said last month or last year, in spite of our settled conditions about shaking hands with the murderers or with bloody buffoonery, in spite of the foolish remarks that we may have made in the past, we have got to turn over and to start and re-establish Europe by peace, by production and by common sense.

Question put, and agreed to.

Miscellaneous War Services (Foreign Office)

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a supplementary sum, not exceeding £2,167,200, be granted to His Majesty to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1921, for the cost of certain miscellaneous war services."

On a point of Order, Mr. Whitley. May I draw attention to the fact that this also is a new service which has not been submitted to us more than two days before we close Committee of Supply?

I cannot accept the last part of the statement. As to it being a new service, yes. But this is not an allotted day.

In order to safeguard myself, let me say that I went to the Vote Office on 27th July.

This Vote shows six items together. Will you please tell us if you will allow discussion on each item separately, or how shall we do? I object to them all.

May I ask your ruling on this: There is included here in one sum Estimates for which different Departments are responsible. On page 2 of the Estimates, for instance, there is one item for which the Treasury is responsible, and two for which the Foreign Office is responsible. It may be that my experience is too brief, but I do not seem to remember one sum having been put from the Chair to cover Votes for which more than one Department is answerable to the House?

I do not think that point stands. The whole of this Vote, the right hon. Gentleman will notice, is answered for by the Foreign Office.

It will perhaps meet the convenience of the Committee if I now make a statement in regard to this Supplementary Estimate and very briefly to mention each of the items. It will possibly save time. I should like to direct the attention of the Committee to the fact that there is only one item of this Supplementary Estimate which may be regarded as clearly a regular part of Foreign Office expenditure. With a possible exception of Item A (Advances to Persia), I do not think it can be said that any one of these items belongs clearly to the expenditure of the Foreign Office. It may be true to say that in the future none of that expenditure under A and possibly C (Maintenance of Russian Refugees) will come up again on the Foreign Office Estimates. If the Committee is disposed to regard with some little disquiet so large a Supplementary Estimate so late in the Session, I can assure hon. Members that it has caused more anxiety than they can possibly feel on the part of myself and others who advise me in the Foreign Office.

We are not one of the spending Departments in the ordinary sense, and I can assure the Committee that novel and irregular items of expenditure are no more welcome in the Foreign Office than they are at the meetings of the Public Accounts Committee. Hon. Members may ask why there are Supplementary Estimates. The Committee is aware that the main Estimates for the year are usually prepared very early in the year, and must be definitely framed before the end of the financial year. I think it will be found that not one of these items could have been prepared in time for the Foreign Office main Estimates of the year. I should like to say a few words about Item A, Advances to Persia. I hope the Committee will observe the word "advances," because the advances to the Persian Government are recoverable, and I hope and believe will be recovered.

I need not go into the whole question of our policy in regard to Persia. I do not think this would be the proper occasion, and certainly the present situation in Persia is not such as would lend itself to a very convenient discussion. As the Committee is well aware, there has been a policy of making advances to the Persian Government. The policy of our own Government in regard to Persia has found expression in the Anglo-Persian Agreement, and these advances have been made with a view to the establishment in Persia of a Government able to withstand pressure from any quarter. It was hoped that by this time these subventions in aid would no longer be necessary, but an extension of the system has been sanctioned by the Government up to the end of October next. The Committee will observe that that expenditure, as far as this Government is concerned, amounts to £500,000, and a further £500,000 falls to be defrayed by the Government of India. The other item of expenditure under this head relates to the South Persia Rifles.

Will the hon. Gentleman tell the Committee whether that is an advance under the Anglo-Persian Agreement?

I think not. I think it would be more convenient if my Noble Friend would allow me to make my speech, and perhaps the Committee will bear with me and allow me to reply to individual points later on. This is a very difficult Estimate, dealing with matters which do not normally fall under the Foreign Office.

I quite appreciate the difficulty of the task which the hon. Gentleman is undertaking, but I would remind him that there has been no Foreign Office Debate on these Estimates at all, and there has not been time to get it in. What I think would be a very great advantage to the Committee on this occasion would be for my hon. Friend to tell the House the broad outlines of the agreement to which he has referred, because this increase is so large that it is being treated as a new service. It will help us considerably if the hon. Member will give us a little more information as to the agreement to which these advances have very definite relevance.

I wish my right hon. Friend had intimated to me that he desired to go into the question of he Anglo-Persian Agreement, to which this item has no vital reference, nor do I think it is relevant to this discussion.

The hon. Member is now passing on to the item for the South Persia Rifles.

For a long time past His Majesty's Government have made advances to the Persian Government. I do not know how long this has been the practice, but it was hoped that it would not be necessary to make these payments beyond the date which is covered by the Estimates. The Anglo-Persian Agreement is a public document which has been published for at least a whole year, and I do not think that, without very definite notice, I ought to be asked, if that is the desire, to make here and now, on these miscellaneous Estimates a full statement in regard to Persian policy.

It is raised here, and I am going to ask questions about it. There are other items about the Siberian Bank purchase, and the pay of Czecho-Slovak troops, but I certainly thought my hon. Friend was going to make a statement upon our policy in Persia justifying this large additional amount of expenditure, and I was going to ask him questions upon this subject. I am sorry if I have not given him notice of that intention, but I thought it was obvious that the hon. Member was going to make a general statement upon this subject.

I should be the last person to suggest that my right hon. Friend's request is at all unreasonable, but I think he will realise that this is a long and complicated miscellaneous Vote, comprising some items in which a great deal of interest is taken by other hon. Members, and I am trying to expound these various items according to the best of my ability, and they are part and parcel of subventions by this House made long ago to the Persian Government. They have been brought forward as a Supplementary Estimate, and it was intended that under the Anglo-Persian agreement the need for these subventions would have ceased to continue under this head. If my right hon. Friend will allow me to come to the other item, the South Persia Rifles, he will remember that that is a charge which we have accepted, and which is not recoverable. If the right hon. Gentleman will turn to the last page of the Anglo-Persian agreement he will see that we definitely undertook, through our High Commissioner, the cost of the South Persia Rifles. As the Committee will remember, this force was instituted in the middle of the War for the purpose of maintaining British interests in South Persia. Hon. Members will recollect that our enemies had managed to spread disaffection among the gendarmerie, and it was felt by the Government to be necessary to establish a force under British control in South Persia. This body numbered some 5,800 officers and men.

If my hon. and gallant Friend will look on page 5 of the Supplementary Estimate he will find that they are mentioned. This is a force consisting of some 5,800 officers and men voluntarily recruited, and under the control of British, Indian, and Persian officers. Here, again, is an item which it was hoped it would not be again necessary to place in the Foreign Office Estimates. In looking at the Agreement the Committee will find that it was proposed to set up a Military Commission to examine into the question of all the various and very varied military organisations in Persia. This Commission has met, and it decided to form a composite force for Persia.

Yes, it is in Paragraph 3 of the Agreement. I should be very grateful if I could be protected from these constant interruptions. The Military Commission was appointed, and it recommended the establishment of a uniformed Persian army, the cost of which was to be defrayed by the Persian Government. That has not yet been achieved, and we are still responsible for the cost of the South Persia Rifles. As the House is aware, the outlook in Persia is less promising than might have been expected, but I hope it may not again fall to my duty to defend a Vote in this House for the South Persia Rifles. I have endeavoured, however inadequately, to deal with the two first items of expenditure. The next relates to the maintenance of Russian refugees. The Committee will remember that, following the downfall of General Denekin, in South Russia, a large number of Russians fled before the advance of the Bolshevik forces. Whether there was any need for them to do so may be questioned according to the view which one man or another takes of the Bolshevists. True it is that they fled in large numbers, and appeals of an urgent and piteous kind were made to the Governments of various countries, and to the British Government in particular, to afford them a refuge. There are camps of Russian refugees at the present time in Mudros, Cyprus, and Egypt. There are others in Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece. The British Government has taken the responsibility of discharging the cost of maintenance of those refugees who are on British territory, while those in Bulgaria, Greece, and Serbia are being taken care of by the Goverments of those countries.

Do I understand that we are paying for the refugees at Constantinople and Cairo, in addition to those at the camps the hon. Gentleman has named?

Yes, I think so. Perhaps I had better put it that we are paying for all the refugees who have not found refuge in Greece, Bulgaria and Serbia. That, as I understand it, is the situation. I confess that here, again, is an item which I should have very much preferred myself not to have been called upon to defend. It is not a Foreign Office matter, but it must be taken by one or other of the Government Departments. Obviously, it has no relation to the ordinary functions of the Foreign Office. There is another item which I think the Committee will survey with more satisfaction than they can feel in regard to some of the items in this Supplementary Estimate.

Yes, at the moment. The Committee will remember that as a result of the recent negotiations we have had returned to this country from Russia the greater number of our prisoners in that country and of those who, although not necessarily prisoners, desired to escape from Soviet Russia. There were in all somewhere about a thousand of these people in Soviet Russia, and their repatriation was the subject of the so-called O'Grady-Litvinoff negotiations. The hardships endured by prisoners in Russia were great. That was perhaps, in the nature of things, due to conditions there, conditions which did not, as we understood, admit of the luxurious treatment of prisoners or of other persons. Their lot was extremely hard, but if it had not been for the ministration of the British chaplain in Moscow I am afraid it would have been incomparably harder than it was. Some of the members of the British community were people of considerable property and in comparatively affluent circumstances. In order to assist Mr. North in alleviating the hardships of the mass of the general community some of these wealthier members made loans to him, and this sum of £50,000 is to enable part, at all events, of those liabilities to be met.

The rate of exchange varied enormously. I do not think it is suggested that this sum of £50,000 is in full discharge of the whole of those liabilities. I should like, if the Committee will allow me, in this connection to bear my humble testimony to the invaluable services rendered to the British community in Russia by Mr. North. It is not too much to say that many of them owe their lives to him. As a nation we are fortunate in this respect, that if an emergency rises in any of the outposts of the Empire, there is always some fearless and efficient member of the race ready to take the situation in hand, to inspire the weak with confidence, and to bring them into a place of safety. That is what Mr. North did in Russia. He displayed throughout a period of the greatest anxiety the qualities not only of a faithful minister of religion, but those also of a born leader of men. I have seen many refugees from Russia, and I have not met one who has not desired to express heartfelt gratitude to Mr. North for his courage and helpfulness throughout the period to which this item of expenditure relates.

The Committee, I think, would regard me as amiss if I did not also refer to the services of the hon. and gallant Member for South-East Leeds (Captain O'Grady). When my hon. and gallant Friend undertook the duty of negotiating the exchange of prisoners in Russia he was in no doubt as to the difficulty of the task. It was a mission of great importance, involving, as it did, the return to liberty of about a thousand British subjects, and my hon. and gallant Friend exhibited throughout the long-drawn negotiations the qualities of unwearied patience and invincible good humour. The result has been the return home of a vast majority of the prisoners, and that is a point which I think we should all remember when we are considering the fate of that comparatively small body of prisoners that still remains in Russia. We ought to remember that by far the greater proportion have been repatriated, and I think we ought not to take too anxious a view as to the fate of those who have not yet recovered their liberty. This has been a great achievement, and my hon. and gallant Friend deserves the highest credit for his predominant share in the happy result. I thought the Committee would bear with me in making these few observations about the work of Mr. North and of my hon. and gallant Friend. I do not know how it has appeared to Members of this House and of the community in general, but it has been a most difficult and anxious effort to try and discover what is taking place in Russia. Before these negotiations were embarked upon the information we had with regard to Russia was very slight, and almost the only rallying point to be found in a puzzling situation was in the position of the Rev. Mr. North.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) expressed his regret that I had not prepared myself to make a full-dress statement about Persia. He said it seemed to him quite obvious that that would form the central topic of the Debate this evening. I may tell my right hon. Friend perhaps why it did not occur to me that this Debate would be regarded in that light. My mind has been fixed on the question of the Siberian Bank purchase, and my attention has been occupied to some extent with that for a very long time past. I imagined that this Committee, having regard especially to the fact that the subject had been before the Public Accounts Committee, would be disposed to devote its main attention to Item E, and I can only express my regret that my powers of prophecy were not equal to the occasion. Here, again, is an item of expenditure which would not normally fall to be discharged by our Government or defended by our Ministers. It is a war-time charge pure and simple, and in earlier days would have figured more appropriately in a Vote of Credit than in a Supplementary Estimate.

I will endeavour, in as few words as possible, to explain what is an extremely complicated transaction. The Committee will remember that the Russian Revolution took place on 12th March, 1917. At that time General Alexieff was Chief of the Imperial Army. He succeeded the Czar as Commander-in-Chief. He was, however, very soon completely disgusted with the revolutionary methods then applied to the Russian forces, and he retired to the South of Russia. There, with General Korneloff and General Denikin, he was able to establish a. certain force. At the time I speak of, this force was part of the Allied line. I am speaking of the time when General Alexieff was confronted by German forces, and when this movement was no part of the counter-revolutionary movement in Russia. As I understand it, General Alexieff was in control of a large and rich part of the country, but had no liquid financial resources. In the winter of 1917–18 His Majesty's Ambassador in Petrograd sent urgent telegrams to His Majesty's Government to the effect that General Alexieff's movement would collapse unless he received substantial financial assistance. With a view to assisting him, it was proposed to buy up a group of Russian banks, in order to establish a bank in South Russia to provide General Alexieff with the means of issuing currency of his own. One part of this transaction has already engaged the attention of the Committee on Public Accounts. There were, as I understand it, two overlapping transactions. The first related to banks other than the Siberian Bank—I am sorry I cannot make clearer a story which is to me sufficiently obscure—and as regards the other banks, our liabilities, amounting to £500,000, were accounted for in a Vote of Credit in 1918–19, together with the first instalment of £498,000 for the purchase of shares in the Siberian Bank. The present sum of £760,000 is in respect of our purchase of shares in this bank.

These are very large items, and I have no desire to minimise them or to explain them away. They were incurred as a result of a War-time emergency, and are to be regarded, as other items of large expenditure have been regarded, as intended to assist the Allied cause, though in some cases they failed in the object. I do not in the least doubt, and I do not think my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) would doubt, that during a critical period General Alexieff withstood valiantly the crumbling of his part of the Eastern front or that he was the means, for a time, at all events, of holding up considerable forces of the Central Powers. We are not to consider this transaction, I think, as an ordinary banking transaction, but as a War-time emergency, and it is a sufficient justification, I think, if at the time it was thought to serve a useful and essential purpose in maintaining any part of the Allied line and succeeded in holding up any number of the enemy's forces. Our Government now own rather more than one-third of the shares in this bank. The Committee may ask, Of what value are those shares? I hope my hon. and gallant Friend, taking, as I trust he does, a sanguine view of the future of Russia, will allow himself to hope that, when order and ordinary, or at least business-like, conditions prevail in Russia, the shares of this bank will be found to be something like cover for the expenditure.

When, we hope —at least, that is my trust in connection with the negotiations about to be resumed—trade between Russia and this country and the world at large will be restored, and when something like economic conditions—far be it from me to indicate under what political principles —will be restored in Russia. What I mean is, that it depends on the restoration of prosperity in Russia whether our assets in the Siberian Bank materialise or not. I may sum up the matter by saying— Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: Will the hon. Gentleman allow me to ask him one question about those shares? Questions were asked a few weeks ago about the shares in this bank being sold through the Treasury, and some very obscure answers were given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer or his colleague. Could we have some word about that— not, perhaps, now, if the hon. Gentleman has not the information?

I may sum up the matter by saying that, at the conclusion of the War, steps had to be taken on the advice of the men on the spot. The Cabinet approved of the steps taken, and it is now our uncongenial Bank Holiday task to pay the Bill. I am obliged, as I have said, to defend this Estimate, since it falls to my lot to do so. I am not obliged to record it as my impression that this was entirely a prudent transaction. There is another item which, again, is, I trust—and indeed, I think I may say certainly—is a nonrecurrent item. That is item F. I shall not be expected, I suppose, to go into the history—the romantic history in some respects—of the adventures of the Czechoslovak Forces in Eastern Russia and Siberia.

