House of Commons
Wednesday, December 22, 1920
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Metropolitan Electric Tramways Bill,
Order [30th March] that the Bill be committed read, and discharged:—Bill withdrawn.
South Metropolitan Electric Tramways Bill,
Order [4th March] that the Bill be committed read, and discharged:—Bill withdrawn.
London United Tramways Bill,
Order [4th March] that the Bill be committed read, and discharged:—Bill withdrawn.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Mesopotamia
asked the Secretary of State for India what money is being spent during the current year in Mesopotamia on roads, railways, canals, and Government buildings; and what money does he estimate will be required next year for these undertakings?
I must explain that the Provisional Estimates submitted by the Civil Commissioner in June last were referred back to him for further consideration which was interrupted by the outbreak of the disturbances. The provisional figures for public works including roads, bridges and Government buildings (such as schools, hospitals, etc.) were Rs.98,00,000, of which about one half was for maintenance. A further 69 lakhs were estimated for irrigation. I have recently been in communication with the High Commissioner, who informs me that he is not yet in a position to furnish revised Estimates. Railways which had previously been military undertakings were to be transferred to the civil authorities on the 1st April. The Lords Commissioners of the Treasury sanctioned for the current year a capital expenditure of £500,000, as well as £761,155 for stores transferred. As regards next year, I cannot anticipate the Estimates of the Arab Government which is being set up.
Shall we be under any obligation to finance this Arab Government or to guarantee expenditure or the wages of the people employed?
The hon. and gallant Member will be aware that hitherto, roughly speaking, the civil administration of Mesopotamia has paid for itself out of the revenues of the country.
Burma
asked the Secretary of State for India whether the Joint Committee to which the Burma reforms are to be referred will be able to hear evidence from the Burmese delegation now in this country; when the Committee is likely to be constituted; and whether it is worth the while of the Burmese delegation to remain in England, or whether it is more advisable for them to return to Burma and come back to this country next summer to give their evidence?
I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply I gave yesterday to the hon. Baronet the Member for East Nottingham (Sir J. D. Rees), of which I will send him a copy. As regards the second part of the question, I hope that it will be found possible to constitute the Committee at an early date next Session, though I cannot say when the Bill will be referred to it.
As yesterday's answer was a written answer merely circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT, and it did not appear in any of the newspapers, will the right hon. Gentleman see that publicity is given to it, in Burma especially, and that the Burmese delegation now in this country is informed of the terms of his answer?
Yes, Sir. I will see that the question and answer are communicated for publication.
Has the Burmese delegation any weight whatsoever in Burma?
Surely the hon. and gallant Member does not wish me to express an opinion about the relative merits of the contributions to discussions on Indian questions made by individuals?
Persia
asked the Secretary of State for India whether in the charges against the British Government in respect of the Eastern Persia Expedition are included payments made by Indian political officers; and, if so, will he take steps to have such items re-credited to the British Government?
I am not quite certain what the hon. and gallant Member has in mind. Any special expenditure of a military character, whether involving disbursements through political officers or not, is debitable to the Imperial Government. Any expenditure which is definitely of a political character {e.g., diplomatic or consular expenditure) is shared equally between the two Governments.
Afghanistan (Mission)
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he will give the House any information before it rises concerning the position in, and British Mission to, Afghanistan?
I do not think that I can usefully add anything to the statement already published. It is probable that the Mission will leave India in the first week of January, not in the last week of December as previously stated.
India (Agriculture)
asked the Secretary of State for India whether any and, if so, what non-official agricultural associations or organisations exist in India; and, if such information is not available at the India Office, whether he will call for it from India?
I will take steps to obtain a report on this subject for the information of the House.
Royal Navy
Wreck (Floating Crane)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the floating crane lately based at Invergordon has been wrecked; how much the crane was worth; what are the prospects of salvage; how it was that this crane was towed from Invergordon in mid-winter and at a period when the most unsettled conditions of weather were forecasted; and who was responsible?
It is, unfortunately, true that the crane was wrecked whilst being towed from Invergordon to Chatham. The crane was worth £70,000. The prospects of salvage are not very hopeful, as the vessel is on rocks in an exposed position. The crane had been urgently wanted at Chatham for some time. It was, however, not possible to release her from Invergordon until early November, as she was required for lifting machinery, etc., in connection with closing that base. The crane was in readiness for towing away several days before the voyage on which she was wrecked, but was detained by weather conditions. No doubt the local officers were satisfied with the weather conditions when she was actually allowed to leave. An inquiry is now being held into the matter, and until the result is known it is not possible to reply to the last part of the question.
Is it not a very serious thing that a craft of this sort, very unseaworthy and valuable, should have been sent into the North Sea in midwinter? Was it necessary? Could the journey not have been delayed until better weather?
The answer gives the opinion of the Admiralty. An inquiry is being held, and until it is completed I cannot give any further information.
H.M.S. "Tobago."
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether H.M.S. "Tobago" has recently been mined in the Black Sea; whether there has been any loss of life; whether the vessel is a total loss; and whether there is any information as to under what conditions she was mined, and by whom?
H.M.S. "Tobago" was damaged by a floating mine in the Black Sea on 12th November. No lives were lost, and the vessel has now been brought safely to Malta. The Court of Inquiry held into the matter proved that the vessel had struck a mine, presumed to be floating.
Is it a fact that this ship was taken to Trebizond, and was there not a danger that it would be seized there by Turkish Nationalists?
I require notice of any question as to the port. As to the latter part of the question, I do not think there was any risk.
Naval History of the War
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is now in a position to state if the naval history of the War which is being written by Sir Julian Corbett is to be regarded as the official history?
If my hon. and gallant Friend will refer to the first paragraph of the Preface of the first volume of Sir Julian Corbett's work he will find it clearly stated in what sense the work is to be regarded as an official history.
Is it proposed that any official history of the naval side of the War shall be published?
Perhaps I might quote the preface to show exactly how the matter stands. It says:
"On 28th June, 1916, the then Prime Minister, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley, announced in Parliament that ' In view of the demand which is likely to arise and the desirability of providing the public with an authentic account, it has been decided to prepare for publication, as soon as possible after the close of the War, an Official History dealing with its various aspects.' The present volume is the first instalment of the promised work. Although full use has been made of enemy and Allied sources of information so far as they were accessible, the work is based throughout on our own official documents, not only naval, but also military and political. In this sense, but in this sense only, the work is to he regarded as official; but for the form and character of the narrative as well as for opinions expressed the author is alone responsible."
Is it not the regular practice of armies and navies that the only official histories are those compiled by the war staffs? Is it not the case that at this moment an official history of the Battle of Jutland is being compiled by the war staff?
It is being completed.
Pay and Marriage Allowance
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he can make any statement as to the possibility of dealing with the pay or marriage allowance of all officers of the Royal Navy and the pay of the lower deck, in view of the rise of 44 points in the cost of living since the pay of the Royal Navy was last adjusted; can he state how much prize money has been paid out to the Royal Navy; how much still remains to be paid; and does this represent the total amount payable to the Royal Navy?
With regard to the first part of the question, I regret I am not in a position to make any statement at present. With regard to the second part, the amount of prize money authorised for payment to members of the Naval Forces to date is approximately £4,000,000, and a. further £1,500,000 remains to be paid. The possibility of a further distribution depends on the amount still to be collected as proceeds of prizes. The Prize Courts have not yet completed the adjudication of captures, and the final accounts will not be available for some time.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise the very great anxiety on the part of certain officers and men with regard to the first part of my question, and, in regard to the second part, can he give any indication as to when it will be possible to say how much prize money is still outstanding?
As to the first part of the question, the Admiralty are fully possessed of all the information. As to the second part, it is quite impossible to say when the second instalment will be paid or the amount to be shared until the Prize Courts have dealt with the matter.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether, when he is considering the first part of the question; he will take into special consideration the case of Warrant Officers, Royal Navy, and commissioned officers promoted from warrant rank?
Yes, Sir.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether his answer applies equally to the men who were engaged in mine-sweeping, whose prize money has not been paid in, I think, about 400,000 cases?
My hon. Friend knows well that the prize money is payable only to those who went to sea in ships of war, and if there has been any delay in payment in any of these particular cases, I will have inquiry made at once on his , bringing the cases to my notice.
Will members of the Royal Naval Air Service be entitled to any form of prize money?
The hon. Member should put down that question.
Temporary Clerks (Admiralty)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether notice has been given to all the temporary clerks employed by his Department; how many such are employed; and whether the notice applies to any ex-service men who have served in any previous war, or who were rejected upon medical grounds from service in the great War?
A considerable number of temporary clerks will be discharged in the next few months—some as a result of the clearing up of temporary work due to the War, and some in order to provide employment for ex-service men. The temporary staff employed on the 1st instant numbered 3,166. Notice of discharge is not being given to any ex-service men who have served in any previous war. Men who were rejected upon medical grounds from serving in the recent War and who had not previously served in the regular Navy or Army are not regarded as ex-service men, and are consequently liable to discharge.
Battle of Jutland (Despatches)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what is the total cost to the National Exchequer of the compilation, printing, and issue of the official despatches of the battle of Jutland, 30th May to 1st June, 1916?
The cost of printing the official despatches of the Battle of Jutland, published as Cmd. 1068, may be taken as approximately £2,175. This figure includes the cost of paper but does not include the cost of drawing and printing 2,000 copies of the German charts Nos. 1-7, the cost of which (£325) was included in the figure (£3,500) given as the total cost of Captain Harper's Report in the reply given by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty to the hon. and gallant Member for South Battersea on Wednesday last, the 15th instant. I understand from the Admiralty that no extra cost was incurred to the State in compiling the official despatches. Similarly no special expenses were incurred in connection with the issue of the Report. Five thousand copies of Cmd. 1068 were printed, and it is impossible at the present moment to say how many of these will be issued for official use and how many will be sold. Assuming the latter figure to be 4,500 (a full sale) the net proceeds from sales after deducting trade discounts and overhead expenses may be taken as £2,625.
Am I to understand from that that it will not cost anything— that the cost of printing is £2,200 and that it is estimated that the cost of sales will be £2,100?
If a full sale is secured that will be so, but it is impossible to say how many copies will be left; of course, we hope they will be sold.
May I ask whether this exceedingly large order was put out to tender or whether the printing was done in the ordinary course by the Department; and may I also ask whether in future, in the case of possible great publications like this, the right hon. Gentleman will see that tenders are asked for, if they have not already been asked for, as it is possible that the work could be done at half the cost in that way?
Is there any reasonable probability that this large number of copies will be sold, for otherwise the expenditure will fall on national funds?
I could not answer that.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer my question?
Unemployment Insurance (Bank Employes)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware of the serious disapproval with which bank employés are regarding their inclusion in the scheme of unemployment insurance, as likely to prejudice seriously their present conditions of employment; and whether he can consider the possibility of their exemption in this connection?
asked the Minister of Labour whether bank officials are exempt from the provisions of The Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920.
I am afraid there is nothing to add to the answers given previously on this point, and I would refer in particular to the answer given on the 20th December to the hon. Member for Barnard Castle (Mr. Swan), a copy of which I am sending to my hon. Friends.
Can the hon. Gentleman say whether this profession has a right, like other industries, to contract out of the scheme and have a scheme of their own?
That is really the point of the question, and as a good many questions have been addressed to my right hon. Friend and myself on this subject, perhaps I might take this opportunity of making it clear that there is no general discretion lodged in the Minister under the Act, but there is a limited discretion on three very strictly defined conditions. Bank employés, however, do not come within those conditions, and if hon. Members would look at the Schedule to the Act they would see that there is no general discretion in the Minister to say who does and who does not come within the Act.
My point is this, that the miners, for instance, have got a scheme of their own; can the bank clerks have a scheme of their own?
There is nothing to prevent that happening. If they choose to make either a special or a supplementary scheme, they are entitled to do so, and it is the policy of the Ministry and of His Majesty's Government to give all the encouragement possible to industries or to particular branches of industry taking the burden of insurance upon themselves.
Does the Minister regard it as a fact that there ever has been unemployment among bank employés, and are they not really in permanent employment, looked after by their own banks?
All this was discussed when the Bill was passed. There is less unemployment among bank clerks than among many other classes, but, at the same time, there is some risk of unemployment, and, that being so, they come within the scope of the scheme.
Ex-Service Men
Building Trades (Dilution)
asked the Minister of Labour whether the building trade unions have accepted the definite and final proposals of the Government to secure employment in the building industry for at least 50,000 unemployed ex-service men; and, if not, will he in form the House what action the Government is taking to secure the immediate employment of these men who have for so many months been kept unemployed by the action of the building trade unions?
I am informed by the President of the National Federation of Building Trade Operatives that he is taking steps to summon the committee of the federation together to lay before them the proposals and he has promised to communicate the committee's decision.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Minister of Labour gave the House to understand on Wednesday last that a definite and final decision would be arrived at on Monday of this week, and that yesterday he informed the House, in the letter which was circulated, that the building trades unions were to have till the end of the year to consider the Government's pro- posal, and will he now give an assurance to the House that if this final and definite offer which has been submitted is not accepted, the Government will themselves take immediate steps to secure the employment of these men in the building of State-aided houses?
The hon. Member raises two points. The first is as to the undertaking of the Minister of Labour. My recollection of the undertaking, such as it was—it was in very general terms—was that a conclusion would be arrived at by the end of the year, not by last Monday. [HON. MEMBERS: " No, no ! Last Monday."] Well, that is my recollection. However, apart from that altogether, my hon. Friend is as well aware as I am, standing at this box, of the position of affairs, and the matter obviously will be pressed on with all the speed possible.
Will the hon. Gentleman understand that this is the reply which I have had month after month for about ten months past, that everything will be pressed forward in this way, and that I was given to understand on Wednesday last that the matter really was now final, and that I informed the Minister of Labour that I should have to move the adjournment of the House if—
The hon. Member is making a speech now.
May we have an assurance now that if this final and definite offer as it is called is not accepted by the end of the year, when the House will not be sitting, the Government will themselves put the men into employment?
May I ask the hon. Gentleman whether he cannot give an assurance that no further procrastination will be tolerated in this matter, yes or no?
Both my hon. Friends heard the Debate yesterday. They both heard the statements made by the Minister of Labour and by the Prime Minister, and I really cannot carry the matter any further than that. They heard what the Prime Minister said.
Badge Scheme (Disabled Men)
asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that the badge national scheme for disabled men authorised to be used by employers engaging a certain percentage of discharged and disabled men is being used in some cases as a badge for goods, thus leading the public to believe that the goods so marked are made by disabled men, whereas this is generally not the case; and if he will take steps to make it clear that the badge is not to be used in this manner?
My attention has been called to certain cases of misuse of the official seal or device of the National Scheme and, in particular, to cases where it has been used on wrappers for stationery sold by house to house canvassers in a manner calculated to give the impression that the sale of these articles is part of the National Scheme. I wish it to be clearly understood that the National Scheme is concerned only with the employment of an agreed percentage of disabled men by the employer, and that the use of the official seal or device of the National Scheme should not in any case be regarded as meaning that the particular business on which the employer is engaged forms part of the scheme.
Employment Exchanges
asked the Minister of Labour whether he can give any information as to the policy which he proposes to adopt with reference to Employment Exchanges, especially in relation to the recommendations placed before him by the Select Committee which recently investigated this matter?
The Committee of Inquiry presided over by my right hon. Friend the Member for the Gorbals Division of Glasgow (Mr. G. Barnes) has made a number of important recommendations in its Report, which has been published as Command Paper 1054. These recommendations are receiving very careful consideration, but I am not yet in a position to make any statement with regard to the steps which it will be decided to take.
Vaccination
asked the Minister of Health if a belief in the efficacy of vaccination is still regarded as necessary by his Department in the case of candidates for appointment as medical officers of health?
I cannot give a general answer on the point raised in the question. Should it come before me in any particular case, I shall be prepared to consider it.
Will my right hon. Friend arrange for some mild form of restraint for the candidates who do not believe in vaccination?
Housing
Establishment Charges
asked the Minister of Health whether the firms engaged in the light castings trade have received instructions from the Department of Building Supplies and Materials to add an additional 2½ per cent. to the agreed prices for castings, and to hand over the produce of this addition to prices to the Department to cover their establishment charges; if so, whether he will explain the reason for this attempt to run a Government Department by taxation imposed by itself, and which does not come under review by the House of Commons, but is, in fact, concealed from the House and from the taxpayers; and whether the same instructions have been issued to firms engaged in the supply of other building materials, such as bricks, timber, etc.?
The hon. Member is mistaken. The percentage addition to which he refers is not payable to the supplying firms, and there is therefore no question of their handing it over. It is a charge made by the Department to the local authorities and others to whom the materials are sold in accordance with the conditions on which the money was voted by Parliament. If the hon. Member will look at the terms of the Estimates which were laid before Parliament in respect of this service, he will see that it was provided that the whole of the cost of the materials purchased by the Department should be recovered from the local authorities and others to whom such materials are sold. The sale price must therefore include a percentage sufficient to cover interest on capital, and also overhead charges.
Are we to understand that anything of this kind received by the Department has to be shown in the Apropriation Accounts as Appropriations-in-Aid?
I think I have to reply to that in a later question.
Does the right hon. Gentleman mean that the price of all materials is raised by 2½ per cent.?
My hon. Friend is aware that the Department some time ago [HON. MEMBERS: "Speak up!"] made an arrangement whereby large orders were placed shortly after the Armistice for bricks, in order to get the brickyards started, and I am quite sure that the effect has been to secure bricks at a lower price than that at which they would otherwise have been obtained.
Is this 2½ per cent. put on the price of bricks, timber and other building material, as in the last part of the question, which the right hon. Gentleman did not answer?
If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will give me notice—
It is in the question.
Unless I have said anything to the contrary, it would be, but I will tell the hon. and gallant Gentleman, if he will give me notice. Whatever percentage is necessary will cover the whole expense.
Does the money derived from this source appear in the accounts of the Auditor-General?
Certainly.
Are we really to understand that the cost of distributing these supplies purchased by this Department amounts to 2½ per cent. of the cost?
Certainly not. It certainly relates to the cost of distribution. It relates to all charges of the Department, and this is only one charge.
Building Cost, Roehampton
asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been called to the cost of houses on the London County Council's Roehampton estate, where 582 houses have been erected, and the rents to be charged the tenants are 15 s . 6d. per house per week, whereas public funds are to contribute £1 14 s .3d. weekly, or more than two-thirds of the cost; and, in view of the fact that, if the above is typical of the subsidies required for house-building, the 500,000 houses to be built will require contributions from public funds of £45,000,000 annually, whether he will reconsider his housing policy with a view to mitigating the above burdens on the taxpayer?
I do not regard the Roehampton scheme as typical, as it possesses several expensive features which are not common to other schemes. The charge on public funds will be very much less than suggested. As I have already stated, I am considering whether further steps can be taken with a view to reducing the excessive cost of schemes.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the First Commissioner of Works stated in this House the other evening that he was able to build houses at a little over half what the Minister of Health was able to build them, and has the right hon. Gentleman considered the advisability of consulting him?
I am quite sure my right hon. Friend said nothing of the kind.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the First Commissioner of Works stated that he was actually building houses at £900 and that the lowest estimate the Ministry received was £1,650, and can that be taken as an indication of the form of contracts which have been entered into throughout the country?
The estimates have not been received by the Ministry at all. The fact that high tenders have been received and were not accepted by the Ministry was the real reason why my right hon. Friend arranged to undertake the building, in order that we might not incur the very high costs.
Reigate Scheme
asked the Minister of Health the cause of the delay in proceeding with the housing scheme at Reigate, Surrey; whether it is indefinitely suspended; and, if so, will he take the necessary steps to compel the Reigate corporation to proceed without further delay with the building of the badly needed houses?
My Department approved plans for 96 houses at Reigate early in this year. Tenders for 42 houses were submitted to the Housing Commissioner on the 6th October last, but their price was prohibitive, and the local authority accordingly resolved to proceed by means of direct labour. Later, however, on the 23rd November, they rescinded this Resolution, and decided to make fresh inquiries for tenders. I understand that fresh tenders are to be considered by a committee of the council on the 30th instant, and the Housing Commissioner has arranged to meet the committee the next day to consider them.
May I ask whether, between the dates mentioned, there has not been a municipal election fought, at which all those candidates who supported the principle of direct labour were heavily defeated, and if part of the delay is not due to the fact that, as a consequence, it was necessary to give effect to the wishes of the municipal electors?
Yes, I believe that the course of the proceedings of the council was as my hon. and gallant Friend says. At the same time, our reasons for refusing to accept the first tenders was because they were far too high. We have been taking that course of action for many months past, and propose to continue it.
In the event of later contracts being tendered to this new council against direct labour, and proving too high, will he prohibit the council taking action?
I have no intention of agreeing to any contracts which seem to us unreasonably high.
Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that this election was definitely fought on the one issue of direct labour?
I am not suggesting anything; I am answering a question.
Smoke Abatement
asked the Minister of Health whether he has accepted the conclusions of the Committee on Smoke Abatement; and, if so, whether he will explain why in Sheffield and elsewhere contracts for thousands of houses are being approved by his Department without these conclusions being specially brought to the notice of the local authorities concerned?
I have circulated copies of the Interim Report of the Committee on Smoke Abatement to all local authorities with a memorandum recommending consideration of the various substitutes suggested for the open coal fire, where these can be economically adopted. The Report has also been brought to the notice of the Housing Commissioners. I understand that in the case of Sheffield, the Housing Commissioner has been in touch with the local authority, and that the council are considering the Report with a view to the possibility of taking action in accordance with the suggestions made.
Is it not the fact that the architect responsible for this building scheme stated before the Committee that the Ministry of Health had not brought to his notice or suggested to the council the adoption of these plans?
I know nothing about that. The statement I have made here is correct.
Building Materials
asked the Minister of Health whether he has a Department for the buying of building materials for housing purposes; will he state what class of goods they purchase; what is the approximate value of such goods bought during this year; if they buy in the open market or under contract; will he state the number of staff employed in this buying Department; the annual cost of same; and what buildings are retained for offices?
The Department of Building Materials Supply has recently been transferred to me from the Ministry of Munitions. The Department makes purchases, under contract, of certain materials required for housing, including bricks, cement, light castings, drain-pipes, and sanitary ware; purchases have also been made of slates and tiles. The approximate value of the materials contracted for during the present year is £5,000,000. The staff employed number 308 and the total salaries amount to £69,570. The staff occupy portions of Imperial House, Tothill Street, and No. 1, Queen Anne's Gate Buildings, Dartmouth Street. The whole of the expenses of the staff and rent involved are recovered as part of the cost of the materials sold.
Ought not this Department to be part of the Civil Service, and the cost shown in the Civil Service Estimates?
I will look into that. I took the Department over only a short time ago, and I am seeing whether I can arrange for reducing the Department.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any evidence to show that the operations of this Department has not led to a distinctly upward tendency in the average cost of materials; and if that is so, can he not save the country expense, and housing schemes additional cost, by doing away altogether with the Department?
That is the point I am now going into. I think it is very difficult to say reliably whether the effect has been to put the price down or up; in some cases there has been a reduction in the price. At all events, we are now going into the question to see if the expenditure of the Department can be reduced.
Is the cost of this Department borne by the money made out of the sale of material, and should not that money required be provided in the Estimates?
I have a form of estimates by me now. When it was submitted to the House it was provided in that Estimate that the cost of the Department should be included in the charges made to the authorities for the sale of material, and that the sales should be accounted for in the ordinary way, and the accounts be available for the Public Accounts Committee to examine. That was in the form of the original Estimate. That is being adhered to.
Is it not the case that establishments and staffs may be in existence of which this House is entirely ignorant, and entirely with the control by the Government, and the cost not borne on the Estimates, but by the trade of the country?
I must say that I generally agree with my hon. Friend. This was an organisation for getting material during the War, and it was started under exceptional conditions; but in a general way I certainly agree with my hon. Friend.
Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake, whether he brings the Department to an end or not, that he will show its real expenditure on the Estimates?
I will take care that it is very substantially reduced at a very early date.
asked the Minister of Health whether local authorities in Scotland are allowed to purchase bricks and cement for house-building wherever they can at a reasonable price, or whether the Department of Building Material Supply controls, under the Ministry of Health, the supply of building materials in Scotland?
The Department of Building Materials Supply does not control the supply of building materials, but it has in the past made purchases of certain materials required for housing schemes in Scotland. I am discussing the future arrangements with my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland. Local authorities in Scotland are at liberty, subject to the approval of the Scottish Board of Health as to the price, to purchase materials otherwise than through the Department of Building Materials Supply.
May we take it that local authorities may purchase materials without reference to the Minister of Health in England?
Oh, certainly.
But the Secretary for Scotland stated that he could not arrange anything without consultation with the Minister of Health in England and with his approval; was the Secretary for Scotland under a misapprehension when he made that statement to the local authorities?
I do not know what the statements were. But I am sure my right hon. Friend was under no misapprehension. This Department had been transferred shortly before, and he naturally wished to consult me upon any change in this connection. At all events, the local authorities are, so far as I am concerned, entitled and encouraged to purchase their materials on their own account, apart from the Department. But we are bound to withhold sanction if the price seems excessive.
Will the 2½ per cent. be put on all material whether purchased through the Department or privately—is it 2½ per cent. in all cases?
My hon. and gallant Friend must be well aware that the ordinary merchant adds to the price he charges to the customer, and this is only—
Speak up! There are two sides of the House.
We cannot hear a word.
This is only an equivalent.
Asylums (Treasury Allowance)
asked the Minister of Health whether he met recently a deputation representing the asylum committees of the country on the question of an increased allowance being made to the authorities by the Treasury; whether any reply has been given; and, if so, what was the nature of such reply?
No such deputation has been recently received by me. Possibly the hon. Member has in mind a deputation representing the Mental Hospitals Association, which was received by the Parliamentary Secretary in July last. If so, I shall be happy to send him a report of the proceedings.
Poor Law Infirmaries
asked the Minister of Health whether he will further consult the Association of Poor Law Unions with regard to the best method of rendering all surplus hospital accom- modation in Poor Law institutions available for the treatment of the sick before reintroducing Clause 9 of the Ministry of Health (Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill; and whether it is his intention to make any alterations in the Bill before reintroducing it?
I am prepared to consider any suggestions, whether from the Poor Law Unions Association or from any other source, which are consistent with the declared policy of the Government that the treatment of the sick poor should be merged in the general health services of the community. In reply to the latter part of the question, I am not at present aware of any valid reason why the Clause should be altered?
Smallpox, Navy and Army
asked the Minister of Health how many naval or military cases of smallpox were reported to his Department during the year 1919; what was the vaccinal condition of the cases; and how many ended fatally?
Four naval cases and thirteen military cases of smallpox were reported to my Department during 1919. Four of the patients were stated to have been unvaccinated, and three of these cases proved fatal. There was one other fatal case, the vaccinal condition of which could not be ascertained. The remaining twelve cases were stated to have been vaccinated in infancy, and one of them to have been re-vaccinated.
Old Age Pensions
asked the Minister of Health if claimants for old age pensions, under Section 1 of the Blind Persons Act, are required to attend before a pensions committee or sub-committee even in cases where a registered medical practitioner has certified that they are wholly blind or that their eyes have been removed; whether such committees and sub-committees are allowed medical assistance; and whether pensions officers habitually appeal against their decisions on the ground that the persons granted pensions have failed to produce a certificate from some approved agency or institution for the blind that they are known to such agency or institution as blind persons?
Claimants for old age pensions are not required to attend before the Pension Committee, but they are informed when their claims will be considered by the committee and of the effect of the pension officer's report upon the claim, and they are given the opportunity of attending if they desire to do so. The committee are not allowed medical assistance. The answer to the last part of the question is in the affirmative, but I would refer to the reply I gave on the 20th inst. to the question of the hon. Member for the Plaistow Division, of which I am sending my hon. Friend a copy.
Ireland
Arrests
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether Messrs. Thomas Pierce, James Dolan, John McAllister, and John Carey, of Mala-hide, County Dublin, were recently arrested by the military; whether it is a fact that no charge was made against these men, and nothing incriminating found in their houses when searched; whether he will say why, and where, they are being detained; and will steps be taken to bring them to trial?
The answer to the first parts of the question are in the affirmative. These persons are in military custody. Their cases are still under investigation.
When will there be some ending to this policy of arresting people and taking them away without acquainting their relatives where they are, and not stating the charge on which they have been arrested?
These persons were arrested on 10th December. John Carey is known as the local leader of the Irish Republican Army, and the others are well known as members of the branches. The competent military authority is trying their case.
May I press for an answer to my question: Whether, in view of the custom that prevails; without charge, taking these people away, and not acquainting their relatives where they are, there will not be a departure from this abominable system?
They were removed in the ordinary way to the prison of the district. I am not aware that the relatives do not know where they are.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I am constantly sending communications to the Irish Office asking, on behalf of the relatives, where these people are. Does the right hon. Gentleman know anything about them?
No, Sir; happily, I do not get them.
You will get them from this day forward !
Shooting Fatality, Miltown Malbay
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he now has information as to whether Charles Lynch, of Miltown Malbay, was dragged from his bed on the night of 24th October and shot dead by servants of the Crown; whether Lynch was a man of 70 years of age; whether any form of inquiry has been held into this murder; whether it was held in public or in secret; what was the evidence and finding; and whether he has read the evidence?
I have not yet received the report of the military court of inquiry in this case, but I have called for the police report, which states that Lynch was accidentally shot by a party of military and police near Miltown Malbay, County Clare, on the 21st October. The police and military had been fired upon, and Lynch, who was standing at the gable of his house, was unfortunately caught in the line of their fire.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say why, seeing this unfortunate man was murdered on 24th October, the report of the military inquiry is not yet available?
I have already, on both occasions, stated that it is extremely difficult for the military authority to hold these inquiries. In some instances in County Clare, in the course of the inquiry, the military officers have been shot.
Has any military inquiry been held at all; if so on what date, and when can the House have the result of that inquiry?
I have given particulars to the hon. Member of the police report, and my right hon. Friend has not yet received the result of the military inquiry.
Can the Attorney-General tell me whether there has been a military inquiry, and on what date?
Yes, I believe there has been an inquiry, but I cannot give the date.
How many inquiries are there into these matters-police, military, and otherwise?
Generally, two; one by the police; and then one by the military.
Creameries, Destruction
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he has yet completed the inquiries into the damaging to the extent of £2,000 of the co-operative creamery at Abberdorney and the assault on the manager; if he is aware that the manager, Mr. T. O'Donovan, has made a sworn affidavit that the looting and firing of this creamery and the unprovoked assault on himself was committed by uniformed forces of the Crown; and that, since this matter was raised in this House, the dwellings of the manager and engineman have been burnt down by forces of the Crown?
I have nothing to add to the replies that I have already given on this subject.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Chief Secretary replied that he is awaiting the result of the inquiry, and does he know that the hon. Member for Chester-le-Street (Mr. Lawson) went to this creamery and can substantiate the facts as set out in my question? Why is there not an answer to this question which has been repeated over and over again during the past month?
I am not aware of the facts mentioned by the hon. and gallant Member, but I am aware that my right hon. Friend has replied two or three times to this question and has at least made three speeches on the question.
Are these co-operative societies likely to receive compensation, for the destruction of their property?
I can only refer the hon. Member to the reply given by the Chief Secretary.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not think that two months is a long time to wait before we can get any definite information about this case in which there is a sworn affadavit that this creamery was burned by the police and this is substantiated by an hon. Member of this House?
Is it not a fact that this manager was a known rebel?
You were a rebel at one time.
Royal Irish Constabulary (War Bonus)
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland the amount of war bonuses and the increases of pay, respectively, which were given to the members of the Royal Irish Constabulary between 1st March, 1915, and 31st March, 1919; whether these war bonuses were given to the members of the Royal Irish Constabulary to meet the increased cost of living just as much as in the case of Civil Service and Post Office officials and national school teachers; and whether he will take steps to ensure that the war bonuses granted to the members of the Royal Irish Constabulary between 1st March, 1915, and 31st March, 1919, are made pensionable for those men who retired between those dates?
Can the right hon. Gentleman say if the war bonuses in this case will be made pensionable?
As the answer to this question involves a number of figures, with my hon. and learned Friend's permission, I will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the answer:
In the period mentioned the statutory pensionable pay of members of the Royal Irish Constabulary was increased in the case of head and other constables by 3s. weekly in 1916, and by a further 11s. weekly in 1918, and in the case of county and district inspectors by £50 and £40 per annum respectively in 1918. In the same period non-pensionable war bonus was paid as follows: ( a ) to head and other constables, 3 s . 6d. weekly, from 1st July, 1916, 5 s . 6d. weekly from 4th June, 1917, 8 s . weekly from 1st December, 1917, and 12 s . weekly from 1st June, 1918, in addition to certain war bonus allowances in respect of wives and children from 4th June, 1917; (b) to county and district inspectors, civil service rates from 17th December, 1917, to 30th August, 1918, and thereafter the same rates as head and other constables. As explained in my reply to the hon. Member's question of the 16th instant, the reason for treating a portion of war bonus as pensionable in the case of the civil service is not applicable in the case of the constabulary.
Stabbing Case
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that on the 8th November last a young woman named Moira O'Niell was stabbed in the wrist with a bayonet by a member of the Royal Irish Constabulary; if he is aware that she has been treated at the London Hospital for blood poisoning; whether he is aware that the poison was of such a virulent character that her hand has rotted off at the wrist; and what steps he proposes to take in awarding compensation?
I am not able to trace the case on the information contained in the hon. Gentleman's question. If he will furnish me with further particulars, I will have enquiries made.
Settlement Proposals
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the complaints from Ireland of inadequate publicity given to methods of government of which they complain, he will suggest in any negotiations he may carry on that the Sinn Fein Members of Parliament should attend Westminster, and thus give first-hand information on current happenings across the Irish Channel?
The Prime Minister has already made it quite plain that in the view of the Government there can be no peace in Ireland until those who claim to speak for the majority in that country have returned to constitutional methods.
Fires, Cork
( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary for Ire- land whether General Strickland has presented an Interim Report with regard to the incendiary fires in Cork, and whether it will be presented to the House before its rising?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The second part of the question does not, therefore, arise.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say when he expects to get this report? I understood that he gave a pledge that, if possible, he would see that this report was produced before the end of the Session.
I am sorry that the hon. Gentleman misunderstood what I said. I said that I would do my best to get information from General Headquarters in Ireland, in order to make a statement, if possible, before the House rose. I canot go further than that.
Is the right hon. Gentleman in a position to make a statement now?
I am not.
When will he be in a position to make a statement?
I have answered that.
Is he aware that it is rumoured on very good authority that he has the report from General Strickland? [HON. MEMBERS: " Oh, oh! "]
That is not true, and I shall be very glad if the hon. Member will give me the authority for the rumour.
On a point of Order. Is not an hon. Member obliged to be responsible for the truth of statements that he makes in a question?
The hon. Member for the Falls Division asked whether there was such a rumour. He remarked that a rumour had reached his ears, but I do not suppose that he invented it himself.
Will not the right hon. Gentleman clear this matter up by saying definitely that we cannot get any Interim Report, in view of the fact that to- morrow is the Prorogation, and we cannot have a Debate on that? [HON. MEMBERS: "Friday!"]
I have tried to make it perfectly clear. I will try again. A military court is sitting in the city of Cork inquiring into the cause of these fires. That court is responsible to General Sir Nevil Macready, the General Officer Commanding in Ireland. I have asked if it is possible to supply me with a statement that I might communicate to the House, but up to the present I have not received an answer to my telegram. I hope that I have made it perfectly clear that I have not neglected the matter.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Cork Employers' Federation have been refused admission to this court of inquiry, and can he say on what ground that admission has been refused?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman should give notice of that question.
Reprisals
{ by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether, in spite of the Proclamation of General Macready, reprisals have still gone on, and further reprisals are threatened by the forces of the Crown; whether the Proclamation of General Macready applies to the Black and Tans and the Auxiliaries, and to the whole country; and, if not, will the order be made general?
So far as I am aware the answer to the first two parts of the question are in the negative. The Proclamation referred to explicitly states that it applies to all persons subject to military or martial law. It follows that, within the area in which martial law has been proclaimed, this Proclamation applies to the whole of the police forces equally with the military and the civilian population. The third part of the question, therefore, does not arise As regards the last part of the question, the House is already aware that the supreme control in the martial law area, both of the troops and of the police,' is vested in the General Officer Commanding in Chief in Ireland May I say here that the so-called Black and Tans are British recruits to the Royal Irish Constabulary? They are not a separate force in Ireland. These men are recruited, in the majority of cases, from selected ex-service men who had first-class military records during the Great War.
4.0 P.M.
Can the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that General Strickland will be fully supported by the Government in enforcing discipline, and is there any truth in the rumours published in the papers — [HON. MEMBERS: " What papers?"]—the "Times"—that General Strickland is going to be relieved?
I have had no notice of that question from the hon. and gallant Member.
May I ask whether the effect of the right hon. Gentleman's answer to-day is to establish that General Macready's Order only operates in the districts in which martial law has been proclaimed, and that in all the other districts the military and police are still free to engage in murder, looting, and the destruction of property?
That question has not been submitted to me by the hon. Member. I would ask him to put the question which he did submit to me.
Then I will ask the question that I did submit to you. Can the Chief Secretary now state if General Macready's Order threatening the death penalty for troops engaging in murder, destruction of property, or looting applies to the police and Black and Tans; whether it applies to the whole country and to all branches of the military and police; if not, why it is made to apply only to certain districts and certain arms of the Service, thus encouraging the abuses in the districts and in the branches of the Service not covered by the Order; and whether similar Orders will be issued by the Inspector-General and by General Tudor?
On a point of Order. Before the right hon. Gentleman answers, may I ask whether it is either Parliamentary or compatible with the dignity of the Army constantly to refer to these men as " Black and Tans?"
I cannot stop the expressions which hon. Members use.
I understand that private notice was given of this question. Is it in order to give private notice of a question in certain words, and then ask the question in other words? If so, did you pass the words " Black and Tans " in the question of which private notice was given to you?
Are you aware that these ex-service men refer to themselves as "Black and Tans" and are very proud of the title?
Are you aware that every newspaper, both in England and Ireland, and the whole population of Ireland refer to them continually as "Black and Tans"?
Would the expressions "Buffs" and "Bluejackets" equally be out of Order?
I do not think that the expression "Black and Tans" is always used in a derogatory sense. Some people use it in a commendatory sense.
I have not yet had an answer to my question.
The hon. Member has had his answer in the previous reply.
With all respect—
I think hon. Members are abusing the Rule relating to Private Notice Questions. It is bringing the whole Rule into disrepute. If they will not confine themselves to the questions of which they have given me notice, I am afraid that I shall not be able to permit any of these questions.
May I point out that I have adhered absolutely to the question of which I gave notice, and which I submitted last night? I want the Chief Secretary to answer the question whether steps will be taken to make this order apply to all districts and to all branches of the Service. As far as we can understand his answer to-day, it only applies to those districts in which martial law has been proclaimed.
The hon. Member has asked his question. He need not go on talking about it.
The only new point in this question is whether the Proclamation issued by the Commander- in-Chief will apply to all the rest of Ireland, in addition to the four counties in the South-west. The Proclamation now applies to that area under martial law. As to the question of the hon. Gentleman, I shall consider the desirability of applying it to the whole of Ireland.
Is it not a fact that the troops throughout the whole of Ireland are put on active service, and is the right hon. Gentleman aware that when troops are on active service the death penalty is applicable in cases of offences against the property of an inhabitant of the country in which the troops are serving?
