asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the grant of £60 per annum from the Military Service (Civil Liabilities) Commission to the wife of Bombardier E. W. Mellor, No. 144676, of the Royal Garrison Artillery, has ceased from 31st July, 1920; whether he is aware that Bombardier E. W. Mellor has been in hospital, Ministry of Pensions Hospital, Knotty Ash, Liverpool, since 1918, and that the cessation Of this grant has imposed the greatest hardship on his family; and whether he will state what relief is now available for this and analogous cases?

I have been asked to reply to this question. The conditions under which temporary supplementary and special grants were given during the War to the wives and families of men on military service had to be reconsidered in view of the introduction of improved conditions and rates of pay, and the scheme under which the grant was paid to Bombardier Mellor was brought to an end on the 31st July, 1920. It was almost inevitable that a certain number of hard cases would result from the closing down of the scheme on a fixed date, but its continuance after the 31st July, when all men compulsorily retained under the Military Service Acts would normally have been released, could not be justified.

Is there any fund from which a case such as this can be relieved?

I am not quite certain, but I appreciate the point of my hon. Friend's question, and if he will allow me, I will inquire.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether F. Watkins, late No. 23376, Royal Warwickshire Regiment, and now residing at 7, Charles Street, Gol-borne, Lancashire, has appealed for a pension, and when; and what is the cause of the delay in not granting him a medical board interview?

I regret that it has not been found possible to identify this case from the particulars given. I am, however, causing further enquiry to be made and will communicate with my hon. Friend as soon as possible.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he now has information as to whether Charles Lynch, of Miltown Malbay, Michael Ryan, of Curraghduff, Thurles, and Thomes Egan, of Coshir, Athenry, were dragged from their beds on the night of the 24th October last and shot dead by servants of the Crown; whether Charles Lynch was a man of 70 years of age; whether Michael Ryan was the only son of a widow, and was seriously ill in bed when the party of men arrived; and what steps he proposes to take in the matter?

I regret that I have not yet received copies of the proceedings of the courts of inquiry in the cases of Lynch and Ryan. As regards Egan the evidence given at the court of inquiry was to the effect that he was murdered by three men dressed in policemen's capes and with caps like those of the police except that they had no peaks, that Egan was very friendly with the police and that a short time previously a party of police had been surrounded in the neighbourhood and de- prived of their capes. I may add that in March last, as a result of an agrarian dispute, a Mr. Shaw Taylor, a well-known Galway landlord, was murdered at 7 a.m. within 30 paces of Egan's door and he was commonly supposed to know who the murderers were.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that people in Egan's town declare positively that this man was killed by the servants of the Crown; and may I further ask why after three weeks he has not had any report about those other horrible murders?

Is it not the fact that before those occurrences of which the hon. Member complains two policemen and one sergeant were foully murdered?

I am afraid that does not exhaust the crimes in that neighbourhood. If there are persons in this neighbourhood who have knowledge of how this man was killed they could have come as witnesses and given evidence at the hearing, but no such men appeared.

Can the right hon. Gentleman guarantee the safety of witnesses—[HON. MEMBERS: "From whom?"]—who do come forward before these Courts, and can he say why he has not reports as to the other cases which occurred three weeks ago?

I can assure the hon. Gentleman the Irish Administration is very busy Just now.

Will the right hon. Gentleman explain which suggestion he desires to be taken seriously—that Egan was friendly with the police, and was therefore murdered by Sinn Feiners, or that Egan lived near the scene of Shaw Taylor's murder, and therefore knew who committed the murder. Which suggestion does he adopt?

I have answered both.

One is contradictory of the other.

I do not think so.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he now has information as to whether, on the 25th October last, a band of armed men, who described themselves as Secret Service agents, entered the house of William Gleeson, Moher, county Tipperary, in search of his son James, whom they stated they had come to kill; whether they threatened the father, and on his son William offering his life for his father, they took him, the son, outside the house and shot him dead; whether any form of inquiry has taken place, and what was the evidence and finding?

I regret that I have not yet received the report of the inquiry in this case.