Perhaps my hon. Friend will do it. The expenditure on these Czecho-Slovak forces was borne in the following proportions. As long as they were in Siberia, the total cost was defrayed by the French Government. In the repatriation of them, our Government and the United States Government have borne half shares. There were, in all, 72,000 troops, mainly Czecho-Slovaks. The item in the Supplementary Estimate relates to our share of the pay of those troops while on their way back from Siberia to Czecho-Slovakia, and the Committee will observe that there was another item on the Ministry of Shipping Vote to defray the cost of their passage. Finally, there is the small item, Compensation for War Damage on Neutral Territory. I do not think the Committee will expect me to go into any detail with regard to a sum of money which is relatively so small. I can assure the Committee, however, that this claim, which was put forward by the Government of the Netherlands in respect of damage said to have been committed in Netherlands territory by British airmen during the War, has been very carefully considered, and is a very moderate claim on the part of the Netherlands Government. It amounts to 78,000 florins, which, at the current rate of exchange, works out at the £7,200 which the Committee will see on the Paper. I should like again, in submitting this Supplementary Estimate, to remind the Committee of the satisfactory fact that most of these items will not appear on the Foreign Office or any other Estimate again. The Committee will probably regard them, as we must regard them, as War-time expenditure, incurred, some of it, while the War was in actual progress, and all of it in connection with active hostilities or the results of active hostilities. I can assure the Committee that the Foreign Office Estimates are submitted to the most careful analysis, and that these Supplementary Estimates, so unfamiliar to Foreign Office accountancy, have been submitted to the same careful investigation. I can say with some fervour that I shall be no less heartily relieved than any Member of this Committee when War-time items cease to form part of our normal financial responsibilities in the Foreign Office. I hope the Committee will give their sanction to this Supplementary Estimate.

My hon. Friend, in his closing remarks, assured us that we might take such comfort as we could from the fact that most of these items will not happen again That is no excuse, at any rate, for the Siberian Bank purchase, which he himself regretted to have had to lay before the Committee, and which he characterised as not a prudent transaction. Some of my hon. Friends have more information on that fascinating topic than I have, and, no doubt, they will make some useful comments on it. Notwithstanding the plea which my hon. Friend has made to us not to press him on Vote A (Advances to Persia), I feel that I am bound to make some comment on that item, and to ask him in the interval before he replies, to endeavour to get the necessary information on it. I am sure that anything I may say by way of criticism will not be taken by my hon. Friend as being in the nature of a personal attack, but as a discharge of what I conceive to be a public duty. Here we are, in this desert, dealing with a tenth of the total Supplementary Estimates, which amount to some £21,000,000. The revised Estimate, however, which my hon. Friend is submitting to-night for the additional sum required, amounts to no less than £3,017,200. Here is where the money goes—in these great questions of policy in the Far and in the Near East. I will only make this one comment about that. Many people in this country seem to imagine that foreign policy is a thing with which they have nothing to do. They seem to think that, as long as they concern themselves with matters of internal domestic business in this country, that is all they need bother about. I tell them that one of the main causes of the vast expenditure of this country is foreign policy. It is their business to know about foreign policy. Here is this revised Estimate for £3,000,000, one small item in the sums which are asked for by the Foreign Office. The original Estimate of advances to Persia was £850,000. That shows a decrease this year of £1,218,505. But when this original Estimate was submitted in the spring of this year it only amounted for 1920–21 to £850,000. Now we are faced, on this item alone, with an additional sum of £740,000, and I am asking my hon. Friend to tell us why you want £740,000 more in the last week of July and the first week in August than you did in May, when these Estimates were submitted. That is the sort of question I should have thought was perfectly obvious to my hon. Friend as a question which we on this side of the Committee would be bound to ask. I know the Foreign Office is certainly a very busy office and my hon. Friend has to answer many and various questions every day, but I should be certainly lacking in my duty, as I conceive it, unless I pressed him for very much more information than he has given us as to what this means and why this increase is now asked for.

In regard to the right hon. Gentleman's earlier observations, I did not take exception to a question like that. I thought he seemed to indicate that he wanted me to make a full statement in regard to the whole policy of the Persian Government.

A general discussion on Persia would not be in Order on this Vote.

On that point of Order, this is marked as a new service, and the additional amount required is £740,000. Under the recognised Rules of Procedure it is for the Chair to say, where the sum required is sufficiently large, as it is here, whether that, combined with the fact that it is a new service, does not raise within reasonable limits a discussion of the more general aspect of the case, and I will not go beyond that.

The Chair will bear in mind the points put by the right, hon. Gentleman.

To embark upon a perfectly general discussion, I agree, would be of no advantage, and it would be very properly confined by you to strict limits. There was a very large decrease when these Estimates were submitted in the early part of the year of £1,250,000. There must be some very important development in Persia which brought about the doubling of the Estimate. What was that? I think, perhaps, it might be accounted for by the internal conditions of Persia, and it may also have some relation to the general policy of this country and our Allies in Persia. But if, as I fear, it may have relation to a new development of policy with regard to the protection of India, I think a very serious question arises. These new advances which we are making to Persia deal with War services, and therefore have to do with offensive or defensive operations. If it means that we are to push further westward the real boundaries of India, that is a question of high policy which I should most gravely question. The real way to defend India is to keep as closely as possible to her natural frontiers and not, by such means as I fear are indicated here, to carry forward the protection of India by reducing the States near to her to a position of tutelage to the British Crown. There could be no greater error in our policy, I believe, than that. The right policy to adopt here is to see that Persia is maintained fully and completely in her independence.

It is to matters of that kind that I think our attention should be specifically directed. Another question rather of detail which I should like the hon. Gentleman to pay attention is this. It is noted as advances to Persia. As a matter of fact, there is no hope or intention of getting this money back.

My hon. Friend says they were out-and-out payments which were being made.

Under the South Persian rifles, yes. But not in regard to these advances These advances are based on the Customs revenue of Persia.

It really gets more and more difficult to follow. Asked whether the statement that the South Persian rifles were explicitly referred to in the agreement, Command Paper 300, Persia, No. 1, 1919, he refers us to paragraph 5 on page 4. It is there specifically stated, as far as I can understand the English language, that His Majesty's Government will not claim any return of these services. Let me read the words—

"In regard to the second desideratum indicated in my previous letter of to-day's date, it is understood and agreed between the two Governments that, on the one hand, His Majesty's Government will not claim from the Government of His Majesty the Shah the cost of the maintenance of the British troops which His Majesty's Government were obliged to send to Persia owing to Persia's want of power to defend her neutrality, and that, on the other hand, the Persian Government will not claim from the British Government an indemnity for any damage which may be caused by the said troops daring their presence in Persian territory."

These sums to which the hon. Member refers as being charged upon Customs are in respect of war services. These are not advances at all, but out and out sums which we do not expect to be repaid, our only consideration being that they will not claim for any damage done by our troops when they were in Persia. As far as I can see, it has nothing to do with any annual payments. Half of the total is to be paid by India. I suppose that is in so far as it relates to the protection of India, and that, I presume, is a proper payment. What I urge upon my hon. Friend is that he should give us some particulars so that the House and the country may know what the Government's policy in Persia is tending to. The hope which the hon. Member expressed I most earnestly share that some of these items we shall never see again, but I am only afraid that we shall see this sort of item again if the present policy continues. This item is closely related to our developments in Mesopotamia. We have had a large military force at Meshed, which is well within Persia, and questions have been asked as to what has happened to the British force, Indian and white troops, which were at Meshed.

This is a war service, and the military force at Meshed, in Persia, has been a subject of a great deal of mystery. We do not know how many forces were operating there, or what has become of them, and I am entitled to ask what information my hon. Friend can give us in regard to them. Have these sums any relation at all to that, or were the costs of the British forces at Meshed put forward in the Vote for the miscellaneous war services, or if not, are they included in the Army Estimates? The value of these Debates cannot be overrated, not only in relation to the peace of the world, but in relation to the taxpayer of this country, and I submit that we have not the necessary information to justify us in giving the Vote in this respect.

I beg to move that Item A [ Advances to Persia ] be reduced by £l,000.

My object is to elicit information. I do not want to embarrass my hon. Friend. The head of his Department is in another place, and I know that this Vote raises matters of the very highest importance. I do protest against the action of the Government in regard to their dealings with Persia. I understand we are waiting for the Persian Parliament, the Mejliss, to be summoned in order that it may ratify the Anglo-Persian Agreement, but this House has never been invited to do that. Although we have been sitting ever since this Parliament was elected, and although this Anglo-Persian Agreement is a year old, we have never been invited to discuss or ratify it. The position is highly unsatisfactory. In the meantime we had an agreement with Russia, that they were to have a northern sphere of influence in Persia, and we were to have a southern sphere of influence in Persia, and there was to be a neutral sphere of influence between. I understand that that has gone by the board, and that we have no agreement at present. We have, apparently, torn up as a scrap of paper the old Anglo-Russian Agreement which the Foreign Office does not intend to honour. If we expect the Russians to acknowledge their external debts, we must also allow to them their assets, and one of their assets was the right of exploitation in their sphere of influence in Northern Persia. I am much opposed to these spheres of influence, but at the same time I recognise that a bargain is a bargain, and I feel very great alarm at the way we have included the whole of Persia in our sphere of influence. Hence the finding of this great sum of money, and the scrapping of the Anglo-Russian Agreement.

There is another subject upon which I should like information and that is the position at Enzeli. The old Russian Caspian fleet was manned by the British navy in the years 1918–19, and performed very fine service. They were a naval wing of the famous force known as the Dunster force, under General Dun-sterville. When Deniken was having tremendous victories in South Russia, and was on the threshold of the greatest victory the Minister for War had ever seen he insisted on the Caspian fleet being turned over to Russian naval officers, and accordingly that was done. I am glad the Admiralty did that, because by this time the armistice with Germany had been signed. Russian naval officers took over the Caspian fleet but soon found they could not keep the Caspian and they took refuge in Enzeli. The Persians insisted on the cruisers being interned. The Admiralty not content with this, in the spring of this year called for volunteers for the fleet, and sent British officers and men overland viâ, Baku to Enzeli, in order to re-man this fleet, which could command the whole of the Caspian and again wage war against the main forces of the Russians. My complaint is that not only were we infringing Persian neutrality but we were forcing the Persian Government to break its bond, and at the very time when the Prime Minister was doing his best to enter into negotiations with the Russian Government for the resumption of trade. Unfortunately for the naval officers, but fortunately for peace, they were captured at Baku instead. We are endeavouring now to bring Persia once more in the whirlpool of the war that is stretching from the White Sea to the Black Sea, and will presently include Mesopotamia, as it already includes Persian Azerbaijan. We have at Teheran a Naval Mission, if the correspondent of the "Times" is correct. What on earth is that doing there? Why are we wasting their time on a high mountain plateau? Teheran is within fairly easy reach of the Caspian. Is the presence of the Naval Mission not a constant menace to the Bolshevist Army once more to threaten the neutrality of Persia. It is all very well for representatives of the Government to condemn the bad faith of the Bolshevists, but what is that mission doing at Terehan, and what is the meaning of our whole policy in northern Persia? The truth of the matter is that there is a private war being waged in Persia against Bolshevism. While the Prime Minister is negotiating in Downing Street with delegates sent from Moscow, the First Lord of the Admiralty and the Secretary of State for War are waging a private war in the unfortunate country of Persia, in order to try to bring pressure from that direction to bear on Soviet Russia.

9.0 P.M.

This is not an occasion for discussion of policy, but it is the only occasion we have been afforded this year for discussing this particular question. Difficulties are not lessened by the fact that the representative of the Foreign Office claims that he is not bound to defend or explain fully Item A unless he receives notice that someone challenges it. With great respect to him, I think he is straining a little the doctrine which has always been understood in this House. I have always understood the view to be that where a general discussion arises on the Second Reading of the Consolidated Fund Bill or anything of that kind, or a discussion takes place on the salary of the Secretary of State, it is reasonable and proper to give to the Minister some indication of the subjects which hon. Members desire to discuss, because the extent of our foreign affairs is so enormous that it is impossible for him to be prepared on all points. But when he comes down with a specific estimate and desires to obtain the House's assent to a special item, I should have thought, to use a colloquialism, that the boot was on the other leg, and that it was his business to explain and justify the particular item. This question of the advance to Persia raises very serious questions of policy. Is the advance under the Persian Agreement or separate from it? I think it must be under the agreement. Under that agreement we undertook to advance a sum up to £2,000,000 in order to enable the Persians to carry out what were called certain reforms. Unless there is a separate obligation to advance money to Persia, I cannot imagine that we should lend them another £500,000 in addition to the £2,000,000. I assume, therefore, that the £500,000 is an instalment of the £2,000,000. The reforms were to enable the British to appoint a financial adviser in Persia and "whatever expert advisers may be considered necessary for the several Departments of the Persian administration." The next paragraph provides for the appointment of a Military Commission in order to reorganise the armed forces of Persia. That was to be a Commission on which the British alone, of foreign nations, sat, besides the Persian Government.

I confess to the greatest misgiving about the wisdom of the whole of this policy. It has been said freely by our critics in foreign countries that what we are really after is the conversion of Persia into a Protectorate. It is quite true that the agreement begins by setting out that we intend to preserve to the utmost the independence and integrity of Persia. At the same time, if the agreement is carried out, we shall be in a position to appoint advisers to every department of the Persian Government. I do not know whether the agreement will be carried out. According to the newspapers, certain difficulties have been raised in Persia. The mere conclusion of the agreement appears to me to be a stroke of policy of very doubtful advantage. It was said, I remember particularly, that we used our influence at the Peace Conference in Paris to prevent the claims of Persia being fairly heard, and that we had made an agreement involving practically a Protectorate, and, in particular, excluding from participation in the government of Persia any other nation except ourselves. It was also said that that was a very curious policy on the part of a Government which was at the same time avowing its desire to strike out a new line in foreign policy, and not to use accidental or temporary difficulties in order to secure for this country great additions to its powers and responsibilities. I am afraid there is a great deal of force in that criticism. I think it would have been far better if we found that Persia needed assistance in order to cope with its difficulties, and no one will doubt that that was so, to have made it an international matter both in our own interests and in the interests of the new line of policy which we professed to be anxious to pursue, and that we ought not to have made any agreement confining the power to advise Persia to ourselves alone. I do not myself think there would have been any difficulty in allowing other nations, if they wished, to furnish advisers to the Persian Government. I am sure that would have been a far wiser policy from every point of view. It would have diminished our responsibility and it would have made our conduct much less open to criticism abroad, and we really should not have sacrificed anything.

What is the reason which is alleged against this? It is said that we have special interests in Persia. I think that is a proposition which will require very careful examination. Our commercial interests are almost negligible or very small. We have, no doubt, some political interests there. They are connected, I suppose, with the defence of India. I am a little afraid of this doctrine of the defence of the frontiers of India. I am inclined to believe that the best place to defend those frontiers are on the frontiers of India, and that the further you push out your defences the more difficult they become, and the more responsibilities you have added. The proximity of Russia might have been conceived to have been a danger to us, particularly if extended to the southern portion of Persia, but that danger no longer exists—at any rate, at this time. That danger, to whatever extent it may exist, could be as well warded off by providing for international assistance in Persia as by providing strictly British assistance. I do not think that this is a suitable moment at the end of the Session and during dinner hour on a bank holiday, when everybody is jaded and tired, to discuss this question, but I hope that some time or another the House will have the opportunity of very carefully considering this position. We really must, and one comes back to it, at every turn, realise that we cannot afford to send out expeditions here and expeditions there. We have got to be quite certain what we are after before we enter upon fresh responsibilities. In this very Vote there is a sum of £240,000 for the South Persian Rifles. I do not know whether that includes the force ac Meshed. If it does, then in addition we are spending a very considerable sum in the North-East. I confess now that the War is over I have the greatest difficulty in seeing what are all those troops doing. They may be necessary, but I should like to feel sure that the necessity is proved. It may be the expenditure of millions per year. Meshed alone cost us £5,000,000. I do not know how much the South Persian Rifles cost and whether another force we have there is included. I rather think this is additional, and if I am right we have three forces there for which we are paying. I cannot think that that is right. I cannot think our interests in Persia justify that expenditure, even on the old Imperialistic doctrine which governed our foreign policy before the League of Nations. I am quite sure that we must look into these matters very carefully and thoroughly satisfy ourselves what we are spending the money on and why it is we are spending it. I wish I could think that that was the end of my criticism of the Persian policy of the Government.