The troops are on active service, and, naturally, all the consequences resulting from active service are now operating in the whole of Ireland
( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that since the issue of General Macready's order looting has taken place by Crown forces in Tipperary, Tralee, and Dublin; that Mr. John Phelan, of Ballyroan, was murdered on Monday by Black and Tans who had previously demanded from him his money and whisky; that two men have been shot dead in Aran Islands on the allegation of attempting to escape from 250 military and police in full equipment and supported by a cruiser; that a farmer named O'Connor, after being arrested at Killentierna, near Killarney, was placed in a military lorry and afterwards thrown out of the lorry and murdered on the roadside; whether Lawrence Looby, whose brother had been murdered by Crown forces on the previous day, was dragged from his house near Cashel and also murdered; and what steps have been taken in any of these cases to enforce General Macready's order?
Adequate and effective steps are taken throughout Ireland to enforce General Macready's order by the gallant men under his command. The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the second part, I am informed that at 3 a.m. on the 20th inst., at Ballyroan, John Phelan was shot by two unknown armed and masked men, and has since died. As regards the third part of the question, I have received a report stating that on the morning of the 19th inst. military and police surrounded and searched Aran Islands for persons on the run. Seven were arrested, and two were shot dead while endeavouring to escape. As regards Lawrence Looby, I am informed by general headquarters that they have received a message stating that Lawrence Looby, who had been on the run for some time, was shot dead by the military while attempting to escape. I have called for a report as regards the case of O'Connor, but have not yet received it.
How can the right hon. Gentleman justify the shooting of these two men on the allegation that they were attempting to escape, seeing that there were 250 military and police there, that the island was surrounded by police boats, and that there was also an Admiralty cruiser there? How could they escape?
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the seven men captured in Aran Islands and the two men shot were inhabitants of the islands, or were people who had gone there to get out of the way?
I cannot answer the last question, but I shall make inquiry and get an answer. I have, I think already answered the question of the hon. Member (Mr. MacVeagh).
(by Private Notice) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he has now received a report on the case concerning the farmer named O'Connor who was killed, and whether the wholesale shooting of prisoners on the allegation of an attempt to escape is not contrary to all the laws of civilised warfare?
As regards the case of the farmer O'Connor, I have just answered the question. I must protest against the allegation contained in the latter part of the question.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the shooting of these men ostensibly because they attempt to escape is really the murder of Sinn Feiners when you get hold of them? Is not that what you want?
I am not aware of that. If the hon. Member has any information to enable him to prove that statement, I wish he would give it to me. If he has not the information, I think it is a disgraceful suggestion.
That is what you denounced the Germans for doing.
You ought to be ashamed of yourself.
Stationery Office (Millboards Contracts)
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the decision of the Government that preference should be given to British goods, his attention has been called to the fact that the Stationery Office, which before the War in nine cases out of ten specified millboards for their contracts which are made in England, are at the present moment specifying strawboards which are of Dutch and German manufacture; and whether he is aware that this departure from the Government policy on the part of the Stationery Office is likely to bring ruin to a British industry with consequent unemployment?
Strawboard was substituted for millboard in Government bookbinding during the War, and has been found quite satisfactory for the bulk of Government work. Reversion to mill-board, which is from 60 per cent. to 90 per cent. more costly, could not be justified at this date, in view of the urgent need for stringent economy in the Public Service. I may add that large quantities of strawboard of British manufacture are used in the execution of Stationery Office orders, and I am not aware that any of the strawboard so used is of German origin.
Is it not a fact that strawboards come from Holland? Will he look into that matter, because employment is as important as cheapness?
The strawboards that come from Holland are manufactured in that country, and it is not a German product.
Education
Continuation Schools
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the recent statement of the education officer of the London County Council that the council have made arrangements to open their day continuation schools under the Education Act, 1918, on the 10th January next; and whether, having regard to the serious additional cost thus involved at a time when a policy of strict public economy should be paramount, His Majesty's Government will take steps at once to suspend the provisions of the Act in this respect, and not allow local authorities an option?
The suspension of the provisions of the Act relating to continuation schools in areas for which appointed days have already been fixed would require legislation.
Does the Government really think that there is any need for opening these schools at the present time?
In the statement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer he said that it was the intention of the Government to postpone expenditure of this kind wherever possible. I believe that it is the intention of the President of the Board of Education, in the meantime, not to fix any further appointed days.
Will the right hon. Gentleman use his influence to get the President of the Board of Education to temper his educational idealism with some regard to economy and discretion.
It is very necessary that that should be done, but I am sure that the President of the Board of Education is doing it already.
The phrase used by the Chancellor of the Exchequer was "except with fresh Cabinet authority schemes not yet in operation involving expenditure should remain in abeyance." The schemes in London for continuation schools will not be in operation until 10th January, and will the right hon. Gentleman take steps to prevent them coming into operation in accordance with his pledge in this House?
The hon. Member is under a misapprehension. This particular case was gone into by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The arrangements had already been made and the expenditure incurred, and there would be no useful object served by stopping them.
When the Government is arriving at their final decision will they consider the advisability of saving millions in Mesopotamia?
How long is my right hon. Friend going to strain at a gnat and swallow a camel?
Expenditure (Schemes in Abeyance)
asked the Prime Minister if he will inform the House what are the schemes involving expenditure not yet in operation which are to remain in abeyance in accordance with the recent Cabinet decision, especially as regards expenditure by the Ministry of Health and by the Board of Education under the provisions of the Education Act, 1918; and whether local authorities throughout the country have been advised of the Cabinet's decision as above, so that they may not take any action which will involve the payment of any grants from the Imperial Exchequer in respect of any schemes, education or otherwise, not yet in operation?
Steps have been taken to bring the Cabinet's decision to the notice of local authorities through the Departments concerned. The question of the detailed application of the decision to the services administered by the Ministry of Health and the Board of Education is at present under consideration.
Will the right hon. Gentleman inform the House whether there is anything in the statement he made that schemes involving expenditure not yet in operation are to remain in abeyance; or does he mean any scheme where negotiations have been undertaken are to be proceeded with?
Is it the intention of the Government, in the interests of economy, to stop all education?
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether his method of dealing with Departments is to recommend, request, or demand that this expenditure shall cease?
My method of dealing with each Department is that which in each case seems to me to be most efficient. I am not quite sure that I carry all the questions which have been put in my mind. If I remember rightly the question put by the hon. Member opposite (Mr. N. Maclean), I may say that it is not the intention of the Government to stop all educational progress. In reply to my hon. Friend (Sir W. Davison), my statement as to the intention of the Cabinet was intended to carry a real meaning, and we shall carry it out in that sense. The detailed application of it to schemes in different stages and to all the miscellaneous work such as that of the Board of Education and the. Ministry of Health cannot, of course, be stated in answer to a supplementary question, and must be the subject of consideration between my colleagues in the Government and myself and, if necessary, by the Cabinet itself.
National Expenditure
asked the Prime Minister whether, seeing that proposals for the increase of public expenditure are being constantly put forward both by Members of the House of Commons and by outside organisations, he will consider the desirability of enacting that whenever any proposal is put forward for the acceptance of the House of Commons, either individually or collectively, the cost to the taxpayer shall be clearly stated in advance by the promoters so that the public may know the financial liability they incur when an appeal is made to their sympathetic interest; whether he still has a large number of deputations waiting to make representations to him; whether the vast majority of such deputations have as their object the promotion of legislative or other change which involves public expenditure; and whether, when questions are asked in the House of Commons calculated to need the employment of public money, he will arrange for the proper Department to specify on every occasion the extra outlay which will be adopted by any acceptance of the legislative or other changes proposed?
As the House is aware, a Select Committee of this House is already considering what further financial safeguards can be introduced in respect of legisltion. It is true that both in this House and out of it Ministers are constantly pressed to incur fresh expenditure or new liabilities, and that by the same gentlemen who are ready to denounce the extravagance both of the Government and Parliament; but I cannot undertake to provide an estimate of the cost of every proposal made by Members of the House or by deputations which wait on Ministers. This would itself involve a large and useless expenditure of time and labour.
League of Nations (British Representatives)
asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed that at future Assemblies of the League of Nations two or more Members of Parliament, who may present different views to the Assembly, shall be sent to represent the Mother Country and its dependencies?
No, Sir. It would be premature at the present time to consider the composition of future Assemblies of the League of Nations.
Will the composition of the Assembly be a subject of the Debate to-day?
Is it the intention—
Perhaps the hon. Member will give some other hon. Members a chance.
Peace Treaties
Vilayet of Smyrna
asked the Prime Minister whether any of the Allies have formally or informally discussed or suggested the return of the Smyrna vilayet to the Turks, with full reservation for the protection of Christian minorities; and, if not, whether, so far as this country is concerned, he contemplates such a step?
Any discussions with our Allies on this subject are necessarily of a confidential nature. It would not be in the public interest to make a statement at the moment.
{ by Private Notice ) asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the French Government has announced its intention to evacuate Cilicia, taking guarantees from the Turkish Government against massacres of the Armenian population; whether such guarantees are likely to have any more value in the future than in the past; and what steps His Majesty's Government proposes to take to ensure that protection of the Christian population which France promised to give when Cilicia was handed over to her by His Majesty's Government?
I have no information further than that which has appeared in the Press; the second part of the question is a matter of opinion. As regards the third part, I can give no answer until I learn the actual intentions of the French Government.
Unemployment
Trade Union Rules
asked the Prime Minister whether he has been able to secure a modification of the rules of trade unions by which it is possible for as many unemployed as possible to secure work; whether any trade union rule now exists which makes it difficult for men and women to obtain employment; if so, what that rule is; and what action he proposes to take with the unions concerned in order to relieve the growing numbers of unemployed in this country?
I have been asked to reply. It is, of course, the fact, and naturally so, that the Craft Unions do impose restrictions upon admission to their ranks. As my hon. Friend is aware we are in discussion at this moment with the building trades with a view to modifying such restrictions, at any rate as regards 50,000 ex-service men.
Excess Profits Duty
asked the Prime Minister whether the Government will consider the advisability of abolishing the Excess Profits Duty before the House rises in order that industry, relieved of this tax, may forge ahead and so help to relieve the unemployment problem; and will he consider the advisability of setting up a Select Committee to investigate the merits of the 1d. in the £ tax on turnover as a substitute for the Excess. Profits Duty?
For reasons given in my answer to the hon. and gallant Member for Lewisham on the 16th of this month I do not think it would be posssible for me to make such an announcement as to the Excess Profits Duty now, even if the Government had considered and decided the question; but in view of statements appearing in the Press to-day I think it well to say that the Government have taken no decision on the subject of the Excess Profits Duty since the announcement made by me in the course of the Debate on the Finance Bill. As regards the second part of the question I am not convinced that it is desirable to appoint a Select Committee.
Are we to understand that it is not the intention of the Government to get rid of the Excess Profits Duty at the end of the financial year? Will the right hon. Gentleman say why he will not set up a committee to consider the question of the 1d. in the £ tax, in view of the fact that he was a substitute for the Excess Profits Duty, or at any rate, wants to collect money? Will he not reconsider the matter?
The hon. Member is to understand what I stated explicitly that the Government have come to no decision with regard to the Excess Profits Duty since I made my announcement during the passage of the Finance Bill. With regard to the turn-over Tax, I am not convinced that any benefit would be derived from it.
Trade and Commerce
Bankers' Loans and Overdrafts
asked the Prime Minister whether the Government will consider the advisability of requesting the bankers of the country to be more generous as regards loans and overdrafts to responsible manufacturers, in order that these firms may be in a position to carry on with greater confidence, and so increase their output in home and foreign markets, and give employment to a greater number of people?
I feel confident that the banks will continue to give such assistance to manufacturers as is in their power in all circumstances of the present time.
Will the right hon. Gentleman use his influence with the greater banks to see if they can take over the existing assets of Farrow's Bank in view of the distress which is being caused?
Egypt
asked the Prime Minister whether the recommendations of the Milner Commission as to the future status and government of Egypt have yet been received by the Cabinet; and when they will be made public?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the last part, I am not yet in a position to name a date.
Wheat Prices
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that his promise, made on 11th March last, that so long as wheat was controlled the price of home-grown wheat of sound milling quality should be the monthly average c.i.f. price of imported wheat, and that whereas the average monthly price of imported wheat, according to the purchases of the Wheat Commission, have exceeded 102 s . per quarter, millers, who have been instructed by the Food Production Department to purchase at competitive prices, have quoted choicest samples of native wheats at 80 s . per quarter; and will he give instructions that the functions of the Wheat Commission, as now exercised in relation to mills, may be discontinued, so as to enable farmers under free conditions to obtain the maximum price of 95 s . per quarter, as promised by him on 11th March and confirmed by the Ministry of Agriculture as recently as 11th December?
Millers have been directed by the Food Controller that they have authorisation to pay for home-grown wheat of sound milling quality purchased on rail at producer's station, an average price not exceeding 95s. per 504 lbs. f.o.r., or 96s. per 504 lbs. in respect of wheat delivered by road into the mill. Further, millers have been offered every inducement to use the maximum quantity of home-grown wheat, but they are not under any obligation to purchase grain which they do not require to meet immediate needs. Owing to the fact that farmers have threshed heavily this season, millers hold large stocks of British wheat with the result that there has been comparatively little demand during the past few weeks. Steps have, however, been taken by the Ministry of Food which is hoped will stimulate the demand for home-grown wheat. With regard to the latter part of the question, the Government have decided that the control of wheat should be removed as soon as the necessary negotiations with the millers can be completed. Farmers will then be able to obtain the benefit of a free market.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Food Production Department have instructed millers to purchase wheat at competitive prices, ignoring the guarantees given by the Minister of Agriculture and the Prime Minister?
No, Sir, that is not so. The millers have received definite instructions as to the price at which home-grown wheat may be purchased, which instructions I have just detailed to the House; but they are not under any obligation to purchase more than they require at any moment.
Can the right hon. Gentleman state what steps the Ministry have taken in this matter?
I will forward to my hon. Friend a detailed statement. I may say that we have arranged that the percentage of extraction shall be diminished, and are also taking steps to allow, if possible, the export of British wheat for seed and other purposes.
Is it not a fact that in Scotland the percentage of extraction has been raised?
I am not aware of that. In this country it has been lowered, and will be further lowered in a few days' time.
Russia (Trade Agreement)
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister what opportunity this House will have of discussing any arrangement for a trading agreement with the Soviet Government as a result of the present negotiations with the President of the Board of Trade, in view of the prorogation of Parliament.
An opportunity will be afforded to-day on the Consolidated Fund Bill.
Do I understand that if an arrangement is come to after the House rises it will not be ratified until the House reassembles?
The reason for having the discussion to-day is in order that we may hear the views of hon. Members and obtain their approval of the general lines upon which an agreement may be come to.
Coal Industry
Ocean Collieries, Rhondda
( by Private Notice ) asked the Secretary for Mines whether he is aware that a considerable number of coal hewers have been given notice to terminate their contracts of employment in the Park Pit, Ocean Collieries, Rhondda, that the employers state that their reason for doing so is that they cannot give a full clearance of trams, in consequence of the policy carried on by the Mines Department with regard to export of coal; that the refusal to re-employ the said coal hewers has this day caused the stoppage of over 50,000 men in the Rhondda Valley and elsewhere in South Wales; and what steps he proposes to take to secure the reinstatement of these men in order to remove the trouble?
I am not yet in a position to make any statement on the subject, as my inquiries have not yet elicited information sufficiently complete to enable me to do so.
Am I to understand that, although this notice has been on the Paper in another form since Friday, giving intimation that trouble was arising, the Mines Department have not been able to obtain any information between then and to-day?
No, Sir, that would be a wrong impression. My hon. and gallant Friend knows quite well that the matter was the subject of discussion yesterday. I have telephoned through this morning to try and get a complete account of the situation. I think it would be very inadvisable if I gave an account which was only partial.
Am I to understand that no steps have been taken at all to deal with the grievance which the employers state is their reason for terminating the contracts of employment of these men. This is a serious grievance in South Wales, and is not only affecting the Ocean Collieries, but a large number of other collieries as well have been idle during the last three weeks, for two and three days and more in every week. Have the Mines Department taken no steps at all in order to have the licence regulations made more elastic, after the pressure we have been putting upon the men to increase and speed up the output of coal in this country?
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that incidents of this character are bound to have an adverse effect upon the rest of the miners in the whole of Great Britan, and cannot he take some steps to get these men reinstated as an encouragement to miners to try to increase output?
I am not in the position yet to say whether the cause to which this stoppage is attributed in my hon. and gallant Friend's question is the true cause. I have no information that it is due to export restrictions. With regard to my hon. and gallant Friend's other question, I have already stated that it is not the policy of the Mines Department to intervene in these disputes unless one or other of the parties calls them in. If I am to understand from the question that he, as representing the men, asks me to intervene, of course I will take further steps.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman understand that this is not a dispute between employers and employés, but that 50,000 men are affected by a regulation of his Department, for which the employers say he is responsible; and will he, in view of the importance of the matter, make immediate inquiries with regard to it?
I do not know what information the right hon. Gentleman has on the subject, but I do not admit, and it has not been proved to me, that the stoppage is due to any Regulation made by my Department. I have already said that I made inquiries as soon as the hon. and gallant Gentleman gave notice to me a day or two ago, but I have not yet got a complete account.
May I again ask the right hon. Gentleman whether any steps have been taken since Friday last, when attention was called to the reason given by the employers for terminating the contracts of these men in South Wales— which is a very serious grievance; and whether he is aware that in South Wales the men are taking this matter up throughout the whole district?
Before the right hon. Gentleman answers that, may I ask whether he is aware that these notices involve only about sixteen men who are employed by a colliery company which employs altogether something like 10,000 men—possibly more; whether the giving of these notices has now involved the stoppage of 50,000 men, and will probably stop the whole coalfield if the matter is not put in order; and whether, in view of these facts, he does not think it desirable that he should immediately give instructions that, pending an investigation of the matter, these men should be reinstated?
I believe that a good deal of what the hon. Gentleman has said is correct, but I have not yet got even that absolutely confirmed. I can assure him and my hon. and gallant Friend who asked the question that we are investigating the matter as quickly as we can, and I hope to have information upon it at an early date. We shall take every step we can to prevent any large disturbance of work.
Is it not possible for the right hon. Gentleman to adopt the suggestion that has been made of asking or instructing the company to reinstate these men until the matter has been investigated? How does he expect that we can have any influence with the men in getting an increased output if there is such indifference on the part of the Mines Department when such an important matter as this is brought to their notice?
I cannot admit that there is any indifference, but, as I have
said, I have not been asked to intervene. I think I shall have very shortly information which will enable me to take some steps, and I shall certainly do my best to do so, but I am not sure that I have power to insist on the re-employment of these men.
Business of the House
Motion made, and Question proposed,
" That the Proceedings on Consideration of Lords Amendments to the Agriculture Bill and Roads Bill be exempted at this day's Sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."— [ Mr. Bonar Law. ]
The House divided: Ayes, 203; Noes, 50.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,—
Amendments to—
Defence of the Realm (Acquisition of Land) Bill [ Lords' ].
Port of London Authority (Consolidation) Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.
Publications and Debates
Report from the Select Committee, with Minutes of Evidence and Appendices, brought up, and read;
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 254.]
Members' Expenses,
Report from the Select Committee, with Minutes of Evidence and an Appendix, brought up, and read;
Report to lie upon the Table and to be printed. [No. 255.]
Orders of the Day
Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) (No. 2) Bill
Considered in Committee, and reported without Amendment.
Motion made, and Question proposed, " That the Bill be now read the Third time."
National Expenditure
The subject upon which I wish to address the House is very closely related to the great question which was discussed yesterday, namely, that of unemployment, because I think it will be generally conceded that wasteful expenditure, unduly heavy taxation, and hasty and ill-considered legislation are not unfruitful sources of disturbance of the business of the country, and consequent unemployment. The stability of this country is of the very greatest importance, not only to the United Kingdom, but also to the world at large. The worse the conditions are which obtain in Europe, devastation, lack of business, and general social upheaval, the more important it is that we citizens of this country should see to it that nothing is lacking on our part to secure the stability and permanence, financial and otherwise, of this country, of which, naturally and rightly, we are so proud. Of all the institutions of this country, I claim that the most important is the House of Commons, because with it really lies the initiation of all great projects of legislation, and also, as we now know since the passing of the Parliament Act, the effective, indeed complete control of the purse. Dealing first of all with the question of legislation, as to whether it has or has not been during these past two years, and this Session also, hasty and ill-considered, I admit at once that the result of the War made it incumbent upon the Government to embark upon a programme of legislation and of administration consequent upon that legislation which must necessarily have been of a wholly abnormal type, and that was evidenced last year, in that no fewer than 122 Government Bills were presented to the House. I should have thought there would be a very remarkable diminution of the legislation which was laid before the House this year, but no fewer than 94 Government Bills were presented. This House and the country are suffering from too much legislation. It is far better to concentrate upon relatively few legislative projects, and have them thoroughly well examined in all their stages, than endeavour to thrust through the House, as has been the case this Session, and I freely admit by other Governments, hasty, ill-considered Bills which, when they go on the Statute Book are, by common consent, nothing like so effective as they ought to be, and much more expensive to the taxpayer and the ratepayer than they need have been.
Let me take the position of this Autumn Session. We were given to understand quite definitely by the Leader of the House that, apart from two Bills of great importance, like the Agriculture Bill, no controversial legislation would be introduced. A comment on that was the introduction of the Dyestuffs Bill, which, whatever its merits or demerits, could not be termed non-controversial. We had Bills thrust on us quite unexpectedly, and the last instance of that was that last night, somewhere about 12 o'clock, the First Reading, Second Reading, Committee, and Third Reading were taken of a Bill which was, I quite admit, necessary, but of which the House ought to have had some fair notice. The project itself, as far as I understand it, was a very right and proper one, but there was no need at all to have only launched it yesterday. It could easily have been presented at least a week ago, and there was no need to have gone further last night than the Second Reading. We could have seen what the Bill was, and had a practically formal Committee stage, and we could have taken the Third Reading to-day. I do not remember any other Government which did not do much the same sort of thing. What is the good of pretending? My point is that, whatever was done in the past with regard to these things, we cannot afford to do it now. Conditions are wholly different from what they used to be. Take as an example the little bit of useful discussion on the Supplementary Estimates of £9,000,000 odd. It was only by the exercise of an amount of persistence, by which, I am afraid, I made myself a positive nuisance to the House, that we succeeded in getting those Supplementary Estimates before 12 o'clock at night, and the result was that on those Estimates, which were taken on Saturday and on one or two previous occasions, there was quite a genuine, useful discussion. Take what happened in regard to the war bonus Estimates. Can anybody deny that that was not a very useful discussion? It was quite short; but if we had not taken the line we did, the Estimates would have been passed sub silentio, and a most important and valuable discussion, which I believe will be of great assistance to my right hon. Friend, would never have taken place. I do not need to multiply examples of that kind.
Let me examine the position more critically in regard to finance. We are living under a Budget which at the lowest figure amounts to £ 1,200,000,000. The Estimates which emerge from the Government are of the most vital importance, not only as to the actual cost of them but the administration for which the money is found then and there. Our system of dealing with finance to-day, and with the Estimates in particular, is wholly antiquated. I should like to go back to the condition of things under which the present system originated. What was the position in 1902, when the Standing Orders were made? Dealing with classes 1 to 7, the total amount was roughly, £26,500,000, and 105 Votes were capable of being put from the Chair. What happened between then and 1914? The same class of Votes—I am only dealing with the Civil Service Estimates as an example, and leaving out the Army and Navy—had risen to about £87,000,000, and 120 Votes were capable of being put from the Chair. In the current year what is the position? Taking the same class of Votes, classes 1 to 7, there was a total of £199,500,000, and adding to that the additional Ministries and Departments, numbering 19, there was a total of 153 Votes put from the Chair. That makes a grand total of no less than £557,500,000.
With that vast sum and with a range of subjects which it is no exaggeration to say covers not only the United Kingdom, but the whole range of activities of what we call the British Empire as it comes into and is operated from this country, the amount of time we had for the consideration of these Estimates was 20 days. What happened in those 20 days? In nearly every case a great question of policy came up; you could not help it, and the examination of the Estimates in. detail was practically non-existent. On one occasion there was a slack night, and some hon. Members and myself— there were hon. Members on the other side of the House as well as on this side—subjected the Navy Estimates, six or seven Votes, to a very intensive form of examination. The First Lord of the Admiralty —we all hope he will very soon be amongst us again—and his very courteous and capable colleagues were present, and they frankly stated that they had not anticipated this close examination, and were not prepared for it. We understood exactly how they were situated. The First Lord, in his characteristic, frank way said, " I will see this does not happen again," and the result was that when the Supplementary Estimate came up we had it framed in a most admirable manner, and the Minister in charge was able to deal with every question involved. Everybody who listened to that Debate came to the conclusion that that was a real touch of business. That came out of a chance that arose owing to a lack of other business and a real useful examination of the original Estimates.
What happened under the guillotine which fell on 3rd August, and was carried on into the small hours of 4th August? There were altogether 25 questions put from the Chair, and without discussion a sum of not less than £340,587,000 was granted in those hours. Fifteen divisions were taken. We know what those divisions represented. The vast majority of Members had not the slightest idea what they were voting about. Several times that night I did not know what I was voting about, though I ought to have been much more able to check it off than anybody else. Some of those Votes, perhaps eight or nine, had received partial discussion before they were carried over to the guillotine. Can anybody say that that is a state of affairs which reflects any credit on this House? This is not only a question of the credit of the House, but it goes very much deeper than that. How can we expect the nation in its municipal or public authority aspect, or private individuals, to act on our advice to them on public platforms, to keep down their expenditure to the lowest possible limits consistent with efficiency, with a certainty that the financial position of this country is one of great danger, when they see what we do here, when, without a word of discussion, £340,587,000 are passed, hurriedly, late one night or early in the morning. If that kind of machinery was useful in 1902 and afterwards, it is completely out of date now, and is a positive danger to the financial stability of the country.
What proposals do we make? There is the old proposal which I advocated along with other hon. Members, that we ought to have an Estimates Committee. We have had some elaborate arguments from the Treasury Bench stating that, in their view, that is not the best way of doing it, and we had the experiment of the Grand Committee on Estimates upstairs which broke down most beautifully. I suppose we shall still be faced with another negative if we ask again, as I do now, that this Estimates Committee should be set up. Failing that, what are we to do? I have made a proposal, which I again press upon my right hon. Friend. If he will not give us the Estimates Committee, there is one method which could be easily adopted next Session. We should not require any special Committee to examine it. It only requires a Resolution of the House at the beginning of the Session that, notwithstanding the Standing Order giving 20 days, with a possible extra three, to Supply, 40 days shall be given to Supply. We are spending between six and seven times more than we did in 1914, and we are only asking for twice as much time to discuss it. I suggest that this proposal is businesslike, and I do so on one assumption, and that is that the coming Session of Parliament should be one in which the Government determinedly set themselves to see that legislation shall be confined to vital matters, and vital matters alone, and that the main business of next Session shall be finance and economy. If my right hon. Friend says: " I cannot say what Bills will be required, because there are many projects which may seem of great importance at the time," I reply that that will always happen. It happens every Autumn Session. The Government start every Autumn Session with the most virtuous resolution that they will confine all their legislation to two or three things, but the heads of Departments come along with little Bills, and they see the Leader of the House, or get the assistance of some of their other colleagues, and these little Bills find their way upon the Order Paper; the Second Reading is taken, after a little wheedling or coaxing of the Opposition, the Bill goes upstairs to a Standing Committee, comes down again, and is hastily pushed through on Report. Unless my right hon. Friend and the Government make up their mind that that sort of thing is to cease until the finances of the country are put upon a sound basis, this evil will go on.
Slackness in the examination of Estimates breeds Supplementary Estimates. Before the financial year ends we shall in all probability have dealt with the sum of £90,000,000, Supplementary Estialone. £20,500,000 was granted before the House rose in August. We have dealt with £9,500,000 Civil Service Estimates, £8,000,000 for Navy and Air Service, £40,000,000 for the Army, and it is a moderate estimate to say that very little short of £15,000,000 Supplementary Estimates which must be taken before the end of the financial year, will be presented when the. House meets. These are staggering figures, and I would suggest the House must insist on having a stop put to them.
Does my right hon. Friend propose that the Government should take Fridays from the beginning of the Session?
That would take away any vestige of a private Member's chance of having a Bill passed. I feel confident that the position of affairs is such that when the House meets again the Government will be bound to ask for the whole time of the House up to the end of the Easter Recess. It is difficult to over-estimate the seriousness of the financial position in the business world at present. An amount of liquidation of business firms of high standing is going on at present, which, however optimistic people may be, must be viewed with the utmost seriousness. Once that process has begun, as it has begun, it will go on for another four or five months until the position stabilises itself. Our position in this country as the nerve centre of the world's finance is of immense importance, and we in this House and the Government should give an example of determination to grapple with the serious financial position in so far as it can be bettered—and I believe it can be bettered immensely—by economic administration of our country's expenditure and better administration of the method by which the money is raised. You can impose taxes, but very good judges say that the rate of taxation which is levied under the Budget now current is not one which can be borne in the year to come. I do not know what the proportion is, but the immense proportion of the total sum raised by the Treasury from the community is raised from the business community and the business community are very apprehensive. Things which look all right on balance sheets are fairly useful as taxable assets as long as there is confidence, but if confidence goes those assets go with it, and if they go what have you got to tax? What is the use of criticising the Government? The remedy lies in the hands of Members of this House to compel the Government. The Government are the servants of this House. Let Members of the House realise their duty to see that this country is kept from rushing into the maelstrom of financial disaster. If we go, Europe goes with us. I believe, notwithstanding the danger, that this country will pull through, but it will not pull through on meretricious devices or anything but those lines which John Morley admirably stated in one of his books when he said:
"This is true. Sound finance can only be obtained by the nation practising those simple facts of common honesty, commonsense, and wisdom, by which alone private concerns flourish and play their part in the development and maintenance of the good of the State."
I hope that my right hon. Friend and the House will not think that I do not realise fully the importance of the subject with which he dealt if I fail to take up a large amount of the time of the House on this occasion. In the first part of his speech my right hon. Friend showed not only his usual fair play but an amount of candour which has not been customary in party leaders. He admitted at once that the fault which he finds about wasting the time of the House and introducing Estimates without proper consideration has been shared by all Governments, but I agree that what we have to consider is not what other Governments have done in the past, but what can be done in the future.
All Governments do not pass Bills through all their stages in one night. It has never been done before.
I think that my right hon. Friend will find that he is mistaken.
There may be one or two precedents.
One or two precedents are enough, but if there is any doubt of that, I may draw attention to what has happened in the past. I have been a Member of this House for 20 years, and my right hon. Friend has been a long time here also. I have the liveliest recollection of listening with the keenest pleasure to speeches made by my right hon. Friend now President of the Council (Mr. Balfour), during five or six years from 1906, speeches of great politeness, very sarcastic, but no less deadly on that account, describing precisely the same sort of thing as has been described to-day, and I remember also listening to the same kind of speech made by my right hon. Friend, who was then Prime Minister, putting forward, not exactly the same points which distinguished the President of the Council, but points equally good for the purpose in view. It has been urged against every Government in my time, " You have brought forward endless legislation and have rushed it through without any regard to the convenience, or credit, or dignity of the House of Commons," and I would point out to my right hon. Friend that, from 1906 until the outbreak of the war, on only one, or possibly two, occasions did we escape an Autumn Session. My right hon. Friend was candid enough to admit that the only justification for the course of business in the House of Commons during the last few years is that we had a cessation of ordinary legislation for five years, which created an amount of arrears which had to be overtaken if the machinery of the Government of the country was not to come to a standstill. That is literally true. My right hon. Friend suggests that we should not introduce these small Departmental Bills. I assure him that if he were responsible he could not possibly take that view. I do not say that in the early part of the Session some Bills of that kind may not have been introduced which could have been postponed, but from the time it became evident that there was going to be great pressure of time, every one of these Bills was examined with the utmost care, and the Departments concerned were ready to make out the case, not that they were putting forward Bills of their own, but that there was something which was necessary to be done unless the whole machinery of government was to be clogged.
Which Department was it which suggested that the subject should be deprived of his inalienable right to be tried by a jury, and why was a Bill of this kind passed through this House immediately at 1.30 in the morning so that British subjects for the first time in history were deprived of that right?
I cannot be expected to give details of a case like that, but would remind my hon. Friend it was on the Order Paper.
All the stages were taken in one night.
5.0 P.M.
If those who were interested in the measure did not remain that was not the fault of the Government. It is said, " Why could not a Bill which is passed through all its stages at one Sitting be introduced a week earlier?" The House has given the answer. The problem of unemployment is becoming more and more acute. There was no intention until the subject was raised this week of making the alteration that has been proposed in the Insurance Act. The real question is not whether we should have given notice. The question is whether, if that was what was necessary, we ought to get through our Bill. We had to get through our Bill immediately or we had to incur expenditure and come to the House of Commons later on and ask for an indemnity for what we had done. We came to the conclusion that if the Bill was not brought in in its present form the Government would have to ask for an indemnity.
Now let us come to the bigger question. It is quite true that we can only get legislation properly considered by this House if this House has not too much of it. We included in our election address in December, 1918, a very large quantity of legislation. My right hon. Friend (Mr. Lloyd George) and I always agreed in conversation that our aim should be that the first two years of his Government should be spent in getting through the necessary legislation, and that we should look forward to the remaining years of the Parliament being devoted to administration. That is not only our hope, but it is our intention. We have found the arrears of legislation much larger than we anticipated, but I can assure the House that in spite of the fact that charges of that kind have always been made, it is undoubtedly a bad thing—bad for legislation, bad for the way that legislation is carried out subsequently, and bad for the House of Commons—that that legislation should not be properly considered. Our hope is that in the coming Session we shall be able to restrict legislation to reasonable limits. But it is very difficult in practice to do this. My right hon. Friend (Sir D. Maclean) would not approve of giving up private Members' time. It is quite true that private Members have only the opportunity of introducing Bills on Friday, and their opportunities of introducing discussions are limited. It is equally true that the case would not be met if you could further curtail some of that time. I would ask the House to consider whether we cannot try and get a definite programme and decide how much time can be spared. It is not merely a question for the House of Commons or for the Members of the administration, but it is a question for all civil servants who prepare this legislation. Undoubtedly it is one of the greatest evils of this pressure of legislation that we have had during these Autumn Sessions that it becomes impossible for those civil servants adequately to consider the legislation for the coming Session. It certainly is the intention of the Government by all means in our power to avoid if possible an Autumn Session next year. That is all I would say about that.
If any hon. Member wishes to suggest that something could have been attained by more foresight in the introduction of Bills, I will admit it, and will tell the House one of the reasons. During the early part of the season there is more time after 31st March. If all the Bills had been ready by that time, and could have been presented to me and to my Noble Friend (Lord Edmund Talbot), the legislation could have been got through, undoubtedly, more quickly, but one of the reasons why that could not be done is the one I have just given. The civil servants have been so overworked that they have not the time to prepare the necessary legislation for the next Session. I do not think I can say more than this— that I do agree with the general principles of my right hon. Friend that we must, if we can, improve this next Session, and we will certainly do our best to do so.
You have made a bad beginning.
My hon. Friend says that we have made a bad beginning, and I think he means by that, beginning so late. Members of the House of Commons have been subjected this year to an amount of pressure on their time and energy, for which there is no example in previous Sessions, and that is continued slavery. That is also true of every civil servant. It is my belief that if there is to be any reasonable prospect at all of getting through the necessary financial business by 31st March, it will be the clear wish of the House that we should postpone the meeting until the date I have mentioned. That is from the point of view of giving people a reasonable rest to enable them to come back to their work with increased energy. I think that is not unreasonable.
I come to the question of finance. Again my right hon. Friend (Sir D. Maclean) gave expression to a great many general principles with which I am entirely in agreement. He told us that the financial stability of the country depended to a very considerable extent on the way in which taxation and expenditure were carried on by the Government. That is true. But when the pressure of taxation is so great it is obvious—and it must have been obvious during the War— that something would eventually happen. That pressure is so great that it must eventually seriously effect the industrial and the economic condition of this country. I admit all that. I admit also that nothing, absolutely nothing, is more important to this House of Commons than to see that the finances are properly carried out by those responsible for them. We are all agreed on that, but I fail to see much help in my right hon. Friend's speech.
Let us consider what the real position is. My right hon. Friend complains that this year there have been Supplementary Estimates for an amount never known before. Of course that is true, but, unfortunately, all our claims are for amounts absolutely unknown, and I do not think my right hon. Friend gives sufficient credit, not so much to Ministers but to the civil servants in the Department, for the fact that it has been possible at all to get back so soon to the system of Estimates. During the War obviously it was impossible to present Estimates; everything had to be done by Vote of Credit. When I was Chancellor of the Exchequer, immediately the War was over I gave a promise that we would revert to Estimates in the following year. When I mentioned that in the Department it was doubted whether it was possible to do so, and surely the House must realise that, with all these old commitments of the War coming back upon us, it is absolutely impossible to frame Estimates with that accuracy which was possible before the War. Let me give one illustration. There has been a Supplementary Estimate, which gave rise to a great deal of criticism in the Press, the Supplementary Estimate for the Army. This Estimate includes an amount of £10,000,000, which was due by the British Government to the Indian Government for services rendered during the War. Obviously, no one could blame the Government for this expenditure, but a question was put in the House, and I think it was answered, but I may be permitted to answer it again. I put it to hon. Members, is it any more likely that Members of the Treasury and of the Finance Committee of the Cabinet would overlook a point like that than that Members of the House of Commons would do so? That question was, of course, asked by the Finance Committee. The War Office knew that there would be these claims some day. They did not know the amount of them. They did not know that payment would be called for during the current year, and they did not think the amount would be so large. They had no figures to guide them. As a matter of fact, it is quite possible that this amount will not be paid during the current financial year, and I think we should have been justified if we had refused to introduce that Supplementary Estimate. But we felt— and I can assure the House that there was no desire to conceal from the House or from the country the real position—that the moment we knew the amount, whether it would be paid this year or not, the Finance Committee decided at once that the House of Commons should be informed of it and the Supplementary Estimates were introduced. Items of that kind are going through every Estimate, and it is impossible to expect that Estimates can be prepared now with anything like the accuracy that was possible before the War.
Now I come to the question of the general control of finance. My right hon. Friend (Sir D. Maclean) says that the present system is entirely unsatisfactory. I also feel that, and so does everyone; it is entirely unsatisfactory. My right hon. Friend even mentioned what happened in 1902. I was a Member of the House of Commons at that time, and if the present system is bad, the system before was infinitely worse. It was a great improvement on previous systems. It made it certain that under all circumstances 20 days would be taken up with the subject of finance and left it to the Opposition to choose the subject which it was desired to discuss. I put this to the House of Common— my right hon. Friend spoke of the effect on local authorities of passing these big sums of money without discussion. He knows perfectly well that on every big local authority—and I suppose it is true of the small authorities also—that the Finance Committee is something in the nature of a government. The question of expense is worked out by them, and even a body so small as the city council of one of our big cities finds that it cannot really control all the details of expenditure. I ask the House of Commons whether they really believe that by any possible system a body of 700 men can possibly check and usefully check all the details of expenditure? Obviously, that is impossible. I think that the House of Commons has done useful work. They have selected a subject on which they were critical of the Government expenditure. My right hon. Friend knows the example. The House of Commons, under those circumstances, can check the general outline of what has been done. That is sometimes useful, and it acts as a moral tonic upon every Government Department and in that way has great effect even in the preparation of the Estimates. But do not let us be under any delusion. My hon. Friend quoted from Lord Morley. I read the book from which he took his quotation in order to give me material for the fiscal controversy, and I know it very well. Lord Morley says that the business of a State must be carried on with the same common sense and wisdom as an ordinary business.