Has the right hon. Gentleman taken any steps on this question, of which notice was given a week ago, to hasten the report or to get a telegraphic report, or is murder such a small thing—[HON. MEMBERS: "Of police!"]—of police or aybody else—it is left to the ordinary bureaucratic channels of his office?

I consider murder a most horrible and serious thing.

Whoever does it?

Yes.

You have not said that before.

I have done my best to get reports in these cases. I repeat that it is impossible, with all the will in the world, for the Irish Administration to get reports as quickly as some hon. Members desire.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give an assurance that in the case of these military inquiries into the deaths of persons the solicitor for the next-of-kin will always be allowed to appear as heretofore at inquests?

I cannot give that assurance.

Why not?

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what will be the composition of the court which will try the nine constables who are under arrest in Ireland charged with murder, looting, felony, and conduct prejudicial to good order?

The trial in each of these cases will be by court-martial, constituted in accordance with the provisions of Section 48 of the Army Act.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that the time has arrived when he might usefully set up a tribunal at which all these matters could be inquired into?

I do not.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether an attack was made on 18th October last on Abbeydorney, county Kerry, Co-operative Creamery, by about 20 men wearing police uniform; whether the attack included assaults upon the manager and his assistant by one of the Black and Tans, as well as a determined attempt to burn the creamery; whether the attack was preceded by the removal of large quantities of butter and cheese to the lorry which conveyed the policemen; whether on the same date in Moycullen, county Galway, a mixed force consisting of police and military visited the co-operative stores there, ostensibly in quest of information respecting the disappearance of a Mr. Joyce, a school teacher of Baina, seven miles distant, when they were assured by the manager and his assistant that they knew nothing about Mr. Joyce's disappearance; whether the two assistants were flogged by forces of the Crown and the manager fired at with a shot gun and wounded in the hand and neck, and has any protection been promised to these employés of such-like organisations; and can it be stated what steps are being taken to prevent the servants of the Crown from carrying out attacks on the person; will compensation be paid by the Crown for these assaults, and if he will now grant a public inquiry?

As the reply is rather lengthy, I propose to have it published in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state the reason why within a few hours from the tabling of this question the manager's house was ransacked and burned by armed forces of the Crown; and, further, what protection has been given according to his promise on 28th of last month to a deputation that met him on this important subject?

I was not aware of the first allegation made by the hon. Member. As to the second, I had a complete answer to a previous question by an hon. Member who was not in his place, but it will be circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

May I ask if the right hon. Gentleman will inquire into the case of the manager's house, as this is a very important matter. I think the right hon. Gentleman is aware that it affects many managers who are doing their work under extraordinary difficulties?

I will have that case inquired into.

Will the right hon. Gentleman also inquire into the case of the engineman Toomey, whose house was burned down the same night because, apparently, a question was tabled by my hon. Friend and myself on this matter?

I do not see any connection between the two.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether an official report of the burning of the creameries at Tub-bercurry and Achonry was issued from Dublin Castle to certain press representatives on or before 6th October; whether this Report was drawn up by a senior police officer at the request of the Chief Secretary's Department; whether it was admitted in the Report that these creameries were destroyed by constabulary; and whether this Report was presented to him before 20th October, when he stated that he had never seen a title of evidence to prove that the servants of the Crown had destroyed creameries?