There remains what is, to my mind, the most serious of all. It appears to me that the Persian policy, the Persian Agreement, has been carried out in complete disregard of the policy of the League of Nations. After all what is the theory? It is that for the future we shall avoid these adventurous policies in foreign affairs, as far as possible, and transact international affairs through the League of Nations. Just when we signed the Covenant with the League of Nations at Paris five or six weeks afterwards we entered into this agreement secretly without a knowledge of anybody, I think I am correct in saying, or of any Power accept ourselves, and the world regards this as yet another instance of the aggressive militarism of Great Britain. I think it was a very unfortunate thing. I am quite aware that the Secretary of State gave some undertaking that he would submit or communicate this agreement to the Council of the League of Nations—I forget the exact form of his promise. I do not know whether that has been done or in what form it has been done, whether it has been merely circulated for information or whether any opportunity for any discussion of its terms has been invited. I cannot tell my hon. Friend how desirable I think it is that it should be done forthwith if it has not been done already. It would do something to remove the very unfortunate impression which, believe me, has been created by this agreement both on this side of the Atlantic and on the other. It has been used more against this country than almost any single thing we have done, and it does add to the seriousness of my doubts about this whole policy when I cannot see what practical advantage, even on the narrowest and most selfish national lines, we are going to get out of this policy in Persia. On the contrary, it seems to me that we are spreading still further our responsibility and undertaking further expenditure.

I had before me the warning which the Government published from the Chief of the General Staff only this morning, that if we send troops into any country you never know where it will end. You may send 500 men to begin with, thinking that is all you are committing yourselves to, and you may ultimately find it necessary to follow those 500 up with thousands and thousands of others, until you are committed to a first-class military expedition. The Chief of the General Staff warns the Government, in connection with. Russia, of the danger of this policy, and yet we have these little packets of troops scattered about Persia. I think it was proper during the War, but it seems to me now that we are doing it under conditions that make the policy extremely difficult to defend. I am sorry if my hon. Friend the Undersecretary has been taken by surprise by this discussion, and I am sure he will not think I desire to be guilty of any discourtesy or unfairness to him personally. I have always tried, I hope successfully, to behave to him as I should hope he would behave to me if our positions were reversed, but I must say to him this, that, not from his own fault, but in fact this House is really not quite properly treated by the Foreign Office. We are not given sufficient information, we are too often told this is a matter on which no information can be given, and we have a feeling that my hon. Friend, although his intentions might be the best in the world, is precluded by some superior orders from ever taking a line of his own, or ever giving us any information unless it has previously received the imprimatur of the Pontiff of the Foreign Office. Under the circumstances, I support the reduction of this Vote.

Amendment negatived.

Original Question again proposed.

I think the Committee has been taken by surprise at the fact that the. Under-Secretary made no attempt whatever to give us any more explanation about Persia.

I was not going to speak about Persia at all. The Question was put, and we are in possession of no further information whatever about this Persian Estimate.

I thought the right hon. Gentleman was about to speak, and I was going to wait until he had spoken. I have no desire to shirk answering questions which have been asked.

That is highly satisfactory, and I apologise. The hon. Gentleman wants to reply in general at the end of the Debate. Meanwhile, it seems to me that the particular reduction with regard to Persia having been disposed of, it would be more seemly to go on to another question, which I propose to do. Although both the question of Persia and that of the maintenance of Russian refugees are extremely tempting, I will go to the fourth item, Item E, "Siberian Bank Purchase," in regard to which I speak not as an ordinary humble Member of the Opposition, but with a wider responsibility. The Under-Secretary made no suggestion with regard to this expenditure that in effect any part of it has accrued in any way to assist the Allied cause, but he hoped that we should find that we had with regard to it certain securities which would be able to be realised when business-like affairs prevailed in Russia, to use his own words. My feeling is, with regard to this matter, that the question of the first importance is that business-like proceedings should prevail in this House. The Under-Secretary was entirely honest and frank with us, and we all admired his honesty and frankness, and he said candidly that the expenditure was not entirely prudent. The first thing I would like the Committee to realise is what is the total amount involved in this Siberian Bank purchase. We have part of it here, but not the whole of it. The whole of the amount involved is £1,700,000, of which £928,000 has already come under the review of the Public Accounts Committee, and there is here a further sum of £770,000 which was not mentioned to the Public Accounts Committee at all during their quite recent review of the matter. The sum of £500,000 was spent to attempt to establish a Cossack Bank or South-Eastern Confederacy Bank, and there are two sums of £428,000 and £770,000 involved in payments for the Siberian Bank. It was really all part of one transaction, the attempt to provide, as the Under-Secretary quite rightly said, General Alexieff with funds, and if possible with a currency, which would enable him to make effective opposition at a very critical time——

Before, at a very critical time undoubtedly, when the great German offensive of 1918 was expected, in order to provide General Alexieff with funds, and if possible with a currency, which would help him to make effective opposition to Austrian or German forces, which would at any rate detain German or Austrian forces on the Eastern Front which might otherwise take part in the great offensive expected on the Western Front in 1918. These are the amounts involved. It was all 36 months ago, and it comes partly before the Public Accounts Committee this year and partly before this House in a Supplementary Estimate. I said I was speaking in a capacity more responsible than that of an ordinary Member of the Opposition. These transactions, to a very considerable extent, have been before the Public Accounts Committee this year, and I happen to be Chairman of that Committee, and the report of these transactions is now in draft. It has been circulated to the Members, and it will be my duty to present it to the Committee on Thursday this week. I am in this dilemma—and I put it frankly to this Committee—I must either seem to be using material, which has come before that Committee, prematurely, because it has not yet been finally approved as the Report of the Committee and laid before the House, or else I shall be under the suspicion of having allowed this Committee to make up its mind on this Supplementary Estimate without informing them at all of the position. There is no doubt that the transactions, as the Under-Secretary has stated, were all one, and the £770,000 which we are asked to vote now is just as much part of one single transaction as the £928,000 was that has come before the Public Accounts Committee.

On that dilemma, I think it better to put before the Committee frankly what the position is. The Public Accounts Committee, when it meets to decide on its Report on Thursday, may not, possibly, take exactly the point of view that I am intimating to this Committee, but I think we are quite unanimous about the importance of this matter. The representative from the Foreign Office who appeared before us did his very best, as the Under-Secretary has this evening, to enlighten us. I do not think he really knew much more about it than has been put before us this evening, and I am not sure that more information about it is yet in the possession of the Foreign Office. It is a large sum, amounting to very nearly £1,750,000. We have no real information, but there is no doubt it was a bonâ fide effort, at a difficult time, to support General Alexieff, who was hoping to be able to operate effectively against our enemies, and someone seems to have conceived the idea that he could best be helped by financing banks. Quite how the Siberian Bank came into it, where the headquarters of the Bank was, how Siberia really particularly affected the Cossack parts of the world in which he was operating, have never quite appeared, but it was the idea of someone who was acting more or less for the Foreign Office in those parts that, by handing over sums to certain persons, you would be able to give effective help to General Alexieff by controlling the banks perhaps, or by depositing cash, in return for which you would have handed over to you shares in commercial or industrial concerns, because that is what, I imagine, largely took place. After getting so far, the Public Accounts Committee has not been able to get any further, and the curtain was not able to be raised by the witness who appeared before us, or by the Memorandum which the Foreign Office submitted to us after he had appeared, and it has not been raised by the hon. Member this evening.

As I said before, the Public Accounts Committee may pass this recommendation or it may not on Thursday, but this is, I think, what all the evidence points to. I think we shall be probably recommending this: that there shall be something like a real investigation and report to the Public Accounts Committee, and from the Public Accounts Committee to this House, on something like these lines— By whom was the money spent; to whom was it paid; for what purpose was it paid; did it do any good whatever to the cause of the Allies; if not, why not; and what is the value, if any, of the security which we now have with regard to it? Those who were present during the early part of the discussion will know that the Under-Secretary, with all his desire to be extremely candid with us, did not indicate the answer to a single one of those questions. Then I feel it my duty, having heard the proceedings before the Public Accounts Committee, to propose to them for their report to this House, we should ask the Treasury, during the autumn recess, to prepare a report to us. Presumably they have the papers, or can get them, on questions of that sort. If that can be done, the Public Accounts Committee does not wind up its work in this part of the Session. They will at once resume their consultations when the Session resumes. As neither the Under-Secretary this evening, nor I, who, as Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee, have taken what care I could to go into this question, have been able to get real information, it would surely be much better that the House should have before it the report of the Public Accounts Committee, after considering the report of the Treasury, which we suggest is essential, before the House ought finally to pass this expenditure for £1,750,000, which is really the amount concerned. It may be difficult. This thing has gone on for two and a half years already. That is practically the time that has elapsed since these liabilities were incurred. Can it be postponed? It is not a question of winding up arrangements for the financial year. If we have already taken two and a half years since these liabilities were under-taken, without having to pay this £770,000, is it not worth while for the Committee to wait, at any rate, until the Public Accounts Committee, which is entrusted with these matters, can report to them the result of the Treasury investigation, which we think it so necessary to be made? I have on purpose refrained from any comment on any other items of this Estimate, and have confined myself to this question which has come before me in another capacity.

After the very weighty words which have been uttered by the right hon. Gentleman the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee—words which have been put before this Committee with a restraint which I should have found it difficult to observe—that the Government might well withdraw this particular item from the Accounts. I should like, if I might, to associate myself with what has been said by the hon. Member the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in regard to one item, namely, the wonderful work which was done by the Rev. Mr. North. Although some of us are going to watch over every item of expenditure with the most religious care, it must be admitted that great obligations were undertaken by that reverend gentleman in order to sustain and maintain the help and good feeling of our comrades in Russia, and I am sure hon. Members will agree with me that that sum of £50,000 has been well spent, and we shall willingly vote it on this occasion. But when it comes to the question of the Siberian Bank purchase, I think my right hon. Friend on the Front Opposition Bench his made a very good case for a postponement of this sum. I am very much surprised to find that the hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow (Mr. MacCallum Scott) is not here to-night. I listened to him time after time trying to extract from the Leader of the House— who always shows us a courtesy and a good humour in these matters which we much appreciate—some real account of what we were doing in regard to the purchase of the Siberian Bank shares. To-night I look round in vain for the presence of the hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division. [An Hon. Member: "He is in the House!"] I think I might say, without revealing any secrets, that I have just left him in the dining-room, and I want to know what has happened. We are living in strange times. An hon. Member who, with a persistency which some of us independent creatures admired, day after day braved the Front Treasury Bench with his questions is to-day conspicuous by his absence. What does it mean? I suppose it means another arrangement behind the Chair. I am party to no arrangement. I am an independent, and, if I may say so, a quite ordinary Member of this House, but I do like to have straight dealings whatever may happen, and if the hon. Member were here at this moment I should ask him frankly to his face why is he not once more pursuing his interrogatories and trying to search out the meaning of this mysterious purchase? As the right hon. Gentleman the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee has said, this is not really a question of £770,000; it is a question of £1,750,000. We have never had, although my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Government has endeavoured in his own amiable way to counter the questions of the Member for the Bridgeton Division——

They were put to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who is not quite so adroit as my right hon. Friend, but who did succeed in rather staving off the questions of the hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division. We have a right to know what this question of the Siberian Bank purchase really does mean, and unless we get an answer I hope some of my hon. Friends, including the right hon. Gentleman who has put this matter with such moderation to the Committee, will divide against it. We get these sums to-night in addition to all that we have voted in the course of the last few months. We were told by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that he hoped the money he asked for would be sufficient, and here we get, only to-night, on one item alone, the Foreign Office, £2,167,000 of the taxpayers' money. [An Hon Member: "Who has got it?"] Heaven only knows who has got it, but it is going out of the pockets of the British taxpayer. It is a sum which we have a right most anxiously to inquire into, and we have a right to ask the Government for a fuller explanation. The hon. Member the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has met us as frankly and as courteously as any man could do. If any speech could be a disarming speech, his speech has been such to-night. He has said that he does not really like some of these items, but he cannot help them, and that it is his business to bring them before the Committee. I ask him, or my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House, to give us a little more explanation as to what is the real meaning of the Siberian Bank purchase. The hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division has thrown up the sponge. He has been, if I may say so without offence, squared. Something has happened to remove him from this Committee into the seclusion of the dining-room or smoking-room. Some of us are not so easily set aside, and I do ask my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House to give us a further explanation if he can. If he can, I am finished with it, and will willingly stand aside and not vote against the Government in this matter. If he can give us a little explanation as to what this £1,750,000 really means, I shall be satisfied. If he cannot, I ask him to accede to the request of the right hon. Gentleman the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee, and withdraw this sum. We have plenty of time for it, because we find in regard to these Appropriations in Aid and Votes on Account it really is all nonsense to say that they must be got by a particular night. It is already paid; it is already gone. We humble Members, as the guardians of the public purse, taking up the position which in the old days, as I remember from a long experience of this House, used to be occupied by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, are going to stand up in this House and defend the public against the rapacious maw of the Treasury. I do ask my right hon. Friend if he will, in courtesy to me, if to no one else, to try to give us some explanation of this enormous sum which my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has really not explained to-night.

Nothing can induce me to resist the fetching appeal with which the hon. Member finished. I am afraid I cannot give any definite information to the Committee about this bank. When I heard the very moderate speech of my right hon. Friend (Mr. Acland), I should have been glad had it been possible to postpone the Vote until the Public Accounts Committee had met, but the fact is the Government is committed to pay this money. I am quite sure the Committee will go into this. Their report on it will be just as valuable if this Vote be passed as it would have been if it had appeared before. As regards the transaction itself, I can only say what is my recollection of what happened at the time. It was in the middle of the War that the proposal was made that the taking of this step would strengthen our position in Russia at that time, early in 1918. It was carefully considered by the Cabinet. I was Chancellor of the Exchequer, and as a business transaction I did not like it, but I was a Member of the Cabinet, and we came to the conclusion that it was of value to undertake this obligation. We did so, and having taken it, we must carry it out.

May I ask whether the whole of this £1,750,000 was sanctioned then, or whether some of it was sanctioned subsequently?

I can only speak from recollection. I remember that we did sanction this transaction, which had been suggested to us by an agent who was sent here. That is all I can say. The point which I think is important is that the money must be paid. It is only right that it should be passed in regular form by an Estimate. We gain nothing, by postponement, and therefore there can be no object in postponing it. As regards what the hon. Gentleman has said about the hon. Member for Brixton being "squared" by the Government, I may say he has not been squared by the Government. I do not think he would be an easy man to square.

I have been told that there has been some complaint because the Under-secretary could not debate, or describe as fully as some would desire, what is our policy in Persia. I do not think it is customary in this House to expect that on a Supplementary Estimate of this kind. I believe that all the Committee have a right to ask is that the Minister in charge should be able to explain the particular Vote which comes before the Committee. That, I understand, is what my hon. Friend has done. At all events, the explanation is quite a simple one, and if the Committee would like a few words from me on the matter as to what the situation is—[Hon. Members: "Hear, hear!"]—it is this: As the Committee knows perfectly well, throughout the life-time of any of us who are here the position in Persia has been considered as one of vital interest to our position in India. It has always been so regarded. With that object in view a treaty was made by Sir Edward, now Viscount, Grey with the object of preventing a collision between Russia and ourselves in Persia, and our respective spheres of influence were defined. The War came.

The explanation for that Supplementary Estimate is that it is entirely subject to and follows from what was done during the War. The Germans at that time — while the War was on — sent emissaries to stir up Persia, and we had to try and counter them. We sent, in the first instance, Sir Percy Cox, who was very successful in the purpose for which he was sent. As a result we established a Persian force, part of which was under Cossacks in the north, while in the south they were partly under our officers. The intention was to create one uniform Persian force. We had British officers in the south, and the Russians were in the north. The changed régime in Russia altered the situation. As regards our policy, that was expressed in the Treaty we made with the Persian Government. I am told that a question was raised as to whether that Treaty was to be communicated to the League of Nations. It has been stated in the most clear and explicit way that that Treaty is to be communicated to the League of Nations. We took that course, not merely because we desired to do it in any case, but in order to do what we could to remove the very erroneous impression—at least I think that it was a very erroneous impression—which had grown up that this Treaty with Persia was made with the object of securing the special commercial interest of this country, at the expense of other countries. That was not the object at all. The object was, if possible, to try to keep Persia tranquil. That is distinctly a British interest, if ever there was one, and that is a perfectly simple explanation.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman what has happened to the Anglo-Russian agreement?

I was coming to that if the hon. and gallant Gentleman had waited a little longer.

In respect to this Supplementary Estimate, the explanation is perfectly plain. As part of that agreement, we arranged to give the Persian Government a loan of £2,000,000. That has already been adopted by this House. It would have been used for the very purpose for which this Estimate is now asked had the late Government in Persia continued. A new Government has taken its place.