That is the only way. Take the largest business you can imagine, a business with a very large number of shareholders. No sane business man would dream for a moment that the body of shareholders could criticise with effect the way that money was spent. If the company was a large one the directors as a whole would not attempt to do it; they would refer the task to a committee. The Government are a committee of the House for this matter. I say quite sincerely that in the present state of our finances there is nothing by which the Government should be judged so important as the way in which its finances are managed. What does that mean? I do not think that any one of the Members of this House believes that things are improved in any walk of life by constant nagging. If the House really believes that, whatever our merits or imaginary merits might be in other respects, we are not dealing seriously with the finances of the country, that in itself would be a good reason for making a change of Government. Let us start with the assumption that the Government are really as anxious as any Member of the House to cut down expenditure. Having started with that assumption, I am sure hon. Members will find that the House of Commons will be equally effective, and that the work of the Government will not be worse done.
I do not in the least complain as a Member of the Government, at being told that we are incompetent. We are used to that always, and I do not think it does any harm. But the one thing in this expenditure campaign which I condemn is the assumption so largely spread abroad that we are not only wasting money, but that we like to waste money. I would refer again to the remark of my right hon. Friend (Sir D. Maclean), namely, that the belief that the Government is doing things badly is in itself one of the worst things for our credit. Whether or not the Government deserve the attacks made on them, I have no doubt that these constant attacks and the belief that they are justified are bad for the credit of the country. I am not defending the Government about this, but I am saying what I believe to be true. I ask the House to start with the assumption that we are as anxious as they and that we are doing our best to meet the serious financial position of the country. As regards practical proposals—I thought about this a great deal when Chancellor of the Exchequer—the House must realise that even in any private business, when things are going on as they were going on during the War, there is a great waste of money. If that is true of a private business, it is far truer of business run by Government Departments.
When I was at the Treasury and immense sums were being spent I felt almost hopeless, and I tried to think of ways by which an improvement could be made. I went into the matter very fully with the officials. If the House is to attempt any detailed examination it cannot be by the full House, but must be in some way through a committee. That is obvious. Another suggestion made was that we should give a larger number of days to Supply. I do not turn that down. At the beginning of the Session we can judge by two things. By the nature of the votes chosen and the discussion on them we can see how much usefulness there is in the Debate and to what extent the House desires opportunity for more Debate. If time permits I have no objection to increasing the number of days allotted. That must not be treated as a pledge, but it is the way in which I regard the matter and the way in which I think the Government will regard it. There are two things I would emphasise. Too much legislation is bad. That has always been the creed of the party to which I belong. It is now the creed of my right hon. Friend opposite (Sir D. Maclean). Whether that fact is due to a change of heart or to an alteration of his surroundings I am not sure. We are all anxious to get the help of the House of Commons in the best way we can, and we are anxious above all that expenditure should be cut down.
I think the right hon. Gentleman has been very much in earnest in his speech, and is, as his Government is, generally desirous of helping the House towards finding means of economy. I think the Government realise that in this matter they are the servants of the House and of the Nation, and I am glad that the right hon. Gentleman has not closed his mind to suggestions as to how the Government and the House can become a better instrument for effective economy. The difficulty with regard to doubling the days of Supply is that we do not use the days of Supply for the purpose of efficient and fruitful criticism of expenditure. We use the days of Supply more to run a particular item of increased expenditure which we desire, and that particular desire for expenditure always beats the general desire for economy. I am not sure whether that would not be just as much the case if we had forty days for Supply instead of twenty. I am rather doubtful whether the suggestion of an Estimates Committee of itself can do much good. Members do not know enough, and they cannot know enough; as to how the Estimates are framed or what really is in the Estimates, to get on to very fruitful points of criticism through a committee of their own, whether a small committee or large. The Government ought not to close their mind to the question of appointing as an officer of the House of Commons, corresponding to the Comptroller and Auditor-General, an Officer of Estimates, who will with a very small staff look into Estimates in the same way as the Comptroller and Auditor-General looks into the accounts so as to report to a committee. That is becoming more and more a profitable and fruitful way of procedure. I speak from some experience. I am Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee. Next Session I hope to say something as to the way in which the work of that Committee can be done more efficiently. I believe it is possible, by appointing two or three trained officers who know the inside of Government offices, and know the sort of things to look for, to put before the Committee a report on Estimates and to bring about an improvement. That report would be the first thing for consideration, and after a certain time given to it, we should be able to have the general dis- s cussion. I believe that in such a scheme we should find a source of profitable action by the House.
I confess that I listened with a good deal of disappointment to the speech of the Leader of the House. It seemed to me that while he was defending, and defending admirably, as he always does, particular items of legislation, he missed the main point of the argument of the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Sir D. Maclean). It is with the whole of that argument and with the whole of the speech of the right hon. Gentleman opposite that I desire to associate myself, and I wish also to say how exceedingly grateful the House ought to be to the right hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) and to the Public Accounts Committee for the Report which they have just brought before the notice of the House. That Report seems to me to be one of the gravest documents and one of the most important and most illuminating documents that the House has had an opportunity of reading for some time past. What those of us who have worked fairly hard on the Select Committee on National Expenditure have constantly put forward, is that we or some other Committee of the House should be put in the same sort of position as the Public Accounts Committee. That is the real substantive proposal we have made for the improvement of the procedure of the House. What was the gist of the argument of the right hon. Gentleman (Sir D. Maclean)? As I understand it, it was twofold. In the first place he argued that we have had a great deal too much legislation, and in the second place that in the great task of reconstruction, which everybody admits to be most important, the Government and the House have begun at the wrong end, that the first thing we ought to have done after the devastation and waste of the War was to put the finances of this country in a perfectly sound position, and that the first and most important plank in the whole programme of reconstruction was financial recuperation.
The House was occupied in a very valuable way yesterday in discussing the difficult problem of unemployment, and I want very earnestly to say that I trust the House and the Government, in its very natural anxiety to relieve imme- diate and insistent distress, will do nothing permanently to accentuate the difficulties and deepen the depression of trade from which the country is suffering. To my mind the root problem is one of high prices. That is the greatest social problem that we have got to face to-day, and if you probe this problem to the bottom, it will be found, I believe, that though it is, of course, due to a variety of causes, some of which I admit are entirely beyond the control either of this House or of this country—there are world factors which are operating to produce world effects—at the same time there are some causes within our control, and of those causes the one pre-eminently important is this question which the right hon. Gentleman has brought before the House this afternoon, the problem of national expenditure. These high prices are a result partly of low output, partly of high cost of production, partly of inflated credits or inflated prices, but every penny of money voted by this House accentuates the difficulty of high prices and exaggerates the problem of unemployment. Take the question of salaries of public servants. The other night the Chancellor of the Exchequer examined in some detail the Civil Service salaries, and I confess that I was astounded at the presupposition which seemed to run through the whole of his argument and the whole of the Estimate which has more recently been put out by my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House. The whole of the argument used by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and by the Leader of the House rested on the pre-supposition that the prices of to-day and the resulting salaries of to-day are to be permanent. I can only say that if the salaries and prices of to-day are to be permanent, then I see nothing that will save this country from absolute bankruptcy. We cannot make that pre-supposition, or at least, it is a very dangerous one for the House to make.
I want to say one or two words in regard to the specific suggestions put forward by my right hon. Friend opposite as to the conduct of financial business in the next Session of Parliament. Some hon. Members are aware that not once, nor twice, but several times in the course of the last two Parliaments the Expenditure Committee, presided over, in the first place, by Sir Herbert Samuel in the last Parliament, and in the present Parliament by my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury), has placed before the House exceedingly elaborate Reports on financial procedure, and in order to strengthen its case it addressed to Mr. Speaker and to other expert officers of the House and ex-Chancellors of the Exchequer a questionnaire, and the result of the answers to that questionnaire was to this effect. With hardly an exception, these high authorities endorsed the opinion—and I am quoting from the Report of the Committee—that the existing procedure of the House of Commons is inadequate to secure proper Parliamentary control over national expenditure. What was the remedy which was suggested? The great majority of the replies which we on that Committee received favoured the principle— nearly all the people who replied to our questionnaire favoured the principle— that the Estimates should be subjected to examination by a Select Committee; and the Select Committee itself unanimously endorsed that suggestion. What then was proposed? It was proposed that at the beginning of each Session there should be appointed, by the customary procedure, two Standing Committees on Estimates, each to consist of 15 Members, and that a third should be added if experience showed that it was desirable. It was to be the duty of those Committees to consider the annual Estimates, and such Supplementary Estimates as conditions allowed, and to suggest to the House any economies which might be both possible and desirable, whilst strictly excluding questions of policy. Those Committees were to be assisted, as the right hon. Member for Camborne has this afternoon pointed out, by an officer with a very small and inexpensive staff, who should stand in the same relation to these Estimates Committees as the Comptroller and Auditor-General stands to the Committee over which my right hon. Friend opposite so ably presides.
That is a substantive proposal. That has been made, not by one Select Committee, but by both the Select Committees in the two last Parliaments, but the Government so far has turned an absolutely deaf ear to that proposal. I was very glad indeed to learn from the speech of my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House this afternoon, that he is not quite so unbending on that point— at least, I hope I inferred rightly that he was not quite so unbending on that point—as was the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who gave a very considered reply to a question which I asked last February and who definitely turned down the suggestion. I know that the House is very anxious to proceed to the discussion of other matters, and therefore I am very unwilling to detain it; but speaking as a consistent and as a loyal supporter of the Government, I do beseech the Government to take into their serious consideration the arguments that have been addressed to them by my right hon. Friend opposite.
I shall not occupy the time of the House for more than a moment, but I wish to join in the protest of the right hon. Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) with regard to hasty legislation. This House is totally unaware that at half-past one in the morning of the Monday Sitting there was passed one of the most vital constitutional reforms affecting the rights of the subject that has been passed since the revolution. I allude to the Administration of Justice Bill, under Clauses 2 and 3 of which the subject no longer has as a matter of right the right to have his cause tried by jury, except in certain excepted cases. I put in an Amendment to these Clauses, and it was refused at the Table because it was said it was coming on for Second Reading, while my Amendment was suitable for the Committee stage. How could anybody imagine that a Bill of that constitutional importance would be taken through all its stages, at one sitting, within five minutes, as actually happened? The whole thing was put through at one time, and it is a very shocking thing. That justice shall be done to a man according to the finding of his peers has been an inalienable right of the citizens of this country for centuries, and yet that right has been taken away without the knowledge of a single Member of the Front Bench, barring the Attorney-General, and I do add my protest to that which has been made, that this is one of the worst pieces of legislation that has been shoved through in this or any other Parliament. I do not know how it is going to be remedied, because the mischief is done, but I think it should be a warning to everyone, especially to the Labour Members, because jury trial is, above all, the trial of the working man. The great corporations and people of that sort prefer judges. I warned some of the Labour Members to look out for the Bill. I could not be there myself, because I believed I could move my Amendment on the Committee stage, but through this process of instantaneous legislation I was deprived of that opportunity.
League of Nations
Statement by Mr. Balfour
I am sorry to cut into a Debate on a very different subject, but my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) asked a question on Monday with regard to a statement to be made by the Government or by the delegates of this country with regard to the League of Nations, and my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House seemed to think it would be for the general convenience if I were to attempt to deal with the subject. Of course, if I dealt with it in complete detail, everybody would feel that I occupied a disproportionate amount of the rather scanty time which is given on these occasions for surveying the whole policy of the country, abroad and at home, all the iniquities of the Government, and other large and interesting themes. I will therefore be as brief as I can, but I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford that if this House is to hear about the League of Nations, this is probably the appropriate moment, for, though a full year has not yet elapsed since the League of Nations came into existence, its birthday being, if I remember rightly, the 20th of January this year, nevertheless the termination of the Assembly of the League appears to supply a fitting occasion on which to survey the work of the first eleven months or thereabouts of its existence.
In what I have to say I shall not attempt nicely to distinguish between the work of the Council of the League of Nations and the work of the Assembly of the League of Nations. The functions of the Assembly and the work of the Council and the Assembly are so intimately connected that it is difficult to distinguish between the two, and from the nature of the case by far the larger amount of actual executive work has been done, must be done, and, according to the spirit of the Covenant, ought to be done, by the Council and not by the Assembly. The Council is a small body. The Council met, I think, in the course of these eleven months eleven times, and though I hope its meetings will not be so frequent in the course of the next twelve months, still we deliberately contemplate that it shall meet regularly every two months as a matter of course, more often if emergencies require. The Assembly, on the other hand, meets but once a year. It represented this year, at the beginning of its proceedings, 42 separate nations; it now represents 48 separate nations, and it will doubtless represent more nations in the future. Each nation is represented by three delegates, and the result is an Assembly of a considerable size, meeting in a hall which has every merit except that its acoustic properties are extremely bad. But that is not clearly a body which can carry out detailed discussion or rapid executive action. In the nature of the case, that is clearly impossible, and it is, therefore, on the Council that devolves most of the actual executive work, most of the appointments of committees, most of the preparation for the debates in the Assembly, and which acts, I will not say as an administration acts in relation to a representative assembly, because that would be a most inaccurate and a most misleading metaphor, but which does act as the working, day-to-day organ of the League.
The labours of the League may be conveniently considered under three heads— the work of organisation, the economic work, and what I may call the political work. The organisation work has, of course, been heavy this year, because this year the League came into existence. This year it had, both in the case of the Council and in the case of the Assembly, to devise its own rules of procedure; it had to make itself an active and efficient body; the Secretariat had to be established; the personnel had to be selected, and an immense amount of labour had to be gone through which need not, and will not, be repeated in subsequent years. I am not going into the details of organisation. I need not discuss the rules that were made. I hope they will work. They will, no doubt, require modification at times, but, on the whole, I think that our labours in that department have really proved creditable, very largely owing to the admirable Secretariat by which we are served, and I hope not discreditable to the members of the Council and the members of the Assembly.
There are, however, just one or two really important points, which might be called points connected with organisation, on which I should like to say one word. The first relates to the partition of expenditure between the different members of the League. This led to a great deal of trouble in the Assembly. Money is a subject which is apt to lead to a great deal of trouble. The division of expense is a form of monetary discussion which, perhaps, leads to more trouble than any other form of monetary discussion, and it unfortunately happens that the present system of division of expense between the different members of the League is admittedly, and notoriously, unfair. It was adopted in the Treaty of Versailles, and I do not think the framers of that Treaty had any choice but to adopt it, for they had to take the first rough-and-ready scheme in actual operation which came to their hands. That scheme was the scheme of the General Postal Union, under which small amounts are collected from the nations of the world in order to secure general postal arrangements; but the sums are insignificant. Nobody troubled themselves very much as to the principle on which they were divided, and people bore them, even when they were overcharged, with the same toleration with which, I remember, we used to bear the inequalities of an Income Tax when it was 1d. in the £1. I am afraid that happy day was even before my recollection. But, at all events, with every augmentation of expenditure, people scrutinise more closely the principles on which that taxation is levied, and the Postal Union is really an utterly and a hopelessly inadequate system on which to divide the expense. The chief victims of this admitted unfairness happened to be the members of the British Empire, and I believe—I have not done the sum myself— that, on the principle of the Postal Union, it will be found that the British Empire pays about 40 per cent. of the total expenditure incurred by the League of Nations. I need hardly say that the statesmen of our Dominions did not sit silently down under this pecuniary difficulty, and a good deal of time was very properly occupied in discussing it.
Of more universal interest, and certainly of more permanent interest, was a very great subject which I class with organisation. It is the establishment of a permanent Court of International Justice. The history of that Court may be stated in a few words. The Council of the League of Nations appointed a body of jurists, as soon as they had the opportunity of doing so, who looked into the whole matter at The Hague, and who proposed a scheme. The scheme was then brought before the Council, I think, at Brussels. We considered it in certain not unimportant respects. It was modified, but substantially, and in its broad outlines it was brought before the Assembly. The Assembly appointed a Commission to look into it. The Commission went into it in detail. They made a very few not unimportant, but in no way substantial, amendments to it. It was passed by the Assembly in this new form, and it now remains for acceptance by the nations. There was one point, and only one point, which raised a good deal of debate. It was whether the appeal to this Court should be made compulsory on both parties, or, to put the matter in another way, whether it should be in the power of any given nation to compel another nation to come before the Court over any dispute or any difficulty which might have arisen between them. It was in that form that it was originally cast at The Hague. The Council turned it from an obligatory into a voluntary system. The Assembly, by a large majority, confirmed the decision which had been come to by the Council. But there was a quite important minority who thought that the matter should be taken out of the voluntary class and put into the compulsory class. The plan—I will not call it a compromise—actually adopted, which, more or less, satisfied both parties, was to pass the scheme in a voluntary form, and then to put an additional protocol or diplomatic instrument which any nation might sign, declaring its adhesion to the obligatory form.
That now is open for the signature of the nations of the world. Every nation is invited to sign it. They must, of course, sign it first in the general form in which it is voluntary, and then, if they so desire it, they may increase the obligations which they undertake by adding their signature to the protocol. It has been signed already, I need hardly say, in the first, but not the second, form by this country, and by, I believe, all the members of the British Dominions, and probably by a large number of other nations. I doubt not it will be universally signed, and as soon as more than half the nations belonging to the League have signed the document, the Court will come into legal international existence. I believe that to be a very great reform. It has been long desired; it has been passionately sought after. Jurists, publicists of all types, have desired to see it, and have not seen it, but at last, I am glad to say, through the instrumentality of the League—and I believe it was only through that instrumentality that it could have been done—this great desideratum of the civilised community of nations has been brought really into successful existence. May its future course meet with all the success which, I think, the effort deserves, and which, for my own part, I do not doubt it will attain.
Another very important question connected with our organisation relates to the amendments to the Covenant. The Scandinavian Governments had prepared before the Assembly a very carefully considered and thought-out body of amendments in no sense going to the root of that instrument, but deserving, unquestionably, a very careful consideration. But the Assembly were of opinion —and, in my judgment, they were right—that to begin to amend the Pact before the League of Nations had been in existence for a year, before the first Assembly had any experience of the working of the system, before the world at large, and the nations composing the League, had any opportunity of taking a general survey of its activities, would really be to show impatience, and a certain measure of rashness, and they decided, after discussion, wisely, as I think, that any amendment to the Pact should first go through the mill of careful consideration by a body appointed by the Council in the first instance, then by the Council, and, when it had gone through those two operations, a report should be submitted to the next Assembly, under conditions which would enable them to judge what ought or ought not to be done in the way of modifying the instrument on which our very existence is founded.
That, I think, is a satisfactory solution. Nobody pretends— nobody can pre- tend—that an instrument like the Pact, the greatest and most novel experiment ever made, almost the only experiment of its type ever made, could be brought into existence in a perfect state. That is beyond the good fortune that ever attends human effort. Changed it must be; changed it will be. The only thing we have got to see is that such changes as time proves to be necessary are changes carried out after mature deliberation, not in the excitement of an uninstructed Debate, but after both the Council and the Assembly of the League, and the Governments, the Members of the League, have had time, in cool blood, to consider all the consequences of the changes they propose to introduce. The only other point in connection with organisation about which I need say a word is the selection of the non-permanent members of the Council. I am not going to describe all the debates or changes of plan that occurred with regard to that. I will only give the result. The result has been that we have deferred for a year to set up a permanent scheme under which these non-permanent members are to be from time to time elected.
6.0 P.M.
In the meantime we have re-elected Spain, Brazil, and Belgium who were all represented on the Council during the year which will come to an end on the 31st of this month. Greece, which was represented, will be represented no longer, and we have selected for that vacant place the representative of China. The result of that is that you now have upon the Council of the League— which, as I explained to the House, from its nature is the most important organ of that body— you have, in addition to the permanent members, a European neutral in the shape of Spain, and a European belligerent in the shape of Belgium. You have a representative of South America, and you have a representative of the East. I hope that will have the effect of suggesting to all parts of the world that they are concerned not merely with the annual assembly of the League of Nations, but with the monthly or bi-monthly operations of the Council by which so many of their interests must necessarily be conducted. That is all I need trouble the House with on that point —I do not mean to be longer than I can possibly help— that is all I need tell the House in regard to the organisation of the League.
Let me now come to some of the things which it has done. The first class of case which I shall speak about is the economic work. We have decided to hold an international conference upon transit at Barcelona next year. This is a very important subject, one on which nothing final has been determined, and on which I need do no more than tell the House that that international conference will possibly carry out a very important work, not indeed so very important to this country, but of vital importance to other parts of the world. A more important and in some respects a more novel subject is a scheme which had its birth in the international conference held at Brussels a few months ago. That Conference was called together by the Council of the League. It is a child of the League. It gave a great deal of very careful consideration to the tremendous economic problems which face every country in the world. There was laid before the Conference a scheme which I believe is due to the inventive sagacity of an eminent banker of Amsterdam. It is known as the Tourmalian scheme and it was sent to a financial and economic Sub-Committee or small Committee at Geneva, was most carefully and critically considered by them, came before the Council, and the Council has now adopted it. Its object is to do something to mitigate the present formidable difficulties which stand in the way of the international exchange of goods owing to the deficiency of credit. As everybody whom I am addressing knows, one of the great troubles under which the economic world is now groaning is that those who produce cannot sell and those who want to do so cannot buy. An obstacle to the sale and purchase is not that the goods are not there, not even that if the matter could be arranged the question of payment is theoretical. Invariably the difficulty is a practical one which is known as the possibility or otherwise of arranging adequate credit.
Of course, I shall neither attempt to describe in minute detail nor to defend the proposal put forward which is to make it possible for any country which requires imports for the essential needs of life— not luxuries, the scheme does not touch luxuries at all!—but the needs—importation for the essential needs of life—to see whether in some shape or another, either in the shape of what in this country we would call Crown lands—national lands— or in the shape of a particular source of revenue, or in any other shape, it has assets on which borrowing may legitimately take place. If it has these public assets on which borrowing may legitimately take place, the League of Nations proposes to find the machinery to value these assets, and it would be possible for the borrowing country to issue bonds upon these assets, and issue these bonds in payment of goods imported. Everything, of course, turns upon whether the exporting country will take these bonds in payment for the goods. That is obviously the first crux of this tremendous problem, but if the matter is put, as it were, under the League of Nations, so that there could be no question of Stock Exchange difficulties, and no interference with national pride such as would take place if the nation had to go, say, to a Council of Foreign Bondholders, or some other organisation of that kind—if the assets were properly valued, as unquestionably they will be under this arrangement—it is, I think, extremely probable that this scheme will prove useful.
I believe I am authorised by my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade to say that the Government are seriously considering whether, so far as this country is concerned, the scheme of these bonds, which is arranged under the auspices of the League of Nations, might not be supplemented by some form of insurance which could make their currency and their utility for the purpose for which they are called into existence far more certain, and would, I think, ensure at least a moderate success for this rather bold scheme. I do not in the least wish to put it too high. I do not wish in the least to pretend that the League of Nations will solve the economic problem of the world. I do not suggest that even with the help of my right hon. Friend, and so far as this country is concerned, the matter is going to be what we all, or some of us, in our sanguine moments may hope, but that we have a right to try the scheme and that it promises some measure of success— and even the smallest measure of success may be of vital importance to the economic welfare of mankind—of that I have no doubt whatever.
I come now to the third and last part of my speech; what I may very broadly and rather imperfectly describe as the political work which the League has accomplished, or endeavoured to accomplish. In the first place let me say that all the preliminary arrangements are now being carried out that the free town of Dantzig shall come under the protection of the League of Nations, and shall carry out the management of its own affairs with a High Commissioner appointed by the League, whose business it will be to do all he can, among other things, to improve and perfect the relations between Danzig and its Polish neighbours. The problem here, if you look at it merely on the map, would seem to be the simplest of all problems. Here is a port on the Baltic which absolutely depends for its commerce upon the Polish hinterland, and there is Poland, which depends almost completely for its access to the ocean on the port of Danzig. There are, therefore, two communities, every one of whose interests is intimately bound up with those of the other, whose prosperity must be mutual, one of which cannot survive if the other perishes, one of which cannot even flourish if the other falls into hopeless trouble. One might suppose that two communities thus situated might quarrel with other people but would never quarrel with each other. I hope it may prove to be so. We cannot, however, shut our eyes to the fact that for historic reasons, for ethnological reasons, for reasons familiar to every historian, there are ancient and perennial difficulties between these two communities which may, if things go ill, embitter their relations. I am afraid nothing I can say at this box, or indeed anywhere else, is likely to prevent such an unhappy consummation; but if I should happily make my voice heard in other communities beyond these walls, I will ask whether there can be anything more insane than for the Danzigers to quarrel with the Poles or the Poles to quarrel with the Danzigers, and these two communities to help each other to destroy their mutual comfort by quite unnecessary conflict. I can only trust that by the influence of the League of Nations—under whose protection Danzig exists, and by the help of the High Commissioner whom the League of Nations has appointed—much will be done to smooth out of the way all the -difficulties that now exist, and prevent any new difficulties arising.
It is with a feeling of disappointment that I speak on the next subject, and I think everybody who hears me will share that disappointment—that is the subject of disarmament. I believe, indeed I am sure, that what has been done by the League of Nations is all that could be done. I admit what has been done is very little. All you can say is that we have moved, and the movement we have made is in the right direction. Its terms are modest. My right hon. Friend and colleague the Member for the Gorbals Division of Glasgow (Mr. Barnes) expressed his disappointment. That feeling of disappointment I believe was shared by everybody. At the same time, nobody who examined the question, who considered the disturbed and unquiet state of the world, nobody who remembered that there are great nations actually or potentially of immense military importance who are altogether outside the League, and who bear no share in its resolutions, nobody who considers those facts, as they were considered by my right hon. Friend and colleague here who was on the Commission of the Assembly considering this matter, will doubt that more could not have been done, and even what was done found in certain quarters critics and objectors. I will say no more about it. I hope that the next Assembly will see the modest step which has been taken carried still further, and that the progress, the very small progress, which the world is making in this all important subject, will be one of increasing rapidity and ever growing success. That is all I need say about that. I will not take up much time by talking about the traffic in arms. This is also an unsatisfactory matter because, although a Convention was signed by all the important Powers in connection with the traffic in arms, the Convention has not been ratified, and although some success has been attained and some diminution in the traffic has been reached in certain parts of the world, we cannot pretend ourselves that that question is in a thoroughly satisfactory position.
I come now to the question of mandates. On that I have not much to say, because not much has yet been decided. The actual position of the case is this. The Treaty of Versailles has arranged who are to have the mandates in certain countries. The list is perfectly well-known to every hon. Member to whom I am speaking. There is a question of the terms in which those mandates should be couched, and the obligations they would throw upon the mandatory powers; and the machinery by which the authority of the mandatory powers in the mandated territory should be observed and criticised. I come first to the method of control and criticism. The Council have devised a scheme which on the whole we believe to be fair both to the mandatory power and to the population of the mandated territories. Put shortly it is this. It is to consist of nine members chosen for their personal qualifications, irrespective of the country to which they belong, and only considering the knowledge they have of the subject, their integrity, their character and their general capacity to carry out the very responsible duties entrusted to them. It is they who have to report to the Council. Associated with them, the mandatory powers have each a right to appoint a Commissioner. I ought to state that these nine gentlemen must not be in the employment of any Government. They must be independent and as far as possible occupy a perfectly disinterested and impartial position.
Associated with them will be the assessors. Each country will have the right to appoint an assessor who will be present at the discussion without any right of voting in regard to his particular territory. The final decision come to by the nine assessors will be made in the absence of the party concerned so that there will be no prejudice. He will be shown the Report of the nine Commissioners. He will have the right to criticise it, and the right to expose any injustice he thinks it may contain. In other words, he will have the right to put the case of the country he represents in as clear and decisive a light as he can, and it will be the duty of the nine Commissioners, when they send in their Report to the Council, to accompany it with the commentaries, if commentaries there are, of the assessors. If they publish the Report, as undoubtedly they will, it will be their business also to publish the commentary with which the assessor has accompanied the original document. We have provided that where labour questions are involved a labour assessor appointed by the labour bureau shall also be present. Labour questions connected with some of these mandated territories are undoubtedly important, and I think that is a useful provision. Such is the machinery provided for seeing that the Mandates are properly carried out. I think it is a fair machinery, and I think it will work.
As for the Mandates themselves, they have now all been put in, but they have not all been examined. The only ones examined and approved of are what are called the sea Mandates dealing with South-West Africa, New Guinea and the territories mandated to New Zealand and Japan. The terms of those Mandates are practically contained in outline in the original pact, and all that has been done is really to give the approval of the Council with whom the responsibility of dealing with mandates rests to seeing that these original provisions are properly carried out. I have to go from subject to subject because I am enumerating the activities of the League. The Assembly dealt with Armenia, as the House knows. The Assembly asked the Commission with great enthusiasm to find out whether any Power would be content to mediate between the people of Armenia and Kemal Pasha. They made an appeal to President Wilson, Brazil and Spain, and, as is well known, President Wilson, the Government of Brazil and the Government of Spain have consented to act as mediators. How Armenia now stands I certainly do not know as a representative of the League of Nations, and I am not sure that the Foreign Office is in a position to give me much information on the subject. Obscurity hangs over recent events in that country, and precisely how matters stand, and precisely how we can further the efforts of the three Powers who have undertaken to mediate, or in what position the whole country is, I am unable to tell the House.
There are two great philanthropic efforts which we have been engaged in. In one of them our success is so far small, but I hope it will increase, and that is the campaign against typhus. The second is the repatriation of prisoners of war. No two efforts can be more important for wiping out the memories and the horrors of the War. Both of them are a direct product of the War, and they are both of a kind which can really be dealt with by an expenditure of money which is in no sense excessive. Many evils that we suffer from may have remedies of doubtful utility and great cost; but here, if I may say so, the cost is rela- tively small, and if the money is found success is absolutely certain. The methods of dealing with typhus are perfectly well understood and successful. All you require is enough of the medical stores that are necessary and a competent sanitary staff looked after properly, and then you can stop the disease with absolute certainty. We have not got the money, and the success so far is imperfect. If the money is got, I can promise the House that the success will be complete.
For the prisoners of war under the admirable and energetic efforts of Dr. Nansen a great deal has been done. These efforts have more than half solved this tremendous problem, but it is not quite solved, and the only reason it is not solved is that adequate money has not so far been provided. I understand that, roughly speaking, 300,000 prisoners have to be repatriated. Of these 180,000 have actually been repatriated. There remains, therefore, somewhere about 120,000 still to be dealt with. Some of these are at Vladivostok; some have to be repatriated from the countries on the Black Sea, and some through the Baltic ports. This can all be done completely and effectively if only the money is forthcoming. So far as I have already indicated, the money has not yet been provided.
There is another point which is perhaps the most important of the political activities of the League requires to be mentioned and it is the addition of new States. We started with 42 States, we have admitted six, we have admitted two enemy States, Austria and Bulgaria. We have admitted Costa Rica, Finland, Albania and Luxembourg. We have refused to admit after anxious discussion the Baltic States, Georgia, Armenia, the Ukraine and the little principality of Lichstenstein. I will not go into the reasons for that. Manifestly many of the cases are doubtful. The line was not easy to draw and it was drawn by different observers, equally impartial and equally anxious to bring in States, in different places. Whether the Assembly of the League has drawn the line in the right place is a matter for discussion, but on the whole anyone who looks at it with an impartial and not too critical eye will think probably it has been drawn where wisdom and political prescience would require it to be drawn. I hope, as I am sure the House hopes, that many of the States I have mentioned will be included when, within the fulness of time, they become stable, with frontiers established and with Governments carrying out a settled national policy. Then they too will be added to the League, and I am not only confident, but I have every hope that that consummation will in most cases arrive very soon.
There is one question on which I should like to say something, if I knew anything about it, but I do not. It is the case of the Labour Bureau, which is associated with the League of Nations, but is not under it. I had great pleasure in going over its offices and in discussing its affairs, with its leaders, and I came away with a. firm conviction that it was working with harmony and with enthusiasm and that the suspicions which had divided the various classes of its members at the start had vanished; that all the members, whether official or belonging to the employing or employed classes, are now working together for a common end, and that the world is going to benefit greatly by its labours. But as I have not been concerned I cannot speak, as I am able to speak with regard to the Council and Assembly, with personal experience, and the House must find some other channel of communication by which not the least important of the organisations brought into existence by the Treaty of Versailles may show them and the world what has been done. I am afraid the House will be relieved, but I have now finished my catalogue. If I am asked how I estimate the total results, I venture to think that that catalogue, necessarily imperfect—because I have dealt only with the bigger issues—has a very creditable output for eleven months of work. Part of it is, of course, due to the Council and part to the Assembly. If you say the greater part of the work has been due to the Council and but a few relatively unimportant things to the Assembly, I beg you to remember that, without the Assembly, the Council would lose half its virtue. It is because the Council have for their colleagues, for their co-operators, in this great international work the Assembly, where representatives of all nations of the world may come, and where, as a matter of fact, representatives of 48 will come in the future—it is because they have that great body to work with that their work gains so much in strength and in efficiency.
I do not think, if I may say so, that even that adequately describes the value of the Assembly, for, if any Members who have listened to me had been at Geneva, they would have been profoundly impressed by the spectacle of co-operation there presented, which had an effect far beyond anything which could be measured by the actual output of good resolutions or effective international propositions. There all the nations met. Remember what our procedure was on big questions, or groups of questions. These were sent to what we called a Commission, and on all these Commissions every nation was represented, so that, in other words, one-third of the Assembly sat on each of these Commissions, or, at any rate, the representatives of one-third. Every nation was represented on a big Commission. They had, of course, to delegate their work in many cases, in almost all cases, to sub-Commissions chosen from among their own number, and by that process the whole world which belongs to the League of Nations, and the members of the League, were brought into the closest contact on every question which came before the Assembly. If, in addition to that, you remember the social intercourse that took place between men of all creeds, all nations, and all races, picked men, men who could understand, and did understand, each other, who never before had had an opportunity of exchanging ideas by direct personal intercourse, if you represent to yourself what that means in the organisation of world opinion, I think you will not be inclined to under-estimate the more subtle effect of bringing together, once a year, these representatives of widely scattered and far separated races. Taking all these things together, I am more than ever convinced that the experiment we have begun is an experiment we never can afford to drop. The League of Nations may be, and will be, modified. The pact may be changed, and will be changed, but that you can ever consent to go back to the international disorganisation which preceded, the League of Nations, that you can ever give up carrying out tasks which only the League of Nations can carry out, that you will consent to that willingly, that civilisation will submit to retrace one of the greatest steps ever taken, that, I frankly admit, seems to me absolutely incredible.
I am certain the House will agree with me in saying that we are all indebted to the right hon. Gentleman for having packed, in so short a time, so much useful and valuable information as we have had in the speech to which the House has just listened. I share the view that at least some few of the decisions of the Assembly at Geneva were very disappointing and fell far short of the hopes which had been raised by great advocates of the League of Nations in different countries. I agree this project is in itself so tremendous, so fraught with the possibilities of beneficent results for the future of mankind, that we ought not to carp at this early stage of the growth of the League of Nations. Some expected it would assume the shape of perfection in a very short time. If we can help it towards perfection that is as much as we can do. The question is, Are the different Governments which as yet are included within the League of Nations doing their best to make this machinery for international peace work in the most perfect way? There is, for instance, the personnel of the representatives of the various countries. No one of the right hon. Gentlemen who represented the Government at Geneva will, I hope, suspect me of thinking that any one of them was unsuited for this particular duty. But I would like to see representatives included in future in the British delegation who are not actually within the personnel of the British Government, and I want to put the view that at this and similar assemblies in the future the delegation must not merely represent the Government. As I understand it, they are there, not to represent a party or Cabinet, but they are there to command the confidence of the country, and they must go there as representing the policy of the country and not of either any party or Cabinet.
I should like, for instance, to have seen one of the most active advocates of this plan of the League of Nations, namely, the Noble Lord the Member for the Hitchin Division (Lord R. Cecil) included within the personnel of our representation. It would have been of far more credit to this country to have sent such a man direct to represent the spirit of the League of Nations than that he should have been asked to attend there as representing one of our Colonies. I suggest to, the Prime Minister it is worth while to consider whether this Government—the first of all Governments which has to deal with the machinery of the League—cannot enlarge the future representation of this country so as to make it a delegation of the country and not of either a party or a Cabinet. I think that the Assembly has gone a considerable distance in enlarging the representative character of the League of Nations, and thereby increasing the confidence in which the peoples of the world must hold it. They have admitted many new members. I think the right hon. Gentleman himself will agree that until at least two great nations of the world are admitted and brought within the League it cannot be said that the League is a complete instrument for the preservation of the peace of the future. The policy of the League and of the Governments associated with it should be a policy of making it as easy as possible for all to came in, whether they are regarded as former enemy States or not. Some progress, however, has been made, and I find no further fault with the conduct of the Assembly under that head.
With regard to the Labour Bureau of the League of Nations, it is true that, as has been said, it is a body detached from the League of Nations itself, but, as the Prime Minister will remember, in Washington nearly twelve months ago certain matters were settled which were of very great importance from the economic and industrial standpoint, and among them was a decision affecting the conditions of employment relating to expectant mothers. We have asked questions in this House as to when the Government is going to give effect to the decisions which were then reached in Washington under that head, but I understand that, so far, the Prime Minister has not been able to go further than announcing that the matter is under consideration. If anyone is to speak for the Government later in this Debate, I should like to have definite answer to this question: Is it not a fact that, if legislative action be not taken before the 26th January, this Government will have failed to comply with the decisions reached at Washing- ton in regard to the conditions of employment for expectant mothers? I think that the question is sufficiently important to deserve an answer, and that we ought to be told whether it is a financial or some other consideration that, so far, has prevented the Government from giving effect to what was decided at Washington.
The right hon. Gentleman has sufficiently impressed upon the House the enormous value of a League of Nations in relation to trade and economic conditions the world over. I feel certain that the trading community, the financial and banking community, and, indeed, all of us who are interested in the progress and improvement of industrial life, can find no better guarantee for improvement in those directions than can be given by an effective, working League of Nations, that will operate in improving the conditions of the world at large. This is not an occasion on which, in detail, the various points touched upon by the right hon. Gentleman can be exhaustively examined. While I do not blame the Government for it, I think it is a pity that we are obliged at this time, at the end of the Session, just to have to touch this theme and leave it. It is, perhaps, the fault of no Government in particular, but merely the accident that the Assembly has only just now concluded its labours, and that we have received this Report in this manner. I should like to ask what the Government has in mind with regard to submitting to Members of the House, in some form, a trustworthy and more or less complete account of the conduct and decision of the League. Reports have been published in the newspapers—
We hope that everything will be published. It is very long, but everything will be placed at the disposal of hon. Members, by Mr. Speaker's leave, in the Library.