This question only appeared on the Paper for the first time on Tuesday morning, and it is not possible to give an answer to-day. I would ask my hon. Friend to postpone it.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether any official inquiry has been made into the attacks made by uniformed servants of the Crown, accompanied by wrecking, looting, arson and, in some cases, murder, on the following towns: Fermoy in September, 1919; Kinsale and Cork in November; Thurles in January, 1920; Thurles, Cork and Dublin in March; Burladuff, Kilcommon and Limerick in April; Limerick, Thurles, Bantry, Kilcommon and Killmallock in May; Middleton, Limerick, Bantry, Fermoy, Lismore, Newcastle West and Kilcommon in June; Limerick, Union Hall, Middleton, Ballylanders, Tralee, Arklow, Galbally, Cork, Ballagh, Emly, Tuam, Enniscorthy, Ballina, Leap, Caltra, Upperchurch and Tipperary in July; Castlerea, Doon, Rosegreen, Tralee, Kildorrey, Enniscorthy, Swords, Limerick, Tralee, Templemore, Castleiny, Loughmore, Killee, Bantry, Oranmore, Glengarine, Dundalk, Kill, Knocklong, Shanagolden, Naas and Cove in August; at Ballaghaderin, Inniscarra, Tullow, Galway, Salthill, Carrick-on-Shannon, Tuam, Balbriggan, Drumshambo, Ennis- tymon, Lahinch, Milltown Malbay, Ballinamore, Athlone, Killorglin, Trim, Kilfenora, Silvermines, Cork, Mallow, Liscarrol, Dunkerrin, Clonmore, Bally-shannon, Listowel, Ballygar, Drimo-league, Tuam, Galway, Roscrea, Tubbser-curry, Ballyara, Achonry, Kilshenane and Gort in September; at Ballymote, Cullen, Ballingare and Galway on 2nd October; at Lacklagh, Turloughmore and Tuam on 4th October; in Cork on 5th October; in Meelick, Mount Bellew, Gort, Cloondara, Tuam, Sheverie, Ballyboy, Ballymoe, Castlereagh, Williamstown and Ballintober on 8th October; in Kilhimo, Pallashenry, Pike, Cork, Dublin and Drum on 9th October; at Clifden on 10th October; at Clifden on 13th October; in Athlone and Dublin on 16th October; in Corofin, Cummer, Anbally, Ballin-tubber and Tralee on 17th October; and in Tipperary and Mallow on 18th. October; by whom were such inquiries conducted; whether any Reports have been made; and whether signed Reports will be called for and embodied in a Parliamentary Paper

I have nothing to add to my reply to this same question put to me by the hon. and learned Member so recently as the 11th instant.

The question which I have put several times has not been answered. I wish to know whether signed reports will be called for and embodied in a Parliamentary Paper?

The answer which I gave on a previous occasion was that a number of such inquiries are still proceeding, and I am not in a position to give a complete and detailed account. I hope to do so at a later date.

Will that contain all the evidence of the inquiries in the cases in which there has been sacking and looting of towns?

I will consider that.

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the inquiry into reprisals in Ireland which has been set up in the United States; whether the British Ambassador at Washington has received any request for evidence from the promoters of the inquiry; and, if so, what reply has been given?

My attention has been called to the inquiry in question. So far as I am aware, His Majesty's Ambassador at Washington has received no request to give evidence.

Has the Cabinet decided now to go in for an inquiry?

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us what it has to do with America?

Is the Prime Minister aware that these reprisals have shocked the whole civilised world?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this inquiry is only asked for by the Germans and the Irish-Americans?

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether the Ardfert Co-operative Society's premises have been searched, and under what authority; and for what purpose was one of the horses shot?

The premises of the Co-operative Creamery at Ardfert were searched for arms and ammunition and for persons evading arrest. On the 5th instant a party of police were ambushed at Ardfert. Some of the attackers were seen to run towards a stable, and it was thought that they had taken cover within. The police approached the stable and fired through the door and on entering found that a horse had been shot.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he has yet been successful in securing the arrest, conviction, and execution of more than one murderer of police and soldiers stationed in Ireland?

As this question involves many separate inquiries and only appeared on the Paper for the first time on Tuesday, it is not possible to give an answer to-day. I would ask the hon. Member to put it down again.

I will do so.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland which manual of military training advocates the method of firing in anticipation of an ambush; whether any competent military authority has advised him that firing down hedgerows is likely to deter assailants composing an ambush who, presumably, remain under cover until they can five upon the troops at short range; whether the only protection against such ambush is a properly armoured car or, in the case of troops on horse or foot, the ordinary method of protection adopted by a cavalry patrol; and whether either of these two recognised methods of protection involve haphazard shooting in the countryside?