About a month ago. That Government came to the decision not to act upon the agreement until it had been ratified by the Mejliss. In consequence, it has not been willing to utilise the money which this House has passed for that purpose. This Supplementary Estimate provides the subsidy which we have undertaken to give for, I think, four months——

No. But which, in other circumstances, would have been taken out of the £2,000,000. That is the whole explanation. If I may say so, the whole question of Persia is one of the most difficult with which the Government has to deal. We have the advantage of having Sir Percy Cox here, and we are going into the whole subject with him. with a desire—which I am sure every Member of the House will share—to limit our commitments as far as we possibly can. On the other hand, it would not be fair to say—and I am sure the House would not desire it—that we must not have some regard in estimating to what extent we ought to reduce our commitments, to the comparative effort we are making now, and the interest this country has in the stability of Persia. I cannot say the position in Persia is not good. I cannot say whether or not our decision will be that it is wise for us to go on making the attempt which will cost us money—I am not at all sure it will be wise to come to that decision. At all events, the House will not expect that decision to be come to hastily. It must to some extent depend upon whether or not the new Government of Persia will of its own free will be prepared to agree to the Treaty which we provisionally made.

May I put this question? Are we not bound to this agreement, whether we like it or not?

We are bound to the agreement, most certainly, if it be ratified by the Mejliss, but that has not yet been done.

The right hon. Gentleman referred to the Anglo-Russian Agreement made by Lord Grey. What about it?

May I press the right hon. Gentleman for an answer to a previous question? If the Russians have to acknowledge their external debt, surely they ought to have a claim to the assets, and this is one of them?

My hon. and gallant Friend must be reasonable in this matter. There is no use putting forward a claim on behalf of the Russian Government under that agreement, unless we know that the Russian Government desire it—and we have no such knowledge.

I beg to move that Item E [ Siberian Bank Purchase ] be reduced by £100.

I am extremely glad to hear that Sir Percy Sykes is back in this country at this moment because there never was a time when affairs in Persia were so critical as at present. The Anglo-Russian agreement in respect to our policy in Persia has vanished, and the whole condition of the country is bad. The Mejliss cannot be persuaded to accept the Anglo-Persian agreement. The right hon. Gentleman says they have not agreed to it.

The Bolsheviks have taken several ports on the Caspian Sea. Under these circumstances, the position is indeed critical. What I think we ought to press for more than anything else is that there should be no interference from Meshed with the Khanates of Turkestan North. A large part of the responsibility we are feeling to-day in respect to Persia is due to the force we are maintaining at Meshed with a view to controlling affairs in the Khanates of Turkestan. Daring the War I was very strongly in favour of doing anything we could in this direction. While it was a question of providing fresh weapons against the enemy we were justified in strengthening our position in Turkestan with a view of preventing German influence coming into that rich country. This interference started while the War was on, but now that the War is over and Russia is no longer an enemy of this country but a potential friend, I think we ought to clear our agents out of Turkestan and clear our Army out of Meshed, and stop any interference in that part of the world. I know it is very tempting to the Indian Army officers and civilians to spread British influence into these new territories to extend their jobs and positions, but unless the Government keep a very firm hand over it they will, in the interests of a purely imaginary and out-of-date imperialism, be doing work which we no longer wish them to do.

We have no interest whatever in Turkestan at the present time, and we have no interest in Meshed, and our interests in Persia are connected with the South West part. At Meshed we have no interests whatever, and yet we have a large body of Indian military officers, backed up by a large force, spending our money there. This force ought to be withdrawn, and we ought not to use the excuse of Russia being Bolshevik in order to maintain a military force in that area, where it serves no British interests, and where it costs us an indefinite amount of money and risk if any disaster should happen to that force. I quite realise that during the War we were right in financing the Persian Government and the Persia Rifles. We did that to counteract the action of the gendarmerie and the brigandage, but I submit that we could effect economy there by reducing our commitments with the gendarmerie force, and seeing any arrangement we should come to should involve the financing by Persia of her own police.

10.0 P.M.

I pass now to the question of the payment for Russian refugees. There again, during the War, I think we were quite right in finding money for these refugees in Constantinople, the Crimea, Malta, and elsewhere, but now I think we should call a halt to this form of expenditure. After all, even our own demobilised soldiers and sailors were not paid continually after they had been demobilised, and their pay was cut down and their allowance has been wiped out. I think we might apply to the Russian refugees the same principle that we applied to our own soldiers. Let us have no more money paid to Russian Grand Dukes and others of that class. The time has come when we can no longer go in for this indiscriminate philanthropy throughout the world.

I speak feelingly on this point, because I was in Vladivostok about two and a half years ago, and on that occasion there were a number of Russian Flying Corps officers who had fled from the Bolshevists, and were anxious to take service under the British Government. I was approached by our Consul there as to whether it would not be possible to transfer these excellent officers to the British service. It was a question of advancing their passage to Canada, and we guaranteed the money for this purpose, and they went to Canada to join the British forces. We hoped at the time that the Foreign Office would relieve us of that liability, but they did not do so. Seeing that the War was on, and that we supplied these excellent officers, I almost think they ought to have taken that burden off our shoulders, but that is past and done with. I think that certainly during the War it was incumbent, in the interests of our country, to do what we could financially for these refugees, although now I think the time has come to cry a halt, and say that we shall not find any more money for them, and they must get on their own legs and find their own livelihood.

I come now to the question of this Siberian Bank and that is the most serious issue before us to-night. We have found £1,750,000 with which to purchase shares in the Siberian Bank, and I want to know who got the money. So far we have not been enlightened as to who got this money. We know the reason alleged was to strengthen the hands of Alexieff and Korniloff, and others in the south-east corner of Russia. Everybody knows that Alexieff was allied with the Germans and was operating in their interest.

Both these parties were in alliance with the Germans, and working with them against our enemy. I want to know who was the agent who recommended that we should spend £1,750,000 in supporting these people who were using their forces to support the Germans against our ally. I think we have a right to know who got the money, and who recommended that we should waste money in this way. I think the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. MacCallum Scott) ought to be here to-night, but he is outside waiting for the Division, in which he will no doubt go into the Government Lobby. After the Government had bought these shares in the Siberian Bank I want to know whom they sold them to, at what price, and how much have we lost by the transaction? It must be obvious to the Committee that if the Soviet Govenment continue their control over Siberia, or extend it, these shares in the Siberian Bank will be worth nothing at all. Have they sold them? Have they unloaded the baby on to some one else? I hope they have. As there is no contra account in this Estimate I very much fear that the bargain, if come to, has not been implemented, and if anyone negotiated to buy the shares they have failed to pay and left us with shares which are worth nothing at all upon our hands. The Siberian Bank have no assets under a State which nationalises banks and everything else. We want to know why the Government spent this money, who recommended them to spend it, if they have sold the shares, what price was paid for them, and who got them. These are questions to which we must have an answer, and it is in order to make our protest quite clear that I move to reduce this Item "E" by £100. I want to prove to the country what a lamentable transaction this is.

I feel some slight regret that the Lord Privy Seal has been himself unable to postpone this Vote in view of the deliberations of the Public Accounts Committee. I will assume that the advances from the Civil Contingencies Fund for the purposes of these payments must be made good in the course of the current financial year, but it does not appear clear why it should not have been possible to postpone this Supplementary Estimate until the end of the financial year. Still, I do not think it matters much from the point of view of the Public Accounts Committee whether or not there is any postponement, because after all the inquiries and deliberations of that Committee are always post mortem, and therefore the fact that the Supplementary Estimate has been passed in this House does not preclude further inquiry into the matter. As it has been stated by the Lord Privy Seal that this Supplementary Estimate represents an ex post facto payment, I can imagine there will be no question that the decision of the House will not, either in spirit or in letter, preclude a continuation of the deliberations of the Committee. It would be quite improper for a Member of the Committee to express any opinion on the merits of the case before the Committee has actually reported, but it may not be so improper to express agreement with what has been said by its Chairman. I beg to confirm what has been said by the Chairman in the strongest possible manner. The Committee has not been able to achieve any definite result of its inquiry so far, and the question therefore still remains open. We want to know particularly who this credit was intended for, and why it has been described in the manner it has.

I notice the hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow (Mr. MacCallum Scott) has just entered the Committee. He may wish to take part in this discussion, for he has shown considerable interest in this particular matter. He was the first to draw my attention to this unsavoury transaction, and in so far as his absence from the Chamber during this Debate has been much commented upon, perhaps he may now have something to say. At any rate, we may get a further expression of opinion from the Government, and particularly from a representative of the Treasury.

I have no idea why my hon. and gallant Friend should refer to this as an unsavoury transaction. I do not think that anything I have ever said in the House, when I have asked questions about it, has indicated that that was my view. I did ask questions when there was a proposal on behalf of the Government that the shares should be sold.

These shares would have been a Very bad bargain if they had been sold at the time when Russian affairs were in such a state of collapse, and when there were people scattered about the world who might have knowledge of concealed assets belonging to the bank and might be in a position to make an offer for the shares at the price below the amount they were worth, I raised the matter in this House when there was a proposal to sell the shares, and it would seem as I had been successful, for I have not heard that the shares have been sold. I hope the Government will retain them until such time as it may be able to dispose of them for a satisfactory amount of money, or for the purpose of improving their relations with some future government in Russia or for the purpose of promoting British trade through an organisation which in the past has had such great commercial importance as this Bank.

Why is it necessary to fill up the Civil Contingencies Fund, which has been drawn upon to the extent of £625,000 by this Vote on this side rather than on the other side of the Recess?

My right hon. Friend will notice there is a sum required to fill up the Civil Contingencies Fund rather larger than the total sum due for the purchase of these shares. The shares are still to be had, and if the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) or any of his friends are prepared to make an offer for them it is not the policy of the Government to hold them indefinitely, as they have held the Suez Canal shares. We hope that in the event of there being a more settled Government in Russia we may succeed in getting for these shares as much as we paid for them. That is our hope and we are prepared at any time to consider any offer which may be made.

I thought perhaps the hon. Member for the Bridgeton Division might think I was referring to some part he had in the transaction when I said it was unsavoury. I had no intention of conveying anything of the sort. I think that the whole matter; considered as part of the Korniloff-Denikin, episode, is an unsavoury episode.

Question put, "That Item E be reduced by £100."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 23; Noes, 131.

Division No. 273.]

AYES.

[10.17 p.m.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Cairns, John

Myers, Thomas

Waterson, A. E.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Wintringham, T.

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

Robertson, John

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Hogge, James Myles

Rose, Frank H.

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Royce, William Stapleton

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian)

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Colonel Wedgwood and Mr. T. Griffiths.

Malone, C. L. (Leyton, E.)

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

NOES.

Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S.

Gregory, Holman

Parker, James

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Greig, Colonel James William

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Perring, William George

Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

Atkey, A. R.

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l,W.D'by)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Prescott, Major W. H.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Hanna, George Boyle

Purchase, H. G.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Rae, H. Norman

Barlow, Sir Montague

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S)

Reid, D. D.

Barnett, Major R. W.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Barnston, Major Harry

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & CI'ckm'nn,W.)

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Betterton, Henry B.

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Blades, Capt. Sir George Rowland

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Seddon, J. A.

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Breese, Major Charles E.

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Simm, M. T.

Bridgeman, William Clive

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Jameson, J. Gordon

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Sturrock, J. Leng

Carr, W. Theodore

Johnstone, Joseph

Sugden, W. H.

Casey, T. w.

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Sutherland, Sir William

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Jones, William Kennedy (Hornsey)

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Tryon, Major George Clement

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Vickers, Douglas

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Dawes, James Arthur

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Waring, Major Walter

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lorden, John William

Williams, Lieut.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Willoughby, Lieut-Col. Hon. Claud

Fell, Sir Arthur

Macquisten, F. A.

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Mallalieu, F. W.

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Foreman, Henry

Mitchell, William Lane

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

Forrest, Walter

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Worsfold, Dr. T. Cato

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Gilbert, James Daniel

Murchison, C. K.

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Glyn, Major Ralph

Neal, Arthur

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.

Original Question again proposed.

I beg to move that Item F [ Pay of Czecho-Slovak Troops during Repatriation from Russia ] be reduced by £100.

This item of £200,000, as the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs explained in introducing the Estimate, represents half the sum to be paid altogether in respect of these troops, some 72,000 in number. We are paying half and I understand that the Americans are paying the other half. The extraordinary thing, in the first place, is that the French Government paid for these troops while they were operating in Siberia, but that now that they are not doing any fighting we have to pay. That requires some explanation. Then there is another matter. There is a Czechoslovak Government, under a very distinguished statesman, President Masaryk. That is one of the few Governments in Europe that has had the courage to put its finances in order by means of a capital levy. It would be interesting to know whether this is an advance to that Government to pay its own troops, or whether it is an entire payment by us, so that the Czecho-Slovak Government will be made a present of that money.

These Czecho-Slovak troops were deserters from the Austrian Army. In some cases they deserted by whole regiments—I mean the Continental regiment of three battalions—and they marched into the Russian lines with banners and bands. They were put under Russian officers, and when the revolution came these Russian officers told them they would be murdered by the Bolsheviks. They were eventually used for years fighting, mostly in Siberia. All that time they were paid by France. Now, when they are being repatriated, they are being paid by us. The Czecho-Slovakian Government has been collaborating with us against Russia, willingly or unwillingly. They are in this business with us up to their necks. Why are they not paying their own troops?

These troops could have been got out months and months ago. They were first of all going to retire by way of Archangel in 1918 and all arrangements were made. It would have been a breach of neutrality to let them go armed, so they were disarmed. Then the Russian officers, egged on by the British and French Military Attaches, heads of military missions and Secret Service agents, and all the rest of it, told these men it would not be safe for them to go out by way of Moscow, Petrograd, and Archangel, and they must retreat by way of Siberia. When they got to the Urals they were turned back. The hon. and gallant Gentleman (Lieut.-Colonel Ward) could take up the story, and tell us how they were used on the spearhead of Koltchak's army. There they had been for some 18 months. In the end they refused to fight any longer. They said they were fighting for blatant autocracy, and they protested against the terrible atrocities that were being carried out under the protection of their bayonets, and they demanded repatriation. From that time onwards they were not very reliable, but still, taking it on the whole, they were probably the best disciplined and the best fighting material in Koltchak's extraordinary army. Finally, when the whole country went Red and rose round the unfortunate Koltchak, they were the troops who were partly responsible for handing him over to the Social Revolutionaries, and the head of the French Military Mission was in the same business.

Great pains were taken to see that the Russian State treasure that Koltchak had with him was safeguarded. In fact, it was being said that part of the bargain was that Koltchak should be handed over, and the gold should remain, and the gold, of which the sum has been variously stated—I think something like £72,000,000 in bullion—was sent, and what happened to it after that I do not know. It has been stated that the Allies got it, and it safely got through to Vladivostok. If that is the case, I should have thought some of this gold might go to paying these troops. Hon. Members may say it is only a matter of £200,000, but these sums mount up, and it is our duty to examine these items very carefully, and see if there is any way of avoiding the payment. That is why I put these three questions. The disposal of this gold has never been disclosed. I thould like to know who has it. I do not know whether Hetman Semoneff, the latest protege of the Secretary of State for War, who, I believe, has a fleeting Government which lives in a railway carriage somewhere between Chitah and Irkutsk, has this gold. Has Semoneff got this money? Have the Japanese got it? Has it been seized by the Social-Revolutionaries? If that is so, we have not much control over it; but if it is in the hands of any of our Allies or in the hands of Hetman Semoneff, some answer ought to be given why it is not available for paying these Czecho-Slovak troops, because but for these troops, these unfortunate, disillusioned, misled men, the gold would have remained in the hands of its rightful owners, the Russian people, whose Government were robbed of it by Koltchak and his fellow adventurers. The questions I have put are quite fair, and they demand an answer before we are asked to vote this very considerable sum.

I am not sure that I have any authentic official information as to what has become of the whole of this Russian gold; but it is reported that the Soviet Government have a great deal of it, and it seems to be considered as extremely probable that a good deal of it has been absorbed on its passage to and fro. There is nothing mysterious about the allocation of the cost in the case of the Czecho-Slovak troops. It was considered, whether rightly or not the Committee can judge, that the Allied powers owed a certain obligation to the Czecho-Slovak troops, and it was decided, I think, in Paris, or at any rate at one of the Peace Conferences, that the cost of repatriating these men should be borne between the United States Government, the French Government, and our own. In this Vote we are asking for £200,000 for the military pay of these men during repatriation. The actual cost of shipping is borne on another Vote. Having regard to the obligations that we owe to these Czecho-Slovak troops, we are required by fairness and equity to bear our share in bringing the men back.