So far we have had to trust more or less to newspaper reports, and, as we have seen, the reports have been very uneven, and, indeed, very conflicting. What I have in mind is that there should be submitted to this House, as a Government document, a report with responsibility and authority behind it, in order that we might have before us some reliable official record that can be taken as representing the truth of what, in the main, has been said and done on behalf of our Government at this Assembly. We do not, of course, want a full record of every word; that would be too bulky even for Members of this House to master. Having got this record, we ought to have the opportunity, on some future occasion, of more fully examining in detail many of the matters of high importance that will be found in a report of that kind. I share keenly the disappointment expressed, very briefly, by the right hon. Gentleman as to what was done at the meeting of the Assembly on the great question of disarmament. Here, again, I am not criticising this Government. I recognise that disarmament in the world at large is impossible so long as various countries may, or are obliged to, follow any one bad example. All the countries which count in this matter of armament must agree on some common plan, if all countries are to be liberated from the pressure and the waste that we have suffered in the past on account of armaments. Therefore, we should do our best to go abreast of other countries so far as we can to give a lead to other countries; and, while in no way placing ourselves in a condition of danger, to create that spirit of peace which will bring all the leading countries of the world that really count in this matter to one common policy, so that disarmament may take place on an extensive scale, if not completely, at one time. To this end I should like to see a more enthusiastic advocacy on our part of the impossibility of private or financial interests in any way inspiring or dominating supplies of armaments in any one country. Clearly, the records which are now public show that, before the Great War began, there were financial interests that did not scruple to investigate differences and to maintain and create a war spirit, a spirit of rivalry and jealousy, for no other purpose than that of making huge fortunes out of the forging of armaments in different countries.
We ought to eliminate any possibility of trade or financial interest from the manufacture of armaments, and, so far as they have to be manufactured, to place the responsibility solely upon the Governments in different countries. The world is too exhausted at this moment for us, unless it be that countries are to be driven by forces of even greater folly, to fear any recurrence of a world war during the next few years. I doubt whether it is physically possible for countries very soon to enter into anything like a world war again. The great thing, however, is to provide against it in the interest of future generations, and, incidentally, by that very provision, to bring to ourselves the gains of a return of trade and of a confidence, the absence of which, even now, has a great deal to do with existing conditions regarding employment the whole world over. Unemployment and distress are not merely the lot of countries that were belligerents in the Great War. Some of the lesser neutral countries, far removed geographically from the scene of War itself, are suffering bitterly to-day under conditions due to unemployment and dislocation of trade. There is a world-wide interest, to be shared equally by all nations, in making provision against war in the future. I have only to say, to those who may doubt the probability or the possibility of the success of this method, that they have no right to speak of its failure before it has been tried. Every other method has been tried and failed. The ordinary arts of diplomacy, the standard of isolation upon which some nations rest for their security, the binding together of different nations in different groups in the belief that, if power were balanced, they would be shielded against the prospects of war—these and many other methods have been tried and have failed. The Great War was the greatest proof of their failure. After it we are entitled to say that, although this idea of the League of Nations does not express a new aspiration of mankind—for mankind's aspiration, in the main, has always been for peace—yet it does provide a new method which has never been tried on a scale of this kind throughout the world.
7.0 P.M.
I should like now to say one or two sentences on what I would call the attitude of labour to the League. Much as I might criticise the Government of this or any other country for not doing certain things which I should like to see them do, we ought to be frank with ourselves and examine how far the powerful organisations of workers in different countries are assisting their Governments or their countries to make this League a certainty in the affairs of mankind for the future. Frankly, I say that in this country, as in others, what we call organised labour could have done more to create a public opinion in favour of the League of ations. There are those in the Labour world who say that capitalist Governments cannot be trusted to keep out of war; that, so long as you have Governments dominated by capitalist interests, you are bound to have war. My comment upon that belief is that, if it be true, there is all the greater need for making your peace machinery more perfect, so as to keep capitalist Governments under such conditions as will make peace more probable than if there were no peace machinery at all. If it be true that capitalist Governments make for war, there is all the greater reason why we should have a strong League of Nations, which will reduce the temptation and the tendency to warlike measures, and will, therefore, give us greater security in maintaining the peace of the world. I believe, also, that there are those who think that, if the Governments of the world were Labour Governments, there would be peace perpetually. I cannot share that optimism, for, whatever else we might change, we cannot change human nature. We can change its surroundings; we can improve its opportunities for doing good, and diminish the temptations to do wrong. But I suppose that human nature throughout the ages will remain what it has been in the past, and we must begin by recognising the facts of nationalism, the differences which different geographical and climatic conditions cause. All of us can resist anything except temptation, and the temptation to do wrong is ever with us. The better thing is to furnish ourselves with the very best provisions for bringing about tendencies to peace instead of tendencies to war. I doubt whether, if the world were governed by Labour Governments, there would be an absolute absence of any conditions of quarrel. Perhaps the very fact of those differences which already exist within the ranks of Labour itself is some proof of the fear which I am trying to express. I would, therefore, prefer to believe that, even if the world were governed by Labour Governments, there would still be the risk of quarrel, rather than to act on the contrary assumption and think that there never will be a difference between country and country at all. I am all the more anxious that Labour should play a more effective part in building up in this country a public opinion which will further strengthen and encourage this Government upon the path which it has undertaken. I would like before I sit down, if I may be allowed, to express—I think I can do it on behalf of organised labour in this country—our warmest congratulations to my right hon. Friend the Member for the Gorbals Division (Mr. G. Barnes) for the part he has played throughout the sittings of this Assembly. He has been true to his long and honourable record in the field of public service in this country, and he worthily represented the Labour movement, and indeed the larger movement at these meetings of the Assembly. Perhaps on that account I feel all the more entitled to press upon the Government the advisability of not narrowing the personnel of the representation by keeping it merely within the bounds of a Government delegation, but to make it so large as to make the country feel that they are the representatives of the nation, representing a national policy.
I did not intend to take part in this Debate, and in fact the exhaustive statement which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London has made in regard to the activities of the League during the past 11 months, and the Assembly, makes it unnecessary for me to supplement anything which he has said. But I would be less than human if I was not touched by the reference made by my right hon. Friend opposite (Mr. Clynes), and I rise to thank him very heartily for the references he has made. I claim no merit for what I did at Geneva nor for what I did at Paris last year. It was my fortune to be at the right place at the right time, to be selected for the honour of going to Paris and of going to Geneva, and of doing the right thing. That is the beginning and the end of it. But I should like to say one or two words with regard to the points raised by the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, and to associate myself with him in the proposition that it is very desirable that the Assembly should include in its members what I think he called non-Government delegates. Well, I think I may claim to be a non-Government delegate. It is true that only one vote can be cast for each country, but I believed before I went to Geneva, and I am confirmed in my opinion since, that the most important thing is not the casting of votes. The most important thing is the interchange of opinion, and what the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London called " the spectacle of co-operation." It is that which I think gives the Assembly its peculiar value as a deliberative assembly, voicing the best aspirations of mankind, and therefore it is important that, although one vote only may be cast, there should be some divergence of opinion on the part of the delegates. I am glad to think that the Government recognised that principle in sending me to Geneva, and I am further glad to say that I was treated at Geneva with the utmost kindness and even toleration by my colleagues, whom I had to oppose on more than one occasion. Therefore what the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Miles Platting has been pleading for has been to some extent carried out at Geneva. I hope it will be carried out still more in the future.
Might I put in a plea which did not occur to my right hon. Friend, but with which he will agree, and that is that we might with profit include as a delegate or as an adviser or in some capacity or other one woman in future delegations to the League of Nations. It happens there were three women actually at Geneva; I do not know whether they were delegates or emergency delegates or advisers. There were a great many members of the Assembly in addition to the actual delegates. I think other countries took advantage of the opportunity of sending advisers and emergency delegates more than we did, and it may be that these three ladies were there, not as original delegates, but as emergency delegates, or something of that kind. These ladies were Madam Wickstell from Sweden, Madam Banovic from Norway, and Madam Le Forchamer from Denmark. The latter two were with me on two of the Commissions, and I know took a useful and industrious part in those Commissions. One of them made a very eloquent speech in English on the floor in connection with one of these organisations, and it does seem to me we ought to have more women at the Assembly meetings of the League in future. If I were Prime Minister in September, which is a rather grotesque assumption, I should certainly avail myself of the services of women, many of whom could be mentioned—of one or two women who would do us credit at the Assembly next year, and who could serve the cause of peace and world unity quite as well as any mere man can do. I do hope that will be done in conjunction with the idea of my right hon. Friend of getting, as he called, non-Government representation.
He raised the point in regard to the Labour Bureau, and the carrying out of the Conventions at Washington. I am sure he did not intend to do so, but I think he rather overstated the obligations resting upon the Government in regard to the Conventions at Washington. First let me say, although it does not bear on the statement I have made, that the Government delegates at Washington did not vote for that particular Convention to which he has referred, and we did not vote for it for the reason, at all events as far as I am concerned, that I have had in my mind ever since the labour organisation was set up that we must not use the conferences of the labour organisation as an opportunity for blowing off hot air and passing pious resolutions, but that we should only pass Conventions which we reasonably expect to be adopted by the Governments concerned, not in the dim and distant future, but within the year. Therefore I have always taken a very conservative view of what the Conference ought to do It should do nothing that it may not reasonably expect the affiliated Governments to do within the following year. Otherwise, if it begins merely to pass pious resolutions, and they are not given effect to, the Conference will lose in moral prestige. That was the reason why I did not vote for the Convention to which allusion has been made. I do not mean to say for a moment that the Government should avoid what it is under an obligation to do by the Pact to which it has given its signature. But it is not under the obligation to carry out conventions, and I think that was the statement of my right hon. Friend. All it is expected to do is to submit the Convention, whatever it may be, if it has had the required two-thirds majority, and even although the Government may have been in the minority through its delegates, to its own competent authority. The competent authority in this country is the House of Commons, and therefore I join with my right hon. Friend in demanding from the Government not that it should pass the Convention, but we have a right to demand that the Convention should at all events be submitted to the House of Commons in order that the House of Commons may pass judgment upon it. I hope that may be done. Unfortunately, as far as one can see, it cannot now be done by the 26th January, but there are provisions in the Pact, so far as the labour organisation is concerned, for exceptional circumstances. We have made provisions for a good many things in the Labour Pact, and that amongst them, and therefore the Government are not compelled to submit the thing by the 26th January. They may plead exceptional circumstances, and then comply with the obligation if they submit it within six months thereafter. I hope that well within those six months this particular Convention will be submitted to this House, and this House given an opportunity of saying whether or not it is reasonable. If the Government are not going to carry it out, then I think we are further entitled to ask why they are not going to carry it out, and in what other way they propose to meet the difficulty raised by the Washington delegates who voted for that particular Convention.
Might I just say to my right hon. Friend opposite and my colleagues on the Benches opposite, that there are other conventions. There is the convention about the eight hours' day. That has not been carried out. One of the reasons why it has not been carried out is because it conflicts with an arrangement made by the Ministry of Transport on the one side and the railwaymen's union on the other, an arrangement with which we ought to have been made acquainted at Washington, but with which we were not made acquainted. I think the railwaymen might have brought themselves within the terms of the Washington Convention. I think that would have been a generous thing for them to do. Instead of that they have stuck to the arrangement made prior to the Washington Convention, by which I understand they are guaranteed a week's wages and a week's work between every two Sundays. It seems to me that the attitude they are now adopting is somewhat sectional, if not selfish. It amounts to this, they are not agreeable to the carrying out of the Washington Convention because they want additional pay for Sunday. Probably that is the reason why my right hon. Friends opposite have not pressed for the implementation of that particular Convention as I should have liked them to do. Some- thing was said about the Labour Bureau, and the right hon. Member for the City of London wound up his very interesting speech by expressing the hope that the House would be put in possession with the facts in connection with the Labour Bureau by some other means than were at his disposal. I do not know I can say a great deal more than he has already said. I was glad to learn from what he said that he is satisfied with what he saw at the Labour Bureau at Geneva. I believe they have settled down there in a businesslike way to do the work for which they were intended, that is to say, the Labour Bureau is intended to be the ears and eyes of labour throughout the world, to ascertain just where labour may be picked up and its conditions improved, and to submit subsequent proposals whereby labour can be improved, because it is of the utmost importance, not only from humanitarian considerations, but it is of the utmost importance, even as a competing nation, that those places with whom we have been in competition in times gone by should be improved as far as labour conditions are concerned, and thereby be put in a better position in regard to world competition. That is one of the main objects of the Labour Bureau, and I believe they are carrying out that part of their work with efficiency and commending themselves usefully to organised labour throughout the world. That was proved recently in the Conference of the labour unions held, I believe, in London while we were at Geneva, when the proposition to dissociate organised labour throughout the world from the Labour Bureau was defeated by I think about 20 to 2, or something like that proportion. Since then there has happened one thing which I think ought still further to commend the Labour Bureau to organised labour in connection with seamen's conditions. A Conference was held at Genoa last June. I think there have been too many conferences, because there is another danger to the labour organisation of conferences meeting too frequently and, therefore, putting projects before the affiliated Governments in excess of what the affiliated Governments can do or are likely to do.
A conference was held at Genoa in connection with the conditions of labour of seamen, and at that conference they practically failed to come to any agreement at all, and as a consequence there was very excited feeling on the part of the seamen throughout the world, threats of a universal strike, and so on. I do not know that a universal strike would have come off in any case, because the seamen are not so well organised as to bring about such a strike, but there might have been sporadic strikes. There might have been a great deal of loss and a great deal of delay which would have made unemployment throughout the world even more acute than it is. The Labour Bureau through the instrumentality of its energetic and able director, M. Thomas, and Mr. Butler, who had been a British Civil Servant and was able to conduct the work in the office of Genoa, got in touch with the seamen on the one hand and the shipowners on the other. They got them to come together, and at this moment they are under obligations, both sides, to meet again at Brussels, I think, next month, with a view to coming to some arrangement, and it is not to much to say that by that action alone the Labour Bureau has saved the countries of the world, including our own as the chief maritime country, many millions of money. When I come in contact sometimes with cheese-paring criticism of this, that and the other in connection with the Labour Office, and even with the League of Nations as a whole, I think on the other hand of these things which have already been done by the Labour Organisation to save money and to save life, and I lose patience. I think what a strange lack of sense of proportion some people have. Here is the League of Nations spending £1,050,000 this year, and our own military expenditure is going to be about £164,000,000, or something like that. Just compare £1,000,000 on the one hand, and the promise of a great world-wide peace organisation, an organisation that has already brought the representatives of 42 nations of the world together, which has, I think, already done a great work, and which has within it the potentialities of a great deal more—think of that on the one hand, and these immense budgets of all the nations on the other. Then, I think, we may congratulate ourselves that we have set on foot that great agency which I believe is destined to play such a great part in the future history of the world.
My right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council referred to my having expressed dissatisfaction with the reports brought in by the President of the Board of Education in regard to armaments. I can quite understand the difficulty that confronted the Commission on armaments. There are certain countries now outside the League of Nations. There is a lack of knowledge as to what their intentions are, and there is on the part of some even a suspicion that they are spending a great deal and intending to spend a great deal more in armaments, and therefore we cannot afford but to follow in their wake. I think the League of Nations, if it is going to commend itself to the peoples of the world, must be disposed to take some little risk, and after all the League of Nations now embraces 48 nations and it ought to be disposed to show a good example to those who are still outside, and therefore I think it would have been better if the Commission had shown a little more pluck and a little less prudence. The world is willing to follow a courageous lead if it is given by the League of Nations. I believe the common people throughout the world—I do not know what the mind of Governments and Chancellors may be, but I feel sure that organised labour and working people generally look forward to the League of Nations doing something to lighten this terrible burden which has been upon the shoulders of industry for so long. I join in my right hon. Friend's criticism in regard to armaments in the past being built up and very largely arising out of selfish interests. It is unfortunately the fact that many people interested in the construction of armaments in this and other countries sometimes were not too careful in regard to international jealousy, and I am afraid sometimes were even guilty of promoting international jealousy so that the demand for armaments should increase. It is sad to think that but it is true. We had proof of it before the War began. That has seized the mind of the average man and woman throughout the world. They are not going to have a repetition of that, and I believe any League of Nations Council or Assembly that takes action such as to limit armaments in the future will have the whole-hearted backing of the people behind them. There is only one way by which you can get armaments and that is by spending money on them. Let the nations of the world as quickly as possible agree to spend less money on them. I believe that is the way out and I hope and trust in the near future the Council of the League of Nations will devise some scheme, and propose it to some future Assembly, whereby the nations inside the League of Nations will be pledged to a simultaneous reduction of the spending of money in armaments and it is only when we get to that stage that we shall begin to meet the just aspirations of mankind to spend less money on the implements of war.
As I listened to the speech of my right hon. Friend (Mr. Balfour) I felt that with his usual modesty he somewhat minimised the gigantic importance of the work which he had been undertaking for the last 11 months on behalf of His Majesty's Government in connection with the League of Nations. There has been in his great career no greater work for this country and for humanity than the work which he and his colleagues have been doing. I thought I detected a slight tendency in his speech to regard the meetings of the Council as of more importance than the recent meetings of the Assembly.
Oh, no!
I hope he did not intend to convey that. He used the word " important " about the Council, and said the Council was the important organ of the League. I cannot help thinking that this meeting of the Assembly has been far and away more important really in the long run than all the meetings of the Council put together, because the meeting of the Assembly was a test. If it had not been the success that it has been the League of Nations would not be able to go forward and make progress. It seems to me he has now returned from a turning-point in human history, from an occasion which has been the first great experiment in international co-operation on a large scale. The meeting of the Assembly at Geneva, to my mind, is the most transcendentally important event that has happened since the conclusion of the War, because it is there that you will have put to the test the possibility of nations which recently have been fighting summoning to their future Councils at any rate two of the ex-enemy States, and of bringing in yet further members to their counsels, not merely to consider all the things which ought to be considered year in and year out to make for the steady, united progress of humanity in the economic, in the social, and in the Labour spheres, but all really there to seek to work out the problem of how the nations are to avoid, wars, because if the League of Nations is ultimately to agree to what we all hope it will agree to, it has to be a really effective weapon for doing away with the causes which have underlain the past wars of history.
I must urge upon the Government not to show any parsimony in refusing the fullest possible publicity to the documents and the decisions of the League. I am perfectly satisfied that the people of this country will not be satisfied with copies put in the library of the House of Commons. I am quite satisfied that there are millions of people who are anxious to know what the League of Nations is attempting and what it has accomplished and it is most essential, not that we should have large, bulky and expensive documents, but that we should have the decisions and the recommendations of the Assembly and of the various meetings of the Council put in a simple and short manner, not merely in the Press of the country, but also in the form of Parliamentary Papers and of documents which can be distributed by a body such as the League of Nations. In this particular I want to come to a definite point. The right hon. Gentleman whetted my appetite for information at every turn. He spoke, for instance, on a subject which, to my mind, though it appears small, is of vital importance to the future peace of the world, namely, the proper carrying out of the mandatory article of the Covenant of the League. I understand that on the last day of the Assembly a Report was received of Commission No. 6 and that they recommended the Council of the League to take certain points into immediate and definite consideration in this matter. I deplore the delay in publishing these mandates and the very first point which the Commission of the Assembly of the League advocated was publicity of the draft mandates in all cases before they were irrevocably and unalterably decided by the Council, and I hope the Council will give effect to that. Secondly, they urged the Council of the League to take into consideration the draft which they had before them in regard to the African Mandate, and I hope the Council of the League will take that into consideration, and will be able to make its provisions the foundation of the Mandates that will finally come into force. In this connection India was represented at the Assembly. India is an original member of the Assembly of the League, and I do earnestly hope that we shall not see in ex-German East Africa the same treatment of Indians that is now going on in British East Africa. India sent troops to British East Africa and helped to deliver that country, and unless India is given an equal chance with other non-natives, and given a fair show in that country, I think it will be a serious embarrassment to the British Government and to the Government of India. I hope that in the Mandate for East Africa the attitude that has been recently adopted by the British Colonial Office in regard to Indians in British East Africa will not be followed.
I also wish to know whether there will be in this country a definite Department in the Foreign Office similar to the Department that has been established by the Italian Government. At the present time I understand there is no League of Nations Department at the Foreign Office. I think that is a great mistake. The other day this House pressed for the publication of Sir Eric Drummond's Report of the working of the Council, and we understood the Foreign Office were most anxious for its publication; but the matter had to be referred, first to one Department and then another, and finally to the Cabinet Secretariat. I am sure that this House will not be able to fulfil its proper functions in connection with the progress, the interests and the furtherance of the League of Nations unless there is a proper League of Nations Department in the Foreign Office, from which we can obtain information as to the decisions and recommendations of the various commissions, and the various functions associated with the League of Nations as they arise from time to time I urge the Government to set up such a Department out of the existing staff at the Foreign Office at the earliest possible moment.
I wish to say a few words about the Brussels Economic Conference. I do wish that the Assembly of the League of Nations at its recent meeting at Geneva could have done a little more to bring prominently to the attention of mankind the recommendations of the Brussels Conference and to pursue the matter further. I am quite certain that unemployment in this country, and the general distress of many nations of the world, is owing to the fact that the machinery of the League of Nations has not been sufficiently utilised towards the economic reconstruction of Europe. Until we have peace, until we have a prospect of peace in Europe, and a certainty of peace, it is difficult to get international co-operation in the economic sphere; but I do think, even if it is only in our own interests as the great exporting manufacturing country of the world, the British Government and the British representatives on the League of Nations and on the Council should take every possible step to use the machinery of the League of Nations for the economic reconstruction of Europe, and to get out of the present awful tangle. The exchange tangle and other tangles are only symptomatic, and only the effects and not the cause of the difficulties which face the resumption of trade between diffierent countries in Europe. It is not easy, but I do hope that at the forthcoming meeting of the Council of the League not only the Lord President of the Council, who so ably represents the Government in the political sphere, will be at that meeting, but that he will take with him the President of the Board of Trade and the officers of State who are so definitely concerned with this question of the resumption of the economic life of Europe. A great deal more could be done by publicity. There is not nearly enough publicity regarding the proposals of the Brussels Financial Conference. If the whole force that is behind the League of Nations, and if all its organs will concentrate on bringing home to the nations of the world the absolute necessity of resuming more normal and more progressive economic development, it will be a good thing.
I will conclude with a reference to the relations of the League and the situation in the Near and Middle East. It is most unfortunate that, owing to technical failures, no representatives of the Arabs were invited to be original members of the League. It is most unfortunate that the Mandates have not been finally settled in regard to Syria and Palestine. As I read the Covenant of the League of Nations it seems to me that the League have to take into cognisance everything that is likely to threaten war, and if there is one part of the world more than another where war still threatens it is in the Near and Middle East. After all, it is not so much the actual functionings of the League, the administrative functionings, that are of such value, but it is the general volume of world opinion that you get through the Assembly; the attention which all the American States have had to pay necessarily to a meeting such as that which took place at Geneva. We want the attention of the whole world focussed upon the danger points in the Near East, and I hope that it will not merely be left to the now, I hope, defunct Supreme Council to try to clear up the mess in the Middle East, for which they are partly responsible. Nothing could be more unsatisfactory than the present state of uncertainty as to what is going to happen in Turkey. How long are we going on with two Turkeys? How long are we going on with the French Prime Minister stating before the Senate Commission that the Treaty of Sevres must be modified, and it is not modified? How long are we going, to hear of fresh Armenian massacres and no real effective guarantees being obtained for the protection of the racial and religious minorities in Eastern Turkey? It is not merely a question of Armenia, and of admitting Armenia, or of recognising an Armenian Government, but it is a question of getting such a united Turkey that the minority clauses of the Treaty of Sevres, or something like them if it is to be modified, will be ratified. Those clauses laid down a specific guardianship of the racial and religious minorities. One wants to see some better means than have as yet been devised of securing the protection which these minorities deserve.
I look forward to the day when more and more the Assembly of the League of Nations and the Council of the League of Nations will be perpetually functioning, so that they can bring before the conscience of mankind the various questions which hitherto have been dealt with by the Chancellories and by secret diplomacy. I am certain that we can go a great deal further than we have done, if we are to establish stable and peaceful conditions in the world, in utilising the machinery of the League of Nations, and especially the Assembly, for the discussion and the open- ing up of the big questions of policy which are the underlying causes of war. The Prime Minister this afternoon, speaking in another part of this Palace, on this subject, said that there would have been no war in 1914 had there been something in the nature of the Assembly which has recently met at Geneva sitting from time to time for some years before the War. I believe that the War could have been avoided if such machinery had been in existence; but it could only have been avoided if the Assembly was prepared to deal with delicate and big questions of policy, and not leave these questions merely to be dealt with by the old-fashioned method of pre-War diplomacy. Our delegates on the League of Nations showed great wisdom in not attempting to run before the League could walk. I know many of its enemies in this country, and there are enemies in this country—
And in this House.
Yes, and in this House. The Member for East Nottingham (Sir J. D. Rees), who, I regret to say, has left the House, has never pretended to be anything else but an enemy of the League, an honest and open enemy. I am certain that a certain number of its enemies in this country and in other countries hoped that this first meeting of the Assembly would attempt too much. They hoped that it would break itself by attempting too much. Let us be thankful that it has avoided that error, that it has achieved what it has achieved, and that that achievement is substantial. One thing, and one thing only, is wanted, and that is the bringing home of that achievement, and the bringing home of the promise and the hope which that achievement encourages us to entertain, the public opinion throughout the world. The present weakness of the League is that these things happen in Geneva, or sometimes in one European country and sometimes in another. I often feel sympathy for the Lord President of the Council when he has to decamp from one hotel to another in different parts of Europe; and as the League moves round what is wanted is that all Parliaments in all countries and the public throughout the world should be made familiar with its decisions, its debates, and the recommendations that are made. There is not enough publicity. If the League of Nations is to go forward and realise the hopes of the hearts of mankind, this Government and the other Governments will have to do a great deal more than they have done in the past to encourage publicity.
The information give to us this afternoon by the Lord President of the Council is not only interesting and instructive, but reassuring to some of us who believe in the absolute need for the League of Nations. I have only risen to refer to three points in the right hon. Gentleman's speech, and to ask for a little more information about them. The right hon. Gentleman stated, in reference to the tribunal as suggested from the Hague, that submission to it should be obligatory, but that at the Assembly at Geneva it was agreed that it should be voluntary and only obligatory on such countries as subscribe. If I recollect, the Honourable Elihu Root, one of the greatest lawyers of the day, was one of those at the Hague who framed the suggested constitution.
indicated assent.
I would ask whether if this tribunal is set up, and if only a certain, number of nations belonging to the League subscribe to the obligatory part, are the judges to be chosen only from the nations which subscribe or from all the nations that belong to the League?
The mode of election will not be altered.
Then the right hon. Gentleman referred to the Ter Meulen scheme for the reconstruction of credit in certain countries to enable trade to be carried on. I would like to know whether that scheme is accepted as a basis, or whether anything is being done in the countries by which the system is likely to be adopted to make the trading certificates or bonds based for security upon State lands or unliquid securities legal tender, and arrange that all exports from the country can be paid with those certificates or bonds. By establishing clearing houses, under the League of Nations in those countries, trading bonds issued for payment of imports could again be used as tender to pay for the exports, and if the imports exceed the exports, the only trading bonds exported would be the difference in value between the imports and exports. Then the right hon. Gentleman stated that he was disappointed on the question of disarmament. Have any steps been taken by the members of the League of Nations to submit to the Secretariat of the League full information as to armaments in existence and the armaments in view, and also whether anything is being done by which private firms manufacturing armaments will have to get permits from their own Government to enable them to manufacture, so that a Government of a country may know exactly what armaments are being made, not only by themselves, but by any private firms in their country. Before sitting down, may I say that I am one of those who are heartily glad that we have been represented at Geneva by the President of the Council.
I am one of those who regard the League of Nations as the greatest political object to which the mind of man can devote its energy. I join in the congratulations of the right hon. Gentleman for his intervention in the Debate. All of us who regard the League of Nations in the way I have described are grateful to him for the speech which he has delivered, and his concluding words have given me the greatest hope that I have received for a long time past. That the right hon. Gentleman, with his experience of affairs and his long devotion to public life, after taking such an active part in the Assembly as well as in the Council, concluded by saying that he personally is convinced the League of Nations has not only come, but has come to stay, and is going to be a great force in the interests of the peace of the world is an assurance which, coming from him, will help many of us throughout the country in helping forward this great work. But I would ask for a little more assurance on one point, a point on which he indicated that all of us who are interested in the League would be disappointed. That is the question of disarmament. I did not quite follow what the right hon. Gentleman said, and what those of us who are interested in the subject when we have the opportunity of addressing people in the country would like to know, is what actually has been done in the Assembly in reference to this vital question of disarmament. To me that is the test of the whole procedure. If you maintain in this and other lands these bloated armaments at great expense I have no confidence in the real effect of the League. I hope devoutly, therefore, that the right hon. Gentleman may even yet be able to give us some assurance as to what his expectations in the future are in this direction. I did not gather what really had been done in the matter, and if he would not mind indicating a little more fully what had been done, and what are his hopes in this respect I should be very grateful to him.
Perhaps my hon. Friend will allow me to reply to the question which was addressed to the right hon. Gentleman. I rise because as Chairman of the Sub-committee which was appointed to deal with the question of disarmament, I have some special knowledge of the proceedings in this matter. I think it altogether unjust to under-rate the importance of the work which was done in this regard by the Assembly. One or two preliminary considerations have to be taken into account. Under the terms of the pact the Council is armed with a commission upon whose advice the Council is expected to act in approaching the different members of the League with respect to schemes of disarmament. That commission at present consists of 24 members, three representatives for each of the States represented upon the Council, and those 24 members have only quite recently taken up their quarters at Geneva and attacked the problem in a continuous and systematic manner. In fact the commission had been at work, I think, only about a fortnight when the Assembly met at Geneva. Consequently it seemed to the members of the Sub-committee who were appointed to make representations on the question of disarmament that it would have been a work of supererogation to anticipate the result of the labours, and our first task was at the close of the evidence from the military commission to examine the recommendations of the military commission and to make such recommendations as seemed fit with the view of rendering their work more effective.
My hon. Friend asked whether any steps had already been taken with a view of approaching the members of the League in this matter. We ascertained that the military commission had already prepared a questionnaire which is to be submitted to the Council, and if approved by the Council will be circulated among the members of the League. I have had an opportunity of seeing that questionnaire, which is a searching inquiry into the nature of armaments in the different countries, but until replies to that questionnaire have been received, obviously it is impossible to take any definite steps. The Commission examined the composition of this military commission. We came to the conclusion that it possesses two virtues. First, it is undoubtedly a commission of very distinguished military and naval officers which will put the Council in possession of the best military opinion upon the problems with which it has to deal. Second, the members who serve upon this commission are representatives of their respective Governments, and they speak with the responsibility attaching to that circumstance, and in consequence the Council has the advantage of a body of men who would be able to keep in close contact with the best and most responsible military opinion in the different nations of the League. But it seemed to the Committee that this is not enough. It seemed to us that many problems would arise upon which opinion or advice of a purely military body was not adequate to the occasion. There are economic, political and social aspects of the problem of disarmament in respect to which civil advice is necessary, and consequently the Commission unanimously recommended to the Assembly and the Assembly adopted the recommendation, that in addition to the military commission the Council should from time to time, when it seemed good to them, invite a special committee of civilians to give such counsel as might be thought necessary upon the non-military aspect of the problem of disarmament.
8.0 P.M.
For instance, the question has been raised by my right hon. Friend (Mr. Barnes) as to whether the most practical step towards disarmament would not be a simultaneous and proportionate reduction in military expenditure. Obviously, that is a fiscal problem, and if that avenue is the avenue which will lead to success, the Council must have views with respect to methods by which different countries treat their accounts. Then there is the question of the private manufacture of armaments. Under the 8th Article of the Covenant there is a very significant and important paragraph dealing with that subject, and it is clear that the minds of the framers of that were powerfully impressed with the evils which are incident to the private manufacture of arms, and so far as I could ascertain that feeling was very widely prevalent in the Assembly which met at Geneva. But the sub-committee which had to deal with this question had only a limited time at its disposal. It was unable to take decisive action, and we came to the conclusion that we were not in a position to advise the Council upon a point of great perplexity. But we came to the conclusion that it was a point which might very properly be submitted to the military and civil commission which will have the duty of advising the Council upon the whole question of disarmament, and that was our recommendation to the Assembly. We may expect in the course of next year that a report, drafted after careful inquiry, will be submitted to the Council upon this most important matter. But that is not all. Among the Amendments which are likely to be submitted to the Council in the course of the year, there will be, probably, an Amendment dealing with the very important and very delicate subject of the method of verifying the state of armaments in different countries. I say that is a delicate subject, because there is no matter upon which the sensitiveness of the different nations is more easily aroused than upon the subject of an external inquiry into the state of their armaments. But it is quite possible that some such system may be recommended, and we have suggested to the Military Commission that they should inquire as to how far such a system is practicable, and, if it is practicable, what is the best method of carrying it out. We may accordingly expect a report on that subject to be submitted in the course of next year. Now I come to the last recommendation of the Armaments Committee. I think most of the Committee were of opinion that the most hopeful way of tackling the problem was by a simultaneous and proportionate reduction of armaments, although they were perfectly well aware of the difficulties in the way. But they came to the conclusion that, short of that, it might be possible to obtain an universal arrest of armaments, and accordingly a resolution was submitted to the Assembly inviting the Council of the League to submit to the different Governments, who are members of the League, a plan to the following effect. The members of the League are to be asked whether they could enter into an undertaking not to increase their military and naval expenditure for a period of two years, over and above the level of the military and naval expenditure in the next Budget, subject to two reservations. First of all it was subject to the possibility of the nation being called upon to undertake some military enterprise at the invitation of the Council of the League, and, secondly, subject to exceptional circumstances notified as such, to the Council of the League. That was an important reservation. If adopted it would undoubtedly create a great additional sense of security throughout the world. As my right hon. Friend pointed out, it was not passed without some opposition, but I think I am right in saying that thirty-four States voted for this resolution, without, of course, committing their respective Governments. They voted for it as a plan which seemed to be practicable and eminently suited for submission by the Council to the various members of the League, and I hope I am not too sanguine in expressing the hope that sooner or later this plan will be submitted to the members of the League. I think it would have been impossible to do more, the circumstances being what they were, at the meeting at Geneva. The Report of the Commission to the Assembly was unanimously adopted by the Commission in spite of the great variety of nations upon it, and that I regard as a great augury of goodwill and confidence. Do not let us belittle what was done in the matter of disarmament. Remember, first of all, the great Powers, possessed of great potential if not actual military strength, which stand outside. Remember, also, the short period during which the Military Commission has been at work, and I think it will be felt the League could not have found a more practical or more definite or more important way of manifesting its interest in this great problem than it actually did on this occasion. My hon. Friend (Sir A. Shirley Benn) raised a question with respect to the Tourmalian scheme, so-called, which was first of all promulgated in Brussels, and which has since been adopted by the Council of the League. I am afraid that I am not in a position to answer the questions which he addressed to me. Though the scheme has been adopted, there are many aspects of it still to be considered. It was only adopted ten days ago, and, therefore, I think I must confess my inability to answer the questions.
Russia (Trade Agreement)
Like the others who have followed the Lord President of the Council, I desire to express my indebtedness to him, to the Minister for Education and the Member for the Gorbals (Mr. G. Barnes), for the report they have given us of the work of the first Conference of the League of Nations. I am certain every one of us feels grateful to them for the message of hope contained in the report of these three Gentlemen, and I am also convinced that when the country reads the report—these three hopeful reports—it will feel equally indebted to the three Gentlemen concerned. However, I did not rise for the purpose of continuing the Debate on the report of the Conference of the League of Nations. I rose, rather, for the purpose of asking the President of the Board of Trade if he is now in a position to report to the House and to the country the result of his negotiations for fixing up a trade agreement between this country and Russia. I hope he will be in a position to give us a satisfactory report. I fear the Government are not aware of the growing volume of dissatisfaction with the protracted negotiations, which have been going on since June last, that exists amongst business men, traders, and the working classes of this country. Only to-day the Labour party received a deputation from the London District Council of Unemployed Organisations who presented the following resolution: this House, and I have no doubt that some of his constituents were amongst those at the meeting at which this resolution, which is of rather a drastic character, was drawn up. The resolution deals broadly with the unemployed question, but, in a way, it also deals with our trading relations with other countries with a view to reducing the amount of unemployment. The resolution is as follows: Hunger, starvation and unemployment have been their lot for a very long period. Apart from the blockade, we have helped in some way every attempt that has been made to crush the present Russian government. It has been a regrettable policy. Only the other evening, in the course of a Debate on the Army Estimates, the Secretary of State for War expressed himself very freely as to his attitude to Soviet Russia.
All that we have accomplished by the action we have taken has been to consolidate the Russian people behind their Government. I do not believe that all the people of Russia are in agreement with their Government, but it was the most natural thing in the world that the people of Russia should stand solid behind the Government, no matter what form it took, in order to repel the attacks of outsiders like ourselves and others, who have done their best to upset the present Soviet system. If the Russian people are to have a chance of forming a stable Government, my advice to the President of the Board of Trade is to use all his power and influence in order to bring about a trading agreement at the earliest possible moment. I hold strongly that the people of any country have an inalienable right to fix the form of government they desire for their own land. Let us look at this question from the point of view of the trade lost through our action. In 1913 our imports from Russia amounted to £38,000,000. At present prices that represents a sum of nearly £100,000,000, which would have gone a long way towards reducing prices in this country. It would have had a considerable influence, also, on the cost of living in this country. In 1913 we sent to Russia goods worth £18,000,000. At present prices that would have represented exports worth over £50,000,000. These figures show the importance of renewing trade relations with the Russian people at the earliest possible moment, from the point of view of the cost of living, and as a means of finding a market for our goods, and so helping in the solution of the unemployment problem.
It is very difficult to get information as to what is going on between the British Government and the representatives of the Russian Government in this country, but from newspapers and other sources of information I gather that there are three difficulties regarding which negotiations have been taking place from June up to the present time. The President of the Board of Trade will be able to tell us whether the difficulties have yet been overcome. First, there is the question of propaganda. The British Government have been asking the Russian Government to guarantee that no attempts will be made to preach Bolshevist doctrines in this country, and I understand they have gone even further and have demanded that there should be no propaganda in a large part of Asia, including Persia, Afghanistan, Mesopotamia, and the Caucasus. If that is correct, that is enlarging our sphere of influence, and it is enlarging it in a way that I think the President of the Board of Trade will find it very difficult to justify, but I want to put it to him that it will be very difficult indeed for the Russian Government to give a complete guarantee regarding this question of propaganda. It would be quite easy, no doubt, for them to give effect to a condition of this kind if it was only made to apply to the members of the Mission, to their servants, and to others with them, but for them to give a complete guarantee that would embrace all Russians is carrying it rather too far, I think, and seeking to impose upon them an almost impossible condition. According to one of the reports that I hold in my hand, it would be almost as impossible for the Russian Government to give that guarantee as it would be for the British Government to give a certain guarantee that was suggested to them by Mr. Krassin, namely, to undertake to keep the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War quiet on this question. There, I think, common sense ought to intervene, and any arrangement should be on a basis that would be possible to be carried out between the two parties, and whatever guarantee is asked to be given by the members of the Russian Government, the same guarantee should be given on behalf of our Government to the Russians. That would be dealing with the matter in a perfectly understandable and a fair way.
The second point on which I understand difficulty has arisen is that it is demanded that goods already delivered and services rendered to Russia shall be paid for, but I would like to ask the President of the Board of Trade what that means Does it mean that any debt that has been in- curred by some private individual in Russia and has not been paid for will have to be paid for by the present Russian Government; does it mean that any debt that has been incurred for the delivery of goods and for service rendered to Denikin and to Koltchak will be chargeable to the present Russian Government; or does it mean that the debts incurred by the old Czarist Government are to be chargeable to the present Russian Government? These are important considerations, and they are questions to which I think the House is entitled to have a reply from the right hon. Gentleman. In addition to the questions as to the claims that we are to have against Russia, I would like to ask him if the members of His Majesty's Government are quite prepared to recognise that Russia may have some claims against us and that if these terms are to be considered, they are to be considered from both sides, that the claims of both sides are to have equal treatment and a correct balance struck after they have been properly gone into. I understand, according to some of the information that I have, that one of the chief difficulties in the way of fixing up a trading agreement is that some of the powerful financial interests in this country are laying it down that their claims should be met before a trading agreement is come to between His Majesty's Government and the Russian representatives. It is stated, so far as one financial corporation is concerned, that their claim is for at least £1,000,000, and I want to say to the President of the Board of Trade quite seriously that if this is one of the chief stumbling blocks in the way of entering into trading relationships with the people of Russia, the people of this country are not for a very long period of time going to permit our foreign policy to be dominated by financial interests such as this. Already, from what I have said and read in these resolutions to the right hon. Gentleman, I think he can see that the patience of our people is becoming pretty well exhausted regarding that matter.