I cannot enter into a discussion on tactics with the hon. Member. I can only say that the police and military, after several bitter experiences, have at times adopted the method of firing into dense clumps of hedgerow at corners where am bushes are likely to be placed in the hope of either dislodging any assailants who may be lying in wait or causing them disclose themselves before they come to short range. I would willingly supply the police with armoured cars if it were possible to do so, and if such cars would perform the work required of a police lorry.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not agree that to despatch troops or police through a hostile country in open lorries is courting disaster, and that firing in anticipation of an ambush can only have the effect of injuring innocent people and not the guilty, who are either entrenched or lying behind hedges?

I must accept the opinion of the Commander-in-Chief in Ireland in reference to this matter, and the opinion as to police protection of General Tudor, who commanded with great glory the 9th Division at the front for four years.

As there are some hundreds of tanks now occupying spaces on village greens throughout the country as mementoes of the great War, does the right hon. Gentleman not think it is quite possible to put those at the disposal of the police in Ireland?

Why not send for General Ludendorff? He would show you how to do it!

He is no friend of mine.

Answer?

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether the Government Chief Constable was asked to take a statement from Mrs. Quinn, who was killed by a shot from a military motor lorry at Kiltarton on 1st November before she died; and why the Chief Constable refused to take such a statement if the authorities desired to get an accurate account of the cause of Mrs. Quinn's death?

I have no information to the effect stated in the question, but I will make further inquiry. I have a report from the Head Constable, from which it appears that he twice visited Mrs. Quinn's house after the injury was received. On the first occasion Mrs. Quinn was being attended by the doctor, and on the second occasion she was unconscious.

Has the right hon. Gentleman seen the statement published by the parish priest that he himself twice asked the Head Constable to take a statement from the dying woman, and that the Head Constable refused?

I read a letter to that effect in the "Westminster Gazette" taken from the "Irish Bulletin," and if it is so that the priest made the request to this Head Constable, all I can say is that none of the constables take their orders from priests.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Father Considine condemned the murders of police from the pulpit the Sunday before this occurrence, and was he called as a witness at the Court of Inquiry?

The hon. Member should give notice of that question.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether at the military inquiry into the death of Mrs. Quinn, at Kiltarton, on 1st November, the officer in command of the military lorries from which the shot was fired was called to give evidence; whether neither the head constable nor any of the local police were called; whether the doctor who attended Mrs. Quinn was called; and, if none of these material witnesses were called, whether he will institute a new inquiry which will make an adequate investigation into the cause of this woman's death?

I have not yet received the full report of the Court of Inquiry in this case but from the report which I have received it appears that four police witnesses, including the officer in charge of the lorry from which the shot was fired and six civilian witnesses including the priest and two doctors who attended Mrs. Quinn after her injury until her death were called. No military witnesses were called as the military were in no way concerned in the matter. There would appear to be no reason for a new inquiry.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has bee-n called to the fact that insurance companies and underwriters at Lloyd's refuse to insure agricultural buildings and crops in the South and West of Ireland against wilful destruction by the Government; and, if so, whether he will issue Orders to safeguard such property from destruction?

I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply given to a somewhat similar question asked by the hon. Member for the Rath-mines Division of Dublin on the 25th October.

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that the present munitions' strike and the Orders issued thereon by the Government threatens to bring about a stoppage of the railways of the South and West of Ireland, the Government intend to take no steps to maintain the economic life of the country, seeing that this decision involves the abdication of one of the primary functions of civilised government?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given to the question asked on this subject by the hon. Member for Seaham on the 11th instant.

asked the Prime Minister whether he has declined to receive a deputation appointed to convey to him the resolutions passed by the Irish Peace Conference, an assembly widely representative of moderate opinion in Ireland, which met in Dublin on 24th August, in response to his invitation?

No, Sir. I have not declined to receive such a deputation.

Will the right hon. Gentleman receive the deputation?

It might be desirable, but I should not like to pin myself to a date. I do not think much would be gained by receiving it at the moment.

Is it not important at this juncture to give due weight to the expression of moderate opinion in Ireland?

Yes, I quite agree with my Noble Friend, and I did ray best to encourage those gentlemen to find—

Especially at Carnarvon.

—to find out whether there was such a thing as moderate opinion in Ireland at all. I am not sure that they discovered any.