I should like to move, as an Amendment to the Amendment, to reduce the Vote by the full sum of £200,000, which it is proposed that we should contribute to the cost of the transportation of these Czecho-Slovaks. I must confess that I am amazed when I hear the representative of the Foreign Office say that we have obligations to these troops. Let me remind him on what these men were employed. The Bolshevists certainly do not mince words. When they say "revolution" they mean revolution, and when they say "no secret diplomacy" they mean no secret diplomacy. In connection with these Czecho-Slovaks they have published a very interesting brochure of the correspondence between the Allied Governments and the Bolshevists in 1918, and I wish to give one or two of the historical facts from this brochure. The communications started on 6th April, 1918, in a protest from Tchitcherin, the People's Commissary for Foreign Affairs, to the French Consul-General, against the landing of the French and British at Vladivostock. The reply to that document came from our representative in Moscow, Mr. Lockhart. Mr. Lockhart, in connection with Russia, is, I think, rather unsavoury.

On a point of Order. May I ask, with all seriousness, whether an hon. Gentleman who has declared himself to be a Communist, when Communism means a denial of the King and Constitution of this country, has not abrogated his oath of loyalty to the King, and ought not to be listened to in this House?

The hon. Gentleman is a Member of this House. It is my duty to listen to him.

After that quite unnecessary diversion, I will continue. The next letter is from Mr. Lockhart.

The hon. Member will, perhaps, show me the relevance of these quotations to the subject-matter before us, namely, the repatriation of these Czecho-Slovak troops.

What I am saying is that these Czecho-Slovak troops were employed on illegal work, or were not rightly employed. This correspondence is the correspondence between the Bolshevist Government and the British and Allied Government concerning the employment of these troops in Siberia. My contention and that of my friends is that these troops ought not to have been so employed. I am not going to read all the correspondence.

I should have thought that that was an argument in favour of bringing them away. All we are concerned with now is the question whether we should have taken the responsibility for the military pay of these soldiers during their repatriation.

Certainly, it is an argument for bring them away, but it is not an argument for paying to bring them away, because, in the first instance, they should never have been sent there to be employed on this work.

That is merely the question of sending them there. Can the hon. Member adduce any reasons why we should not be responsible for their pay during their repatriation?

With all deference to your ruling, here were men who were employed against our allies, the Russians, on work which is illegal and on which this country has never been informed because of the misrepresentations of its Foreign Office. Therefore, I wish to put forward the reasons why we should not pay for the repatriation of these men. On 10th April Mr. Lockhart wrote to Mr. Tchicherin as follows:—

"Dear Mr. Tchicherin,

"Referring to our Conversation this afternoon, I send you herewith statement for the British Government which you may care to publish. The British Mission in Moscow received this morning a telegram for the British Government relative to the landing of Allied troops in Vladivostok:

'British Government accredited representative in Moscow to assure Russian Government that this landing has taken place with the sole object of securing the lives and property of foreign subjects in Vladivostok and that it should not be regarded in any other light and is a measure solely directed to that end.'

"The message, as you are aware, contained the further assurance that the Government desire to support the Russian Government in its efforts against Germany."

I apologise if it is unparliamentary. I have here also a communication which was published in two journals in Russia from Commandant Guinet, Chief of the French Mission, in which he said:

"I make known to the Executive Committee provisionally of the Czecho-Slovak troops I have received from the Ambassadors bf Prance a cypher telegram, informing mo of the intervention of the Allies in Russia."

There is a statement directly affirming an Allied intervention in Russia. The note continues:

"In transmitting this note I have full power to express to the Czecho-Slovak troops in Russia the recognition of the Allies to their intervention. Their conduct carries much honour to the Czecho-Slovak Army."

The Czecho-Slovak detachment was the nucleus of the war against Soviet Russia which the Secretary of State for War had been directing, and is still, by his articles in the "Evening News" of the Northcliffe Press, endeavouring to continue.

On a point of Order. May I submit that this has nothing to do with the repatriation dealt with in this Vote.

The hon. Member seems to have had some difficulty, but he is getting a little nearer the point. I hope he will come quite to it now.

I have been reading parts of correspondence between the Soviet Government and the British and other Allied Governments, which I think shows clearly that the Czecho-Slovakian troops were the first element used by the Allies in general, and Great Britain in particular, in the War against Soviet Russia Because they were used for this purpose, because Russia had introduced Socialism or Communism, and because we were carrying out operations which were not justified, which were illegal, which were wicked, which were criminal, I am opposed to the payment by the British taxpayer of British wealth for the repatriation of these soldiers.

Amendment negatived.

Original Question put.

The Committee divided: Ayes, 128; Noes, 22.

Division No. 274.]

AYES.

[10.48 p.m.

Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S.

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Glyn, Major Ralph

Mosley, Oswald

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Murchison, C. K.

Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S.

Gregory, Holman

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Atkey, A. R.

Greig, Colonel James William

Neal, Arthur

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Parker, James

Barlow, Sir Montague

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W.D'by)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Barnett, Major R. W.

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Barnston, Major Harry

Hanna, George Boyle

Perring, William George

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Betterton, Henry B.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Prescott, Major W. H.

Blades, Capt. Sir George Rowland

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Purchase, H. G.

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Rae, H. Norman

Breese, Major Charles E.

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.)

Reid, D. D.

Bridgeman, William Clive

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Carr, W. Theodore

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Casey, T. W.

Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Jameson, J. Gordon

Seddon, J. A.

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Johnstone, Joseph

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Dawes, James Arthur

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Sugden, W. H.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Sutherland, Sir William

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Fell, Sir Arthur

Lorden, John William

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Tryon, Major George Clement

Foreman, Henry

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Vickers, Douglas

Forrest, Walter

Macquisten, F. A.

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Mallalieu, F. W.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Mitchell, William Lane

Waring, Major Walter

Gilbert, James Daniel

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Williams, Lieut.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud

Worsfold, Dr. T. Cato

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D.

Malone, C. L. (Leyton, E.)

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Waterson, A. E.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Myers, Thomas

Wedgwood, Colonel J. C.

Cairns, John

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Wintringham, T.

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

Robertson, John

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Hogge, James Myles

Royce, William Stapleton

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T. Griffiths.

(Class 2.)

Secret Service

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £300,000 (including a Supplementary sum of £200,000), be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1921, for His Majesty's Foreign and other Secret Services."—[ Note : £100,000 has been voted on account.]

I beg to move that the Vote be reduced by £200,000.

It is somewhat unusual on a Committee of Supply for the Opposition to make inquiries, or to make any protests, with regard to the sum of money voted for Secret Service, but I think we are justified in doing so—in fact, we think it a most urgent duty that we should do so—because we observe, from such signs as can be observed by those who have not inside information, that there is a change in the character of this Service. I need not say that, if this Vote was merely a Vote of money, either for the purpose of a military secret service in war time, or a secret service which is properly associated with the Criminal Department of the Home Office, we should be the very last to question it. As regardis the military side, it has its use, of course, although I should imagine that at no moment in the history of this country would the military side be less likely to need a secret service than the present.

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite will either make his interruptions articulate, so that I can answer him, or will follow my arguments——

The people who won the War are not yet at peace! I was only observing in passing that I could not imagine any moment when any money for military secret service was less needed than the present, but I will not dwell on it because it is not for that reason that I attack it, and I do not imagine that any considerable sum of this money is needed for that secret service. The right hon. gentleman, the Home Secretary, told us in Question Time to-day that he was not responsible for this Vote, that the increase was not due to his Department, and that encourages me to say that we believe that this money is devoted to a new purpose in British public life, namely, a political secret service, to which we as Liberals, and those associated with us on these Benches, have the most hearty objection. We object to a political secret service which is a completely new innovation in the machinery of the Government of this country. There appeared in the Press of 24th April of last year a statement that this new Department's the remark made by the Home Secretary himself on 5th May in reference to this announcement I have just read from the Press. The present Home Secretary said:

11.0 P.M.

In 1914, when we were faced with a great menace in Europe of a powerful nation, and when a military secret service might have been justified, and have worked for the good of the country, £50,000 was considered a sufficient sum. Now, in 1920, with our enemy prone and with no military menace, we are asked, instead of £50,000, for the gigantic sum of £400,000 for this service. For what is this money to be used? Is it really necessary for any proper military purpose? Is it necessary for the pursuit and detection of crime or criminals? We think it is not to be used for that at all. We believe it is to be used to pursue, by means of prosecutions, imprisonments, interferences, and spyings, that political opinion which happens to be objectionable to those at the head of affairs. We have to remember that the Government, when estimating for this, have powers far in excess of what any Government in this country have ever possessed before. In the old days when a man put forward opinions that were considered to be dangerous, he was haled before the Court and tried in the light of day; if he deserved to be punished, he was punished, amid the applause of every right-thinking man. The case is now altered. Under the Defence of the Realm Regula- tions the Home Secretary has the most extraordinary powers. A man may be seized, imprisoned, disappear, or be deported without the light of day being shed at all on the transaction.

I am not speaking only of British subjects. Because, after all, in this country we have always been very proud of the rights accorded to foreigners amongst us. The right hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well that he has exceptional powers? No! Well, then, what is the power by which the right hon. Gentleman prevents Archbishop Mannix from landing in Ireland? He is a British subject.

Exactly; then it simply means that my question should be addressed not to the Foreign Office, but to the Irish Secretary. In view of the exceptional powers by the Administration it makes all the more necessary, and this House should be careful as to the purpose for which it votes the money. The only control we have is to reduce the sum of money voted. We have some sort of indication of the purposes to which the money is devoted. People are sent to take a note at meetings; hon. Members can testify to that. Let me read what appeared in the "Journalist" of three years ago:

"As the result of the Central London Branch deputation to Scotland Yard, the Assistant Commissioner agreed that (1) no police note-taker shall sit at the Press table in future; (2) pressmen shall not be requested to take notes with a view to criminal prosecutions; (3) police note-takers, or shorthand-writers engaged by the police, shall sit at separate tables."

That is the sort of thing that is going on, and that is not the proper way to put down political opinion to which you object. There was a right hon. Gentleman, a member of this House, the Member for Widnes (Mr. Henderson), who went abroad to an international conference, and he was shadowed, and his correspondence interfered with. There was an article written by Sir Basil Thomson himself, in which he gives us his conception, and he says:

"Months ago it was realised that the spread of communistic ideas, attended by all the things that are most hateful to democracy — despotism, cruelty, torture, murder, famine—was a danger, not to one country, but to all. Immediately the civilised countries, even Germany herself, began to stretch out hands to others to know whether some common action could not be devised to stave off a disease which threatened the existence of civilised society. It was true that each country had a right to exclude a foreigner from landing on its shores or crossing its frontiers, and also to expel any foreigner who was dangerous to the State, but unless there was an interchange of information how could it be discovered until it was too late that a particular foreigner was dangerous?"

That is the sort of purpose for which this money is being spent. I suggest that this money is being spent to interfere with people for what they think and not for what they do. Let me read a letter by Miss Evelyn Sharp, who was at first refused a passport which was subsequently granted. She had an interview with Sir Basil Thomson, in which he writes:

"He also made it quite clear that it was on account of my 'extreme opinions' that the passport had been withheld. He said, 'We do not want to have people of extreme opinions going abroad under the guise of doing relief work, and then using the opportunity to further their particular views.'"

It is absolutely counter to what we call Liberal view that money should be voted to prevent people going anywhere merely on account of their opinions. Let me read another statement by a gentleman who was an Englishmen interviewed in New York who was coming back to this country. He says:

"His object in cross-examining an Englishman like myself was to obtain information as to what views I had been propagating and what my opinions were in regard to the probable developments in the Labour movements of America and Great Britain."

It is utterly improper for this House to vote money on political grounds and refuse passports if their opinions do not match with what the Government considers right and proper. That is the sort of thing that produces class warfare. Once you convince a man that he cannot obtain a hearing for views which may be unpopular, then you have started the worst feature of a class war. Every one who has studied the history of Ireland in the last few years knows exactly what this secret service has produced. It has produced the worst features, and in a far more corrupt form, of those whom it seeks to repress. Our view it that the way to deal with mistaken political opinion is by debate, by justice and liberty in the light of day. If a thing is wrong the more it is discussed the less likely it is to prosper, and it is wrong to put on the police or to spend money to make people feel that they are persecuted. It creates a fostering ground for the very people you want to stamp out. Take the case of Bolshevism in Russia. What has done more to destroy that in this country than the permission given freely to an important Labour deputation to go to Russia, and the manly testimony they gave of what they saw? That gave Bolshevism in this country a far greater set-back than could be accomplished by a grant from the Secret Service Fund.

I regret very much the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) is not in his place.

He is absent on a Royal Commission, on which he is serving at the desire of the Government.

I regret his absence, because I am sure had he been present he would have administered to the hon. and gallant Member the same heavy reproof as he administered to me when a few years ago I tried to do what the hon. Member has tried to-night—no doubt in a much feebler fashion—to get a reduction of this Vote. Like the hon. Member, I endeavoured to indicate the objects for which I thought the fund was used, and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley told me, with the authority of a great constitutionalist, that I had no business to inquire at all as to the purposes to which the money was to be devoted, for it would cease to be a secret service if he even attempted to reply. He also added that to press the reduction would amount to a vote of the want of confidence of the Government. I hope that whoever may reply on behalf of the Government will stick to the same doctrine, even if he should not administer an equally strong reproof to the hon. and gallant Member.

I wish to enter my protest against the remarks of the hon. and gallant Member (Captain Benn). My only complaint is that in the past this secret service has not been sufficiently efficient. There was a time before the War when the question of spies was raised the Treasury Bench pooh-poohed the idea, and when the question of spying in Epping Forest was discussed, the then Secretary for War, who now occupies a seat in another place, cast ridicule on the whole thing. I want an assurance from the Government that part of this money will be used to prevent communism in this country, and to prevent an hon. Member coming here and pretending loyalty to the King while seeking to undermine the King's constitution. £200,000 or even £400,000 would be well spent in stopping the disintegration now going on amongst the working classes of this country. I am surprised at my hon. Friend, the man who knows something of the dangers which we have encountered and overcome in the past, taking exception to this sum, large as it is. Although some of us think that a sum of this size should be scrutinised, I am surprised that he should be the one to cast ridicule on the sum. Although it is a secret service we have the right to ask the Government one or two questions. A Secret Service Fund means a fund employed in the Secret Service. [HON. MEMBERS: Hear, hear!] I am glad some of my hon. Friends appreciate the truism of that remark. I wish the Chief Secretary for Ireland were here, for he would appreciate this. We have suffered for many months past by the inefficiency of the Secret Service in Ireland. It has been completely overcome by the efficiency of the Sinn Fein secret service, and if the Chief Secretary were here now I would ask him to tell us frankly whether a part of this sum—I hope a large part—was to be employed in the secret service in Ireland. When my hon. Friend who is just leaving the House talked about Bolshevism being an economic doctrine, I was surprised. To me Bolshevism is a doctrine of terrorism and murder which it is in our power to keep out of this country. [HON. MEMBERS: Hear, Hear!] I did not expect cheers from Bolsheviks and others. I think that £200,000 would be well expended if we are assured that the use of this money means keeping out men who are inimical to this State, men like this archbishop, who wants to come here from Australia, and I hope to God will not come here. I have every respect for him as a Roman Catholic, but he is an incendiary, a republican, and a Bolshevik. If this sum of £200,000 can be spent in keeping this country free from the pernicious doctrines of the incendiary men we want to track down, then it is our duty to vote it. I should like to ask the Home Secretary if he would tell us that this money is going to be well spent in one direction, and that is in keeping this country free from the Bolshevik doctrines that are permeating Europe, and in keeping us free from the men who are carrying flames of incendiarism throughout the world.

It is with considerable trepidation that I enter into this Debate, now that the Home Secretary has the blessing of the Member for the Wrekin Division (Mr. Palmer), and the valuable Press support he will operate for this grant for the Secret Service and even an extension of that grant. Nothing that we can say from these Benches will possibly check the extravagance of this new Department. It is not so much on account of the immoral principles of this new spying Department that I object to this Vote, but it is on account of the ridicule if, will bring on the right hon. Gentleman's Department. The right hon. Gentleman knows, and must know quite well, that secret service agents are very dangerous people. Though you may have among shop stewards and in every factory in this country agents sending reports to the Government of the activities of these new revolutionaries, I am afraid you may find, only too often, that these admirable agents are dangerous. Personally, I never go down to a Sunday meeting in South Wales without having my words taken down. I hope the Home Secretary reads those words of wisdom when they are reported to him. But is it really worth while to have every Pleasant Sunday Afternoon meeting which is addressed by a Labour Member reported by the secret police in order that Sir Basil Thomson may exercise his widespread organisation, keep his job, and censor expression of opinion throughout the country?