The third point, on which I understand there is considerable difficulty, is that under the law it would be quite possible for British creditors of Russia to attach any cargo of goods or gold which might arrive in this country from Russia. Already we have had an indication of the danger from this point. There is a de- cision in law in one case—the judgment given in the " Sagor " case—which shows that this point is one of real danger, and one which requires still further consideration at the hands of His Majesty's Government, and in particular of the President of the Board of Trade, who, I understand, is responsible for conducting these negotiations regarding this trading agreement. What I want to point out is that unless some temporary arrangement is made for preventing a contingency of that kind, it will be impossible to do any trade with Russia. We need not expect that the Russians will go on trading with us if the goods or gold that they are prepared to send to this country are attachable by British creditors, and there will be no use in coming to a trading agreement if no trade can be done. I would ask the President of the Board of Trade if he has seriously considered all that is involved in this point, with a view to making some such temporary arrangement as declaring a moratorium for, say, a period of two years, in order to allow trading to take place between the two-countries, or until we are able to arrange a treaty of peace with the Russian people, a treaty of peace in which at least some of the debatable points can be dealt with effectively and in a permanent way. Unless you are prepared to give protection to Russia, you cannot expect to have any trading with her. The next point that I want to put to the right hon. Gentleman is that, as far as the information can be ascertained by the people of this country, other countries are entering into trading arrangements with Russia.
Governments or individuals?
Other countries. I cannot tell. It is possible that the President of the Board of Trade will be able to tell us. It is stated that already Germany has been able to enter into con tracts involving £20,000,000 with the Russian people. It is also stated quite broadly in this country that a certain representative of the American people was able to make very large contracts with the Russian people.
Do you believe it?
This I do know, that in more countries than Germany and America there is a very large volume of opinion in favour of trading with Russia, and even if the President of the Board of Trade was right in what I assume he means by his interjection that no trading had been done, we are within very close time of real business being done with Russia. I believe that the trade we could do with Russia in the immediate future would be even a larger trade, so far as our exports are concerned, than it was in 1913, because I think the Russian people are desperately in need of many things to supply their national requirements, and that there is a prospect of even a larger demand, so far as our export trade is concerned, than we had in 1913. I would further remind the right hon. Gentleman that the Prime Minister, speaking here last evening, told us that we required to do everything to stimulate trade with other nations in order to find the best way of relieving our unemployed problem. He said:
" We had a very remarkable interview, my right hon. Friend and I, with some leading business men in this country on this subject. They were only a small number of representative men—bankers, manufacturers, and men who represented various aspects of business—and we talked over the whole situation. There were, at least, two or three of them, very able men, men of exceptional ability, who were of opinion that it was possible to start some sort of credit insurance system that would enable us to do business with Central Europe and to give Central Europe time to pay. I am not going to say at the present moment whether that is feasible. If it is, it is undoubtedly a very hopeful project. It would be more helpful than any scheme for road making that we could possibly have, because it would start business again."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 21st December, 1920, Col. 1672, Vol. 136.]
I think that was a very wise observation on the part of the Prime Minister. I would point out to the President of the Board of Trade that there are some credits of their own on which they can do business with us. All that is required, according to the information we can get regarding the difficulties which have been discussed between our representatives and theirs, is that there will be some guarantee that these credits will not be attached when they come to this country. I hope we are going to have a statement from the President of the Board of Trade regarding this matter, and that it will be of a satisfactory character. I hope he will be able to tell us that at last he has concluded a trading arrangement with the Russian people. If he has not, then I want to say it is time that that trading agreement was arranged. There is a very large volume of opinion in this country in favour of it. The dissatisfaction regarding the delay is growing. The Government ought to meet the situation in the interest of our own people as well as the Russian people. We have just been discussing to-day steps that have been taken to secure the future peace of the world. In my opinion, one important step that can be takes with a view of bringing about the future peace of the world is to conclude, at the earliest possible moment, a trading agreement with the Russian people.
I am very glad my right hon. Friend has raised this question to-night, although I quite expected, from the promises made, that the Government would, at any rate, make a statement on the question of the negotiations that have been going on between them and the representatives of the Soviet Government. Last night we were discussing the question of unemployment, and the Prime Minister declared that perhaps the best remedy for unemployment was the encouragement of our export trade. He also declared that the question of road-making was merely a panacea for the moment, and he was very doubtful whether it was economical. Before this unemployed question became so prominent, the trade unions of this country, and let me say the manufacturers also, have been very busy in public and in approaching the Government with regard to something being done in the matter of this trade agreement. I cannot understand how it has taken so long, except that we tried to wedge into a purely economic document political issues that ought never to have been there. Had this matter been left to the Commission at Copenhagen, after they came to an agreement with regard to the release and repatriation of the prisoners of war and civilians, I think something would have been done of a character which at least would have met the views of the employers and the workpeople. For the first time in the history of the trade union movement in the Division which I represent, they have got down to practical propositions on this, question of Russia, and they have all sent the same resolution in a printed form. It has been discussed in every trade union branch of the great city of Leeds, and I have been flooded with resolutions of that character pointing out that there was going to be grave unemployment and the necessity for this trade agreement being signed. I think the discussion upon the trade agreement commenced somewhere about April of this year, and I cannot quite understand why a very eminent Gentleman like the President of the Board of Trade and others have been so long conferring upon the matter, especially having regard to the fact that this Government sent its original Note as a basis for any understanding with the Soviet Government on 3rd June and had a reply from Moscow on the 7th, in which the Soviet Government accepted every point that was submitted to the British Government.
The real trouble is that other matters have been sought to be inserted by this Government in the Agreement. I tell the Prime Minister that this country and the workpeople are becoming exasperated at this long spinning out of negotiations. When I received the resolutions to which I have referred, I wrote to the Prime Minister. I wrote a very mild letter. It was couched in language which was appealing. I received a reply to the effect that the matter was under consideration. But I also want to point out this; that there are firms in the West Riding area, anyhow, that now are upon the verge of bankruptcy. If this agreement had been signed, they would have kept their factories going; and other industries also would have been kept going. There are something like 60,000 workpeople in and about Leeds that would be affected if this trade agreement were signed, and they would not have been talking about, or suffering from, underemployment, nor would they be walking the streets without work. I understand the Soviet Government made it perfectly clear at the beginning what kind of goods they wanted, and how they were going to pay for them.
Leeds is a great engineering centre. Many engineers are out walking the streets, and receiving the unemployment dole. Those who are in work are working short-time. Russia needs the products of engineering works - railway engines, railway carriages, engine repairing plants, agricultural implements, and things of that character—and I venture to say that if these things had been arranged many men would have been kept busy. Take, again, the textile trades. The hon. Gentleman behind me (Mr. Myers) knows that Colne Valley is nearly closed down. Here is a great country like Russia requiring textiles, at all events woollens, and many manufacturers, who are possibly on the verge of bankruptcy, in Colne Valley believe that this would have been saved if matters had been properly arranged. Take, again, the boot and clothing industry in Leeds. Four months ago there was a tremendous open-air meeting of my constituents. Workmen from all parts of the city came to that meeting. I was asked what I was going to do in order to prevent this threatened underemployment, and the possibility of total unemployment, and it was intimated to me that much could be done if the Russian agreement was signed. The workmen know that there is a population of 130,000,000 of people in Russia that require clothing and boots, and in a very vital degree require agricultural implements and manufactures of various sorts, and they asked me if nothing could be done with the trade agreement.
Similarly, I have been approached by manufacturers; certainly by large individual firms, with a view to knowledge as to the possibility of getting orders from Russia. My experience has been that we were up against the practical fact that no trading agreement was signed and there was no security, that nothing could be done. The other day I ventured to put a question, and in it mentioned the fact that I knew something like £20,000,000 of orders had been lost to this country, and had gone to Germany. Only the other day I got word from a firm of makers of agricultural implements whose factory is near Ipswich. Their workmen are on the streets. They are begging their employers to see what they can do to get orders. I took the representative of this firm to M. Krassin. His reply to them was, " We want agricultural implements, and we will pay you for them, in gold at the market price, but your Government will not allow you to accept this method of payment; therefore that frustrates, so far, our object for the time being; but what we will do is that immediately we enter into a contract with you, and we have your bills of lading, you will get an intimation from the National Bank of Estonia that 25 per cent. of the total cost has been deposited in bar gold in the bank." He added: " I very much regret to say that I am very doubtful whether you can get any orders for goods, for whilst negotiations have been going on we have bought a large amount of agricultural implements from Germany, Czecho-Slovakia, and America."
Then again you have a town like Leeds, where the workpeople are walking the streets and receiving the unemploymnt dole—a place like Leeds with all her engine works which wants to supply Russia with agricultural implements, and nothing can be done. There is a friend of mine in West Riding of Yorkshire, a textile manufacturer. He has taken the risks, and relying upon the contract terms entered into between himself and the Russian Soviet Mission over here, has sent out his goods to Reval. The result of that and further orders is to keep in operation two factories at least in the Colne Valley. Perhaps I had better recite the trades and show the House how important it is that the matter should be attended to without delay. Transport motors—and it is common knowledge that, for instance, in connection with the Slough Depôt, the Russians were prepared to accept a lot of the motors there —I think something has been done, but very little. I repeat, agricultural implements, railway engines and trucks, railway lines, engine-repairing plant, excavating plant, textile and woollens and boots, in almost every single instance the difficulty that the traders and manufacturers are up against is that the Agreement is not signed.
Let us just consider the matter in another aspect. I suggest to the Government that in their negotiations with the Russians the latter were all along fearful that the goods they might send here even in the way of barter would be liable to attachment. It is quite evident that they were well-grounded in their fears, because the other day we had a case tried in the King's Bench concerning a shipment of plywood. As soon as this cargo came to this side a firm that was established in Russia in 1898—with a very German name, I regret to say—put the bailiffs on board. On coming into Court the judge said he had no alternative but to decide that this firm, established in Russia in 1898–1 suppose they cleared out because of the revolution and came over here—was entitled to claim the cargo as their property.
Because they owned it!
What about the man who bought the cargo? [An HON. MEMBER: "Stolen goods!"] Judgment was given in favour of this firm established in Russia in 1898, that was in the time of the Czar. Never let us overlook the fact, when discussing our relations with Russia, that there were two Governments in Russia before the Bolshevik Government, and because the Soviet Government take up their present attitude they are held to be responsible for a condition of things like that. I want to ask whether any country in the world can pay its debts by gold. What Russia itself ultimately will have to pay its debts with is not so much a matter of gold. Surely you are not going to cripple the resumption of commercial relations and prevent the reconstruction of Russian life, political, economic and social, by saying that the gold is stolen, and therefore it must be treated in the same way as private cargoes. Obviously you cannot resume commercial relations without there is a possibility of Russia paying.
9.0 P.M.
If you stopped Russia using this gold, which is mainly bar gold, for the purpose of paying for her vital needs in the way of engineering, and things of that character, why not be candid and say that you want to prevent the reconstruction of social life in Russia. Look at the other aspect of the question. The Russians have this bar gold with which to buy the vital needs to reconstruct Russian life, and they want it to be realised at the market price. It is true that gold can be imported here, but it cannot be re-exported, and therefore it cannot be sold here at the market price. If our manufactures were exported to Russia and paid for in gold, that gold would have to be realised at 75s. 9d. per ounce. If that gold is considered stolen gold, is the British Government going to act as the receivers of stolen property? I hope the Government will not take the part of being common fences. If you give a licence to import gold you should also give a licence to re-export gold. Unless you can save what happened the other day from being repeated, and do something in the matter of this gold, it is useless to talk about drafting a trade agreement with Russia that will be of any effective use at all. Since April the Government have been negotiating on these matters. I do not know what has happened, except what has appeared in the public press.
I understand that the first point standing in the way was the propaganda guarantee required by the British Government from Russia. Is the present Government prepared to give the same guarantee to the Russian Government? I think if we had the preamble read out here the House would declare that it was an impossible agreement, because no Government could guarantee that each member of a particular nation would not indulge in propaganda in another country. If the guarantee was given by Russia and some Russian attacked, say, the Established Church of England, that would be propaganda and the agreement would be broken. Moreover, I think the Russians are entitled to ask that you shall muzzle some of the anti-Bolshevist propaganda in this country. You want this guarantee from the Russian Government, but you will not give a similar guarantee to Russia in return. Then there is the area which you want to lay down in Asia Minor and other places.
I hope the Government will never be afraid of propaganda in this country. It might in the East perhaps have some damaging effect, but let them never muzzle even Bolshevik propaganda here, for I have sufficient faith in our own people to know that they will never accept it. It is contrary to our temperament and to our psychology. At Copenhagen, when I was casually talking this matter over, I pointed out how impossible it was to carry out such a system when seven-eighths of the world were opposed to it. I therefore am not worried about propaganda at all. I do not think the extremists in this country are really being egged on by Bolsheviks They are extremists because of the circumstances which obtain here. A little while ago they were called Syndicalists. I do not think they would ever accept Bolshevik rule. We may not want to see propaganda in Persia, and I agree it would be as well to keep it away from Afghanistan, which is on the road to India, but if you are going to impose obligations like that in a trade agreement then we may talk till the crack of doom, that agreement will never be signed.
There is another claim that the Soviet Government should make itself responsible for private debts. I venture to submit that that question was agreed to on 7th July of this year, when the Soviet Government accepted the conditions contained in the Note sent by the British Government in the previous month. But if you are to put into the agreement a provision that a man who lived in Russia in the time of the Tsar or during the Kerensky or any other Government should be allowed to charge to the Soviet Government all debt incurred during that time—if a vague thing of that sort is to be put into a trade agreement, then I submit it could not possibly be a business document. I understand there is a controversy between the British and Soviet Governments with regard to the period to be allowed for denouncing the agreement. The British Government suggest three or six months; the Soviet Government ask for twelve months. They want in fact time to be allowed for winding up affairs. There are other difficulties felt by our Government which to my mind could be easily got over. Of this I am sure, that there will not only be grave disappointment if this agreement is not signed. I was before the Minister of Labour the other night. I said to him, " You are going in for a system of arterial roads, schemes which at the outset will only employ 78,000 men. What you really want to do in connection with this unemployment problem is to get the Government to sign this trading agreement with Russia."
My final point is this: Do not let us include political issues in a trading agreement. If you want to discuss political issues let us have a separate conference for the purpose, a conference at which can be formulated terms of peace between ourselves and Russia. I do not know why we are at war with Russia. Ever since I came in contact with Soviet representatives I have known that they are longing for peace. Yet this country has supported the counter revolutions of Denikin, Koltchak, Wrangel and others, and all the time we have kept the blockade up. If the British Government are doubtful about the guarantee of the Soviet Government it always has its remedy. As was told me last January by a Russian, " If you will not accept our guarantee you have the remedy in your own hands." If the Soviet Government falsifies its promises not only will it be defamed before the world—hon. Members may laugh, but I know that the Soviet Government is anxious to let the world see that there are two sides to the question—not only will it be defamed before the world, but in two days we could put the blockade on again; further, if there is a broken agreement Russia knows full well that it would not get another chance of entering into any agreement with any other country. I am glad this question has come up for consideration to-day. We do not know what may happen between to-morrow and the time when Parliament meets again. We do not know what is going to become of this country by reason of the unemployment which is increasing. If the agreement is not signed to-morrow serious results may happen, but if it is signed then I venture to assert that within four weeks from the time of signature it will set the wheels of industry going. Thirty thousand people in Belfast alone are being locked out for five weeks because they cannot get the raw material—flax—from Russia, and the same process is going on in the tinplate industry and in the shipping industry. Unemployment is increasing because of the lack of raw material, but within a month from the signing of the agreement large numbers of men and women would find re-employment, the wheels of industry would be set going busily, and firms would be prevented from bankruptcy.
I regard this as a very valuable discussion. There is no question upon which it is more desirable, at the present time, that both the House and the country should be informed, than that of the possibilities for trade with Russia, and the difficulties of initiating trade with Russia under present conditions. The hon. Member for Leeds (Mr. O'Grady) has made a speech of great earnestness and conviction, holding out great hopes of what may be derived from a resumption of trade with Russia. I am sorry to think, however, that a great many of his hopes are founded on entirely fallacious grounds, but I do not at all fail to sympathise with the point of view that he has expressed. My right hon. Friend the Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson), as usual, made a very reproachful speech, and in some parts his reproaches turned into truculence—as I thought, somewhat ill-advised truculence. From time to time he shook a menacing forefinger at the Government Bench, but we are not unaccustomed to that gesture from him, and our withers are entirely unwrung. Whoever may be reproached, from my right hon. Friend's point of view on this matter, it is not the Government. I could have understood hon. Members in other parts of the House using reproachful language to the Government because of their attitude on this question, but I fail to appreciate it from my right hon. Friend. Months ago this Government was the first to initiate any plans for trading with Russia and for setting Russia again upon her feet from a commercial point of view.
The first Allied Government.
The first Allied Government. One would look for some indication that the right hon. Gentleman regarded the Government's action in that connection as praiseworthy. We got on so far with the Soviet Government that, as the hon. Member for Leeds has pointed out, we had reached the position of having handed to them a memorandum which had been accepted in its terms by the 7th July. That memorandum set forth what were called the principles upon which a trade agreement could be founded—I am using for the moment the language of the document itself; and we expressed our willingness to proceed to work out details if those principles were accepted by the Soviet Government. They were accepted, and the details would have been entered upon long ago if it had not been for the act of the Soviet Government itself. We had experience of what took place in Europe during the summer. A proposal was made to the Soviet Government for a meeting to discuss terms of peace, which would have brought, as we thought, peace to a very distracted part of Europe. At that time, however, they were engaged in an attack upon the Poles, and our overtures in that regard were treated with something like contumely. At a later stage we discovered the machinations which were going on in this country by men who at that time were receiving our hospitality, and were under an obligation to observe the courtesies under which they were receiving it. Our hospitality was abused, and, as my hon. Friend very well knows, the state of feeling caused by those discoveries was such that it was quite impossible at that period to proceed with any such negotiations. It was only at a later period that we were able to take up once more the thread of those negotiations, and for some weeks we have been engaged in trying to arrive at terms of settlement. By what has the Government's attitude upon this matter been dictated? It has not been by a love of Bolshevism, as I am sure the House must know. We detest and loathe the practices of Bolshevism. We believe that there could scarcely be a greater boon to the world at the present time than if you succeeded in entirely destroying Bolshevism, which we have seen rearing its head in Europe. But you will not destroy it by isolating Russia. The only way in which you will succeed in killing Bolshevism will be by bringing Russia and the Russian people under the civilizing influence of the rest of the world, and you cannot do that in any better way than by beginning to enter into trade and commerce with them.
There is another point to which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife has referred. Russia is one of the great producing countries of the world. Before the War, as the right hon. Gentleman pointed out, it was sending us large exports of raw material. Indeed, at that time we were getting from Russia something like one-eighth of all the grain that we consumed, one-seventh of our butter, and one-half of our eggs, as well as one-half of the timber and four-fifths of the flax that we used in this country. If there is cut off from production one of the countries upon which you depend for all these essentials, it is perfectly obvious that there will be a shortage. A shortage means increased cost of those commodities, and that means, necessarily, unrest amongst the masses of the workers. From that point of view we were anxious to see Russia producing again. My right hon. Friend, however, is an optimist in this matter. You would have thought from his speech that you only had to make this trade agreement and immediately Russia would be sending us all the commodities that she was sending before the War. I beg the House to believe that it will be years and years before that can happen again.
Yes, but you are postponing the date.
I think the right hon. Gentleman is rather ill-advised in his interruption. He accused us of causing hunger in Russia—hunger in a country which, at the time which he mentioned, could not only produce enough food to supply its own population, but was supplying Europe with one-fifth of all the corn that it consumed. How could any outside force cause hunger in Russia? The reason why Russia is suffering from hunger to-day is because of the reign of terror which was created in that country. It went so far that the peasants in Russia, realising that there was nothing to be obtained for any surplus of goods which they produced, restricted themselves to producing only that which they themselves consumed. That state of things has been brought about by the confiscatory methods of the Russian Government. Nobody wants to produce more than he needs for himself, because he gets nothing for it, and unfortunately there is nothing produced in the country which he can exchange for the goods he himself produces.
Excess Profits Duty!
I agree that is a very extreme form of Excess Profits Duty. Added to that there is a lack of transport. The hon Member for East Leeds talked about being able to get flax out of Russia. I venture to say it is impossible to get flax.
I will show you some samples to-morrow.
You may show me the samples, but you will not show me the bulk. The real fact is that Russia has got no commodities to trade with. The one commodity she has is gold. I am not saying that from any borrowed sources. I have been discussing this with the representative of the Russian Delegation, who tells me that although there are certain amounts of commodities in the interior at the present time he cannot get them out because of the lack of a transport system to convey them. What Russia wants in the first place are means of transport— locomotives and other things of that kind. It is idle to represent to the people of Great Britain that there are commodities waiting in Russia to come here which will lessen our cost of living. There is nothing of the kind. There are no doubt certain commodities which, if you could get them to the sea board, might be of use. Until that is done, there is nothing which Russia has but the gold which she professes to hold. Let me turn to the next consideration which influenced us, and it is the same consideration which influences my right hon. Friend (Mr. Adamson). Before the War we sold large quantities of manufactures to Russia. I think next to India she took more machinery from us than any other country in the world. I think she took twice as much as any other country in the world. It is of the greatest possible moment that we should have opportunities of selling that machinery to Russia, of selling all the manufactures which our people work into fabrics by their hands—that we should especially at the present time be able to give increased employment to our people. Even from a psychological point of view it would be worth while convincing our people in this country that they are not losing any employment because of the fact that trading is not going on between ourselves and Russia. Therefore we have the greatest possible anxiety for such a trading agreement being made. But again my friends opposite exaggerate what can be done in this matter, and it is a great pity if any exaggerated account goes out to the country which will excite hopes which can only be falsified. Even upon this side of our trade you cannot rapidly achieve a very great deal. After all, they have not got so very much gold to give, and it is a very difficult thing to conduct a trade which does not depend upon the interchange of commodities. Believe me, you will take a considerable time before you can build up any substantial volume of trade upon this basis. But, as I have said, for all the reasons that I have described, the Government has been eager and anxious to resume trading relations with Russia, first, for the purpose of bringing Russia once again among the civilised nations of the world, and, second, because of the necessity for us and all trading nations to have a great country like Russia with which to interchange our commodities. What is the present position? The Leader of the House promised some time ago that he would inform the House before any trade agreement was made with Russia, so that the opinion of the House might be expressed. We had hoped that we should have got further with the agreement, and, indeed, that we should have been able to conclude it before the House rose, but that has proved to be impossible for reasons I will describe in a moment.
In order that hon. Members may understand exactly where we are, I should like just for a few moments to say what the history of the matter has been since 7th July. I have informed the House that at that date we handed a Memorandum to the Russian Soviet, the terms of which had been agreed. That Memorandum set forth four principles which were to be the basic conditions upon which an agreement was to be founded. The first of these conditions was that all our prisoners in Russia should be repatriated. That has been to a large extent done. The second condition was that hostile action by Russia and propaganda which was inimical to our interests should cease. But that was not really an undertaking by Russia alone. It was a reciprocal obligation. My right hon. Friend has been talking all the time as if it was only one side that was bound. We undertook to do the same as we asked them to do. The third condition was that debts arising out of goods supplied and services rendered to Russia, which had not been paid, should be recognised by the Soviet Government as debts which they were liable to pay, not that they should pay now, but that they should be liable to pay. The fourth condition was that there should be a grant of commercial facilities to both sides and immunity from military service of Russian agents in this country and British agents in Russia. These were the four terms of that agreement, and I should like to tell the House precisely the point we have now reached. Let me say at once, as far as the mechanism of working the trade is concerned, there is no difficulty whatsoever in arriving at a concluded agreement. We do not have any real difference of opinion as to the methods by which these commercial facilities shall be granted—as to the arrangement about passports, as to the arrangements about the telegraph, as to the bringing in a certain amount of luggage and commodities which are required for the delegation, and as to the security of our agents in Russia and the security of Russian agents in this country. Nor do I think there is any real difference of opinion about the duration of this agreement. I think we are agreed that if either side violates the terms of the agreement it shall immediately become inoperative. On the other hand, if it is a matter of one side or the other wishing to bring the agreement to an end, not for any reason founded in violation of the terms of the contract, but for reasons of their own, which they need not state, then the agreement may be denounced on notice of six months. But for the first year after the agreement is signed no denunciation of the agreement can take place. I do not think there is any real difficulty.
Except the length of time.
I do not think on the length of time either. The issues which have raised difficulties are these. My hon. Friends opposite have professed to have their information entirely from the newspapers, but there has been a great deal disclosed in the course of their speeches which has certainly not come from the newspapers, and can only have come from people closely involved.
I will give you a newspaper article which contains the basis of my statement.
I am not making any criticism or comment. All I am doing is pointing out that newspaper articles alone are not responsible for the two speeches which have been made.
I was quoting from the "Times" about the original Note of the British Government.
The point involved here is that we are getting information from sources from which we should not get it.
No, I am not suggesting that.
I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that I took my information largely from newspapers.
I accept the right hon. Gentleman's statement that he got his information largely from newspapers. I am not pursuing this matter, and I am not using it as a reproach or a comment or criticism at all. I only pointed out the fact that discloses itself. The first question is, what is to be done about the matter of propaganda? My two hon. Friends differed in their speeches upon that topic, because, while the right hon. Gentleman took the view that we had no right to make suggestions about the discontinuance of Russian propaganda in Persia, India, and Afghanistan, the hon. and gallant Gentleman recognised that it was very dangerous to British interests that there should be such propaganda going on, and I prefer the view of the hon. and gallant Gentleman in that matter. In point of fact, in the agreement of 30th June the Soviet Government accepted this condition in terms. What is provided in that agreement is, first, that
" each party undertakes to refrain from hostile action or undertakings against the other and from conducting any official propaganda, direct or indirect, against the institutions of the other party, and more particularly that the Soviet Government will refrain from any attempt by military action or propaganda to encourage any of the peoples of Asia in any form of hostile action against British interests or the British Empire."
That was accepted by the Soviet Government in the middle of the summer, and it is not dissented from now. The point that is raised now is this: We have had experience since 30th June. We have found the most active propaganda going on in Persia, Afghanistan, and India most hostile to British interests, propaganda which, if it is allowed actively to proceed, instead of bringing peace to the world, will bring more war, and instead of bringing about better trading relations and greater amity amongst the nations, will plunge us into some of the disastrous experiences which we have not long ago got quit of.
Is it suggested that this propaganda in India, Mr. Gandhi's, for example, comes from Russia?
No; I am not suggesting anything about Mr. Gandhi. I am talking of what we know, and I say most definite propaganda, organised in Russia, is being carried on in that Eastern quarter of the world hostile to British interests and avowedly for the purpose of upsetting British institutions in India. Having that experience, we put to the representatives of the Soviet Government that, particularly in Persia, India, and Afghanistan, this propaganda should cease at once. That was not putting any new term in the agreement. It is covered by the words of the agreement. But it was a test of good faith, and for weeks I have been trying to have these words accepted. We have not got them accepted yet. I believe they will be accepted before we have done, but they are not accepted yet, and we cannot make the agreement unless they show their good faith by accepting them.
Will you read the words?
I have given it in general. It contains a reference to propaganda in India, Persia and Afghanistan which must be desisted from. Further, it is not sufficient that the Soviet Government should say, " We shall not do these things " if there is not good faith in the matter, because they might trun round and say, " These were done, no doubt, by Russian people, but not by us, and not through any official agency and not through the Government" We seek from them with regard to that matter an assurance that they themselves will give directions to their Russian Nationals to cease this propaganda. I agree that no Government can look after every single individual, but every Government can give directions to its Nationals in such a matter as this, and we insist that they shall do that. It has not yet been accepted, although I believe it will be. We also ask that they shall not give assistance or encouragement to such propaganda. To our knowledge the Russian Government is financing some of this propaganda. That must cease if this agreement is to be carried out.
Is that guarantee to be given by His Majesty's Government also?
Certainly. These obligations are all reciprocal. This propaganda is the first point that there is some difficulty about, but I believe the difficulties will be gradually got out of the way. I have considerable hope that we shall be able to fix terms which they will be able to accept.
The next point is in regard to debts. There is some considerable misapprehension both in the House and the country at present with regard to what is proposed about that matter. What we put forward in the agreement of 30th June does not involve, as some people suppose, that any particular class of debts have been disavowed or that any other class of debts have been put in a preferential position so far as payment is concerned. There is no suggestion of that at all. The view we took when the memorandum of 30th June was being drawn up was that you would never be able to induce people to begin trading again if they thought that when they supplied goods or rendered services in Russia they were not going to be paid. You will never conduct business on that footing. On the other hand, it was perfectly plain that there were attempts made by Russia to make counterclaims. We agree that the general question of debts should be left to the Peace Conference between the Governments of Russia and Great Britain, and also any other Allies who choose to come to such a conference, and only after those matters had been looked into at such a conference —the question of claims and counterclaims—should there be any payment of debts by Russia. Of course a time would have to be fixed when the payment should be made. But in the meantime, and for the purpose of getting this trade agreement going, and without prejudice to the other types of claims, we came to an arrangement by which debts due to private citizens of Great Britain for goods supplied or services rendered to Russia should be acknowledged now in the sense that they should acknowledge that they are liable to pay these debts. The meaning of that is that when you go to the other Conference, that class of debt should not even be a subject of controversy. Of course the amounts would be a subject of discussion, but that class of debt should not be a subject of controversy.
Does that mean loans to the Russian people, municipalities, and so on?
Obviously that is just the class of thing on which, if you began to discuss it, you would get no further with the trade agreement. I warn the House to realise that unless we get started with trade with Russia, there will be nothing to be paid to anybody. Everybody who has any claim against Russia is interested in getting some such arrangement as this through. If you do not get this through there is nothing to be got. That is the position with regard to all these debts. At the present time we are insisting—and here I would draw my right hon. Friend's attention to the reciprocal character of the operation— upon the following agreement:
"It is agreed that all claims of either party or of its nationals against the other party in respect of property or rights or in respect of obligations incurred by existing or former Governments of either country shall be equitably dealt with in the Treaty referred to in the preamble—"
We wish to make it perfectly clear that nothing is disavowed, nothing is given up, and that we make the present arrangement without prejudice to any other larger claims which may be made, any claims of the British Government against the Russian Government, or any claims which Russia may make against the British Government—
" The Russian Soviet Government declares that it recognises its liability to pay compensation to private British subjects in respect of goods supplied or services which have been rendered to Russia which have not been paid."
The hon. Member for East Leeds (Mr. O'Grady) took exception to claims against the Soviet Government in respect of the debts incurred by some previous Russian Government. The House will be surprised to learn that in point of fact the Soviet Government do not take any exception, so far as I know their state of mind, to acknowledging that obligation. They realise that they are the successors of the Governments that have gone before them, and, although they have set up a particular political system of their own, they realise that the chance of Russia doing anything in the world would be very small indeed if they entirely refused to recognise that they are the successors of the Government which they have supplanted.
Are they prepared to meet the debts of the old Czarist Government?
So far as I know they have not questioned that they would be responsible for debts of the Czarist Government, if any private citizens of this country can prove that they supplied goods or rendered services to that Government for which they have not been paid. The third point which is of importance is the question of the right of British citizen* who are creditors of the Russian Government to arrest gold which has been sent here in payment for goods supplied now by British traders. I am somewhat startled at the point of view which has been taken up by my hon. Friends opposite upon this matter. It is the right of every British creditor if a debt is owing to him which has not been paid and which the debtor refuses to pay, where the goods-of the debtor come within the jurisdiction of the British Courts, to have those goods-arrested, and to have his claim tried in a British Court. If a Russian who is a debtor sends goods to the British market, or if a Frenchman who is a debtor sends goods under similar circumstances, or an American, or if goods are sent under similar circumstances from any other part of the world, the British creditor will always have the right to go to Court and seek to be paid out of the funds realised on the goods of the debtor. That is the indefeasible right of every British creditor to-day.
The position now is that Russia may send gold into this country to pay for new debts which they incur, and the British creditor will have the rights which I have described, unless this House takes them away from him. I cannot imagine that any Parliament of this country is going to interfere with the rights which British citizens have always had, to resort to the Courts of this country in order to get their legal rights. It has yet to be decided what their legal rights are in that regard. The situation is this: If the Russian Government is a de facto Government, recognised by the British Government, we are advised that a British creditor in those circumstances would not be entitled to arrest the goods of another Government. That is our advice. Accordingly, it only requires that matter to be tested in. the Courts, and if decided in favour of the Russian Government, to allow trade to flow freely. That is all that is required if that opinion is sound.
The other point that is referred to was the case which was decided yesterday, the case of Sagor and Company; but my hon. Friend will observe that that case was decided not upon the ground that it was not competent to arrest the goods of another Government recognised by the British Government, but it was decided that the Russian Government had not yet been so recognised by the British Government, that it was not a de facto Government, and could not claim any privilege. If we make this trading agreement with the Soviet Government, then we have an entirely new set of facts. I do not want to pronounce any opinion, but it is quite obvious that a Government which has once entered into a definite trade agreement with another Government is in a totally different position so far as its claim to recognition is concerned as a de facto Government. While not saying anything about that, I am perfectly certain that once they have entered into this agreement with us we have a set of facts which would require entirely new consideration. I must, however, point out to the House that it is not possible to grant to Russia the concession for which she asks, namely, that we should abrogate the rights of our citizens to have recourse to the courts of law, which they have had through countless generations of British justice. If you once disturb that right, an interference with the subject will have begun the limits of which you cannot foresee.
Did not we do that during the War in regard to the Moratorium?
The Moratorium in the War was a totally different matter. What is here proposed is that we should say by Act of Parliament to British creditors, " You shall not even be allowed to try your claim in Court as to whether you can arrest this gold or not." That is a concession to an external power which neither this Government nor any other Government in this country could ever give. These are the main questions which have been at issue between us. I believe that we shall still have a satisfactory issue out of these negotiations. If we do not, the British trader will be free to trade with Russia at his own risk, as we are informed that traders from other countries in the world are now doing with Russia. I venture to question many of the stories that are current with regard to the amount and volume of such trade. It has not risen to any considerable dimensions in any part of the world so far as I know, and I have made very careful inquiries.
Are English traders allowed to trade with Russia now?
The agreement is not signed. If we do not make this agreement, English traders will be allowed to take their own risks and trade with Russia. At present, such trade as is being done by British traders is being done through Esthonia and countries bordering on Russia, but there will be no impediment at all on British traders at their own risk conducting such commerce as they can with Russia. I do hope, however, that we shall be able finally to make this agreement, not only because it would bring about facilities of trade, which you could not get if it is not signed, but also because it contains provisions which would protect the trader and would bring about conditions of peace, on which alone the prosperity of trade can be attained.
The right hon. Gentleman is entitled to appreciation from this side of the House for the great moderation of his remarks and his clear and frank explanation of the undoubted difficulties with which he is faced. I look upon the right hon. Gentleman as a good man caught in adversity. I do not believe that the difficulties are altogether of his making. Whether we had the most advanced Labour Government or the most Conservative Government, we should have very great difficulties in this problem which would call for the highest statesmanship and astuteness to carry us through. Nevertheless, given good will. I believe that this agreement could have been put through, to the satisfaction of both countries, many months ago. The right hon. Gentleman said that the greatest boon which they could have would be the destruction of Bolshevism in Russia. If by that he means the destruction of the Soviet Government, I think that the statement is one which he will regret. The destruction of the Soviet Government would mean the disappearance of the last organised force that could hold that great mass of half Asia and half Europe, with 150,000,000 people, together. If that last cohesive Government failed, it would—
My hon. and gallant Friend must not misquote me. I said nothing about the destruction of the Soviet Government. I referred to the destruction of Bolshevism.
10.0 P.M.
I am glad to have drawn that correction from the right hon. Gentleman, because with the destruction of the Soviet Government you would either get anarchy or you would get a reactionary Government in one place with a brigand chief here and a baron there, and a small State on Communist lines a thousand miles further on, and so on, and Russia would be thrown into the abyss for the next generation. Whatever else the present Government has done, hon. Members must surely realise that it keeps discipline in its own country. Otherwise, how could it be successful on every military front, so that it is not faced by a single enemy to-day, and build 2,000 versts of railway within the last two years. They have actually built more miles of railway in Russia than in the United States in the same period. Whatever else it has done, it has solved the labour trouble in Russia. I do not enter into the question whether it is a good Government or a bad Government, I am looking at this solely from the point of view of the British people and our prosperity. The Government in Russia is entirely a matter for the Russian people. That is the standpoint which I have always taken inside this House and outside, and any remarks I make are intended to help the Government in their efforts to benefit our trade and commerce. The right hon. Gentleman made the usual play with the point that Russia was a great food-exporting country, but that the people were starving. He did qualify that by admitting that it was due to transport. Long before the present Government came into power production in Russia went down, in the days of the Czar, once the Government started making requisitions from the peasants, and then transport broke down entirely. I quite admit that we shall not get much from Russia for six months or 12 months, or perhaps two years, but as the hon. and gallant Member for East Leeds (Captain O'Grady) said, that is all the more reason why we should get busy in making up for lost time. We have lost two years already. If we had made peace after the Armistice with Germany good trade would be done with Russia to-day. As to gold, trade cannot be done by exchanging gold for goods, but by exchanging goods for goods. Gold is the basis of credit, and there is generally three or four times the amount of credit to the actual gold which passes. I am glad to hear that the difficulties on that question have been got over, and that the Government are prepared to pay the market price for any gold which we wish to requisition here or prevent from being exported, and that we are prepared to allow the use of the gold to start trade.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman must not put words into my mouth which I did not use. I did not say anything about that.
I thought that the right hon. Gentleman said that he had got over the gold difficulty, and I take it that he is going to do what the United States has already done—remove the embargo on the importation and re-exportation of Russian gold.
I said nothing about that. It is bad enough to misrepresent me, but it is far worse to misrepresent the United States. The United States has not agreed.
The gold difficulty is not the real difficulty in the way to-day.
I think it is one that can be got over.
I take that that means that we will allow free trade in Russian gold when the other difficulties are got over. With regard to the question of propaganda—is it really reciprocal? If they agree to prevent their nationals from engaging in hostile propaganda against this country, are we prepared to do the same with our nationals in reference to their country, and can we do it? I really think that in this we are taking a stand that is not practicable. We cannot prevent our people indulging in anti-Bolshevik propaganda. You cannot suppress the newspapers of this country. I am the last person to suggest it. You cannot even stop the Minister for War from making speeches in this House.
We are not referring to what people do within their own borders.