Did not the right hon. Gentleman tell the first deputation that they should gather further moderate opinion around them, and come and see him again?

That is so.

And having done so, is the right hon. Gentleman prepared to see these gentlemen?

That is covered by the answer I have given to the Noble Lord. I thought it advisable to get down to moderate opinion in Ireland, and although I will see these gentlemen I do not think any advantage is to be gained by receiving them at the present moment.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think it is a statesmanlike policy to allow things in Ireland to get worse instead of better?

I think they are getting much better.

No, I think they are getting worse.

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the general desire both in Great Britain and Ireland for peace; and whether he will take into consideration the declaration of opinion by the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Tuam that an immediate Truce of God is possible if the first move is made by the Government, and that if the Government will introduce a full measure of Home Rule, including full fiscal control forthwith, serious strife will cease?

I am sure that there is a general desire for peace both in Great Britain and Ireland—which the Government fully share, but the first step towards peace must be the cessation of the attempt to overthrow the reign of law by the use of murder and assassination.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think the reign of law is established by a conspiracy to destroy property and the lives of innocent civilian citizens in Ireland? Is that what is meant by the reign of law or of Bonar-Law?

I am not aware of any conspiracy of that kind, except the conspiracy of extreme people to form murder gangs for the purpose of attacking and killing the agents of the law in Ireland—

Why not have a gramophone record of that?

—a conspiracy which we are breaking up.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that no later than to-day a declaration signed by 20 Protestant bishops in this country was given to the Press expressing their horror and indignation at the manner in which the reign of law is carried out by servants of the Crown?

I am not aware of that fact. If it is accurate, these gentlemen cannot possibly know the facts.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that a special Court in Kilkenny, on Tuesday, 9th instant, before Mr. P. D. Sullivan, Resident Magistrate, Major Ewan Bruce, formerly a member of the auxiliary police force stationed in Innistioge, County Kilkenny, was charged in custody at the suit of District-Inspector Baynham, Callan, with larceny of £75 from Kell's Creamery, on the night of the 10th October; whether the case was originally before the Court on Thursday, 28th October, but after evidence had been gone into that day the Intelligence Officer at the military barracks, Kilkenny, communicated with the Press and informed them that they would not be allowed to publish the details of the evidence; whether he is aware that at the subsequent sitting of the Court, Mr. Sullivan, the Resident Magistrate, said he had been handed a note from the Press asking if the proceedings might be reported; to this he replied that it was a public Court, that there was no censorship so far as he was aware, that there was nothing whatever to prevent the Press reporting anything they might think fit, and that the proceedings of a Court of Justice were always public except in very exceptional circumstances; and whether, in view of this statement, the right hon. Gentleman can state on authority the military officer acted in forbidding the publication of this important case in the Press?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which I gave to a question by the hon. Member for the Ince Division of Lancashire on the 11th instant. I am informed that the officer in question did not purport to prohibit the publicity of the proceedings, but pointed out that as the accused was awaiting trial by court-martial it would be undesirable to publish the proceedings before the Resident Magistrate.

As this is a case of larceny, why did not this trial take place before an ordinary civil tribunal, and why is there a special advantage given to a military officer who is guilty of larceny over any ordinary citizen who is guilty of a similar offence?

There is no privilege given. A military tribunal will be much more severe on an officer on any charge, especially a charge of larceny, than a civilian tribunal. The law in this matter takes its usual course, and I am glad to see this example of the independence of the Irish judiciary.

After the case was first tried before a military tribunal, why was it then handed over to a civilian tribunal, and why is it now handed back to another military tribunal?

The law has taken its course. There is nothing unusual.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say on what authority this military officer acted in going to the local newspapers and telling them that they were not to publish the evidence showing that this officer was guilty of theft?

I have answered that question.

Will the right hon. Gentleman send a copy of the question and answer to the bench of Protestant Bishops who have uttered a protest against the Government being carried on by these men in Ireland?

The hon. Gentleman can send it.

Is it not usually the case that before a creamery is burned they load a lorry with a ton and a half of butter and cheese?