A little time ago we had the sad, regettable case of Mr. Watson. He was an extremist—so extreme that the Labour party did not quite like him: they thought he was too extreme. The Government hired his services, and paid him sums of money in order that he might report what went on in South Wales. They enabled him to finance a paper—the "Red Flag," or "Solidarity," or some interesting weekly rag of that sort. That was financed by Government money in order to stimulate the young men of South Wales in the Red Flag gospel. I observed that he was called before the Shop Stewards' Conference here in London six months ago, and he defended himself very ably before that Conference. He said, "Yes, I took the money for the good of the cause. No one can prove that it was not for the good of the cause that I published the paper, and supplied to the Government reports suitable for a Government Department to read." It was a thoroughly able defence, as it seems to me, but it makes the Department look somewhat ridiculous. Only the other day I had an unfortunate interview with one of these admirable agents of the Government. I objected to his presence at a small meeting, and he was quite candid about having received money from the British Government. He explained that, in spite of receiving money, he was really doing service to the cause of advanced Labour, that he was a man who was looking after the interests of Labour in that locality. He said, "You do not suppose that the information I have given to the Government is correct information? I am not so foolish as that." I must say that that man fairly sickened me, of the sort of people who are appointed as agents. I do beg the Home Secretary and the Government generally to realise the fact that these men, of extremely low moral character, who act as spies and agents, are people who do not serve their own paymasters honestly. They must make reports about people; they must keep dossiers of all the dangerous advanced political thinkers—not truthful dossiers, but dossiers such as will please, or such as they imagine will please, their own Department. There is an enormous temptation to all these people to make reports about something which has not happened when there is nothing more realistic to report about. That is one of my objections to the new secret police in this country. They are not only being used to inquire into opinion, to keep a watch and a check upon opinion, they are also ridiculous in that the very people upon whom they are set to keep a watch know them, laugh at them, and very often use them for their own improper purposes.

There is, however, a further objection. This new Department, during the short course of its existence, has done really serious harm to this country. Take the case of Tchicherin. Tchicherin is now the Foreign Minister for Russia, a person with whom it is just as well that we should be on good terms. Tchicherin was imprisoned in this country solely through the operation of Sir Basil Thomson's Department. Then there was the case of Litvinoff. He, similarly, holds now a very important position in the Soviet Government. It is of the utmost importance that we should be on good terms with Litvinoff. He was imprisoned and treated with contumely and contempt by these people, and consequently has a direct and sound reason to hate the Government and people of this country. Take the case of Nuorteva. He was the Soviet trade representative in Canada. He got a passport to this country, properly viséd by a British officer in New York and by the American authorities. About a week after he had landed in this country, not to carry on propaganda but in order to carry on a trade mission, he was discovered by Sir Basil Thomson, haled before him and abused and his passport taken away and finally expelled from this country. The Soviet Government know all about him. They actually make a protest, and when they find that he has been sent to Finland they threaten that British officers will suffer reprisals in Russia if he is massacred by White Guards in Finland, and then we have to recall him and send him off to Reval instead.

These things make us a laughing stock on the Continent and create for us enemies when we particularly want friends. There is no political gain in the matter whatever. The last person who is likely to make a revolutionary of an Englishman is a foreigner; as a matter of fact the English people have a profound contempt for all foreigners as far as I can see, a contempt which may or may not be justified, but it is certainly true as applied to the sort of people who are exported to us from Russia. The last, person to make a convert to Bolshevism is a Russian from Russia. The first person who is likely to make a convert is one of the right hon. Gentleman's secret service agents. I have noticed at all my meetings when I outline the future policy of the Labour Government, the only point on which the meeting is almost unanimously in agreement with me is when I lay down the policy that the first act of the Labour Government will be to dismiss Sir Basil Thomson and the whole of his secret service police. That is the most popular plank in the Labour party's policy, and I cannot help thinking it is justified. It is not merely that these people make the Government ridiculous and secure fresh adherents to the extreme ranks in this country. It is not merely that they do this country harm by making for us enemies when we want friends, but it is such a squandering of the public money. Why should this man I spoke of, the secret service agent who saw me, be paid with the money of the taxpayer in order, as he said, to supply lying reports to a Government Department? Why should we have these agents all over the world enquiring into people's antecedents and trying to make out a case for the continuance of their job? Why should we have all these passport difficulties created everywhere solely for the benefit of this new Department? Why should we have, for instance, £40,000 spent on that wonderful mystery film, "The Land of Mystery," and this great Anti-Bolshevik propaganda film which simply aroused the amused contempt of the whole of the Press, of the country, and everyone who saw the film? This sort of thing is what the public money is being wasted on. Sir Basil Thomson must have his propaganda film and therefore we have to pay the money for it. We have our money being thrown away in this way, and the amount spent on the service increased from £50,000 before the War to £400,000 at present, when the danger from Germany has ceased and when you have the British Empire more powerful than it has ever been in the history of mankind.

Take the case of Mr. Keeling. Mr. Keeling is still being paid week by week from those funds. He is an able lecturer. Why does not the society for whom he lectures pay him instead of it coming out of our pockets? I daresay anyone who has a good case to tell for or against the Bolsheviks can get an audience and can get the hat filled if he goes round speaking. It is unnecessary that we should contribute out of our funds for the upkeep of these people. I have no doubt we shall be told to-night that it is absolutely essential in order to repress the Bolshevik wave that is spreading throughout the working classes that we should provide this vast annual sum of money in order to check it. I can assure the right hon. Gentleman and the whole House that they ape doing more to create Bolshevik feeling in the country by spending public money to supply agents provocateur than they can ever hope to stop it 'by the very best sort of propaganda. They are creating Communists like the hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Malone). The Government are driving him out of their own ranks and into the ranks of the extremists by methods such as these, which are creating this extreme feeling throughout the country to-day. English people are peculiar. You can persuade them, but you cannot drive them. By employing secret police in order to coerce public opinion in the country you cause public opinion to go in a direction against you.

My hon. friend made a very interesting announcement as to what would be one of the first acts of a new Labour Government, and that was that they would abolish the secret service department. I make a prophecy, and that is, that the one department which they will not abolish will be the secret service department. No Government that I know of has no secret service. Republican Governments have secret service departments. Such a department is a necessary, if unfortunate, part of the machinery of civilised Government as it now happens to run in the world. I am, however, going to follow my hon. and gallant friend into the Lobby. I agree with every word he said. I am in rather a special position, because I sat on the Committee to which reference has been made, under the Defence of the Realm Act. For at least three years I had a very varied experience along with my right hon. Friend opposite. It is just because of that experience, and what I know it must inevitably lead to, that I want to say a few words to the Committee. During the war it was necessary largely to develop the secret service of the country. Whatever my hon. friend, the Member for Wrekin (Mr. Palmer), may say, within twenty-four hours after the outbreak of war every official German spy in this country was under lock and key. So efficient was the work done by the police and military that there was not throughout the War one single case of violence to any in- dividual or to any public building; a most extraordinary record, built up upon that service upon which the hon. Member felt himself justified in throwing such expressions. The difficulty is that once you get into that way of looking at things you suspect everybody of everything. The alienists and those who work with them get to think that everybody is mad except themselves, and the danger to which I am trying to draw the attention of the Committee, that if we get into the way of thinking that the only way to combat Socialist doctrines is by the Secret Service, then we are going to give the go-by, not only to what is noblest in British traditions, but to what is our greatest safeguard. Before the War which was the safest civilised country in the world? It was this country. Why? Because it was the asylum for extreme opinion of every kind. Any Sovereign could come to this country. He had guards, no doubt, but it was a civilised country, and here at the time of his visit were men of the most extreme schools of thought and physical violence drawn from all parts of Europe. The atmosphere in this country so operated that, however extreme opinions might be, there was no unfair dealing with them. If the hon. Member (Mr. Palmer) thinks he is going to defend the Monarchy by attacking Communism, he is making a great mistake. By such means he will make republicans by the thousand.

The original estimate was £200,000, or four times as much as before the War. That estimate was framed about April, and now it is August. The Government to-day wants another £200,000. Cannot we have some general indication why? I do not want to pry into any particulars It is not for Ireland; the work of the Irish service is quite apart from this Vote. This extra £200,000 is to be spent, not in Ireland, but in this country. That shows that there must be a very remarkable development in the Secret Service in Great Britain. What is the meaning of it? [HON. MEMBERS: "Bolshevism!"] One of the best points in a really admirable speech by my hon. and gallant Friend was that the best arguments against Bolshevism have not been brought out by any Secret Service, but by Mrs. Philip Snowden, by my hon. Friend the Member for Preston (Mr. T. Shaw), and by two or three other Labour leaders. Half-a-dozen of them went to Russia and saw things for themselves. There are Bertrand Russell's articles. He is a man with one of the finest speculative brains in Europe, but a man of extreme opinions. He went to Russia, and when he came back he honestly told us what he thought about it. That is the way to combat Bolshevism, and not by developing unnecessarily your Secret Service. I am sure the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Macpherson), thinks this development necessary. We do not think it is, and the Liberal view is that it is not necessary. It is not consonant with our traditions. I do not expect my right hon. Friend to agree with me. He looks at these things from a totally different point of view. Liberal principles do not change at all, not a bit.

The right hon. Gentleman was a member of the Government when, the Official Secrets Act was passed.

It was a part of the Secret Service before the War. My case against the Estimate——

The hon. Member does not understand anything about them. At any rate, Liberal principles do not mean war upon opinion. [HON. MEMBERS: "What about Leamington?"] There was no Secret Service money spent there. There is real danger behind this, large increase. Opinion is sweeping in favour of the old way of dealing with things, and there is nothing like the danger which the Executive seem to think. If we allow this thing to develop, next year there may be another large increase, and we shall be doing everything to develop the very evil we wish to combat.

It has been my duty on many occasions during the last three and a half years to defend this Vote. In the first year of the War a sum of £400,000 was set aside for the Secret Service Vote. That sum went on until 1916–17, when it was increased to £620,000; the next year it was increased to £750,000, and in the following year to almost £1,250,000. In the last financial year we succeeded in bringing it down to £400,000, and this year, the second after the Armistice, but one in which the state of the world is very little less settled than it was last year, we have succeeded in keeping it at the same figure. On that point may I say to my right hon. Friend that it is largely owing to me that we have had the pleasure of hearing the admirable speech he delivered and the speech of the hon. Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn). When discussing the amount which was to lie presented with the original Estimate for this year, I was anxious if the amount was going to be anything like as much as last year that a Supplementary Estimate should be produced, that there might be a certainty of the Vote being discussed in this House, knowing quite well that if a large sum had been presented as an original Estimate, the chances were that the whole Estimate would be passed under the guillotine, and the House would have had no opportunity of expressing any opinion upon it. The reason that I, as Secretary to the Treasury, value these Debates, although I am able to say so little at them, is that I believe publicity in this House helps with this Estimate, as with all Estimates, that are brought before the House, to exercise a drag on them, which gives me the help that I require at the Treasury.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman for Leith (Captain W. Benn) spoke about the small figure, as he called it, which we expended before the War. It will be within his memory, as it is within mine, that there were not wanting people before the War who said we had cut down this expense to a minimum, and it will be within the memory of some of the older Members of this House that 20 years ago, the late Lord Salisbury, when he was Prime Minister, and it was put to him that we ought to have known more in this country of the preparations which had been made in South Africa on the side of the Boers before the Boer War, pointed out that you could not eat your cake and have it, and that while we might have taken pride in the small amount we spent on our Secret Service, the fact that we spent so little resulted in our getting a great deal less information than we should have had if we had spent more money. After all, the work that is done in connection with Secret Service throughout the world naturally costs more in these days than it cost before the War, because everything connected with such service—travelling expenses, and so forth—costs more now, so that I do not think the Committee can hope to see the Estimates coming back at present to the figures we saw before the War, although I hope and believe we shall see in this year a reduction, just as we have seen in these two years a considerable reduction, on what the expenditure was in the time of War.

Beyond that I have nothing to say. Various hon. Members have exercised more than their usual skill in attempting to draw from me statements which it is impossible for me, in the position which I occupy here to-night, to give. It has been laid down by successive Chancellors of the Exchequer and Secretaries to the Treasury, and it has been endorsed by this House year after year, that with regard to the Secret Service, no information can be given, and whatever pre-posterous suggestions may be made as to the employment of this money, it is quite impossible for anyone on the Government Bench, or speaking for any Government that may hereafter occupy this Bench, to say whether preposterous statements have a shadow of accuracy in them or not. The only course for the Committee to take is to support the Government if they believe that Ministers can be trusted with the handling of this Vote. If they think they cannot be trusted, then, of course, it is their duty to vote against them. Taking one year with another over a great number of years past, the Motion has been divided against perhaps as often as it has been allowed to go through without a Division. I gather that to-night we shall have a Division, and I feel certain that the enormous majority of this Committee will feel that we are not asking this year for too large a sum, in view of the things I have named. I hope a large majority will show their confidence in the Government in this Division.

I am not impressed by what the right hon. Gentleman said in justification of the figure this year being the same as that for last year. I think it is inevitable that the figure last year must have included many payments which were made on account of definite war services. There will have been undoubtedly many claims made for services rendered to us during the War, payment of which fell within the last financial year. That, of course, will no longer apply to payments made in this year, and therefore I think there has really been an expansion of the actual use of the Secret Service agents. The right hon. Gentleman is perfectly right in saying that the tradition has always been that the Service shall be kept secret, and that therefore it is simply a question of confidence or want of confidence in the Government. We must simply weigh the size of the sum they ask for against what we can suppose as their necessity. I think the spring that I was responsible for asking the Committee to vote a sum for this Service was that of 1915, and I think I then found it necessary to ask for an increased sum over the old £50,000 up to £100,000, which, I think, was further increased before the end of the financial year, but if we were still in the middle of the War in 1915, can it be necessary now, nearly two years after the termination of the War, to ask for £400,000? I cannot really give satisfactory answers to these questions: Why has this Estimate doubled since it was prepared in February or March; why do we want four times as much as I believe the Government asked for some time in 1915; and why do we need eight times as much as we ever asked for before the War? If on that small amount of £50,000 we were able to find out, as we did, practically all that we wanted to know about foreign schemes of invasion and armament and shipbuilding programmes, and, on the outbreak of war, to mop up German spies in this country so that there was not a train derailed in mobilisation, and not a culvert blown up, why should it be necessary now that we should ask for eight times as much? As a humble predecessor of my right hon. Friend in office, I feel bound, for the reason which he gave, namely, entire want of confidence in the Government in this matter, to vote against them.

The right hon. Gentleman the Financial Secretary said that no matter how preposterous were the charges made against the Government in connection with this Esti- mate, no answer could be made. I wish to ask whether the statement made by an hon. and gallant Member is correct, that the Government had spent £40,000 in spy service and propaganda, mentioning particularly the film "The Land of Mystery." I have seen the picture, which is magnificent as an example of the photographic art, but as a propaganda film it is absolutely putrid, and if the spy service is spending £40,000 on such rubbish as that, I think there is some justification for the opposition to this particular Estimate. Surely this cannot come under Secret Service at all? I believe in the trade it is generally understood that the picture is privately owned, and was privately produced. It came as a great surprise to me. I am not questioning what the right hon. and gallant Gentleman has said, but it is generally accepted by all those who are interested in the trade that it was purely a private venture, and I think it would be a very great disservice to the Government if it went forward that the film had been bought by the Government when it is being run purely for private gain. I therefore ask the right hon. Gentleman, for the sake of the Government, if he can give an answer showing that they are not squandering the country's money on a film which, far from being a propaganda film, will make Bolsheviks. Any man who selects that film as a propaganda film ought to be put in a lunatic asylum and not be in the position of a selector of films or any other means of propaganda.