That is a further statement. I am trying to get at the facts and be helpful. After all, there is a good deal of money in my own constituency locked up in Russia, and I want to see it recovered for my own constituents. I want to see the trade of my own constituency started again with Russia, and I want to help it. I do not see how we can fairly ask any Government to prevent other than official propaganda, and, according to the reprint of the agreement of 30th June and of the Note of 7th July printed in the "Times" in October, they had agreed to that. They agreed to stop hostile propaganda. Of course, great play is being made of the danger of propaganda in India, and I was surprised to hear that the unrest in India is tracealbe to Russian propaganda. I thought it was due to other causes. Even if it is, we have attacked them by every possible means. We have sunk to the depth of using Red Cross nurses who were attending prisoners to take propaganda into the country. We have blockaded them and subsidised all the counter revolutionaries. It is not to be wondered at that they should hit us in the heel of Achilles, the Middle East. Naturally, that is the heel of Achilles, and we could armour the heel by improving conditions in India and meeting the legitimate aspirations of the people of the Middle East. That is the best defence against propaganda, a contented people. They will be absolutely proof against Bolshevist or any other propaganda. They will be submissive to the Government that treats them properly like human beings. That is what people like the Minister of War never seem to be able to understand. I suppose nothing short of a surgical operation will make him understand that. The debts, of course, have been one of the great stumbling blocks. Hon. Members on the other side of the House seem to think that the present Russian Government should acknowledge and pay the whole of the pre-War debt, the Czarist debts, the Kerensky debt, before trade should be resumed. [HON. MEMBERS: " No! "] I am glad they are so reasonable.
Who are these hon. Members?
The hon. Member for Montrose is making quite a needless interruption.
On a point of Order, Is it not necessary for the hon. and gallant Gentleman to specify the Members of the House that take this view?
It is not right for the hon. Member to make these rather impersonal and meaningless observations. If the Russian Government is to acknowledge the whole of its debts, and I believe it is quite prepared to discuss the whole of this debt, are we prepared to give them their assets? Remember the Czarist Government incurred a heavy debt with the French bond holders. Some of the bonds found their way over here in the ordinary course of trade. That was a debt contracted with certain assets. The whole of the States that have broken away from Russia—are they not going to be invited to take or to acknowledge their share— Poland, Finland, the whole of the Baltic States, Georgia, Bessarabia? I gather the whole of Siberia is returning to its allegiance to the Government at Moscow, We have guaranteed the independence of two great States—Finland and Poland. They were part of the assets. I have a sort of idea we promised Constantinople to Russia in 1916. You may not suggest it should go to Russia now, but if we are to ask them to pay the whole of the Czarist debts they must have the Czarist assets.
There was the agreement between Sir Edward Grey and M. Sazonoff, the Russian Foreign Minister, with regard to the partition of Persia. The northern part of Persia was to be a sphere of economic influence for Russia. That is one of the assets. We have to be reasonable and to see that there are two sides to this question. There is the question of the debts of English persons who claim money from Russians. I understand that the claim we are making is that all debts from Russians, where these persons claim that the nonpayment is due to the rebellion, must be acknowledged by the Russian Government. That opens much too wide a field for practical politics. Any Russian who came over here might have purchased motor cars, jewellery, or any other goods, and then he would say, " I am unable to pay my bills because, through the rebellion, I have lost my estates." Have the Russian Government to pay such debts? If so, it is not practical politics. A great many Russians have escaped from Russia and have sold their property in London, Berlin, Paris, and New York. They have sold or mortgaged factories, mines, forests, estates, houses and mills, and about half of Russia has been dealt with in this way. The people who bought from them can, in theory, claim the total value of those factories, estates, mines, and so forth. Assume that one of the Czarist Grand Dukes is back on the throne, with a highly patriotic, conservative and militarist Government in power, would such a Government acknowledge that half of the country had been sold or mortgaged to foreigners?
What the present Russian Government is prepared to do, I understand, is this, and it is a very fair offer. They are prepared to discuss these debts and to compensate the people who purchased these things to the extent of the actual sum they paid for them. That applies, I believe, particularly to the question of the timber in the North. During the War the timber was purchased for the British Government, and they sold it at a low price to British timber buyers. When the British troops were withdrawn from Archangel the Bolshevists came down like wolves on the fold, and at Archangel seized motor cars, cannon, uniforms, Army food supplies, and the whole of the timber, and they say these things are spoils of war. The British Government had sold a certain portion of the timber to buyers over here, and those buyers are now claiming the timber as their property at present prices. What the Russian Government is prepared to do, I believe, is to pay the actual price paid by the people, plus interest. Take the case of Mr. Leslie Urquhart and the Russo-Asiatic Mining or Exploration Company. They claim £100,000,000 for specie, which they say belonged to them in the mines and deposits in the Ural Mountains, and was stolen from them by the Bolshevists. Mr. Leslie Urquhart was financial adviser to Admiral Koltchak. Is it reasonable that these people, who have got great benefit from the cheap labour in Russia under the old conditions—and we know how they got some of those mining concessions— should claim the whole of this money which the right hon. Gentleman says is stolen? These are purely artificial difficulties, and should not be allowed to stand in the way of restarting trade.
Whatever happens, Russia is going to be a great country, and there is a strong party in Russia to-day in the Communist party who are not in favour of trading with Western Europe. They want to close down their frontiers and develop their own resources. They have already made a trade agreement with China, and they think they can get on very well without us. They are the extreme Communists, and just to give one example, they are now able to make their own chloroform for operations. Their engineering shops are repairing more and more engines, and that party is a danger to us, because they will cut us off from the resources of Russia, which are great. The position reminds me of a man who has fallen into the sea and is struggling to get to safety, but he has a belt of money round him, these miserable pre-War debts. If he lets go the belt of money he may get to dry land, but holding on to it he is likely to be overwhelmed. The acknowledgment of these debts has not been completely refused by the de facto Government of Russia, but they are prepared to fully discuss them when peace is made. That has been stated again and again in their despatches which have been published in the "Times" and other papers. As to the courts, of course, we cannot bring in a Bill to override the courts, but the learned judge who gave that judgment declared that he had communicated with the Foreign Office, which had told him that the Government in Russia was not recognised by His Majesty's Government, and therefore he was forced to say that the action was a good one and should lie, and the case was given to the prosecutors. The way out is to recognise the present Government as the de facto Government of Russia, as it undoubtedly is. It has lasted longer than any other Government in Europe, with the exception of the Government of the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister, and if we are standing on a question of dignity and punctilio and refusing to recognise them, or are allowing ourselves to be influenced by these not too clean financial interests, there will be a heavy reckoning when the people of this country find themselves getting hungrier and hungrier and more and more discontented. I only hope before the House meets again that this agreement will have been signed and trade started.
I do not often intervene in these Debates, but if I do it is generally on a subject I know something about, and I do know something about part of this Russian subject, because, as far as the Caucasus is concerned, I have frequently been there. I have large material interests there, and I have today spent two weary hours trying to explain to the representatives of 15,000 British shareholders where their properties, valued at £2,500,000, have gone. I shall endeavour not to let my few remarks be coloured by any personal interest. The particular properties I am referring to are at Baku, in the Caucasus, in the Republic of Azerbaijan. Those properties were being developed in a normal way until 27th April last, when the 11th Soviet Army Corps entered Baku. Immediately afterwards our properties were " nationalised " which is another word for stolen, our stocks of oil, 108,000 tons, were seized, and all our English employés, civilians to a man, were thrown into prison. I would ask, not in the interests of that company alone, but of all British companies concerned at Baku, whether the Government will make it a condition precedent to any resumption of trade relations with Russia that these wrongs shall be righted. These are not things that happened in the Czarist times or under Kerensky, they are things that have happened while the negotiations have been going on between my right hon. Friend and Kameneff, and—I forget their horrid names—in London, and all the time they have been robbing British nationals out in Baku, and I think I can differentiate our case from any of the old debts to which the hon. and gallant Member opposite has referred.
The whole matter has been carefully camouflaged by the Soviets. They said that Baku was in the Republic of Azerbaijan, and when we pressed for our unfortunate engineers to be released from the barbarous confinement to which they were subjected, we were told, " It is very unfortunate, and we, the Soviet Government, would like these people to be released, but the Republic of Azerbaijan is an independent sovereignty." Those of us who had interests at Baku knew that that was a falsehood, and we knew that the 11th Soviet Army Corps had seized Baku on 27th April, and we know that the 11th Soviet Army Corps is in control there now. When I ventured to suggest that in this House, the Government did not know anything of the kind. I have got in my hand a very remarkable bit of evidence, which shows that Soviet Russia is in command in Azerbaijan. When one of our engineers, a Mr. Mitchell, was liberated, after six or seven months imprisonment in a dungeon, for the crime of being a British citizen—for he had committed no other crime—and when he was being escorted, on the 7th November, to the frontier of Azerbaijan, as a parting shot they deprived him of his boots and clothes. That is a small matter, so small that I should not trouble this House with it, except that he got a receipt for the boots and clothes. I hold it in my hand, and it is a receipt not from the Government of Azerbaijan, but from the 11th Soviet Army Corps. Here it is, and it is a document which is of real interest. The translation reads:
I have listened to the right hon. Gentleman, and I am bound to say his recital has left me cold. The right hon. Gentleman has spoken about propaganda on the Indian Frontier. I hope we are not to be drawn into a commercial agreement of this character with the Soviet Government for fear of their propaganda in Afghanistan or India. I would no more be frightened by propaganda into an agreement of this kind than I would be induced to give £5 a man to the building trades unions to overcome their reluctance to find work for ex-soldiers. I decline to recognise that there is any argument at all for entering into an agreement of this sort, and it is really pathetic how some hon. Members opposite think, that once you resume trading relations with Russia, the whole world will go well again. It reminds me of the magic kiss in Tennyson's version of the legend of the "Sleeping Beauty." The moment you sign this agreement the hens will begin to lay, the flax will grow, and the corn bins will bulge once more. My right hon. Friend is under no illusions, because he has told us very clearly that Russia has nothing to give us except the gold which some people call stolen gold. There is the stolen oil and the stolen timber too, but, apart from the stolen merchandise she has got nothing, and will have nothing for a very long time to come, and this whole business is intended simply as a step to the recognition of Russia, and my right hon. Friend does not disguise it. Of course, Soviet Russia will benefit. I wonder how many bottles of champagne will be drunk in honour of this victory over the British Government. I venture to think that it is our duty, before we enter into any agreement, to look after the rights of our own nationals, and to provide not merely for the recognition of certain old debts, but for the redress of what has happened while you have been negotiating in London. I have tried to put the matter, not from the point of view of individual interests, but from that of all the British people who are affected by Bolshevist confiscations.
Near East
I rise, not to pursue any further the discussion about Russia, but to ask the Government if they can give us some information as to their policy in the Near East. It is now more than four months since the Treaty of Sevres was signed, and it seems advisable that the House should not disperse before some statement is made as to the intention of the Government about ratification. I do not complain in the least that this delay has taken place, and I hope it indicates that the Allies have at last realised the position in Asia Minor, and are prepared to base a new policy, not on dreams, but on hard facts. The Turkish peace offered a very peculiar and unique difficulty. Anatolia was never conquered. It is a backward country, thinly populated, and self-supporting in all the staples of life, so that economic pressure of the kind that would be most effective in civilised countries like Germany and Austria is quite inoperative in Asia. Minor. Apart from the problem of preventing Asiatic Turkey becoming the same kind of storm-centre that European Turkey used to be in pre-War days, there has been the special problem of the treatment of the racial minorities. Those problems could be dealt with in two ways. There was the policy of partition, and the alternative policy, as I think, of control. Apart from the pledges that were made by the great nations in favour of self-determination and against the right of conquest, I should have thought that partition was impracticable owing to the fact that Anatolia was never in effective occupation. The Treaty has, in fact, failed because it has tried to adopt both these methods. It has secured on paper a very effective control both over the Turkish Army and the Turkish financial system. I believe this control might have become a very valuable reality if the Allied Governments had not been misled owing to the influence of the Greek argument.
The Treaty has torn from Turkey areas where Greece has no possible racial claim. Unfortunately those who made the Treaty do not appear to have had any practical knowledge of the Greeks. They judged the strength of the whole people by the power and genius of one exceptional man who has since been very emphatically repudiated by Greece. The Greek sword which was to enforce the Treaty has broken, not against the Turkish armour, but owing to its own poor metal. The Greeks cannot bear the burden of military effort which was involved by this great Empire which was thrust upon them, and they have chosen a King and a Prime Minister who are be- lieved to stand for a policy of peace. That is the verdict of the elections, not only according to M. Venizelos, but according to Queen Olga herself, who stated that the meaning of the elections was that Greece could not stand this great strain of mobilisation, and asked for peace. Therefore the whole sanction for Allied policy in Anatolia appears to have been destroyed. This is a very serious matter, because to give Greece these territorial claims we have in effect lost— so far, anyhow—the very valuable conditions contained in the Treaty of Sevres as to financial and military control and the safeguards for racial minorities. The Treaty has poured oil on to the flame of nationalism with the result that five-sixths of Asia Minor at the present time is in the hands of Mustapha Kemel, and the nationalists have been driven into an unnatural alliance with the Bolshevists.
To anyone who has travelled in Asia Minor this is the most extraordinary evidence of the strength of the nationalist feeling which has been stirred up by these partition proposals. Among primitive peoples, such as those who inhabit Asia Minor, Bolshevist doctrines, such as the dictatorship of the proletariat, are as incomprehensible as a treatise on the higher mathematics. They have been drawn to Russia, not because of their love of universal brotherhood, but because there alone they see the help against the threat of being governed by a race which they hate. I believe that by judicious handling we could still bring about a divorce between these ill-assorted partners. The recent Treaty which has been rumoured in the Press between the Armenians and the Turks, shows the considerable difference between the Kemelists and the Soviet. It is most important that we should drive a wedge between these two influences if Anatolia is not to become a plague spot from which hostile propaganda can be poured into Mesopotamia, Syria and Persia. Nationalism in Western Europe appears largely to be a spent force, but it is likely to continue in the Middle East, and the tendency in this country is to ignore that fact and to divide the Near East into convenient categories, adopting rather easy classification which we remember in the literature of our childhood, and dividing them into good Christians and bad Moslems. Unfortunately, it is by no means so simple. We must argue this matter, not as pro-Christians or pro-Turks, but from an earnest desire to see a real peace, which one recognises is unattainable if a Greek minority is empowered to govern and oppress majorities, in comparison with whom it is in no way superior in humanity or enlightenment; Asia Minor has become the refuge of educated Turks, who know what the Greeks did in Macedonia, when rival Christians killed people and tortured them to terrorise villages to adopt particular religious sects. The Greeks were undoubtedly the worst offenders, and there is ample evidence to show, in Lord Grey's letter, that it was the provocation caused by the Greek bands which was at the root of the whole mischief in Macedonia. Greece has not changed. With regard to the hinterland of Smyrna, if Greece is to control this area the whole of Turkish commerce will be at the mercy of her enemies, and if the Prime Minister will consult the British commercial community in Smyrna he will find that very grave apprehension is felt as to the result of British trade through international jealousy being brought to bear on this great trade outlet. In the Smyrna territory at the end of five years, on the request of the local authority and either with or without a plebiscite, they may ask to become definitely incorporated with Greece. There is no power under any circumstances to go back to Turkey. It is a choice between something like a Greek Mandate and complete embodiment in the Greek system. When Smyrna finally becomes Greek every person over 18 years of age residing there has the choice of accepting Greek nationality, or if he prefers to retain his own nationality, to clear out within twelve months. Apart from the economic objection to Greece controlling this all-important trade channel, is it surprising that the people should object, in view of the pressure certain to be used, to be expropriated? I think this provision will lead to a breakdown of the Turkish settlement. The recognised Government in Turkey are trying to come to terms with the insurgent Government, but Mustapha Kemal is expected to object to the territorial terms of the Treaty with Greece. There is no reason to think he would stand out about the very important military and financial control embodied in the Treaty if he could be satisfied in respect of the guarantees for the racial minority and for satisfaction to be given in respect of the proposed partition.
What is the alternative? No party is prepared to undertake the great military effort which would be involved in the conquest of Anatolia—one of the most difficult military countries in the world, with no communications, and with everything against you in the way of climate and access. The only alternative to the making of an effective peace is the chaos now rife in the territory indefinitely continuing. Apart from the complications which that must entail with neighbouring territories for which Great Britain has made herself responsible, it will mean the final extermination of the racial minority, and the prospects of the Armenian Republic seem desperate enough, but they of the Armenian Chaldeans and other Christian communities outside the boundaries of the Armenian Republic will be very much worse. The only chance for these people is in reunion with the recognised and insurgent Turkish Government, and the carrying out of Part IV. of the Treaty, which is the guarantee of their security of existence. I have always felt that the only hope of Armenia was in European control. I urged that view before the War as strongly as I could. At that time, however, there were complications, and this country was not able to give the assistance asked for. From the British point of view, I am certain that it is all-important that we should take steps to get Part IV of this Treaty put into force. As a great Moslem power, the continuance of this chaos is disastrous to us, especially as the two other great Powers concerned, France and Italy, show every wish to reconsider the Turkish position in a manner favourable towards Turkey. Rightly or wrongly, the impression has been caused that we are the only obstacle to more favourable terms to Turkey, and we are thus getting into a position which our enemies will not fail to exploit. Last week, General Gouraud and M. Leygues made statements before the Foreign Affairs and Finance Commission of the French Senate. General Gouraud was particularly outspoken in his praise of the Turks, and in stating his opinion that it was not France's concern if Greece was unable to make the military and financial sacrifices necessary for the retention of Thrace and Smyrna; and the French Prime Minister was equally frank in expressing his belief that before long the Allies would agree to give Turkey an honourable peace. In view of the almost exuberant goodwill now shown to Turkey by our Allies, it is surely not to our interest, either as a great Moslem Power or in view of the position of the racial minority in the Near East, to take up this irreconcilable attitude. I do not say that we should revise the Treaty of Sevres, but I say that we should, in the words of M. Leygues, be prepared to modify it. We should not stand in the way of reasonable concessions if we could thereby re-establish a united Turkey. The first step would seem to be for the Allies to get into touch with the Angora Government, either through Constantinople or, better still, direct. If the Nationalists will yield to Allied control on essential points, we, too, ought to make reasonable territorial concessions, in view of the vital importance of a settlement, both locally to racial minorities and generally to the world at large.
I endorse every word of what has been said by the hon. and gallant Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness). If I had spoken before him I should have said almost all that he said. His description of the question was a very good one. I would beg the House earnestly to consider the modification of the Treaty of Sevres. I do not suppose that it would be high politics for the Prime Minister to say much on this question, and so I suppose we shall not hear much from him upon it. It is difficult for me to speak on this matter, because I want to keep the personal element out of this question, but if the House will bear with me, as they were kind enough to do the other day, I should like to tell them that I was the man who drew up the bulk of the terms for the Turks in that settlement, and at the Sublime Porte, Essad Pasha, who possesses the confidence of the Turkish Army, said to me: "You can imagine what an awful situation it is for me, a patriot, to be brought to take the helm at this moment, when my country has been wrecked by that man Enver and the Young Turkish party, bought by German gold, and ruled by the automatic pistol." I am not going into that long story now, but I went away overjoyed at having secured the opening of the Dardanelles, because I thought that with that we had the whole of Turkey in our hands. With the opening of the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus, I thought that all our troubles were over. The results of that, as the House knows, were wonderful. Austria fell out, and by the time that I had reached Paris Germany had fallen out. M. Clemenceau sent for me in Paris, and it made me feel proud when he said to me, " You saved millions of money and thousands of lives." That was reward enough for what I had gone through. My earnest advice, if it is worth anything at all, is that we approach Kemal at once. But lose not a moment. I would march hand in hand with the French, because I am certain they are right. We must modify that Treaty. I would send off and negotiate with Kemal himself. Much as I love the French personally, I remember an Afghan proverb: " Brotherly love is all very well, but let some account be kept." I was very upset when I saw that our troops were going to occupy Constantinople, and went to Cabinet Ministers whom I had known for many years past and asked them, " Who is responsible for such a military blunder as to occupy a city like Constantinople?" If I want to menace a city I remain outside within functioning range of my guns. I do not keep them inside on the level with the inhabitants, to say nothing of the danger of a soldier or a bluejacket molesting a Mohammedan woman, which would light up Egypt and India and so forth. However, that was done—it was a fait accompli — and there was nothing to be done except I suggested going to Kemal, whom I personally know. I offered to see Kemal, and said, " I will take all risks myself. The Government will have no responsibility. Let me go off with a couple of mounted orderlies." I only wish to say we ought to approach Kemal, and we ought to march with the French in this matter, and I shall keep my eyes steadily fixed on the Caucasus.
11.0 P.M.
I think it is desirable that I should reply at once to the observations made by my two hon. Friends. It is very much easier for my hon. and gallant Friend (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness) to make speeches on this subject than it is for me. It is very difficult for me to indicate the extent to which I either agree or disagree. There is no doubt at all that it would be desirable to enter into arrangements with anybody there who has got control. But the difficulty is this, and it is an important preliminary difficulty. The only de jure Government is the Government of Constantinople. I do not say it is the de facto Government, but it is the Government we have set up. This House agreed to the view that Constantinople should be retained for the Turks, and the official Government of the whole of Turkey is localised there, and we have to do business with them. We cannot go behind that Government without their consent to negotiate with a general who is in revolt against the de jure Government of his country. He may have four-fifths of Anatolia behind him, and that is a very important element, but we first of all have to make up our minds before we deal directly with Mustapha Kemal to throw over the Government of Constantinople unless they consent to our approaching him. That is one of the first difficulties in the way. As a matter of fact the Government of Constantinople have approached Mustapha Kemal. There is a Mission from the Constantinople Government which is either on its way or has arrived. They may come to terms together. Then we should be in a position to discuss matters with a Government that really represented the whole of Turkey. Instead of negotiating with a mutinous general we should be negotiating with a Government which represented not merely the de jure authority which is vested in the Constantinople Government, but the de facto authority, which is vested in Mustapha Kemal and his associates in Asia Minor. But the first thing to ascertain is whether there is agreement among the parties before we finally determine which of the two we shall deal with. But the House will realise how difficult it is, whatever the decision of the Government may be upon this subject, for us to indicate views, all the more if we are determined to negotiate. It would be a mistake to enter into any negotiations with Mustapha Kemal, or with Constantinople, having indicated our views beforehand. My hon. and gallant Friend, in the very able speech with which he opened, has not indicated very clearly himself what his ideas are. He talks about modifications of the Treaty. You can use vague phrases of that kind, but when you come to a conference you have to produce something concrete. He said what he meant was territorial modifications. What does that mean? He says Smyrna. Is he quite sure that is what Mustapha Kemal wants? We have not heard that. What about Thrace? Now we are getting to realise that these are not modifications. This will be tearing up the Treaty. Does he mean placing a population, the majority of which is, undoubtedly, Christian and non-Turkish in Thrace, back under Turkish rule? The Turks want Adrianople. Adrianople is a sacred city. Smyrna is not. I do not know, when the Turk has to decide between business and religion, which he will prefer. I do not know the attitude of the Turk in that respect. My hon. and gallant Friend knows very much better than I do. He referred to negotiations in which he took a very honourable part. That was the first approach we had from the Turks that came to anything. My recollection, I was in Paris at the time, was that the only question that was put to me was, " Would we guarantee that Constantinople would not be taken away?" I forget the name of the Pasha who asked that, but he came straight from the Turkish Government. That was the only question upon which we sent an answer from Paris, whether we would give a guarantee that Constantinople would not be taken away. We did not give that guarantee. There was no question about Smyrna. There was no question about Thrace.
It was the Treaty of London that they asked for. They hoped that the frontiers of Turkey would remain as in the Treaty of London.
If it was the Treaty of London they wanted, I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that that would be very much worse, because in the Treaty of London Anatolia was torn up. The terms given to Turkey were very much better than in the Treaty of London.
The Treaty of London of 1912, at the end of the first war.
I was referring to the Treaty of London with the Italian Government. In that Treaty there is no doubt that Anatolia would have been torn up. Nothing was said about the Treaty of London in the communication that came from the Turkish Government to the British Government. My only recollection was the question about Constantinople. I was assured afterwards that if we restored Constantinople—although they cared, naturally, about Smyrna, and cared even more about Adrianople—they would be willing to be reconciled. When we gave them Constantinople there began the agitation about Thrace and Smyrna. If we restored Smyrna, I have not the faintest doubt that the same agitation would begin again about Thrace and Adrianople. The House must not assume, nor must any other Government assume, that these territorial modifications are so easy. At the present time there is a very considerable Greek force in Smyrna, and the majority of the population are Greeks. Early this year it was represented that Mustapha Kemal had an overwhelming force there that would drive the Greeks into the sea, on the one hand, and drive us into the Bosphorus, on the other. In ten days it was scattered by Greek forces, without the slightest difficulty, and the Greeks assured me that they could march right through to the Dardanelles, and that if the Powers asked them, they would march right through to Angora. I have not the slightest doubt about that.
Is the proposal that we shall, without the consent of the Greeks, and over their heads, go to Mustapha Kemal, who is a mutinous general, and say to him: " Give us peace. At least give peace to Anatolia —because we have no dealings with them: they are not in our territory: and if you give us peace we will give you Smyrna." It is not in our power to give them Smyrna. Suppose the Greeks say, " No. We will not take Smyrna," are we to make an attack upon them? Are we to send a fleet and an army? They have a much bigger army there than the Turks have. I know the assumption that the Greek is not a good soldier and that the Turk is a first-class soldier. My hon. and gallant Friend does not make that mistake. The Greeks have been about the best soldiers in their day. They have had their great days is every country and every people have had, and they were at one time the great soldiers of civilisation, and every class of the population is capable of becoming fine soldiers. It is purely a question of leadership. That is especially true of the mountain Greeks. Whatever else they can do they can fight. Are we to attack them? What for? To drive them out of Smyrna, to put back evidence of that. Suppose they do, the Turkish rule there when the inhabitants do not ask for it. I am told that a few British merchants ask for it, though there is no evidence of that. Suppose they do, the British merchants are a very small proportion of the population of Smyrna. The majority of the population of Smyrna is Greek. There are Greek Mohammedans, and that is where very often the figures mislead. It is assumed that every Mohammedan in Smyrna is a Turk. That is not the case. It is not a question as between a good Christian and a bad Mohammedan. It is a national question, and there are scores if not hundreds of thousands of Greeks there who are Mussulmans. I would like to know what the actual proposal is. Are we, without the consent of the Greek people, over their heads, without negotiating with them, not having invited them to negotiate, because we disapprove of their action at the last election, to say to Mustapha Kemal, " We give you Smyrna?"
What will we get in return? I am told we will get peace. Peace with whom? Peace with Mustapha Kemal, who is here to-day and will vanish to-morrow. Is my hon. Friend certain that if Mustapha Kemal is on top to-day he will be tomorrow? Enver Pasha and Mustapha Kemal are not such very good friends. On the contrary, there is rivalry between them. Why should we make terms, in order to buy peace, with a mutinous general when there is no guarantee that we could buy peace with the Turkish people? Do not, because we have a little difficulty, rush into a worse one. We ought to go warily in this matter. You may purchase the good will of a mutinous general who never achieved much when his country was in danger. We never heard of Mustapha Kemal's exploits when Turkey was being attacked and was on the point of being destroyed. We might get the hatred of the Greek race. We have all been filled with a good deal of resentment and a certain measure of contempt for their action recently, but we do not know the whole of the facts, and there may be explanations. It is very difficult for one country to judge the politics of another. It is not very easy to judge the politics of our own country. We are very apt to make mistakes and discover them quite shortly afterwards. How can we judge the politics of the Greeks. What are the causes that produced the recent catastrophe? Greek news is crowded into odd telegrams sent in by Reuter. How can we judge the Greeks on that? Are we upon that scrappy meagre evidence to found a great policy in a part of the world which is vital to Britain, more vital to Britain than to any country in the world, and vital to interests which Britain has deeply at heart? I trust that the House of Commons will not be rushed on this matter. Let us examine this carefully with our Allies.
I would not like to say a word about what General Gouraud said for the reason I have only seen a few lines in the newspapers. General Gouraud must have given evidence that lasted an hour or two or longer. He came all the way from Syria, and he did not go there to talk for three minutes to the Foreign Committee. He must have talked for at least an hour or two before that Committee, and how are we to judge it upon just a paragraph which a journalist in his wisdom thought the best copy to send across here. It does not necessarily show what General Gouraud said—none of the reservations and none of the facts on which he based it. How can we judge a policy upon that or get an inference as to what the policies of France are? I am not criticising anything that has been done, but there is no doubt that the Arab population are under the impression that the departure from an engagement entered into between this country and France and the Arab population is a breach of faith.
That has nothing to do with Mustapha Kemal. If you gave Smyrna to Mustapha Kemal would the Arabs forget the fact that they have not got Damascus, Horns and Aleppo? Damascus is a sacred city to them. It is their capital, a city for which they have a great affection which we can never conceive a people having for any city. Will they be quiet because of this mutinous general who is somewhere on the way to Azerbaijan and is looking out for the oilwells of Baku? Will they suddenly give up Damascus, their city of many generations and thousands of years, will they give it up for the beautiful eyes of Mustapha Kemal? Are we to found our policy upon the scraps that are picked up in newspapers about these generals who are mythical because we know nothing about them, who become legends because nobody has ever seen them, and were great warriors because they never fought a battle, except against Armenians.
Unarmed Armenians.
No, they are not unarmed, but I do not want to enter into the subject, because it is quite another matter. I want the House to allow this to be examined calmly between the various countries. It is no use our purchasing the way out of our own difficulties by betraying other nations, and we are not going to purchase the goodwill of this General by having the feeling in the hearts of these people that we have betrayed them for our own convenience. We would not get the thirty pieces of silver. Who is to pay the thirty pieces? Mustapha Kemal cannot pay, because Enver Pasha is holding the purse, and before a single piece was paid out Enver Pasha would snatch the purse out of his hands. We should be the Iscariots of the East. That is all that we would get. I am all for peace in Asia Minor; I am all for treating the Turk fairly, and if he has any proposition to make to us I am willing to discuss it. Because there is a little trouble somewhere near Erzeroum, because there is a general election in Greece, the result of which we abhor, do not let us change the whole of our policy in the East. The Mediterranean is vital to Britain. We want the friendship of the Greek people—of the Greek people, a people whose friendship is vital to us in that part of the world, whatever we do. They will multiply and wax strong; they will make their political blunders, just like any other peoples, but they will grow, they will become stronger. They are a people of vital intelligence, of energy, and they have shown they have courage. They will survive their blunders. But before we decide let us see what is going to happen in Greece. If Greece is incapable of defending herself, if her people cannot rise to the occasion, if they surrender great fortresses the moment Mustapha Kemal appears before the gates, then they are not worth worrying about. The people who cannot defend their liberties and rights are not people who will be able to hold their own in the world, Do not let us rush into this matter. I do not know what is happening in Greece. I do not quite know what is happening in Asia Minor. Who does? My hon. and gallant Friend (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness) talks about what is happening in Asia Minor. Is he quite sure of it? I notice two misstatements that he made. He said, first of all, that there was an agreement between Mustapha Kemal and the Bolshevists; and, secondly, he indicated what has really taken place.
I said there was an agreement between Kemal and the Armenians signed at Alexandropol.
I beg my hon. and gallant Friend's pardon, and I am very glad to be in agreement with him about the facts. There is an agreement betwen Kemal and the Armenians, where the Soviets are seeking also to make an agreement. The fact that Kemal and the Bolsheviks are each seeking control over Azerbaijan is producing a state of conflict between them, and the old secular conflict between the Turk and the Russian is reviving in that area. Those are factors that we ought to wait to see the development of. Is the Turk developing in that direction, or does he seek to come West; has the Greek national movement collapsed, or will it revive, and in which direction; is the Greek capable of what we thought in the Treaty of Sèvres he was capable of, or is he not? All that will become visible in a very short time, but I beg the House of Commons, and I beg the British public, do not let us rush into tearing up treaties which took a great deal of reflection, which were based upon principles of policy which are vital to the British Em- pire, and do not let us, in tearing those treaties up, restore conditions which very nearly proved fatal to us in the great War from which we have emerged.
Any settlement in the Near East must be just to all races, and I regret that the Prime Minister should have seemed to sneer at the Armenians. The mere fact that they were now thoroughly down would have been enough to protect them from that sneer, and it is a most unjust way of speaking of them. The right hon. Gentleman implied that they have surrendered Kars in an unjustifiable way. He denied that they were unarmed. The facts are that they did receive some arms in the summer from our Government, but it was only, as you may say, at the tenth, if not the eleventh, hour. Up to that time they had implored our Government to send men to help them to organize their defensive forces, and our Government had steadily refused to do it. They had asked for arms, and they had been refused arms; they had fought for themselves; they had bought aeroplanes, for instance, and our Government had stopped the delivery of those aeroplanes; and almost at the last minute some arms were sent to men who had not been helped to organize themselves; and again at the very last minute, when there seemed to be no other hope of any barrier against the junction of the Bolsheviks and the Turks, then indeed there was great readiness to send large quantities of arms for these people, when it was utterly hopeless, and when the time was altogether too late to be of any use. Is it wonderful that they were not able to resist the attack of a nation of 100,000,000 people from the North, combined with the attack of the Turks from the South, and the Tartars from the East? Is it wonderful that some of the Armenians believed that the Kemalists had been deliberately sent by the British Government to attack them, and to make their way to Baku to recover the oil-fields out of the hands of the Russians? We, of course, know that that is not true, but, considering the way they had been neglected, I do not wonder that some of them, at any rate, have that view. I do not wonder that the Armenians were not able to hold Kars, which, after all, is an enormous fortress, and takes 30,000 troops to hold it, and where could they get them? It is true that they had 30,000 men, but they were compelled to detach part of these to watch the Bolsheviks in the North and the Tartars in the East, and they had not men to hold the fortress of Kars.
Having said that, I want to deal with the matter a little more generally. It is months since I spoke in this House on this subject, and during that time much has happened. In spite of what the Prime Minister has said, I do ask his Majesty's Government whether they are going to make any real attempt to carry out our pledges to our Allies, as they have been for years. These people were our Allies throughout the war, and I am not appealing to-night on grounds of humanity, but that the pledges we made to them should be carried out. It is too much regarded as merely charity, as merely helping the bottom dog, and that we cannot afford to do it. A friend of mine said to me the other day, " I am very sorry for your poor devils of Armenians, but, after all, we cannot help it; we cannot afford it." We can surely afford to keep to our pledges. I will read to the House one or two of the pledges that were made during the war and after the war. The Prime Minister himself on 12th January, 1917, said: I would ask the Prime Minister, even if he is not altogether satisfied with the defence of Kars, to remember that for four months the Armenians kept the Turkish Army at bay after the Russian fighting had broken down, and prevented the Turkish Army from attacking us in Mesopotamia in the rear. I would ask him to remember the many other occasions, in the Ardennes, at Verdun, and in the Caucasus, that the Armenians fought for us. The Lord President of the Council called attention to that and said:
France then insisted on that country being handed to them. It was handed over to them "with pledges taken by the British for the protection of the subject-minorities in that country including the Armenians, of course. Then followed the turmoil and the massacres. The French quarrelled with the Turks. The population suffered. You had the massacres at Marash and other places; and the French lost many thousands killed; so did the Turks, and so did the Armenians. But it gives me no satisfaction to read of the slaughter of Turks. Quite the reverse. At the end of the War this country might have demanded from the Turk humane conditions and decent Government for all races and religions within Turkey. There might have been independence for these countries, and where the subject-races were something like homogeneous, with a mandate for non-Turkish districts, there might have been proper control for the mixed districts. Humanity demanded that something should be done of the sort I am indicating. There were pledges to be fulfilled to the Armenians—our Allies and the Allies of the French. The Armenians had furnished France with large numbers of soldiers on the express promise details of which I have here— [HON. MEMBERS: " Divide, Divide ! "]— but in spite of this we have hon. Members here ignoring all this; I am talking about a weak and insignificant people, I want to know why we should bother with them? Are we going to break our pledges to people because they are weak, insignificant and unorganised, or are we going to pay honourable debts? Nothing has been done!
Now we are told that Cilicia, which has been harried for two years, is to be evacuated and abandoned by the French— the French, if you please !—who are going to take pledges from the Turks that there will be no more massacres. People who have been massacred in the past look askance at pledges for the future! Whether we look at the bargain which was made between this country and France when we handed over Cilicia to the French, or to the Treaty of Sevres, we see distinct undertakings on the part of the French that they would be responsible for the Christian minorities in Cilicia and the territory about there. What steps are the Government going to take to see these promises carried out? If you turn to Northern Armenia to the Turkish villages, they are then in the hands of those they should not be, in spite of our promise to the Armenians that they should have independence from Turkish rule, and in spite of the fact that the Treaty of Sevres provides that President Wilson should arbitrate as to which portions of the villages of Van Tiflis and Erivan should be given to Armenia. We even allowed these Kemalist Turks to overrun not only the Turkish province of Armenia, but also the Republic that was formerly Russian territory, and which was recognised by the Treaty of Sevres and was thereby recognised as an independent country. Why did the Entente' not do what they were urged to do at the end of the war, when the Turks were in a humble mood? They were urged to occupy Trebizond and other ports. Why did we evacuate the line of communication to Batoum? It was done with the idea that it was economical, and with the idea that pressure would be put upon the United States to compel them to take up the responsibility for Armenia which honourably fell upon us. [HON. MEMBERS:" Divide ! Divide!"] Perhaps the United States might have done something in that matter, but that did not relieve us of our responsibility, nor did it do away with the fact that it would have been immensely more economical for us to have occupied those places, and thereby have prevented the rising of the Kemalist power and its junction with the Bolshevists.
I am not going to pursue this important matter at any length—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide! "]—Hon. Members who interrupt seem so little alive to our honourable obligations in this matter that they are not willing to give a few minutes to their consideration. We have been heavily punished for neglecting our promises and if we continue to neglect them we shall be more heavily punished still. Our interests, if not our honour should indicate to us the absolute necessity of securing peace for those people, and give them that help which they are honourably entitled to ask from us which we have never yet been willing to give them because we have sought to avoid the responsibilities which we were glad enough to undertake in the War.
rose in his place, and claimed to move, " That the Question be now put."
Question put, " That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 153; Noes, 30.
Division No. 436.] AYES. [11.40 p.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Foreman, Henry Mason, Robert Armitage, Robert Forestier-Walker, L. Molson, Major John Elsdale Atkey, A. R. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Austin, Sir Herbert Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Gardiner, James Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Morrison, Hugh Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Mosley, Oswald Barlow, Sir Montague Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Barnett, Major R. W. Glyn, Major Ralph Murchison, C. K. Barnston, Major Harry Goff, Sir R. Park Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Neal, Arthur Betterton, Henry B. Gretton, Colonel John Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Bigland, Alfred Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Parker, James Brassey, Major H. L. C. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Bridgeman, William Clive Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Carr, W. Theodore Hinds, John Pratt, John William Casey, T. W. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Cautley, Henry S. Hood, Joseph Purchase, H. G. Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Chadwick, Sir Robert Hopkins, John W. W. Reid, D. D. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Hurd, Percy A. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Churchman, Sir Arthur Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D, Clough, Robert Jameson, J. Gordon Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Cobb, Sir Cyril Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Seddon, J. A. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Kidd, James Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Courthorpe, Major George L. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lindsay, William Arthur Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Doyle, N. Grattan Lort-Williams, J. Steel, Major S. Strang Edge, Captain William Loseby, Captain C. E. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Strauss, Edward Anthony Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Sturrock, J. Leng Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Macquisten, F. A. Sugden, W. H. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Manville, Edward Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C.