That is not the case.

How do you know?

It is the case. They steal the butter and cheese.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether Miss Anita McMahon, of Achill, has been sentenced by court-martial for having Sinn Fein literature in her possession together with notices in connection with the holding of a Sinn Fein government; whether any other ladies have been sentenced by court-martial; whether the sentence on Miss McMahon has been confirmed; and what prison treatment is being extended to her?

The answer to the first and third parts of the question is in the affirmative, and to the second part in the negative. The documents in respect of which Miss McMahon was convicted definitely connected her with the organisation of the so-called Irish Republican Army. Miss McMahon is being treated in accordance with the ordinary rules for the treatment of persons sentenced to imprisonment without hard labour.

Has this lady been prosecuted for being a member of the Sinn Fein party, and does the right hon. Gentleman still say that he does not prosecute people for their opinions in Ireland?

That is not what I said.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he can state the result of the inquiries into the origin of the burning of the co-operative creamery at Littleton, following the capture of the Littleton police barracks on the 31st ultimo, when the police were not maltreated in any way; and what steps are being taken to bring the persons concerned in the destruction of this creamery to trial?

I am not yet in a Position to give any further information regarding this matter.

When will the right hon. Gentleman be able to give some further information?

At the earliest Opportunity.

When is the earliest opportunity?

You ought to have your answer set to music.

(by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is aware that on the night of the 16th of November a printed notice was dropped into the letter-box of Mr. Art O'Brien of 3, Adam Street, W.C.2, warning him to leave London within 24 hours or death would follow, and signed Black and Tans; that two Royal Irish Constabulary in uniform were seen on the landing outside his office at 6 p.m. on the 16th; that the housekeeper's keys were stolen on the same day; and what steps he proposes to take to protect the life of Mr. O'Brien while he is in London.

My attention has been drawn to the notice referred to, and I am having inquiry made.

Will the right hon Gentleman take steps to see that these acts which may be done in Ireland are not done in his own domain?

I do not know to what my hon. Friend refers.

Will the right hon. Gentleman see that the Black and Tans—

(by Private Notice) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been called to a Press report that evidence has been obtained of a Sinn Fein plot to infect the milk of the military with typhoid, and to convey glanders to cavalry horses, and if he can give the House any information on this matter?

The following document was found in the papers be longing to the chief-of-staff of the Republican Army, which were captured during recent raids. Then follows a series of remarkable and, I think, horrifying statements which refer to the spread of typhoid fever among the troops and glanders among the horses. I think the answer is so long that perhaps the House would prefer me not to read it, but to publish it in the OFFICIAL REPORT. [HON. MEMBERS: "Read!"]

It is a forgery, so it does not matter.

A German plot.

Who is the chief-of-staff?

The chief-of-staff is on the run. So is the commander-in-chief. These papers were captured a few days ago.

Where?

The following document was found among the papers belonging to the chief-of-staff of the Irish Republican Army, which were captured during a recent raid:

"From the Commander-in-Chief of the Irish Republican Army to his chief-of-staff.

Troops themselves.—How about spreading typhoid fever among them? I know of no other ordinary disease that could be spread among them with safety to the rest of the population. They might retaliate, but that is for consideration.

To get typhoid fever one must eat or drink the typhoid bacillus (or microbe). It is easy getting fresh and virulent cultures. The best medium of conveying it is through the milk. They multiply rapidly in the milk. They can also be conveyed in the water, but through the water is difficult unless there are special cisterns or tanks near each place into which a pint or so could be poured.

The milk is far the best medium, but is milk used? It can be investigated.

Caution.—There is no danger to the operator unless he gets the microbes on hands or clothes. The cans would have to get special attention after the infected milk had been emptied. They could in turn convey the disease to the civil population. If these ideas are of any use you will need expert advice, so I need not go into the matter further.

If those are thought practicable let me know, and I will study other things on same lines in the hope of discovering possibilities. At the moment I can't think of anything else in that line.

Give my regards to all, and hope the success will continue. I enjoyed my visit and will now feel in personal touch more than ever. God bless you all.