I am not at all satisfied with the reply of my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury. We did not expect he would give us inside information as to the working of the Secret Service, but when he endeavoured to make out that the wages of the staff and the travelling expenses and these side matters would somewhat account for this £400,000, which is vastly different from that which was granted to him in the Estimates, I say that he is endeavouring to stretch it a little bit too far. One is naturally bound, then, to assume what is taking place, and the only correct assumption that we can make upon that is that the Secret Service agency is greatly extended, that the staff is larger than it was, and as far as next year is concerned, we must at any rate have the money to provide the wherewithal for this obnoxious Department. The right hon. Gentleman who spoke from these Benches last, said there was no military need for the money. Personally I have to agree with him in that respect. We have not the enemy at our door, and one is led to the conclusion that this secret agency is merely for industrial purposes. When the hon. and gallant Member for Leith spoke, several Members of the Committee rather ridiculed some of his statements, but I would draw the attention of the Committee to one case hat came under my observation. This happened in a place in the South of England in November, 1917. A special meeting had been called by the trade unionists in the locality to consider the question of a dispute that had arisen between the employers and the employed. It happened at this meeting, for some reason that cannot exactly be explained, that certain individuals, hearing a noise at the back of the piano went to the rear of the piano and, behold, there were, two gentlemen in hiding. One of them was a member of the Southampton Police force; the other had been sent by a special branch of the Metropolitan Police. If such gentlemen are going to be sent in that sort of manner, there is the possibility of some disorder occurring, then the responsibility will be thrown upon those people who are irritated by incidents of that kind, instead of the Secret Service Department being called to account for any irritation that may occur.

12 M.

I have also another case in my mind. I was particularly interested in it while the matter was going through the Court some considerable time ago. Certain Secret Service agents had been sent into the area. The good lady, who probably had been misguided at the time, was dragged into Court, but the men of the Secret Service Department were not allowed to give evidence. They were kept in the background. The woman was sent to penal servitude. Under such circumstances I feel justified in protesting against this expenditure. An hon. Member who is upon these Benches— [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide!"]—was down, in February of this year, in the South Wales area, and while there endeavoured, to the best of his ability, to put forward the point of view of the party he represents. Every word was taken down by the police authorities. When he asked whether this was a regular occurrence, he was told that on every Sunday, and at the weekend all the meetings were reported. This justifies our protest against this expenditure. If it is necessary to keep these men, there can be only one object in view: that is, to foment industrial unrest, and to cause an irritation that is detrimental to the country as a whole. This sort of expenditure may probably be necessary if we are to continue to have articles written such as that written a few days ago to the "Evening News." If that is the spirit that is to be exhibited in these days, then it is necessary that we should expose the mean and despicable tactics that go alongc with it.

Before going to a Division—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide divide!"]—it seems necessary that hon. Members should be reminded that some, at least, of us believe it is a public duty to be performed as faithfully as we can do it, carefully to examine Estimates, though they are submitted to us for the first time on the first day of the last but one week of the Session, and to see if and where we can economise. It is no answer, though it may be awkward for some hon. Members to meet that duty by shouting "Divide!" I want to ask the Minister of War one or two questions. I have always voted against Secret Service expenditure as being dishonest and immoral. We will assums, in order to shorten Debate, that Ministers are not in a position to give specific answers to what has been asked from this side of the House to-night. They ought certainly be able to say why the Vote is increased, and that is a question which it is quite within the capabilities of the Secretary for War to answer. During the War the Secret Service Fund was largely devoted to naval and military purposes. I want to know, either from the Secretary for War or the Secretary to the Admiralty, if any of this £400,000 is for the War Office or for the Admiralty. Will either of the Departments have the spending of any of this money, or do they look after their own secret service work? If we get an answer to that question it will enable us to differentiate how the money is spent and how far the Home Secretary is responsible for it. I have something to say as to the use to which the money is spent. Hon. Members are aware that during the War I took some interest in the question of discharged men. Will hon. Members of the Committee believe that the speeches I delivered in various parts of the country to discharged men to get their pensions raised and to bring about other reforms were reported by the Secret Service? It was no doubt a tremendous waste of money, because it was practically the same speech every time. I remember the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Duncairn (Sir E. Carson) was in charge of the Department at the time and he sent me a copy of the report of one of my speeches asking me if that was the kind of thing I was saying to discharged men in the country. The Government were paying for these reports out of the Secret Service Fund; yet hon. Members can come here and hear them for nothing: indeed I am reminded that they are paid £8 a week to listen to them. Why spend enormous sums of money on futile objects like that? I hope some Member of the Government will be able to show that part of the money at any rate is devoted to a useful purpose, and before we go to a Division I hope we shall have a reply to my question as to whether the War Office or the Admiralty have the spending of any of this money.

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 116; Noes, 18.

Question put accordingly, "That a sum, not exceeding £100,000, be granted for the said Service."

Division No. 275.]

AYES.

[12.10 a.m.

Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S.

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Parker, James

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Gregory, Holman

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Greig, Colonel James William

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Perring, William George

Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M.S.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

Atkey, A. R.

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l, W.D'by)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Prescott, Major W. H.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Hanna, George Boyle

Purchase, H. G.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Barlow, Sir Montague

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Barnett, Major R. W.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Barnston, Major Harry

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.)

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A (Midlothian)

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Seddon, J. A.

Betterton, Henry B.

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Blades, Capt. Sir George Rowland

Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Breese, Major Charles E.

Jameson, J. Gordon

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Bridgeman, William Clive

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Sturrock, J. Leng

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Sugden, W. H.

Carr, W. Theodore

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Sutherland, Sir William

Casey, T. W.

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Tryon, Major George Clement

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Vickers, Douglas

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Lorden, John William

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

M'Neill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Ward-Jackson, Major C. L.

Dawes, James Arthur

Macquisten, F. A.

Waring, Major Walter

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Mallalieu, F. W.

Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock).

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud

Foreman, Henry

Mosley, Oswald

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Forrest, Walter

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Murchison, C. K.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Gilbert, James Daniel

Neal, Arthur

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Glyn, Major Ralph

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Palmer, Lieut.-Colonel G. L.

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D.

Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian)

Waterson, A. E.

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Malone, C. L. (Leyton, E.)

Wedgwood, Colonel J. C.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Robertson, John

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Royce, William Stapleton

Johnstone, Joseph

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Mr. Hogge and Mr. George Thorne.

Division No. 276.]

AYES.

[12.17 a.m.

Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D.

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian)

Waterson, A. E.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Royce, William Stapleton

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Johnstone, Joseph

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Colonel Wedgwood and Mr. Hogge.

NOES.

Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S.

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Gregory, Holman

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Greig, Colonel James William

Perring, William George

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles

Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S.

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Atkey, A. R.

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W.D'by)

Prescott, Major W. H.

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Purchase, H. G.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Hanna, George Boyle

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Barlow, Sir Montague

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Barnett, Major R. W.

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Barnston, Major Harry

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.)

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Seddon, J. A.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Gulldford)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Setterton, Henry B.

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Blades, Capt. Sir George Rowland

Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Sturrock, J. Leng

Breese, Major Charles E.

Jameson, J. Gordon

Sugden, W. H.

Bridgeman, William Clive

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Sutherland, Sir William

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Carr, W. Theodore

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Casey, T. W.

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Tickler, Thomas George

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Tryon, Major George Clement

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Vickers, Douglas

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Lorden, John William

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Ward-Jackson, Major C. L.

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Waring, Major Walter

Dawes, James Arthur

Mallalieu, F. W.

Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Mosley, Oswald

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Foreman, Henry

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Forrest, Walter

Murchison, C. K.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Neal, Arthur

Gilbert, James Daniel

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Lord E. Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

Glyn, Major Ralph

Palmer, Lieut.-Colonel G. L.

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Parker, James

Original Question put, and agreed to.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."—[ Lord Edmund Talbot. ]

I want to suggest one or two consequences before we proceed to a Division on this matter. There has been nothing in the nature of obstruction in the course of this Debate, and anybody who speaks to the contrary does not know what obstruction is and ought to have been in the other Parliament to have learnt what that was. Anything that shows a tendency in that direction falls very far short of any efficient purpose. These Estimates will

The Committee divided: Ayes, 17; Noes, 115.

not come before us again. Being postponed, they will fall under the guillotine to-morrow night and the guillotine in the Report stage the night after. What are the Votes which we have not yet discussed? I am not going into detail on them, but they are all the new Services which have not been before the Committee on the original Estimate. There are the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, a new Service under that Department, £1,195,000; the Fishery Board for Scotland, £1,798,875; Law Charges and Criminal Prosecutions, Ireland, £11,545; Colonial Services, £1,581,139; the Mission of His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to India, £27,500, and another Vote totalling together little short of £4,500,000 on new Services. The other Services which are not new in that sense run up to many millions. I think that the action of His Majesty's Government in asking the Committee to pass over these Votes, not only large in amount but great in public interest, is not one which redounds to their credit, in view of the great public matters which are therein involved. Then, there are one or two items under the Civil Contingencies Fund. There is a small item there which we shall all heartily welcome, namely, the payment of 12s. to secure a Royal Patent to the Lord Privy Seal. There is another item which I do not think we shall be quite so interested in, in a favourable sense—that providing for a contingent pension to the Lord Chancellor. There are matters of that kind into which, of course, I will not go in any further detail; but what I have indicated shows the position in which the Committee is placed in dealing with this great question of finance. These Votes ought to have been laid before the Committee weeks ago, and, so far as I have been able to judge in our examination of them, there is none of them that justifies their submission just 24 or 48 hours before the guillotine falls. I have had some experience— about 13 or 14 years—in this House now, and I do not recollect any occasion on which so large a number of new Services for so great an amount, so large a sum total or of Supplementary Estimates, has been submitted just before the guillotine has fallen. The Committee has not been fairly treated, and in these circumstances we shall divide against the Motion.

I think it is scandalous that the Government should move to report Progress at half-past twelve, a much earlier hour than that to which we have sat in many instances in the past few weeks, after having brought us here on a bank holiday to consider Supplementary Estimates, the bulk of which have been put down for the first time. If we agree to this Motion to report Progress, it means that none of the Votes on the Order Paper after the second line of the Resolution will be taken. My right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) has referred to some of those, but may I, at not too great length, allude to the very next Vote that we should have taken. This House has frequently expressed its sympathy with the discharged men, and the next Vote, that for Public Buildings, deals with the question of the provision of treatment and training centres and hostel accommodation, at various places. If there is one complaint that Members get more than another, it is with regard to the matter of training facilities in the country for soldiers and sailors. I should have liked to have asked, had my right hon. Friend not moved to report Progress, for a short statement from the Government, which could have been passed on to these men, as to what is being done with the money provided in this Estimate. It is most unfair at 12.30 a.m. to report Progress on a vital issue of this kind. I will guarantee that if we had been raising men for the War my right hon. Friend would not have reported progress at 12.30; he would have given every facility to the Committee to discuss ways and means for raising the men. The moment we are asked to deal with the Estimate which provides money for treating these men in training centres, however—and one of the complaints that we all know is made every day by Earl Haig is that there are not sufficient training centres—the Government move to report Progress.

Take two other Votes, which ought to interest the Leader of the House. I cannot complain that the Leader of the House does not attend to his work. I think he shows a much better example to his followers on that side of the House than his followers set to him. I congratulate him on the magnificent rally of Ministers on the front Bench. It is really exhilarating, during the last fortnight of the Session, to see the splendid way in which the Ministerial battalions have rolled up and are interesting themselves in these great questions. It is an example which ought to be copied by those on the empty Benches behind the right hon. Gentleman.

—the awful and wonderful choice whether we shall be here or not. My right hon. and hon. Friends opposite have got to be here; it is their duty to see the public business through. It is our duty to criticise. They wish that we would not do it, and therefore the oftener we are absent the better. Let me appeal to the right hon. Gentleman as a Scottish colleague. I ask him for a moment to come down to the parochial affairs of our own country. Here we have the Fishery Board for Scotland——

The hon. Member is going a little too far. He must not go through the whole of the Votes.

I think you know me well enough to know that I will not take unfair advantage of the opportunity on the Motion to report Progress. I am not going into the Votes in any detail; I am only pointing out that the Fishery Board for Scotland is a new service. On account of that we should be entitled to discuss the whole of the Estimates for the Fishery Board for Scotland because the Scottish Estimates are not yet through Committee. Similarly, we should be entitled on the Ministry of Health Vote to discuss the Scottish Board of Health to-night along with the Supplementary Estimate because it is a new service. The Scottish Estimates do not come up until Wednesday, on the Report stage, and you will never have had a Committee stage. As the right hon. Gentleman's Friends on the front Government Bench know, there are about 12 or 14 separate services, and never, in my experience or in that of my Friends opposite, have we ever touched anything like the whole of them. To-night, on an opportunity of this kind, we might have discussed two very important Scottish points, one dealing with the herring industry on the East Coast of Scotland and the other with housing and health in Scotland, which we have never had an opportunity of debating. Therefore, it is unfair to report Progress after we have agreed, without too strenuous opposition, to the suspension of the Eleven o'clock Rule for the rest of the Session. Cannot we sit for another hour or two and discuss these Estimates? If my right hon. Friend (Mr. Bonar Law) can get up, and say we have been obstructing the business of the Committee——

It would be interesting to see how the right hon. Gentleman would be able to do that, because he has not been present to-day. He has been in the House, but he has not been present to hear the Debate, and he would find it extremely difficult to point to speeches made from this side which have been in the least obstructive. As a matter of fact we did not take the discussion of these Estimates until about six o'clock. Two hours were occupied in discussing the very interesting statement of my right hon. Friend, and he found the statement so interesting that he made a speech of 20 minutes in winding it up. [Mr. BONAB LAW dissented. ] Oh, yes, because I timed him, for I knew this kind of argument was coming. We began at six o'clock and we have gone on till twelve o'clock with three of the most important Supplementary Estimates ever put down in the House, and at this period of the Session and at this time of the night it is an insult to those of us who are attempting to do a public duty to attempt to carry the Motion to report Progress.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) made the claim that there had been no attempt at obstruction, and he did it in a very candid way by pointing out that he had not attained that degree of skill in it which had been secured by those who had begun earlier. At all events, he admitted that he had done his best. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO!"] My hon. Friend asked me to give an example of obstruction. He gave one himself, in my opinion, when he said that I spoke for 20 minutes, which I was surprised to learn. If we wanted a better illustration we could not find a better than in the speech to which we have just listened. The hon. Member is labouring under a delusion when he complains that we are rising at this early hour, with so much of the night before us. His mind may be perfectly easy. We have other business to do, and his anxiety to serve the public will have an opportunity in connection with that business. Then the hon. Member is labouring under another delusion. He spoke of the discharged soldiers. Had he looked at the Order Paper, he would have found that the Pensions Vote is on to-morrow.

No, the Pensions Vote is on to-morrow, and the opportunity will be given of discussing anything that comes under that Vote. Then there is the question which he raised in connection with Scotland—the housing question. That can be discussed on the Scottish Estimates, and the hon. Member will have the opportunity of showing that he does not obstruct on those occasions. But I quite agree, and everybody will agree, that it is most regrettable that the discussion of these Estimates should have to be abolished. It is desirable that there should be as much discussion as possible. But this is not a new thing. There is nothing more objectionable in not discussing these new items than there is in passing very large votes without discussion under the guillotine. It is part of the system, and, so far, nothing has been devised by which there can be a detailed discussion of all these important Estimates. The Committee knows the reason—that we have a limited time, and must bring business to a conclusion. And when the hon. Member (Mr. Hogge) claims credit for not having delayed us long with the motion to suspend the 11 o'clock rule, and with the promise that we will get all the Bills we want, I would like him or the Committee to say how we are to get them if we do not discuss them now, when the opportunity arises. I am sure my hon. Friend is doing his best, but I do not follow all that sotto voce conversation.

The Bills that my right hon. Friend wants to get are not nearly so important as the Estimates, which were only published two days ago. Let us get on with the Estimates.

The hon. Member also complains that these Benches are empty, in spite of giving me credit for setting a good example. I am afraid I cannot return the compliment. The Benches for which he claims responsibility—and it is the duty of the House of Commons to look after these things as much as it is the duty of the Government—are much more empty than ours.

Yes, more empty proportionately; and in addition the hon. Member cannot claim the credit that he has given to me, for he has not been there opposing when he might have been setting a good example to the other Members of the Committee. The Committee knows that this kind of attack is inevitable when the Opposition, either large or small, chooses to indulge in it. This method of getting the business through is necessary, and I hope the House will give us the Motion.