Sutherland, Sir William Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Williams, Lieut.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Yate, Colonel Charles Edward Townley, Maximilian G. Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Tryon, Major George Clement Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Waring, Major Walter Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Guest Weston, Colonel John W. NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Lunn, William Sitch, Charles H. Billing, Noel Pemberton- Morgan, Major D. Watts Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Myers, Thomas Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Nail, Major Joseph Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Wintringham, T. Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) O'Connor, Thomas P. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Entwistle, Major C. F. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Hartshorn, Vernon Rose, Frank H. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hogge, James Myles Royce, William Stapleton Mr. Mills and Mr. Charles White.
Question put accordingly, and agreed to.
Bill read the Third time, and passed.
Agriculture Bill
Order for consideration of Lords' Amendments read. Motion made, and Question proposed,
I rise to suggest that the Lords' Amendments be not considered, and I do so for more than one reason. 1 do not know whether hon. Members have had time to look at the list of Amendments, as they were not available until 2 o'clock this afternoon. My right hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture shakes his head. I can assure him that not only myself but a number of other Members applied for these Amendments at the Vote Office this morning, and were unable to get them before two o'clock.
Twelve o'clock.
They were not available at twelve o'clock. I was there myself at twelve, and could not obtain them. I was unable to get my copy until two o'clock this afternoon. If hon. Members will look at the list of Amendments, without at all considering their merits, they will see that there are seventeen pages of Amendments sent down from the Lords with regard to this Bill. If anyone has tried, as some of us have, to see exactly what these Amendments mean, they will agree at once that at least seven pages of this Bill as it left the House of Commons, and before it went to the House of Lords, have been cut out, and we have in substitution 17 pages of Amendments. I do not think it is fair, at ten minutes to twelve, after the Appropriation Bill has been closured, and many Members of this House, have been deprived of the only opportunity that was left to them of raising questions which they were entitled to raise on the Appropriation Bill, for the Government to take what is practically a new Bill on agriculture. That is my first point. Then we have to consider what the effect of the Amendments is, and I notice that the House of Lords attempt, as usual, to make the best of both worlds. They retain for the landlord interest of this country the guaranteed prices for wheat and oats, at the expense of the workers in our large urban areas; and, having retained that guarantee for the landed interest, the House of Lords, in these Amendments, have proceeded to whittle down every consideration on which the guarantee was given. These considerations which were agreed to in this House, include such things as good husbandry; they include the proposals made in this House to secure increased security of tenure; and, what is particularly important so far as Scottish Members are concerned, they include the reference of disputes in Scotland to the Land Court in Scotland. The compensation for improvements is also whittled down. I remember taking part in one of the discussions on an Amend- ment to the proposal to give the farmer one year's rent, in addition to all his other compensation, if he were warned out of his tenure inside that year. I remember putting forward a plea, which was not supported by anyone opposite, that the widow and children of that farmer should have the same compensation if they were excluded on the ground that the farmer had died inside of that year. Not one hon. Member opposite representing the landed interest put in a word for the widows and children of the men who till their land. When this goes to the House of Lords, while retaining their guarantee, they cut down those compensations. As we shall have reason and opportunity to discuss them when we reach the Amendment, I am not going to enlarge upon them now, but they are cut down and materially altered. We have next to consider the circumstances which operated when this Bill left the House of Commons, and the circumstances which operate now. The Bill provides, as we know, guaranteed prices for wheat and oats, and as a matter of fact, were it in operation to-day, the guarantee would be payable.
No.
I come from Scotland, and in Scotland to-day the price of oats is 40s., whereas the guaranteed price under this Bill is 46s.
I meant that the Bill confines it to 1921. To bring it into operation would not give us the guarantee this year.
I think it would. In Scotland, oats are selling at 40s., and the guaranteed price is 46s. I am talking of Scotland alone, and Is. a quarter on the oats grown in Scotland means a payment of £200,000. Applied to the whole of Scotland, that means a guarantee to the farmer—who, during the War, never paid Excess Profits Duty, and who, in regard to assessment of income tax, had highly favourable terms—that means that this Government would give to the farmers of Scotland, were this measure in operation, £1,200,000. The finances of this country have entirely changed. Members are talking about economy, and here the Lords' have so whittled down this Bill that they are retaining for the landed interest in this country, a subsidy from this Government extending, on their own estimate in 1919, to anything from ten to twenty millions of public money, as against the urban residents in our large towns. For these reasons I think it is monstrous in the expiring hours of this session, at five minutes to twelve, the night before we prorogue, to ask this House to consider a Bill which has gone to the House of Lords, and come back again with 17½ pages of Amendments. We are not unwilling that the Government should discuss the Bill properly. Those of us on this side of the House are perfectly prepared to do our Parliamentary duty. We are perfectly prepared to come back after Xmas and consider this Bill in detail, if the Government are of opinion that they must have this Bill. It is not unconstitutional, but it is akin to that to ask this House at this time of night, the night before we prorogue, to consider changes of this kind, which will secure a huge grant of public money to an industry which has been more successful than any other industry during the war, and a grant which will be a toll on the working people of the large urban constituencies of this country.
12 M.
I should like to support the remarks of the hon. Gentleman who has just resumed his seat, and to point out that some of us who represent big farming areas—I happen to represent 700 square miles of agricultural country—wanted to take an active part in this Bill if we had the opportunity of doing so. Personally, I was anxious to have something to say on the Committee stage, and I moved that the Committee stage be considered by the whole House. Unfortunately, we lost that Division. This is much more important than it would appear. All of us know, particularly those who are guarding the interests of the less wealthy landed proprietors and the farmers in particular—who are trying to guard the interests of the small farmer against the wealthy landowner—that the interests of the small farmer are not likely to be considered by the Lords as a rule. If the Lords, in their position of landlords, had wished to consider the interests of the small farmer, this Bill would never have been introduced; there would have been no necessity for it. But it is passed to the other place, and it comes back here with 16½ pages of Amendments, to be exact, for a Bill which contains only 35 pages in all, and I do submit that, in the time at our disposal, it has been utterly impossible for us to comprehend the meaning of these Amendments. I am convinced that the Government themselves fear a close investigation. They have already made their deal with the Lords. If we have to abide by the decision of the Government we also do everything we can to get a candid statement from the Treasury bench on every one of these Amendments. I ask the Labour Members to realise that this is a Bill which deserves their closest attention. The farming industry of the country were satisfied with the Bill, but if they were satisfied with it as it left this democratic House, where their interests are supposed to be looked after, how can we be supposed to deal with it now when it has been torn to pieces in another place. I shall protest even if they again work the gag on these Amendments as they are capable of doing. I expect that many of those most learned in political chicanery on the Front Bench are now wondering how it is possible to gag the House on the whole of these Amendments. There is no political trick that will not be played by them. They have applied the closure after only two of the many subjects awaiting discussion have been discussed. That is a thing that was never done before in this House.
The hon. Member is not entitled to reflect on the action of the House.
I will refrain from doing so. How long do the Government propose to continue this debate?
Until they finish this Bill.
Are you the Government? Some of these Amendments are so important that they will require long speeches. If we take all of them we may sit to within an hour of the time when we should begin to sit to-morrow. In that case I understand that we shall not be obliged to sit to-morrow—[HON. MEM-BEES: " To-day! "]— well, to-day. We cannot do justice to the Amendments in the time at our disposal to-night.
We are simply asking the House to deal with the Bill to-night for the general convenience. We must get through it to-night if we are to have the prorogation to-morrow. It is far more inconvenient to most hon. Members to postpone the prorogation than to proceed with this Bill to-night.
We have to consider the public as well as the Members.
My hon. Friend was speaking of hon. Members. It is true that we have 17 pages of Amendments which look formidable, but if my hon. Friend had studied them—
I have not had time.
I do not think that my hon. Friend has followed the discussion in this House very closely. He has taken more interest in the matter than he has ever done before. The important Amendments are only about four or five. The rest are largely drafting or consequential. If the House discusses them in a businesslike manner, and desires to get to bed at a reasonable hour, we shall have full discussion on the important points and not waste time on the non-essential points. There is no desire for any political trick or any chicaning that my hon. Friend referred to just now.
What about the closure?
I am talking of the Agriculture Bill. There is none of that chicanery that my hon. Friend seems to think springs naturally from this Bench. I ask the House to consider these Amendments.
We had better get to business. To do justice to the Lords sit three hours, at any rate. There are five or six points on which I shall have to speak and endeavour to divide the House. This is unprecedented, and the only argument for it is that we have to get away to-morrow somehow. It is putting through important business under absolutely unprecedented conditions. We had better make the best of it. I am personally extremely surprised and disappointed at the number of important Amendments which the Government has accepted in another place already. It wholly destroys the balance of the Bill. No one can really say now that the public is getting anything like an adequate quid pro quo for the heavy expenditure these guarantees are going to be. I have done my level best against my own party to support this Bill up to now. They have always told me I should be thrown over at the last moment and fooled. I have been fooled. There is nothing like the same compensation for disturbance and security for the farmer. There is nothing like the return to the public for the large sums we have to pay.
I should like to add my protest. In every particular the Bill has been whittled down. Many of the good clauses have been eliminated altogether.
I support the motion that the Amendments be not considered. Here we have 17 pages of Amendments, described by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture as not being of very great importance except four or five, but these four or five alter the whole character of the Bill. Security of tenure was taken out before it was sent to another place. Security of capital is now taken out practically altogether. It is practically a new Bill that we are called upon to consider. The landed interests are here in force for the first time since the Bill was sent to the House of Lords. I congratulate them on their victory, on their forcing the hands of the Government. They are here after gaining such a victory as they intended to gain all the way through. They could not do it above-board and they have done it behind the scenes. We have no right at this time to consider important Amendments like this. I hope the hon. Member will press it to a division. We shall be defeated—the automatons will vote as they are told to vote—but we shall register our protest.
I protest against the method by which legislation is passed through the House. Last night the hon. Member for Hertford (Mr. Billing) protested against the passage of a Bill through all its stages in about fifteen minutes. I quite understand the vital importance of that matter for it deals with a great national emergency, unemployment, the most pressing of all problems. Therefore I supported the Government in pressing that measure through, and it was carried through in ten or fifteen minutes. During the last nine months we have been sitting almost continuously, except for a short holiday in the autumn, and yet we find that great and important measures of this kind are brought up on the eve of the prorogation. This is practically a new Bill and it is time some protest was made against this outrage on our Parliamentary and constitutional rights. When I came into the House first the House used to meet five or six months in the year and even then the privileges of Members of Parliament were preserved and defended. This Government rushes legislation on the House; a series of measures of the most far-reaching character are submitted and passed with practically no discussion. It is not as if you had a powerful Opposition. It is numerically small and most of them have had little Parliamentary experience and have had to depend on their own rugged commonsense to discuss all the questions that come before the House for discussion. The Government have a great advantage, a docile Party behind them, automatons as my hon. Friend said. You bring forward a series of legislative proposals. In my judgment you introduce too many measures of legislation. I think hon. Gentlemen opposite will admit that, and the result of it is that no first-class measure is ever allowed that consideration which ought to be given to proposals of a far-reaching character, which many of these legislative proposals are, and so we have ill-digested legislation, with the result that while we retain the forms of Parliamentary power, the real things that make Parliament an object of which to be proud have disappeared, and Parliament day by day is becoming contemptible not only in the eyes of those who constitute its membership, but day by day the country is losing all faith in Parliament as a great constitutional and articulate expression of the nation's will. Therefore, those of us who want to have these measures properly considered have a right to protest against the unbusinesslike conduct of legislation in this House. Take, for instance, the so-called Home Rule Bill.
We have done with that for the present, as far as this House is concerned. We are now on the Agriculture Bill.
Of course; I was merely quoting it as an instance. Although we formerly occupied nearly a whole Session in discussing measures for the better—or the future—Government of Ireland, yet this Session you practically got the measure as you presented it to the House. This Bill did not go up to the House of Lords until the tail end of the Session, and the House of Lords proceeded to amend the Bill—not to improve it, as some people seem to think—and the Amendments were rushed down here to this House. I have not the slightest interest in this House of Commons, but I have an interest in the constitutional machinery of all these islands. I believe there is no substitute for Parliamentary Government, unless anarchy. I am not an anarchist. I believe in Parliamentary institutions, but I believe that the men who are the greatest instruments for the destruction of Parliamentary institutions and the abolition of all faith in Parliamentary Government are those who carry on legislation by such slipshod methods as those by which the Government are forcing this, legislation through. When this Agriculture Bill was proposed, Ireland was included in the Bill. I do not know whether this is a good Bill or a bad Bill. All I know is that it is a Bill of tremendous consequence to the great agricultural industries of these islands. Ireland is an agricultural country, and, therefore, it is of vital importance to Ireland. The Government, in their wisdom or unwisdom, included Ireland in this Bill. The Bill was passed through all its stages in this House, and sent to the House of Lords, which struck Ireland out of the Bill. We are asked now, at twenty-five minutes past twelve, not only to discuss all these pages of Amendments, but also to discuss a question which might fairly well occupy a whole Parliamentary day, namely, the removal of Ireland from the provisions of the Bill, which was done on the proposition of two Noble Lords, who, however eminent they may be in other spheres of public influence, cannot by any stretch of the imagination be regarded as the most intelligent members of that not overwhelmingly intelligent assembly. They do not speak for Ireland at all. [HON. MEMBERS: "Who were they?"] I forget their names. I never remember the names of the Noble Lords, especially the Irish peers.
One naturally expects that the representatives of an agricultural country ought to have an opportunity of discussing the removal of Ireland from the Bill and also why the Government, having included Ireland in the Bill, are now prepared, as I understand, to defend the exclusion of Ireland. That ought in itself to be a subject for consideration that would occupy a whole day of Parliamentary time. What chance has Ireland in this formidable series of Amendments, which the right hon. Gentleman representing the English Ministry of Agriculture says are of a merely simple and drafting character?
What opportunity is there to discuss this? I say that, apart from the Bill altogether, this method of legislation ought to be condemned by the whole House. If it were a case of a short Session in which it was necessary to do a certain amount of work, and that work had to be done within the short period which was allocated for it, there might be something to be said for it. To bring members of this House here, and to keep them from February until Christmas with only a short holiday, and then to tell them, on Christmas Eve, that they must accept what the Government choose to force down their throats for the sake of their convenience—! We all want to go home for Christmas. That is a form of estatic blackmail. Pass this legislation, or you won't sit round the domestic hearthstone, you won't see the holly, and you won't have the mistletoe except you swallow seventeen pages of Amendments! Hon. Members say, " Let us get to business." Certainly let us get to business, and nice business you will do at this hour of the morning! This is a case in which we ought to apply our intelligence and considered judgment and experience and knowledge of agricultural questions. I do not mean my own knowledge; I mean your knowledge. I have not much knowledge of agriculture. I am the representative of a city constituency, very much affected by this Bill, and that is the aspect of it which I propose to discuss, I trust, not at great length, when we come to deal with the application of this Bill to Ireland. But it would be far better that Bills of this character never ought to be introduced in the House of Commons if introduced in this form, passed through, and sent to the House of Lords, the chief function of which it seems to be to take everything that is good out of the Bill carried through this House, and to send back to this House everything that is bad. That, I say, is a blow struck at the power and prestige of Parliament, and any blow struck at the power and prestige of Parliament is a blow at the character of our constitutional institutions. Therefore, at half-past twelve in the morning, I beg to submit this protest on behalf of myself and those whom I represent.
I want to join with those who have just spoken and to lodge a very strong protest against the Lords' Amendments to the Agriculture Bill being taken at this hour of the morning. Unlike the last speaker, I cannot say that I represent a city constituency. I represent a purely agricultural constituency, one in which there are over 1,200 farmers. If I may recall what has happened in this House, it took us over a year to extract from the Government their agricultural policy. Having extracted that policy, it has been debated at great
length in this House. I believe it is true to say that we sat for over four weeks in Committee on this Bill, and now that the Amendments have come back from the Lords I say that I consider it is disgraceful and very unfair to our greatest industry—agriculture—to insult it in this way, and to ask us who represent rural constituencies to deal with 16½ pages of Amendments at 12.30 to-day. Therefore, Mr. Speaker, I appeal to you, as one who represents a rural and an agricultural constituency, to adjourn this debate so that we can discuss it during the day when we are fresh and not so tired as we are now.
rose in his place, and claimed to move "That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 143, Noes, 27.
Division No. 437.] AYES. [12.35 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Armitage, Robert George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Atkey, A. R. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Glyn, Major Ralph Pratt, John William Baird, Sir John Lawrence Goff, Sir R. Park Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Grant, James A. Purchase, H. G. Barlow, Sir Montague Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Barnett, Major R. W. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Barnston, Major Harry Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Reid, D. D. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Betterton, Henry B. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Bigland, Alfred Hinds, John Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D Bird, Sir A (Wolverhampton, West) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hood, Joseph Seddon, J. A. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Bridgeman, William Clive Hopkins, John W. W. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Carr, W. Theodore Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Casey, T. W. Hurd, Percy A. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cautley, Henry S. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Steel, Major S. Strang Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Jameson, J. Gordon Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Strauss, Edward Anthony Chadwick, R. Burton Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sturrock, J. Leng Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). Kidd, James Sugden, W. H. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sutherland, Sir William Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Churchman, Sir Arthur Lindsay, William Arthur Thomson, F. c. (Aberdeen, South) Cobb, Sir Cyril Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Townley, Maximilian G. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Lort-Williams, J. Townshend, sir Charles Vere Ferrers Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Loseby, Captain C. E. Tryon, Major George Clement Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Courthorpe, Major George L. Manville, Edward Waring, Major Walter Curzon, Commander Viscount Mason, Robert Weston, Colonel John W. Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Molson, Major John Elsdale Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Doyle, N. Grattan Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Edge, Captain William Morrison, Hugh Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Murchison, C. K. Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Nall, Major Joseph Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Foreman, Henry Neal, Arthur Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Forestier-Walker, L. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Fraser, Major Sir Keith O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Gardiner, James Parker, James Guest
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hogge, James Myles Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Lambert, Rt. Hon. George White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Billing, Noel Pemberton- Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Mills, John Edmund Winterton, Major Earl Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Devlin, Joseph Myers, Thomas Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Redmond, Captain William Archer TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Royce, William Stapleton Mr. Aneurin Williams and Mr. Entwistle, Major C. F. Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Rose. Hartshorn, Vernon
Question put accordingly, " That the Lords Amendment, be now considered."
The House divided: Ayes, 137, Noes, 32.
Division No. 438.] AYES [12.43 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Armitage, Robert Gilmour, Lieut-Colonel John Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Atkey, A. R. Goff, Sir R. Park Pratt, John William Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Grant, James A. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Purchase, H. G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Barlow, Sir Montague Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Barnett, Major R. W. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Reid, D. D. Barnston, Major Harry Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hinds, John Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Betterton, Henry B. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave O. Bigland, Alfred Hood, Joseph Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Seddon, J. A. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hopkins, John W. W. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Brassey, Major H. L. C. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Bridgeman, William Clive Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hurd, Percy A. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Carr, W. Theodore Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Steel, Major S. Strang Casey, T. W. Jameson, J. Gordon Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Cautley, Henry S. Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Strauss, Edward Anthony Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sturrock, J. Leng Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Kidd, James Sugden, W. H. Chadwick, Sir Robert Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sutherland, Sir William Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm.,w.) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Lindsay, William Arthur Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Townley, Maximilian G. Cobb, Sir Cyril Lort-Williams, J. Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Loseby, Captain C. E. Tryon, Major George Clement Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Manville, Edward Waring, Major Walter Courthorpe, Major George L. Mason, Robert Weston, Colonel John W. Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Molson, Major John Elsdale Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Doyle, N. Grattan Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Williams, Lt.-Com- C. (Tavistock) Edge, Captain William Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Morrison, Hugh Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Murchison, C. K. Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Foreman, Henry Nall, Major Joseph Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Forestier-Walker, L. Neal, Arthur Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Gardiner, James Parker, James Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Guest. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Entwistle, Major C. F. Royce, William Stapleton. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hartshorn, Vernon Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hogge, James Myles Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Billing, Noel Pemberton- Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Churchman, Sir Arthur Lyle-Samuel, Alexander White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Curzon, Commander Viscount Mills, John Edmund Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Myers, Thomas Devlin, Joseph Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Raffan, Peter Wilson Mr. Aneurin Williams and Mr. Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Redmond, Captain William Archer Rose.
Lords Amendments considered accordingly.
CLAUSE 3.— (Appointment, remuneration, and powers of Commissioners.)
(1) For the purposes of this Part of this Act there shall he three Commissioners, one of whom shall he appointed by the Minister, the Board of Agriculture for Scotland and the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland jointly, one by the Treasury and one by the Board of Trade.
(3) The Commissioners may by order require the production of any hooks, papers, or other documents relating to the subject matter of their inquiry, and may require any person who appears to them to have any information with respect thereto to furnish, in writing or otherwise, such particulars with respect thereto as they may require, and to attend before them and give evidence on oath, and any of the Commissioners shall for that purpose have power to administer an oath.
(4) The Commissioners may, subject to any directions given by the Treasury, pay to any person required by them to furnish particulars 'with respect to the subject matter of their inquiry or to attend before them such reasonable expenses as such person shall incur in respect thereof.
(5) If any person fails to comply with any order of the Commissioners made under this Section, or knowingly furnishes any particulars which are false or misleading in any material particular, or knowingly gives any evidence which is false or misleading in any material particular, he shall be liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding fifty pounds or to imprisonment, with or without hard labour, for a term not exceeding one month.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1) leave out the words " the Board of Agriculture for Scotland and the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland," and insert " and the Board of Agriculture for Scotland."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment.
The effect of the Amendment with which I move to agree is to leave out Ireland from the Bill. In this House the question of the application of the Bill to Ireland was made, but when the matter came to be considered in the House of Lords before a House composed of a very large number of representative Peers and landowners —[HON. MEMBERS: " Question ! "]—they insisted upon the exclusion of Ireland from the Bill, and the Noble Earl who moved the Amendment stated, as was the fact, that the Irish Farmers' Union had very strongly urged that this Bill should not apply to Ireland.
Who was he?
The Noble Earl who moved the Amendment was the Earl of Mayo. The Irish Farmers' Union, as their name expresses, are a body of farmers who have formed themselves into a union for the purpose of mutual protection and advantage. They have taken a leaf from the trade unions, which have been so successful on similar lines. Acting upon that resolution, the Government, in the House of Lords, accepted the Amendment and deleted Ireland from the Bill. In this House the question of Ireland was not discussed at any great length and in the face of that opposition, and where there is no unity of purpose between the representatives of Ireland in the two Houses, it would have been quite impossible to force a measure of this kind in the face of the present state of legislation as regards Ireland.
:1.0 A.M. This is an Amendment to exclude Ireland from the Bill. Ireland was originally included in the Bill. What is the meaning of this volte face, this change of front on the part of the Government? At whose instance has the Bill been turned down in regard to Ireland? At the instance of two noble Lords in another place. Who are these two noble Lords, whom do they represent and how many Irish peers were even present at this discussion? The whole report of the Lords debate is contained in two pages of Hansard. In that report occur the names of Earl Wicklow, who moved, and the Earl of Mayo, who seconded, that Ireland should be excluded from this measure. Does the Attorney-General contend for one moment that they represent the farmers of Ireland? Does he contend that they represent anybody in Ireland? Does he even contend that they represent the Irish Peers, who on that occasion were not themselves present in large numbers? If anyone takes the trouble to peruse the speeches, if such they may be called, of the noble Lords, they will find there is not a single adequate reason advanced by either of them for the haphazard and casual course which they took with regard to their country. Why at this 11th hour should there be discrimination against Ireland? If the Government originally thought the Bill good enough for Ireland, why should they reject it now at the instance of these noble Lords? The whole action of the Government in this matter raises my deep suspicion. The real reason why the Government and the House of Lords are agreed on excluding Ireland from this measure, I am afraid, is because they know the measure would be beneficial to Ireland. The purpose of this Bill is to provide food supplies, not only for Ireland but for the United Kingdom. It is, in effect, an extension of the Corn Production Act of 1917. Very few members of the House or of the country realise what Ireland's contribution has been and is to the food supply of this country. Ireland is the largest food contributor to this country, not excluding the Colonies or the United States of America. I have gone to the trouble of applying to the Department of Agriculture in Ireland for a copy of their published document enumerating what Ireland has done both before and during the war in this respect. Every Member in the House with the exception of those from Ireland will be amazed at the figures I am now going to relate. The supply from Ireland, says this document
In 1913 Ireland's supplies to Great Britain were exceeded by those of only one other country, the United States. The total value of Ireland's food supplies to Great Britain in 1919 was no less than £88,000,000, whereas the Argentine contributed only £36,000,000, Canada, which we hear so much about, £44,000,000, Denmark £20,000,000, and Australia only £10,000,000. Is there anyone in this House that has yet realised that in this year Ireland has contributed £88,000,000 worth of food supplies to this country? The number of cattle imported from Ireland into this country during last year was no less than 765,000, the number of sheep 507,000, pigs 198,000, and the quantity of oats was no less than 3,240,000 cwts., and the quantity of potatoes 6,020 cwts. It was said by Noble Lords during the Debate that Ireland is not a corn-producing country. In the sense that it is not a wheat-producing country that is so, but we raise the fodder that is the food for the beasts that are in turn food for human beings, and when Ireland produces such huge quantities of oats it is a little bit beside the mark for Noble Lords to say that Ireland is not a corn-producing country. Although only 10 per cent. of the people of this country, Ireland produces 40 per cent of the cattle and 30 per cent. of the pigs of the country. It would probably startle Members of the House to know that out of very five cattle slaughtered in this country, two come from Ireland. These facts are sufficient to illustrate the importance of Ireland as a food-producing country. Looking at the Bill not merely from the Irish point of view, but from the point of view of you here in Great Britain, who must have a food base for fear of any future foreign complications, it must be recognised that it is important to encourage Irish supplies. The Bill, in the first place, raises the guaranteed minimum price for wheat and oats. For oats it raises the minimum price from 24s. a quarter to 46s. a quarter, and for wheat from 45s. a quarter to 63s. a quarter. In addition, a sliding scale has been applied by which the actual prices shall depend upon the cost of production. Everyone will agree that that is a fair and proper basis. If the cost of labour is to rise the farmer is to be given his due share of the extra cost, and if the costs of production are to fall the minimum price will be reduced. Up to the present, under the Corn Production Act of 1917, the minimum price has not affected the Irish producer, because the prices have been so high that they have never come near to what was fixed as the minimum price. Now things are different. Freights have come down, and the world's supply of corn has increased. Necessarily the price has been reduced. During the last two months the price of oats has been steadily falling, until at the present time it stands at 42s. 4d. per quarter. The minimum price according to this Bill to be given to the Irish farmer is 46s. a quarter. Therefore, according to this Bill the minimum price will come into operation, and if the Bill is not passed and if the Government refuse to acknowledge the united representation from Ireland on this question there will be a distinct loss to the Irish farmer, amounting to some millions of pounds. The British Treasury are the real culprits. 'When the noble lords proposed to cut Ireland out of the Bill the Government looked into the matter and they said "This is a very good thing. We will back up the House of Lords and go back on our pledges to the Irish farmers, and we will deprive Ireland of a sum that she is entitled to under the Bill." It has been said that if this Bill were passed the expense would fall upon the new, about to be created, Irish Exchequers. The Irish Exchequers are not yet in existence. If they ever do come into existence I say that this will never fall on the Irish Exchequers and should never fall upon them, because this ought to be an Imperial charge since it is for the benefit of the people of the United Kingdom. It is as much in the interests of the working men of this country as it is in the interest of the people of Ireland that food should be produced at home for the benefit of everyone in these islands. If the guaranteed price in this Bill is discontinued what moral power is there for the Government to continue their Corn Production Act which should in the ordinary course run for two years? Under that Act a Wages Board is set up, and also a system of compulsory tillage. How can the Government have the face to say to the people of Ireland, " We gave you pledges that under the Corn Production Act though you bad to submit to compulsory tillage and a Wages Board you had minimum prices, but under this Bill there will be no minimum prices"? The Wages Board and the compulsory tillage are to count for nought and the Irish farmer is to he placed in a worse position than his competitor in this country.
I contend that this Bill is both beneficial to the Irish farmers and working -classes. What were the Lords' objections to this Bill? They were shallow, callous and thoughtless. I do not believe the two noble Lords ever read the Bill judging from the speches they made. Their objection may be from the point of view of large landowning interests, to compulsory tillage. Compulsory tillage has been hard on certain classes, but it has been worked out in this country to far better results both to the benefit of this country and of Ireland. First-class grazing lands unfit for compulsory tillage, which no sane man would dream of breaking which have not been touched under compulsory tillage. In the future the Board of Agriculture will exercise the same discretion profitable both to the farmers and consumers of Ireland and Great Britain. The Attorney-General quoted the Farmers' Union. He must admit that the Farmers' Union are not the farmers of Ireland. It is true they represent a section of the farmers of Ireland. Weeks ago they passed a resolution that they were against this Bill, but the price of oats was not what it is to-day. I challenge the Attorney-General to go to the Farmers' Union to-morrow and ask them if they were of the same opinion.
Probably the noble Lords had an objection to the Wages Board. The point of view of the Irish farmer is not the same as that of either of the gentlemen that proposed or seconded this motion. The Irish farmer is usually a man of small means, depending more on tillage than on pasture for his cattle. The majority of the 600,000 Irish farmers are not graziers. They are tillers of the soil, who have to work by their own hands on their own land. The Irish farmers generally have found the Wages Board not an impediment, but quite the opposite. It has been a fair board, and has fixed wages for agricultural labourers. I know where farmers have paid more than has been adjudged a decent living wage by the Board. From the point of view of the agricultural and town labourers, this Bill provides a minimum wage and secures to him the necessities of life in the shape of cheap food. The minimum wage is now given by the Wages Board as far in excess of any wage that was paid in pre-war times. Both farmers and labourers have never questioned the decisions of the Wages Board, but they have abided by them conscientiously, and the Board has adjudicated fairly between them to the benefit of both. If this Bill does not pass, if the Attorney-General of Ireland, in spite of the united opposition of the Irish representatives, insists that the Government shall once again break its pledges in regard to Ireland, and once again discriminate between Irish and British producers, the result will be a loss to the people of Ireland. From the point of view of the farmers, the labourers, the whole people of Ireland, and from the Imperial point of view this Bill should be passed in regard to Ireland. After all, when you are about to enter on another war—I hope it will not be soon, but it may be—Ireland will play a very important part in the supply of your foodstuffs, as well as it has played an important part in other spheres. The only real obstacle to the Bill is the British Treasury. They see at the eleventh hour that this Bill is going to be beneficial to Ireland, that by the passage of this Bill Ireland will get her due share and no more of the amount voted by this House for the benefit of the producers and consumers of the United Kingdom. The Government came down at the instance of two noble Lords to the House, to upset and go back upon the pledges they have already given, and upon the Bill that they themselves had proposed and carried in this House.
It is very seldom that I agree with the remarks of the Lord Chancellor, but I must say that in perusing this debate I cannot but admire the general tone and tenour of his very few words. In reply to a Noble Lord one portion of his speech reads: " I think there is a great deal to be said for the view that we ought to take our pearls elsewhere." I am sure that he was not in any way reflecting upon the character of the recipients of the pearls. But he went further and said " My only hope is in stating the conclusion that when the bridegroom of prosperity, which we believe this Bill will prove to be, arrives, noble lords from Ireland will not have call to reproach themselves as imprudent virgins." I think they have cause to reproach themselves as impudent virgins. As an elected representative from Ireland and not as an Irish Peer, I think, in the words of the Lord Chancellor, that they are running a great risk at some future date of becoming impudent virgins. I certainly, at any rate, do not care to run that risk. On behalf of my hon. Friends and the people who I represent I want to take the husband of prosperity as a spouse, if the right hon. Gentleman will repeat the offer he made when this Bill was proposed and carried in this House at the instance of the Government and in favour of the country which we represent.
Good old Tory!
I am surprised at the attitude which the Government have taken up in regard to this Amendment. I cannot help feeling that my right hon. Friend has been overborne by superior council, because it was only a few weeks ago that he, from that very Bench, opposed an Amendment of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut. -Commander Kenworthy) on the Report Stage of this Bill that Ireland should be excluded. The Government then opposed the exclusion of Ireland when it was put forward by a Member of this House, but when two Members of another place come forward and, professing to speak for the Irish farmers and for the agricultural community of Ireland, calmly obliterate Ireland from this measure, we find that the Government has completely changed its front and, for some reason which I at least cannot at all understand, they now say that they will agree to the measure being amended in that respect. We' should have to look far for a similar instance of a complete reversal of policy upon an important point by the Government before we found such an instance as this. I do not profess to think, with the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just spoken, that in all respects this Bill has been looked upon as a tremendous boon by the Irish farmers. Many of the Irish farmers do not like it. There are many aspects of it of which they disapprove, but the Bill does contain certain solid facts, as to which I must say that I think that the farmers will be extraordinarily foolish if they were not to take advantage of them. The main point of the Bill, Part II, does not, of course, apply to Ireland. That gives security of tenure, but we in Ireland are in this matter far in advance from England. We have already got, not security of tenure, but fixity of tenure. All that need apply to Ireland would be the guaranteed prices. To say that the receipt of the guarantees in respect of prices when they fall below a certain level is of no benefit to the Irish farmer, is to me absolutely inexplicable. It is said— the last speaker indicated it—that this is a question of the Treasury; that it is to be a charge on the Imperial Exchequer, and that, of course, once the Imperial Exchequer has realised that it is going to be charged for it, immediately washes the matter out and is not going to allow Ireland to receive. I do not look at it in that light. This would not be an Imperial charge.
In my view, if this guarantee ever became operative with the newly elected Parliament in Ireland we are to set up, the amount that would be paid out of that guarantee would presumably be an Irish charge, and would be charged to Irish taxpayers. The amount paid in respect of that charge would fall not upon the Imperial Exchequer, but upon the Irish Exchequer. But whether that is so or not, I am prepared to argue on that basis. Supposing this is purely an Irish charge, I say, speaking for the farmers, that it would be an advantage to them that they should receive the subsidy under certain conditions, no matter who pays it. Consequently, as one who has supported this Bill throughout, as one who was a member of the Committee upstairs, and who spoke in opposition to the Amendment of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull on the Report stage, I must enter my protest and join with the last speaker in entering my protest against the action of the Government at this late stage of the Bill. The last speaker stated that the Farmers' Union in Ireland were opposed to the Bill. All I know is that so far as the Ulster Farmers' Union is concerned, I have received deputations from them, and I have attended meetings at which their representatives were present, and I think it is time that while in many of the debates they do not approve of this Bill, yet they clearly are in favour of the main principles of this Bill, so far as it applies to Ireland, being extended to Ireland, and I have heard nothing, either from Lord Wicklow or Lord Mayo, who were the two Noble Lords who carried this Amendment in the House of Lords—I see nothing in their speeches to alter that view. I know of nothing which entitles them to speak for the Irish farmers, and particularly for the Ulster farmers.
There is just one other point to which the hon. Member for Waterford referred. If this Bill is not applied to Ireland what is going to happen to the agricultural labourer. It is this Bill that has established the minimum wage, or, rather, this Bill continues the minimum wage for the agricultural labourer. That minimum wage was established under the Corn Production Act, 1917. If Ireland is not included in this Bill the agricultural labourers of Ireland lose their minimum wage after the year 1922. What will they have to say? Who is here to speak for the agricultural labourers of Ireland? So far as I can see, they will be in an extraordinarily difficult position unless the terms of the Corn Production Act are extended. On these grounds, and for others which I will not mention particularly at this late hour, I shall certainly challenge a Division upon this question and go to a vote against the Government upon it.
I must appeal to the hon. and gallant Member opposite not to put the House to the trouble of a Division on this Question. It is not often that I agree with the Government, and it is still less that I disagree with the hon. and gallant Member for Waterford. But I must disagree with both hon. Members. After all this Bill does not apply the greater part of the control to Ireland. It does apply the guarantee of the minimum price for oats and corn to Ireland, and I presume the Government is not going to leave out control for England which another place has left out. The Government has not, I assume, altogether taken complete leave of its senses. It would not be in order to discuss now our action in future Amendments. I will only say that we do not apply the control to Ireland but we give Ireland the guarantee for corn, oats and so on.
We have already got control.
The hon. and gallant Member says they have already got control. I quite agree that his knowledge of Ireland and probably of agriculture is greater than mine. I have a very small knowledge of agriculture, but I do know this that the constituents of the hon. and gallant Member come over to see me when they want to get control off their flour. They ask me to fight their battle in the House, and I am glad to do it. They object to control just as the English farmers do. But apart from that, I would point out to the hon. Members for Ireland who are opposing the Lord's Amendment that one of the main grounds for the Earl of Mayo's motion in the other place was that we have put on the Statute Book a Bill for a so-called practical form of Home Rule for Ireland, and the Government has stated that they intend to put that Home Rule Act into operation, because Ireland does not want it, and we are therefore to leave out Ireland in this Bill, because, forsooth, a section of Irish farmers, and of the two hon. and gallant Members who have spoken on this matter from the purely Irish point of view. I am speaking of this matter from the purely English point of view. If the Irish is to be put in charge of their own destinies, why should we bind ourselves to pay for an indefinite number of years, a subsidy to the Irish farmers. Why, in the name of common-sense, should we do that. I think it is asking too much of this country. I shall support the Government, as I always do when the Government is right. I certainly did move an Amendment to leave Ireland out of the Bill, and that is why I am speaking now. I am glad that the Government have seen the error of their ways, and are thinking of England. My only regret is that I was not able to convert this Honourable House, and it has to be left to the Noble Lords in another place to do it. I have another reason, and an important one, the hon. and gallant Member for Water-ford spoke with justifiable pride of the great part that Ireland plays in our food markets. Therefore what do we want this Bill applied to Ireland for?
To encourage the food supplies.
Ireland is a great market for us, in which we purchase food. We have heard from hon. Members how good Irish farming is. There is no need for us to apply this Bill to Ireland for greater production of food supplies. As long as we have money in our pockets we can buy food from the Irish, and I am quite sure that the Irish populace will sell it. I do hope the Government will stick to their attitude and will not be frightened by hon. Members. May I encourage them in this respect? I do not see the right hon. Member for Duncairn here, and therefore they can throw out their chests and take a firm stand on the Treasury Bench. There is no whip cracking here; therefore let us do the right thing to England and to Ireland.
It is quite true that I do not represent the agricultural labourers in Ireland, but I do represent the agricultural labourers in the United Kingdom, so far as, I believe, they are all one class. For that reason I hope that those who have spoken against accepting this Lords Amendment will bring it to a division in order that we may ascertain who are in the interest, whatever they might say, of the agricultural labourer. If this Lords Amendment be accepted, then one of the very worst things will happen to the agricultural labourer, whether in Ireland or in England. They are all one class and if you do an injury to this particular class in one part of the United Kingdom you do an injury to the whole. At one stroke you will take away the one safeguard the agricultural labourers in that unhappy country has, namely, the minimum wage. For that reason I hope we shall have a division so that we may show what we think of the gilded chamber.
Is the hon. Member aware that under the Bill Ireland will benefit by the other Acts passed already?
Hon. Members who have preceded me have given various reasons for supporting this Amendment. I have the privilege to be if not wholly Irish at least partly Irish, but there is something even greater than being an Irishman or an Englishman or even a Welshman, and there is a desire on the part of some hon. Members to deal with this matter in other than a clannish view. The Government must have had a fixed view about this matter, having regard to the Bill for Ireland they have just passed through this House. I am not going to pay the Cabinet so poor a compliment as to think that Ireland was bundled into this Bill at the last moment. I am certain that Ireland was not included without the most weighty consideration of every argument for and against inclusion at the meetings of the Cabinet. When the Bill was discussed in this House the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) moved an Amendment to remove Ireland from this Bill. I am sorry that I had not by me the OFFICIAL REPORT for that particular Debate, so that I might refresh those on the Treasury Bench with the objections they put forward on that occasion. I am sure they were very sound ones. But can the Treasury Bench tell me why, after having refused and resisted the exclusion of Ireland from this Bill in this House they humbly fall into line and feed out of the gilded cage, or was it the gilded chamber?