Can the Chief Secretary tell the House whether one policeman or one soldier has been poisoned in Ireland, or whether one Army horse has been infected?

Was not the whole thing concocted in Dublin Castle? On the face of it the thing is a lie.

The document, along with a number of other important documents, with covering letters from the alleged officers of this Irish Republican Army, were captured the other night in a raid.

It is a sheer invention. You got Pennefather to put the-question. It is a put-up question.

How is it that such voluminous and extensive information can be given on a Private Notice question within a few hours, it takes days—[HON. MEMBERS: "Weeks!"]—to get information on other subjects?

Because these important documents were brought over to me by courier specially.

How did Penne-father know what to ask? It is an invention from beginning to end.

(by Private Notice) asked whether it is true that four men were killed and two wounded at White-gate, County Clare; whether the reason given for the killing of these four men was that they were trying to escape from an escort near Killaloe; what are the instructions given to police and to military escorts in reference to prisoners under arrest, and is the order given to kill before there is any warning or any attempt to recapture?

Four men were arrested at Scarrif and two at Whitegate, County Clare, on the 16th instant for offences against Regulation 9 A.A. of the Defence of the Realm Regulations. The four men arrested at Scarrif tried to escape from their escort at Killaloe at 12.30 a.m. on the 17th and were shot dead. I have no information as to the wounding of two men. The police and military are entitled to fire on such prisoners if they attempt to escape and refuse to halt when called upon to do so.

How many more prisoners will be killed in this way? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of this that—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]

In the Report of the right hon. Gentleman about this tragical incident is there any statement that the prisoners wore handcuffed?

No, that is not in the hon. Member's question.

They were all handcuffed.

I cannot answer without notice.

Has the right hon. Gentleman the information about it?

I regret that I have not got it.

I shall repeat the latter part of the question, and shall supplement it by asking whether the fact that the men were handcuffed is not sufficient guarantee for their ultimate arrest without shooting them on the spot.

(by Private Notice) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been called to the published account to-day of the burning and destruction of house property in Tip-perary town involving one private dwelling-house, one boarding house, one house and shop, and five shops, as well as the smashing of the windows and the looting of a jeweller's store, or whether all the business places in the town were compelled to remain closed until midday yesterday, and in view of the later accounts to hand does he still persist in his statement that there is not a word of truth in the telegram from the town clerk of Tipperary that the town was being burned?

I have received a similar question from the right hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson), and I propose to answer both questions together. I have not seen any statement in the Press of the burning of property in the town of Tipperary on Tuesday. I have seen an account of the burning of a house in James Street on the evening of Monday, in which it was stated that the hose had been cut, and the fire was beyond control when the military fire brigade arrived. I stand by the statement I made in the House on Tuesday last, that there was no burning of property on that day. Last evening I received fresh reports confirming the previous report that there was no trouble of any kind in the town on Tuesday. As regards the closing of shops, I am informed that at the suggestion of the local police authorities, the shops in the town closed voluntarily out of respect to the murdered policemen whose funerals were being carried out. No threats or compulsion of any kind was used to induce this act of respect.

Arising out of the reply, is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the town clerk of Tipperary has confirmed the absolute truth of his previous telegram, and in view of the contradictory statement from Dublin Castle that on Tuesday Tipperary was perfectly quiet, will he have further inquiry made into this matter?

I will inquire, if the right hon. Gentleman wishes me to do so, but the town clerk's telegram was that Tipperary was being burned down on Tuesday last. Tipperary is still there.

In view of the fact that the town clerk of Tipperary says that only part of Tipperary is there, and that that statement is in contradistinction to the information he has received from Dublin Castle, will the right hon. Gentleman make further inquiry?

I do not know what further inquiry I can make.

I will help you.

I shall be very glad to have the assistance of the right hon. Gentleman in maintaining the pre- sent position of Tipperary, which, with the exception of four or five houses, is still there.

Is it not a fact that when the right hon. Gentleman said that the statements made in the telegram were deliberate lies—

I did not say that.

Deliberate false hoods—

I did not say that.