I do not think the right hon. Gentleman really appreciates the fact that the country at large is tired of legislation, and that it wants a great deal less money spent. All that we ask now is that we should be allowed to continue to discuss this wasteful expenditure instead of devoting these morning hours, when the best work of this House is done, to passing fresh legislation which nobody wants. The three or four Bills are only asked for by the permanent officials of the Departments, whereas here we are spending thirteen and a half millions of money without any discussion whatever. Many of these are new services. When the Government is spending, as they are under Vote 2, Colonial Service, one and a half millions on the purchase of Nauru and is putting down that money, which is really capital investment, to expenditure, so that it has to be found out of revenue, I think we may quite properly ask that a thing like that should be discussed, and not merely voted as though it were a matter of no interest to anybody in this country. Then you come to the grants in aid for British East Africa, for Kenya. We are voting them more money in aid of their distressed condition. That is a colony largely inhabited by British people, where they have no death duties, no Income Tax and no Super-tax, and where the white settlers only have to pay the small sum of £1 per year for the privilege of living in that country and enjoying the rights of British citizens. Surely we might ask them to pay for themselves this sum which we are asked to find from our heavy taxes. There is no form of taxation that these people have to pay except the £1 per head, and yet they are asking us to pay the amount of their deficit instead of finding it themselves. These are questions which we have a perfect right to ask the Government to give us an opportunity to discuss, and instead of doing so they come along and say "We do not want this dwindling Committee to spend its time in discussing this futile, wasteful expenditure; we will take up these Departmental Bills and waste the time of the House on those." Speaking as a man in the street in this country, I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that what the man in the street objects to is waste, and that what he objects to only second to

Resolutions to be Reported To-morrow.

Committee to sit again To-morrow.

Post Office and Telegraph [Railway Remuneration]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]

I beg to move,

"That for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to amend the law with respect to the statutory limits on postal and telegraph rates, and with respect to the remuneration to be paid to railway com-

waste is these Bills which we are perpetually passing to harass the unfortunate subjects of this country.

Question put "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 109; Noes, 9.

Division No. 277.]

AYES.

[12.50 a.m.

Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S.

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Palmer, Charles Frederick (Wrekin)

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Gregory, Holman

Parker, James

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Greig, Colonel James William

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S.

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Atkey, A. R.

Hacking, Captain Douqlas H.

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W.D'by)

Prescott, Major W. H.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Purchase, H. G.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Hanna, George Boyle

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Barlow, Sir Montague

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Barnett, Major R. W.

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Barnston, Major Harry

Herbert, Denis (Hertford, Watford)

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Barrie, Charles Coupar

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.)

Seddon, J. A.

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Betterton, Henry B.

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Blades, Capt. Sir George Rowland

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Illingworth, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Breese, Major Charles E.

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Sturrock, J. Leng

Bridgeman, William Clive

Jameson, J. Gordon

Sugden, W. H.

Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R.

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Sutherland, Sir William

Carr, W. Theodore

Johnstone, Joseph

Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield)

Casey, T. W.

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Talbot, G. A. (Hemel Hempstead)

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Tryon, Major George Clement

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Vickers, Douglas

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.)

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid)

Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P.

Ward-Jackson, Major C. L.

Dawes, James Arthur

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Waring, Major Walter

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Mallalieu, F. W.

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Foreman, Henry

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Forrest, Walter

Mosley, Oswald

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Murchison, C. K.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Gilbert, James Daniel

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Lord Edmund Talbot and Mr. Dudley Ward.

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John

Neal, Arthur

Glyn, Major Ralph

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Waterson, A. E.

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Wedgwood, Colonel J. C.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Royce, William Stapleton

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Mr. George Thorne and Mr. Hogge.

panies for the conveyance of postal parcels, and otherwise to amend the Post Office Acts, 1908 and 1915, it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys provided by Parliament of the amount of the railway remuneration payable in respect of the year commencing on the first day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, and any subsequent year."

This resolution is in relation to Clause 3, Sub-sections (3) and (4) of the Post Office and Telegraph Bill. The two Sub-sections are as follow:

"(3) The amount of the railway remuneration payable in respect of any year shall be paid to the London Railway Clearing Committee in four quarterly instalments.

(4) The words 'and may pay the same out of the moneys for the time being standing to the credit of the Postmaster-General at the Bank of England, but such payment shall be charged in the accounts of the Post Office to the gross receipts in respect of parcels' in Sub-section (1) of Section five of the Post Office (Parcels) Act, 1882, shall be repealed as from the first day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, and the amount of the railway remuneration payable in respect of the year commencing on that date and any subsequent year shall be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament. "

This is a peculiarly simple matter, and is only a question of account-keeping. The difficulties for the Accountants' office at the Treasury and at the Post Office are considerable at the present time, and these difficulties arose when the parcel post was inaugurated. It is intended to place the accounts on the same basis as the Letter Post. It is quite impossible to foresee the number of parcels, and, therefore, under the circumstances, it is quite impossible to foresee the amount of remuneration to be paid to the railway companies. Those hon. Members who have looked at the White Paper issued will see exactly what the position is. The Post Office (Parcels) Act, 1882, enacted that the remuneration to the railway companies should be paid

"out of the moneys for the time being standing to the credit of the Postmaster-General at the Bank of England."

It is now proposed that the remuneration to the railway companies shall be charged on the Post Office Vote. This does not mean a charge on the Exchequer at the present time. The matter is a very simple one, and I hope that the hon. Gentlemen opposite will see that it is only a question of account-keeping, and I hope that the Committee will see their way to pass it.

1.0 A.M.

We are very much indebted to the right hon. Gentleman for the fair way in which he has put the matter, and we are indebted to him for the courtesy with which he always treats the House. But I would like to ask a question. Does he propose to pay more for the carriage of all these mails to the railway companies on account of the increased railway rates? That is a point which is of interest. As the price of the conveyance of goods generally has been increased, it would be interesting to know whether it is proposed that the Post Office should increase the charges they make. If that money has been paid out of money standing to the credit of the Post Office, and it has been difficult to frame an estimate of the amount required, how is it possible now to frame an estimate and put it in the Estimates? As one who is interested in finance, I welcome the change by which the consent of the House is asked for the money, rather than its being taken from Appropriations-in-Aid. I beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman to give an answer to these two questions? If not now, perhaps he will tell us on the Report stage?

Yes, there will be an increase in the amount paid to the railway companies in the ratio of the amount which is paid for other goods. The only alteration in this is that the present plan of estimating parcels is on a different line to that of letters, and it is proposed under Sub-section (3) of Clause 3 that place parcels on the same lines as letters are at the present amount.

Will that involve an increased charge to the public for the conveyance of parcels by the Post Office?

Yes, it will.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

"That for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to amend the law with respect to the statutory limits on postal and telegraph rates, and with respect to the remuneration to be paid to railway companies for the conveyance of postal parcels, and otherwise to amend the Post Office Acts, 1908 and 1915, it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys provided by Parliament of the amount of the railway remuneration payable in respect of the year commencing on the first day of April, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, and any subsequent year."—[ Mr. Pike Pease. ]

Resolution to be reported to-morrow (Tuesday).

Maintenance Orders (Facilities for Encorcement) Bill. [Lords.]

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

I do not think this Bill, which, I trust, will commend itself to the sympathy of every section of the House, requires any lengthy speech on the Second Beading. It deals with a type of case of very real hardship, namely, that of wives deserted by their husbands when the husbands have gone to other parts of the British Empire. Under the present law a maintenance order against them cannot be enforced. This matter was drawn to the attention of the Imperial Conference in 1911, and. the following Resolution was then passed, moved by the Prime Minister of New Zealand, "In order to secure justice and protection for wives and children who have been deserted by their legal guardians, either in the United Kingdom or in any part of the Dominions, a simple legal provision should be adopted in the separate parts of the Empire in the interests of such deserted and deserving persons." This was carried unanimously. In the following year a Departmental Committee met and framed a Bill, which was submitted to the various Dominions, and in the course of the next year they sent their answers, and I may say that, with the exception of one or two Provinces of Canada, all the Dominions are prepared, if this Bill is passed, to pass reciprocal legislation in order to carry out corresponding provisions. It is, of course, this reciprocal legislation in the Dominions which is of the greatest interest to us, because the number of cases in which wives are deserted in England, and whose husbands go to the Dominions, is far greater than those in which husbands in the Dominions leave their wives there and come to this country. The Measure would have been introduced and passed long ago but for the War. However, last year the matter was taken up again, and the Bill was amended in certain details. I may say that in the course of last year more than thirty boards of guardians sent in resolutions to the Colonial Office urging the passing of a measure of this kind. I think that shows that there is a very real body of opinion behind this Measure, and a real need for it.

As to the Measure itself, I need only explain that it deals substantially with two classes of cases. The first is the case where the wife has already got a maintenance order against the husband and then the husband goes to another part of the British Empire. In this case all the Measure provides for is that the judgment shall be registered, on the lines of the Judgments (Extension) Act, 1868, in the Dominions; or, if the case originates in the Dominions, registered here, and then enforced just as if the original decision had been made there. The other case is—and it is the more frequent case—where the husband deserts his wife, or a father deserts his children, before a maintenance order has been made. The procedure in that case is that on the evidence available a provisional order is made in this country, assuming that the case has originated in this country, and that provisional order, together with the depositions containing all evidence, are sent to the other side, and the case is then taken up against the father or husband, who is summoned, and, of course, makes such defence as he can. If that evidence seems to be sufficient, the case may be disposed of, or it may be sent back to the originating Court for further evidence. At any rate, there is sufficient provision to protect the interests of the man against whom the order is taken out, as well as to protect the interests of the woman and children for whose sake the order is taken out. I may say that this Bill does not apply to Scotland purely because there are certain very technical considerations concerning the administration of the law in this connection in Scotland which make it very difficult actually to apply it and to work it. So, with some regret, the Secretary for Scotland, in consultation with myself, decided that Scotland should be left out. Nor does it apply to affiliation orders. These are, too, cases of hardship, but the nature of the evidence in cases of affiliation, and the possibility, at any rate, of unwarranted charges being brought, makes it much more difficult to try such cases at a distance of many thousands of miles. As I explained, the scope of the Bill is very limited, but it does deal with eases of very real hardship. The Bill has come down from the House of Lords, and it was there described by Lord Buckmaster as a very small and long overdue instalment of protection to women who have been deserted by their husbands. I do not think I can add anything to that description.

I will not detain the House for more than a very few moments——

Notice taken of the fact that forty Members were not present; House counted; and forty Members being found present——

The hon. Gentleman who proposed the Second Reading has rather missed what some of us think is much more important than the maintenance order to the wife, and that is the affiliation order, to the young woman who has been left in this country with a child. It is much more difficult to deal with cases of affiliation. They are much more numerous and more serious than a few cases of men attempting to evade the maintenance order by leaving this country for the Dominions. The Government have really failed in their duty by not including in the Bill the question of affiliation orders. I have had many cases in my own experience in which young women, owing to circumstances into which we will not inquire, but due to the peculiar circumstances of the War, have, been left with children, while the fathers have escaped either to Canada or Australia, and evaded the terrible responsibilities that we all agree rest on any man who is the father of an illegitimate child. The Government might have gone a little further in this Bill and have included in it the case of the affiliation order. I put a question to the Government some time ago on the subject, but since then I have heard nothing more. These cases are very numerous. I make no reflection on the splendid fellows who came over here from the Dominions, but still there are very many women, much more than the average person realises, who have been left saddled with the burden of a child, while the man has escaped to one of our Dominions. Even now it would be possible for the Government to introduce into the Bill a Clause which would cover the case of the affiliation order. My hon. Friend, who moved the Second Reading, in a very moderate speech pointed to the difficulty of the case of an affiliation order. I agree it is much more difficult than the maintenance order, but the grievance in the affiliation order is much greater than the grievance in a maintenance order, and I appeal to him whether some concession might not be made to those of us who feel strongly on the matter, and whether the Government could not on the Committee stage introduce some Amendment which will cover the case of many thousands of young women who are left to bring up children whose fathers, Dominion soldiers, have gone back to their country and escaped the responsibility of the maintenance of those children.

We all agree that this is a useful and a necessary Measure, and I was disappointed to see it does not apply to Scotland. I am not sufficiently familiar with Scottish law to know what the difficulties are, but it seems to me they could be overcome. It does not seem fair to make a provision applying to England and Ireland and leave Scottish women without protection. I am sure the Secretary for Scotland would not allow Scotland to be omitted unless there was some good reason. I would ask him, if it is owing to the lateness of the Session, if he would undertake that in the Autumn Session another Bill will be introduced which will extend to Scotland a protection which we wish to be extended to all parts of the United Kingdom.

I join with my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Leith, and I understand that this question has already been raised in Scotland. There are representatives of the Scottish Poor Law who are willing to meet on a committee to discuss the whole matter. I hope that the Secretary for Scotland will meet this, because there are more people from Scotland connected with the Dominions than from any other part of the United Kingdom. We would be lax in our duty if we did not do all we could to see that Scottish women are safeguarded in this matter.

I hope the Bill will not be delayed because of the delay to the affiliation orders. It is a grievance, but anybody who has had anything to do with the difficulty of making affiliation orders when you have all the parties before you in this country must realise the extraordinary difficulty that will be incurred if part of the proceedings are taken in this country and part overseas. I cannot imagine it will be easy to get over this part of the matter, or that it will be easy at this period of the Session to put in Clauses dealing with it. The Bill is an overdue reform, and I hope the House will allow it to proceed through its other stages, even if at the present time we cannot cover affiliation orders and the case of Scotland is excluded.

I support the suggestion made by my hon. Friend the Member for the Wrekin Division (Mr. Palmer). I know there are difficulties in connection with these affiliation orders. As a magistrate, I know the difficulties when such a case comes forward, but I know a case where there is no doubt whatever as to the parentage of the child whose mother has now been left to maintain this child at her own cost. There is no doubt whatever, the parentage is admitted. My hon. Friend says he knows many cases where the father has paid for the expenses of the mother in a hospital. He goes to the colonies and there is no remedy whatever against him. My hon. Friend who brought the matter forward would agree that there would be a great many difficulties, that a great many women would have to bear the burden themselves, but some Clause should be put in the Bill, because after all if one hundred men went away without doing their duty we at all events may bring to justice and fair play a few of the cases.

May I say that the subject of this Bill and the question of applying it to Scotland have been carefully considered by me and my advisers. The difficulties, which are of a technical nature and affecting the machinery of the Bill, are great, and so far we have not seen our way to overcome them, but in view of what has been said to-night we will make it our business to reconsider the matter. I should be Very happy to confer with any representatives from Scotland and to see if the difficulty could be overcome.

With regard to the interesting and important point raised by the hon. Member for the Wrekin Division, I would like to explain that the difficulty lies not only in the difficulty raised by my right hon. Friend the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland), but the value of this lies in the reciprocal legislation that the Dominions would introduce. This would require further consultation with all the Dominions to get them to include cases of affiliation into the Measure. There are not many cases of parents who have left women and children in the Dominions. The matter is entirely the other way. Therefore we thought it would be best to take what we could now at this stage of the Session and to pass this measure. Perhaps my hon. Friend will leave the other Question over for legislation on its own basis.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Committee of the whole House for To-morrow (Tuesday).

Gas Regulation Bill

Order for Consideration of Lords Amendments read.

Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendments be now considered," put, and agreed to.

Certain Lords Amendments agreed to.

CLAUSE 19.—(Application to Scotland and Ireland.)

(2) In the application of this Act to Ireland a reference to the Public Health (Ireland) Acts, 1878 to 1919, shall be substituted for the reference to the Public Health Acts, 1875 to 1908.

Lords Amendment:

At end of Sub-section (2) insert the words

"and the expenses of a county council shall be defrayed out of the county fund and raised as a distinct charge or district charges over any county district or districts which are wholly or partly within the limits of supply of any gas undertakers in respect of which the county council have power to appoint a gas examiner."

This Amendment is a privileged Amendment. It might possibly alter the incidence of the charge on the rates, and, although, on the other hand, it might be said that it is only carrying out in Ireland what is already provided for in England and Scotland, I think, on the whole, I ought to rule that it is privileged.

I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

I hope the House will allow us to waive the privilege. This is merely applying to Ireland, by an Irish process, the power to collect the expenses of this Bill in the same way that it is provided for in England and Scotland under Sections 18 and 19. I think we ought to waive the privilege.

Question put, and agreed to.

A special entry will be made.

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Whereupon Mr. SPEAKER, pursuant to the Order of the House of this day, adjourned the House without Question put.

Adjourned at Twenty-seven minutes after One o'Clock.