—I rose immediately afterwards, and recited to the House a list of nearly 10 shops either looted or burned, although the right hon. Gentleman slated that there was not a word of truth in the statement?

The speech the hon. Member made on the Motion for the Adjournment on Tuesday night dealt with burnings on Monday. The allegation made by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Adamson), in speaking on the Adjournment, was an allegation based on a telegram from the Town Clerk of Tipperary, to the effect that Tipperary was in flames and being burned down on Tuesday.

He did not say that at all.

Has the right hon. Gentleman got a copy of the telegram I Sent to him, and will he read it to the House? We can then see who is telling the truth about this matter. There was not a single word in it about Monday.

There is nothing in the telegram about Monday. The telegram dealt with Tuesday.

It did not; it was sent on Tuesday.

I must leave it to the House.

I think that we had better not continue this controversy.

(by Private Notice) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that at midday on Wednesday, 17th November, 1920, a mob shouting "Up the Rebels" and "Up the Fenians" attacked with volleys of stones the Dun-cairn National Schools, Belfast, in which there were 30 children, smashing the windows and terrorising the children? Whether they returned again a little later, equipped with arms, and fired a series of volleys into the school, to the danger of the children? Whether shops in the neighbourhood were wrecked by these men? Whether the police and military who were ultimately brought upon the scene beat off the assailants of these children, and whether any arrests have been made, and what steps the authorities are taking to bring the perpetrators of these unprovoked and cowardly outrages to justice?

I have just received the following wire from Belfast, in reply to the hon. Member's question, which I sent to Ireland immediately on receipt of his question:

"Twenty roughs, who marched from Lepper Street to Antrim Road about 12 noon yesterday, on reaching Edlingham Street threw stones at people at the corner of that street. A man fired a revolver shot and the crowd retreated, but soon returned with reinforcements and fired shots ax the opposition crowd, who are alleged to have returned fire. No one was injured. The damage consisted of the breaking of a street lamp, and a plain glass window in the house of one Unionist and one Nationalist. No injury was done to the school. No arrests were made. Military with armoured car and police hurried to the scene. No further trouble. Police did not hear anyone repeating the words, 'Up the rebels,' 'Up the Fenians.' Strong police patrols remained in the vicinity."

It is a mare's nest.

May I ask whether the police were not upon the spot at all when the original attack took place and when these cries were raised, and that they could not have heard them, and whether the right hon. Gentleman has seen the published statement of two teachers, who have pledged their word as to the truth of what I have stated?

It was in your own newspaper.

I have not seen the statement, and do not know whether the police were there at once. I have read to the House the telegram I have received.

Did anything occur there at all?

(by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for War whether he had any information to impart relating to the four officers taken by force out of a train at Waterfall, County Cork, the day before yesterday, and carried off in rebel motor cars, and whether, in view of this further proof of the assistance to crime afforded by privately-owned motor cars, the Government would at once prohibit their use in the disturbed areas?

What is a "rebel motor car"?

The only information which I have at present is that two Education Officers, Captain M. H. W. Green, Lincolnshire Regiment, and Captain S. Chambers, Liverpool Regiment, and an officer of the Royal Engineers, Lieut. W. Spalding Watts, were captured by the rebels. I understand that Captain Green and Lieutenant Watts might have been witnesses of a murder of a police sergeant and that Captain Chambers was the principal witness against Father O'Donnell, who was arrested in October, 1919, for seditious speeches. Presumably, these are the reasons why they were kidnapped, but I do not know the circumstances of their capture. With regard to the last part of the hon. Member's question, I think ample powers already exist under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Regulations. Certain restrictions regarding the use of motor vehicles are already in force, and I understand that further drastic restrictions will come into operation on 1st December.

Have these officers been released?

No.

The right hon. Gentleman brings in the trial, and the statement that Father O'Donnell was arrested for seditious language. For what reason ho dons that, I do not know. Will he state that the court-martial acquitted him of that charge?

I did not attach importance to that. I have given the answer specially framed for me in answer to this question.

Who framed it for you?

I had no communication whatever with the hon. Member (Mr. Pennefather), and there is no ulterior design behind the framing of the answer.