We must be respectful to the other House, whatever our views may be on the question before us, and I would ask hon. Members to remember that it is not in order to use offensive remarks when speaking of the other House.
I am sure no one desires to tender to the other House a deeper sense of respect and appreciation than myself, and if in repeating a phrase which was used, and not called to order in this House, I have caused any offence to another place, may I unreservedly withdraw? May I say by way of personal explanation, having regard to the statement I have made, that we all regard certain members of another place as the guardians of some of the best interests of our country, and as a very necessary check to some of the reckless and ill considered legislative measures which pass through this House. Let me resume. When this matter was brought up in another place the amount of importance they attached to it may be judged from the fact that only three and three-quarter columns of the OFFICIAL REPORT are occupied by the Debate, and that two columns are filled by one of the exceedingly facetious speeches one always expects from the Lord Chancellor, speaking with great respect. Are we to judge from that that they regarded this as of so little importance that they did not need to have any discussion, or that opinion in the Lords in this matter was so whole-hearted that it did not need any discussion? I have read the speeches, and I can see no arguments that ought to have influenced Noble Lords so rapidly to agree to the question being put without a Division. What was the deal that was made before these Amendments came back to this House? Are we to understand that on seeing these amendments, which only came into the hands of members for the first time this afternoon, the Government hastily convened a meeting of the Cabinet and decided that the Lords in their wisdom had done right and that the Government and the House of Commons had done wrong? What sort of explanation have we had from the Treasury Bench, or are we likely to have? We have had the statement that this is a matter of very little importance which the Lords have taken exception to, and that therefore this House ought to agree. I trust this matter will be pressed to a Division. Why should the House of Lords have singled out this unhappy country to be deprived of the privileges of the agricultural policy which we have embodied in this Bill? The first Clause on the first page is amended by the Lords, and we receive practically no explanation whatever. I should have expected that if not the Prime Minister at least the Leader of the House would have paid Members the compliment of giving us a reason for this sudden change on the part of the Government. I wonder what the Coalition Liberals who supported the Government against the Amendment of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull think of this change? Have they had a personal explanation behind the Speaker's chair? They supported the Government in this matter of including Ireland, and suddenly they are left sitting on the fence. What possible explanation are they to give to their constituents, for there are many Irish votes in this country? An hon. Member behind me says, " The Home Rule Bill for Ireland." Are we to assume that the Government had never heard of the Home Rule Bill when they drafted this Bill?
It is passed now.
Are we to assume that the inclusion of Ireland was only a temporary measure pending the passing of the Home Rule Bill? This is another case of sloppy legislation, rushed through this House. There is one thing on which right hon. Gentlemen on the Government front bench can congratulate themselves. They are making wonderful work for the lawyers. This sort of legislation will be debated and argued in a hundred courts, and thousands of members of the profession so adequately represented on the front bench will draw large fees in deciding who is right and who is wrong in these matters. But that does not relieve independent Members of this House from the privilege of trying to force the Government to have a considered policy. The occupants of the Government front bench have defied the House of Lords before now. If they attach any importance to the exclusion of Ireland they should defy them again. If the Irish people are ex- cluded from this Bill it can only be concluded that they are to be excluded from the enjoyment of certain privileges. The Lord Chancellor said:
" We think this a very valuable Bill which brings great advantage to the Agricultural Community."
Surely Ireland has a greater claim to be an agricultural community than England, Wales, or Scotland. The Lord Chancellor, from his many visits at another time, and for other reasons must know Ireland fairly well. I understand he galloped through a good deal of it. I submit that this Amendment could be made the subject matter of a considerable anti-British agitation in Ireland. Despite the fact that the majority of the Irish people are opposed to this House of Commons the Irish people are too ingenious to miss such an opportunity as this as an argument to convince those Irishmen who still have the imperial sense at heart that they have not the good will of this country. At a time when we wish to show goodwill to Ireland we exempt her from the benefits of this Bill. The Lord Chancellor says to their Lordships, " I do not think we can justify resistance to this Amendment." Why? Only two big speeches had been made and not one substantial argument had been advanced in favour of the Amendment. Yet in the same breath the Lord Chancellor gets up and says he cannot resist the Amendment and that he is robbing Ireland of a valuable Bill. The Noble Lord went on to say—and I cannot refrain from quoting this priceless phrase—
" My only hope is that when the bridegroom of prosperity which we believe this Bill will prove to be arrives, Noble Lords from Ireland will not have cause to regret their being improvident virgins."
The Noble Lord is a greater authority on that matter than any Member of this House, but it is a cheap jibe at Ireland which I would not have expected from the lips of so responsible a public servant. I appeal to the Leader of the House to resist this Amendment.
2.0 A.M.
It is perfectly obvious that the course which the Government has adopted in regard to this measure is one that entitles us to make the strongest protest. I should like to know what the Government think when they come down here and press a measure of this character and apply it to Ireland, and upon the strength of its application to Ireland secure its passage through the House of Commons. I was not aware until I heard the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Hull that he proposed the exclusion of Ireland from the provisions of this Bill. The House of Commons, notwithstanding the eloquence of my hon. Friend, insisted upon Ireland being inserted in the Bill, and the Government enthusiastically supported the Bill including Ireland within its provisions, and refused to be moved by the seductive rhetorical powers of my hon. and gallant Friend. What is to be thought of the intelligence and character of an assembly like the House of Commons that, having taken that course on a former occasion, comes down and with equal readiness and promptitude is prepared to vote precisely in the opposite direction. Who represents Ireland? Do her representatives in this House represent her? Both the hon. and gallant Gentlemen speak for Ireland, differing in politics and representing different parts of the country. Both have protested against the exclusion of Ireland. Yet the House is asked not to accept their united appeal, but to accept as the voice of Ireland two noble lords, the Earl of Mayo and the Earl of Wicklow. To take them as representatives of Irish opinion in contradistinction to the opinion expressed by the duly elected representatives from the North and South is to make a larger demand on its intelligence than I have ever made. The Attorney-General made an extraordinary defence. He said the fact that you are going to get Home Rule for Ireland entitles us to exclude Ireland from the provisions of this Bill. He knew perfectly well when the Bill was introduced and Ireland was included that these proposals were being submitted to Parliament. It is an absolutely dishonest position for the Government to take up that because these proposals have now been passed Ireland should be excluded from the Bill. Why did they not take up that position in the House of Lords? Why did not the Lord Chancellor or Lord Curzon or some of the eminent representatives of the Government in another place get up and say frankly, " Here is a Bill which applies to Ireland. Now that we have a prospect of passing what are called Home Rule proposals, we are prepared to drop Ireland out of the Bill altogether." Instead of that Lord Mayo and Lord Wicklow asked in the interests of the farmers of Ireland that Ireland should not be included. Who authorises them to speak for the farmers of Ireland? Not a single member representing a rural Irish constituency has approved of the exclusion of Ireland. Yet the Lord Chancellor, playing the part of the merry jester, said, " In view of the tremendous pressure brought to bear on me by the two Noble Lords who are the spokesmen of Ireland, I can take no other course than to refuse to offer this great and beneficent measure to the country. His expression was, holdings. Therefore, when Lord Mayo or any other Noble Lord says that Ireland is only a grass-growing country and that the land is only fit for that purpose, I say that Lord Mayo does not know what he is talking about, and that he is speaking in direct conflict to all genuine reformers in Ireland. This Government would never have introduced this Bill unless they had thought that it was a great agricultural measure. If it is a good Bill for England, which is not an agricultural country, who says it is not a good Bill for Ireland? Is not the real cause of the Government's taking Ireland out of the provisions of this Bill the fear that Ireland should get some financial advantage? That is the real cause, if the Government had frankly stated that and had declared what their policy was, instead of relying on the broken crutches of the House of Lords we could have understood them. That would have been the honest course to adopt. But it is always the case where legislation is brought forward that is good for England, and that should be applied to Ireland that the Government tries to withhold it. They tried to withhold the Unemployment Bill from Ireland until I came to the House and kicked up a row about it.
If this is a good Bill why should not Ireland get the benefit of it? We are still under your law and move under your sway; we are not under the two Parliaments yet. Those two Parliaments may never come into existence at all, and is that a reason why we should be denied the advantages of this most beneficient measure of such far-reaching importance, which will bring so much joy into rural life and prosperity and comfort to all the agricultural classes, and that you should keep us here on the eve of Christmas, at a quarter past two in the morning, discussing Lords' Amendments? The last speaker said that the refusal to include Ireland would be most disadvantageous to the agricultural labourers, and he regretted that there was no one in the House to speak for them. If there is nobody in the House to speak for them, I will. The hon. and gallant Member (Major O'Neill) has many agricultural labourers in his constituency, and I have no doubt that he speaks for them. He knows perfectly well that the agricultural labourers want this Bill. I never was a very great enthusiast for the farmers; I never could enthuse over them. As a rule, they are a very selfish class, and I would not have risen at all except to speak for the agricultural labourers, and for the town labourers as well, because this Bill proposes to increase cultivation, and especially to increase the production of food, which means cheaper food for the working classes in the towns. Speaking for the movement that raised them to the level of peasant proprietors, I cannot forget how much the town interests were neglected during the period that we were the representatives of the farmers in Ireland. It is nearly time now that something was done for the people in the towns, and I believe that this measure, if applied to Ireland, would mean a larger production of food, and a larger production of food would mean cheaper food for the people in the towns, and would mean higher wages. Let the agricultural labourers speak for themselves. The Secretary of the National Union of Agricultural Labourers, Belfast, telegraphs: nothing about it—that when they speak in the House of Lords they are listened to with that dire attention to which they are entitled by their pre-eminent intellectual and oratorical qualities, though, I confess, I could see no manifestation either of their oratory or of their wisdom in the brilliant speeches which are recorded in Hansard. The Lord Chancellor in replying to them made them the subjects of many jests. So would I. But I take this thing seriously, and it is a most serious matter. I really want the House to understand that I am not like hon. Gentlemen who sit here occupying the time of the House for the luxury of enjoying themselves; nor am I in the position of the hon. and gallant Gentleman who thinks it is a good thing to oppose a beneficent reform for Ireland in order to keep the Leader of the House up all night. Nothing of the sort. I am protesting against this exclusion of Ireland because I think it is wrong. I think it would be a good thing for this country if you had a larger food production in Ireland. Would the House believe that according to the recorded statistics of the Agricultural Board that the net value of eggs exported from Ireland last year was greater than the value of the whole shipbuilding industry of Belfast?
What about the chickens?
We are not discussing old cocks now. I am perfectly serious in this matter—you never understand when an Irishman is serious. There is no need more vital to the welfare of the nation than a large food production. You recognised it during the time of the war. Why should it not be equally important in time of peace? I know the Government can bring forward their majority to exclude Ireland from the provisions of the Bill. We have ventured to make our protest. We shall put this question to a Division;. we shall ask you all to join most kindly and enthusiastically to walk into the Lobby to vote against the thing you voted for only a fortnight ago.
The most remarkable phase of this discussion which has taken place is the very scant information we have received from the Government Benches as to the reason why this Amendment is being recommended to the House. Previous to the introduction of this Bill the agricultural industry was informed through the mouth of the Prime Minister himself that the preservation of the food supplies of the country was of the greatest importance and warranted legislation of the character contained in the Bill. Following upon the criticisms that had been passed upon it, when some had urged that it was a landlord's measure and some a farmer's measure, the Government told us that it was not conceived in the interest of any one section of the agricultural community but it was conceived in the interests of the nation itself. The experience gained by the nation during the war constituted itself as an object lesson of the necessity for us to take some steps to protect ourselves, not because of any future war, and this Bill was produced with the idea and the intention of increasing the food supplies of this country. If this is the real object of the Bill I think we are entitled to know why one part of the United Kingdom, which is almost entirely agricultural, should be excluded from its provisions, having regard to the fact that the Bill in itself is so essential as a means of fostering the food production of the country. We have been given one reason why the House should accept this Amendment, and that is that the Farmers' Union of Ireland have requested that this change should be made in the Bill. One is entitled to ask whether in the consideration of any further amendments the same principle is going to be acted upon. Are the wishes of the Farmers' Union of Scotland to be regarded in the same way as the Farmers' Union of Ireland in regard to other, amendments that will have to be considered later? Will the interests of the Farmers' Union of this country also receive equal recognition in regard to other parts of the Bill, which they deem to be of greater importance? If the Farmers' Union in one part of the United Kingdom is an important body it is difficult to see how any other point of view can be urged in regard to the organisations of farmers in other parts of the kingdom. In view of the fact that the Prime Minister himself thought it-necessary to intervene in the discussion on the Bill to impress upon the Members the importance of food production, and we are entitled to further information, more than the fact that the Irish Farmers' Union have asked for exclusion from the Bill, before the House is asked to decide upon an important matter of this description. I hope those Members who have been supporting the Government on this Bill will recognise the importance of retaining Ireland in the Bill and go into the Lobby to resist this Amendment, in order that the Bill, which is a beneficial measure, shall be as widely applied as possible.
I wish to criticise the action of the Government in accepting the Lords Amendment to exclude Ireland. I have always understood that this Bill was introduced for two main reasons: firstly, to encourage agriculturists in England, Ireland, Scotland and Wales to plough up more land and produce more food for our country, and, secondly, to safeguard the food supplies of the people and to make sure that we shall never again be so dependent on foreign countries for our food supplies. This is an Amendment to exclude Ireland, and yet Ireland, as we know, is one of our greatest food-producing countries. I have here an official Circular issued by the Government, of which the third paragraph is headed as follows:
" Great Britain's nearest and greatest food base."
It then goes on—
" Ireland, it should be observed, grows more food for Great Britain than she does for herself, even proportionately to her population."
Yet now at the last moment the Government intend to exclude Ireland from the Bill. The Circular proceeds—
" She is in an increasing degree an essential base not only for British food supply, but for British agriculture itself, whose meat raising and dairying depend on Ireland breeding and producing. Although having only 10 per cent. of the population, Ireland produces 40 per cent. of the cattle and 30 per cent. of the pigs of the United Kingdom. She consumes only one-fourth of her cattle; the rest are for Great Britain. Two out of every five of the cattle killed in Great Britain are bred in Ireland. These facts are, perhaps, sufficient to illustrate Ireland's-importance as a food base."
I apologise to the House for reading this document at so late an hour, but I do so because it is an official document issued by the Government pointing out the importance of Ireland as a food producing country. In 1912 Ireland produced £30,000,000 of food and drink stuffs of this country, and in 1919 the amount was £88,000,000. Therefore I cannot understand why the Government wish to ex- clude Ireland from the Bill. We have to look at this from the point of view of the public as a whole. This is intended not only to safeguard agriculturists, but to safeguard the food supplies of the British public as a whole, and just because certain Noble Lords do not want Ireland included in the Bill the Government have no right to accept that Amendment without any reason given at all. Hon. Members representing Irish constituencies have told us that Ireland desires this Bill, and yet the only reason for agreeing with the action of the Lords given to us by the Attorney-General for Ireland is that the whole of the National Farmers' Union desire the Bill. What proportion of the farmers in Ireland belong to that union? The hon. Member for Hertford (Mr. Billing) referred to this as " sloppy legislation." I do not altogether agree with him in that matter. It is very important legislation, very much delayed, unfortunately, but nevertheless an attempt to encourage agriculturists and to safeguard the British public. He said also that this sloppy legislation was being rushed through the House. I do not know that it has been rushed through, because we have been about two years trying to get it out of the Government, but these Amendments are certainly being rushed through at a very early hour of the morning. I trust the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has done so much for agriculture, the Parliamentary Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture, and who is respected by agriculturists throughout the length and breadth of the land, will not be bamboozled at this eleventh hour, and will show his pluck and courage, and that he will decide on this and reject the Amendment.
Even if the Amendment of the Lords is adopted we shall be in an incongruous position, for although the Act does not apply to Ireland for positive purposes, yet statistics: have to be collected from Ireland as well as from the rest of the country. Clause 2 (a) says that you have to take into account Information furnished by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction in Ireland in arriving at the cost of production of wheat and oats. There is no Amendment to leave that out. But I desire to appeal to the Government —I do not know to whom I should appeal, whether to the Secretary for the Ministry of Agriculture or the Lord Privy Seal— to take into consideration the fact that hon. Members from Ireland in this House are unanimous against accepting this Amendment, and that the representatives of the agricultural labourers are unanimously against it. I ask them to remember these circumstances, and even now to consent to leave Ireland in the Bill. If it was right originally to put it in, no sufficient grounds for leaving it out have been advanced. We have been told that noble Lords who moved the omission of Ireland in another place said they did so in the name of the Irish Farmers' Union. That may be an important body, but surely all the elected representatives of Ireland are even more important and have a right to speak in the name of the whole of the classes of Ireland. If the Government will not yield to these overwhelming reasons it must be evident to the House and the world that there is some other reason behind this which has not been disclosed, and it must be evident to everyone who considers the matter what that reason is. It has been suggested that it is because Ireland has been given Home Rule; but it is impossible for anyone to be deluded with that reason. The so-called Home Rule Bill is not passed yet. It will be months before it comes into operation and it will be months before any legislation can be got through by its means. How can the two Parliaments of Ireland instantly deal with this question which might so easily be dealt with in this Bill? I do not feel that I can be deluded by an argument of that sort. I am convinced that the real argument is that the Government have got Ireland into such a state that if they pass this Bill they cannot enforce it. Are they to send armoured cars round with inspectors in order to enforce it? Of course not, and that is the real reason why they are not to leave Ireland in the Bill. If they cannot enforce the Bill we can only believe that the real reasons are those which have been put forward in another place.
I have been rather amused to hear that the hon. Member for Central Hull is to go into the lobby in support of the Government. I hurriedly put my name down in support of the Amendment which he proposed on report, but after consideration I withdrew my name and I tried to make the hon. Member see the error of his ways, which is a difficult matter. The Attorney-General for Ireland, when the Amendment was being discussed, said:
" Ireland under the Corn Production Act during the war has been on precisely the same footing as England and Scotland. This provision simply continues the same state of affairs."
Now the House is being asked to reverse the decision it came to. There were 300 Members of this House present and voting in a division only five minutes before this Amendment was considered. This Amendment was not even taken to a division, and yet, without any real explanation from the Attorney-General for Ireland, we are asked to reverse the decision taken at that time. We ought to have some explanation from the right hon. Gentleman or the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture of the turn-about-face since the matter was discussed in this House.
May I appeal to the Government to take the Whips off and leave this matter to the free decision of the House? I feel all the more able to make that appeal because I propose to join forces with the hon. Member for Central Hull and support the Government in the Lobby. If they will accept our services
as tellers and take off their own Whips we shall be pleased to act. I make this offer not because I think the Bill is a good Bill which we should extend to Ireland, but because I believe it is a bad Bill and I only wish the Lords had put down an Amendment to exclude not only Ireland but the whole of the United Kingdom from its operation. I feel that this Bill is going to make a very severe toll upon the people of this country, and that the burden will fall heavily upon the workers in our great towns. Representing as I do an industrial Constituency where there is a considerable amount of unemployment which promises to remain un-alleviated, I feel that this is a proposal which is to confer a great boon on a prosperous industry and is a measure which should not be passed at the present time. For that reason I propose to support the Amendment. If the town dwellers here are not to be relieved from this burden I am glad that the town dwellers in Ireland are.
Question put, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 129; Noes, 30.
Division No. 439.] AYES. [2.50 a.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Foreman, Henry Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Armitage, Robert Forestier-Walker, L. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Atkey, A. R. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Morrison, Hugh Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Baird, Sir John Lawrence Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Murchison, C. K. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Barlow, Sir Montague Glyn, Major Ralph Nail, Major Joseph Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Goff, Sir R. Park Neal, Arthur Barnston, Major Harry Grant, James A. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Betterton, Henry B. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Parker, James Bigland, Alfred Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Brassey, Major H. L. C. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Pratt, John William Bridgeman, William Clive Hinds, John Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Purchase, H. G. Carr, W. Theodore Hood, Joseph Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Casey, T. W. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Cautley, Henry S. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Hopkins, John W. W. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Chadwick. Sir Robert Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Seddon, J. A. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Hurd, Percy A. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle on-T.) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jameson, J. Gordon Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Churchman, Sir Arthur Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cobb, Sir Cyril Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Steel, Major S. Strang Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Kidd, James Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Strauss, Edward Anthony Courthorpe, Major George L. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Sturrock, J. Leng Curzon, Commander Viscount Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Sugden, W. H. Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Lort-Williams, J. Sutherland, Sir William Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Loseby, Captain C. E. Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Edge, Captain William Manville, Edward Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Mason, Robert Townley, Maximilian G Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Molson, Major John Elsdale Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers
Tryon, Major George Clement Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Waring, Major Walter Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Weston, Colonel John W. Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Beading) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Mr. Dudley Ward and Commander Eyres-Monsell NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Billing, Noel Pemberton- Mills, John Edmund Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Morgan, Major D. Watts Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Doyle, N. Grattan Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Raffan, peter Wilson Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Redmond, Captain William Archer Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Entwistle, Major C. F. Reid, D. D. Wintringham, T. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Rose, Frank H. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Hartshorn, Vernon Royce, William Stapleton Hogge, James Myles Shaw, William T. (Forfar) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Lindsay, William Arthur Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Mr. Devlin and Major O'Neill.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (3).
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment." This particular Sub-section is to be left out because it is of no importance and the words are unnecessary.
This Amendment seems to me mean and contemptible. It removes from the Bill one of the principal safeguards. Under the Bill there is likely to be in the near future a very considerable charge upon the public funds. It has been computed by the hon. Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert) that the fall of a shilling per quarter will involve a charge of nearly £2,000,000. It has been said it may easily develop in the next year or two into a charge amounting to ten or twenty millions. We have appointed under the Bill three commissioners to determine the particulars upon which the prices will be fixed. By leaving out this section you will take away from them very considerable powers. All that will remain is access to statistics prepared by the different Boards of Agriculture. This section enables them to require the production of books, papers and documents and to require the attendance of any persons before them at an enquiry. Nothing should be done to weaken these safeguards and cause a greater charge upon the public funds.
3.0 A.M.
I am surprised that my right hon. Friend in charge of this Bill should say that the reason the Government proposes to agree to the Lords Amendment is that somehow or other the words have crept into the Bill and that they need not have been in the Bill. Observe that this Bill has been in print for nearly six months and my hon. Friend has only now discovered that because the Lords have enlightened him on the subject. If the words are unnecessary why did my hon. Friend and the Cabinet Committee in charge of the Bill not take those words out voluntarily? The Government say they are economists, yet this . Bill has been printed and reprinted again and again with these words in it, as well as a consequential Amendment in Sub-section 5. Having made that point, I now want to make a substantial point with regard to the contents of the Subsection. I do not know whether hon. Members realize what is the extent of the liability which we are imposing on the taxpayer if this Bill goes through? My right hon. Friend (Sir A. Boscawen) when asked a question about this in 1919 when there was real danger of the guarantee becoming payable, gave an estimate to this House, as did also Lord Ernle in the House of Lords—the sum was from 10 to 20 million pounds which would be imposed on the taxpayers of this country should the guarantee become payable.
That referred to a different guarantee, given in respect of wheat last year, which had nothing whatever to do with this.
My hon. Friend knows that, even if he has made that point against me, the amount involved under this paragraph would be very much larger than the ten millions or twenty millions to which I have referred. To take away, as is proposed, from the Commissioners the power to compel the production of documents, on which we, as Members of the House of Commons are going to spend the money, is a preposterous doctrine. If you are going to subsidise the farming industry, which was let off very lightly during the war, then let us know what we are to pay. Is there any farmer who is going to get this guarantee who is not in a position to produce his books and papers? We are attempting to discuss, in extraordinary circumstances, at a very late hour, a Bill which we ought never to have been asked to discuss under these circumstances. My hon. Friend (Sir H. Griffith-Boscawen) gets up and says, " We agree that this is one of the things that need not have been in the Bill at all. When the Lords reminded us of that fact, we are willing to drop it." When I tried to develop that argument on the basis of that, the hon. Gentleman says I am not making a correct reference. If that is true, ought not the Minister in charge of the Bill tell us what is in the Bill, and in the Clause? If what I am saying is entirely wrong, why does not my hon. Friend shorten the discussion?
I am sure I am only too glad to shorten the discussion, and I will take my right hon. Friend at his word, and if I tell him exactly what it means no doubt he will not continue the discussion. I have pointed out already that these words would have been necessary if we were going to ascertain the cost of any particular farm—and if the farmer was paid the difference between the actual costs on the farm and the guaranteed prices. But what is ascertained is not the cost on the particular farm, but what is the general increase or decrease in the cost of production right through the United Kingdom. That is quite another matter, and that does not require the getting of books or papers. But that requires the ascertaining of the valuation in the general costs of such things as fertilisers and other items of that sort, and wages, which should be ascertained through the Agricultural Wages Board. Under those circumstances these words are really unnecessary and redundant and do nothing. I should be quite willing—I do not feel strongly about the matter at all—to withdraw my present Motion and to allow the words to remain, but they mean nothing, would never be used, and are quite unnecessary.
I am much obliged to my right hon. Friend. I hope that, when he next moves to agree or disagree he will make his final explanation.
I did before, but you did not listen to it.
I wish to show the House that we are not opposing for the sake of opposing. [HON. MEMBERS: " Yes you are."] I was going to develop my argument, and having made my point quite clear—some of us do know what we are talking about—I suggest to my right hon. Friend that he should make his point quite clearly. If he moves to disagree with the Lords, we will provide him with the tellers.
I have said that it is quite immaterial, and I have shortened the discussion.
Only on this Clause.
Under the circumstances, if the discussion is not to be shortened except upon this particular Clause, I shall adhere to my original decision.
I really must protest against this procedure. I understood that this Sub-section would be left in. If it means we are giving the right hon. Gentleman carte blanche to accept or reject any of these Amendments, I think it is an extraordinary position to take up. We are discussing the biggest interest in the country and a great number of people, and if we are blackmailed in this way by the Government counting on their servile supporters, it is time someone protested.
I am rather sorry the Government has taken the line it has done. I have been personally connected with several attempts and investigations to decide the costings of agriculture operations, and I have never known any in which farmers were the least satisfied unless they have had ample opportunity of bringing their own individual costings. I have had some experience of the way in which farmers give their evidence. It may be the truth, but it is not always the whole truth. It is rather a mistake that the Government should propose to leave out any power of putting people on oath when giving evidence.
I do not see many hon. Members in this House with either the Bill or the Amendments in their hands. It may be an indication of trust or an appalling ignorance of this matter. I do honestly think that when a member of the Government treats the Lords' Amendments through the House with such scorn and indifference, take it or leave it style, if it is going to save five minutes, it is an insult not only to the Members of this House, but an insult to the considered opinion of the noble Lords in another place, and certainly will not cause them to give us any further assistance in other Bills in which hon. Members may be interested and in which the Lords have looked on with such distaste. The right hon. Gentleman was going to read this Clause, and for the benefit of those hon. Members who did not consider it necessary to arm themselves with the documents, may I refer them to the Clause as it stands, so that they may appreciate what this Clause really means—
The Commissioners may by order require the production of any books, papers, or other documents relating to the subject matter of their inquiry, and may require any person who appears to them to have any information with respect thereto to furnish, in writing or otherwise, such particulars with respect thereto as they may require, and to attend before them and give evidence on oath, and any of the Commissioners shall for that purpose have power to administer an oath.
It is said that this is not, an important Clause, that it is not advisable that the Commissioners should have these powers. It has been suggested that farmers may resent it. I am perfectly sure that no honest farmer would resent it; no honest farmer would resent the Commissioners having the power to ask them to attend and to produce any books or documents which may be for the general information and the success of the working of this measure, which the best farmers of this country—as the Bill left this House, not as it is returned to us—desired to support. The farmers owe to the Government and to the representatives of this House certain obligations in return for the way in which we have treated them. Why should the right hon. Gentleman be prepared to waive this considered opinion simply to please his supporters so that they may be able to retire a little earlier or a little later as the case may be? It is not dignified for Members of this House to sweep aside the considered opinion of the Lords for the sake of saving a few minutes' debate. We appreciate that this Bill demands our earnest consideration, and there are a limited number of Members who even at this early hour realise the duty they have to their constituencies and to the country generally. I represent a big agricultural constituency, and I will be perfectly willing to stand on any platform in my constituency to justify the inclusion of this Clause. I trust that the Clause will be inserted, and I hope there will be at least someone to tell with us, if it is not further challenged to press to a division that this Clause shall stand part of the Bill. It affects other Clauses further down and I trust that when we come to those Clauses we shall be in order in referring them back. [INTERRUPTION.] I hope hon. Members of the House will not be terrified by the boos of the coupons which, if I may respectfully say so, only prolong the Debate and in no sense assist us to bring it to a rapid but reasonable conclusion. It may afford hon. Members some satisfaction to think that they are at least contributing to the gaiety of nations, but they are not assisting to bring this debate to a close.
I think the hon. Member has not been as frank with the House on this occasion as usual. The Minister suggests that this Sub-section has strayed into the Bill by accident, that it is sheer surplusage and that it serves no useful purpose whatever. That is a thesis which might be tenable if this Amendment stood alone, but it is one of a series and so it did represent a serious scheme, and the whole of that scheme is now wrecked if those Amendments are carried. We are entitled to ask at what stage the Government discovered that all this surplus matter had strayed into the Bill. They did not discover it at any stage of the deliberations in this House, and as a matter of fact it is quite evident that the scheme the Government had in their minds was that these calculations would be made by Commissioners who would have, access to all books and documents and a right to call upon witnesses to give evidence. The Minister says these Clauses have been put in because they are the common form. No doubt in all Bills in which it is necessary for expenditure to be checked a provision of this kind is inserted, but the suggestion that this is merely a matter of calling upon the individual farmer to come forward to give evidence is not warranted by the language of the Clause. The Clause gives the Commissioners power to require the production of
" any books, any papers or any other documents relating to the subject of the inquiry,"
and relates quite clearly, not to the posi- tion of the individual farmer, but to the general inquiry which the Commissioners are to carry through. If this safeguard is removed you will arrive at the amount which is to be paid by some system of guess or haphazard. It really cannot be scientific. It cannot be based on the full facts of the case.
Question put accordingly, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
rose in his placs, and claimed to move " That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 133; Noes, 21.
Division No. 440.] AYES. [3.25 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Glyn, Major Ralph Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Armitage, Robert Goff, Sir R. Park Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Atkey, A. R. Grant, James A. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pratt, John William Baird, Sir John Lawrence Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest 6. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Purchase, H. G. Barlow, Sir Montague Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Raw, Lieut.-Colonel N. Barnston, Major Harry Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Bigland, Alfred . Hinds, John Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hood, Joseph Seddon, J. A. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Bridgeman, William Clive Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hopkins, John W. W. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Carr, W. Theodore Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Casey, T. W. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Cautley, Henry S. Hurd, Percy A. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Jameson, J. Gordon Steel, Major S. Strang Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Chadwick, R. Burton Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Strauss, Edward Anthony Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Kidd, James Sturrock, J. Leng Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sugden, W. H. Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Sutherland, Sir William Churchman, Sir Arthur Lindsay, William Arthur Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Cobb, Sir Cyril Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Lort-Williams, J. Thomson, F. c. (Aberdeen, South) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Loseby, Captain C. E. Townley, Maximilian G. Courthorpe, Major George L. Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Curzon, Commander Viscount McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Tryon, Major George Clement Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Manville, Edward Waring, Major Walter Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Mason, Robert Weston, Colonel John W. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Molson, Major John Elsdale Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Doyle, N. Grattan Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Edge, Captain William Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Morrison, Hugh Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Foreman, Henry Murchison, C. K. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Forestler-Walker, L. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Nail, Major Joseph Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Neal, Arthur Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Gardiner, James Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Commander Eyres-Monsell and Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Mr. Dudley Ward. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Parker, James NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hartshorn, Vernon White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Mills, John Edmund Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Billing, Noel Pemberton. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wintringham. T. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Rose, Frank H. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Royce, William Stapleton Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Entwistle, Major C. F. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Mr. Hogge and Mr. Raffan.
Question put, " That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 131; Noes, 21.
Division No. 441.] AYES. [3.30 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Barlow, Sir Montague Brassey, Major H. L. C. Armitage, Robert Barnston, Major Harry Bridgeman, William Clive Atkey, A. R. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Bigland, Alfred Carr, W. Theodore Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Casey, T. W. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Cautley, Henry S. Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Purchase, H. G. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Chadwick, Sir Robert Hopkins, John W. W. Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Hurd, Percy A. Seddon, J. A. Churchman, Sir Arthur Jameson, J. Gordon Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Cobb, Sir Cyril Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Kidd, James Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Courthorpe, Major George L. Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Curzon, Commander Viscount Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Lindsay, William Arthur Steel, Major S. Strang Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lort-Williams, J. Strauss, Edward Anthony Doyle, N. Grattan Loseby, Captain C. E. Sturrock, J. Leng Edge, Captain William Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Sugden, W. H. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Sutherland, Sir William Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Manville, Edward Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Mason, Robert Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Foreman, Henry Molson, Major John Elsdale Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Townley, Maximilian G. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Tryon, Major George Clement Gardiner, James Morrison, Hugh Waring, Major Walter Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Weston, Colonel John W. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Murchison, C. K. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Glyn, Major Ralph Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Goff, Sir R. Park Nail, Major Joseph Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Grant, James A. Neal, Arthur Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Parker, James Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Hinds, John Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton TELLERS FOR THE AYES — Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Pratt, John William Commander Eyres-Monsell and Hood, Joseph Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Mr. Dudley Ward. NOES. Acland, Rt, Hon. F. D. Hartshorn, Vernon Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hogge, James Myles White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Barnes, Major H.(Newcastle, E.) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Billing, Noel Pemberton. Mills, John Edmund Wintringham, T. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Raffan, Peter Wilson Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Rose, Frank H. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Entwistle, Major C. F. Royce, William Stapleton Major Watts Morgan and Mr. Aneurin Williams.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (4) leave out the word " required," and insert instead thereof the word " requested."
I beg to move " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The Amendment is a purely drafting one consequential upon the last.
I do not see why we should agree. If you read the Sub-section carefully, you will see that to accept the word " requested" would be to place in the hands of the Commissioners extraordinary power, which might easily be abused. The House will observe what that says:
" The Commissioners may, subject to any directions given by the Treasury, pay to any person required by them to furnish particulars with respect to the subject matter of their inquiry or to attend before them such reasonable expenses as such person shall incur in respect thereof."
I presume that that must apply to the farmers concerned. These are the very men who are going to draw the guarantee.
The hon. Member will observe that this word " required " is in the Sub-section just struck out. Therefore it could not be in this Sub-section. This is purely a drafting and consequential Amendment.
If you read it as a whole it gives the Commissioners power to pay any person that is even requested to furnish information.
The word " required " is struck out.
I am objecting to the new word.
I am objecting to the hon. Member raising a discussion on a purely drafting Amendment.
Does not this, as it stands, not give the Commissioners power to pay away public money to anybody whom they request to furnish information' It does not give them power to demand it.
The House has already struck out the word "required." It will not enable the Commissioners to require information. There must be some word in, and this is the obvious word.
Does this not enlarge the power of the Commissioners? In the first place they were required to furnish information. Now they are only requested.
I say that "request" is a much smaller thing. If I require the hon. Member to sit down, and discontinue his speech it is one thing. If I request it, it is a much smaller thing. I use that as an illustration.
Are we to understand that provided the Government say it is a drafting Amendment, we are to accept it as a drafting Amendment?
If the hon. Member will look at it he will see it is obvious. The House has determined that the power of the Commissioners to require is not in the Bill, and you cannot continue in the next section to say that the Commissioners shall have the power to require them to do something.
May I submit that the proper consequential Amendment is to leave this Sub-section out altogether.
If we put the word " request " in, we are strengthening the Clause, because as it was drawn there was power to pay when they required. It will now be changed into a Clause giving power to pay when they request. It is not a consequential Amendment.
I think it is a consequential Amendment.
Can I move to leave out the Sub-section?
No. The Question is to agree with the Lords. Hon. Members must not give their case away by attempting to discuss Amendments which are consequential. One of the hon. Members who addressed the House pointed out that these were consequential.
My point is perfectly serious. I respectfully submit that what I suggested was perfectly just, for by changing "require" into "request" it would not be a consequential Amendment at all.
There is no power to require. That has been struck out. There must be some other word if you are going to get information.
Will not the Government consider the advisability of re-drafting this Clause themselves?
You cannot do that.
Question put, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 128; Noes, 19.
Division No. 442.] AYES. [3-50 a.m Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Cobb, Sir Cyril Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Armitage, Robert Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Atkey, A. R. Courthorpe, Major George L. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Curzon, Commander Viscount Hinds, John Baird, Sir John Lawrence Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Hood, Joseph Barlow, Sir Montague Doyle, N. Grattan Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Barnston, Major Harry Edge, Captain William Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Hopkins, John W. W. Billing, Noel Pemberton- Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Hurd, Percy A. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Foreman, Henry Jameson, J. Gordon Bridgeman, William Clive Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Carr, W. Theodore Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Kidd, James Casey, T. W. Gardiner, James Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Cautley, Henry S. Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Lindsay, William Arthur Chadwick, Sir Robert Glyn, Major Ralph Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Goff, Sir R. Park Lort-Williams, J. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Grant, James A. Loseby, Captain C. E. Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Churchman, Sir Arthur Hacking, Captain Douglas H. McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester)
Manville, Edward Purchase, H. G. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Mason, Robert Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Townley, Maximilian G. Molson, Major John Elsdale Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Tryon, Major George Clement Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Waring, Major Walter Morrison, Hugh Seddon, J. A. Weston, Colonel John W. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Murchison, C. K. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Nail, Major Joseph Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Neal, Arthur Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) steel, Major S. Strang Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Strauss, Edward Anthony Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Parker, James Sturrock, J. Leng Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Sugden, W. H. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Sutherland, Sir William TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Pratt, John William Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Captain Guest and Lord Edmund Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Talbot. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hogge, James Myles Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M Wintringham, T. Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Mills, John Edmund Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Morgan, Major D. Watts Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Rose, Frank H. TELLERS FOR THE NOES — Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Royce, William Stapleton Mr. Raffan and Mr. Aneurin Entwistle, Major C. F. Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Williams. Hartshorn, Vernon White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)
Lords Amendment: Leave out Subsection (5).
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is entirely a drafting Amendment, consequential on leaving out Sub-section (3).
On a point of Order. I submit very respectfully that it is clear that this is not a drafting Amendment. It says:
" If any person fails to comply with any order of the Commissioners made under this section."
Leaving out that portion, of course, is drafting, because there is no longer any order, but the rest of the Clause is not drafting. It says:
" If any person knowingly furnishes any particulars which are false or misleading in any material particular, or knowingly gives any evidence which is false or misleading in any material particular, he shall he liable on summary jurisdiction to a fine not exceeding fifty pounds or to imprisonment—"
and so on. That false information may be given in answer to a request. The Sub section which we have just passed—
If the hon. Member had his way, he would restore the whole of the Sub-section, with the lines:
" If any person fails to comply with any order of the Commissioners made under this section."
There is no such order made under this Sub-section.
Exactly so, Sir. I began by stating that the omission of that part is purely drafting. But I pointed out that the remainder of the Clause could not be ruled to be consequential upon leaving out the word " require," because it is clearly applicable to the word " request," which the Government have retained in the Clause.
As I have already pointed out to the hon. Member, he cannot attain his object by what he proposes, by disagreeing with the Lords' Amendment. This is clearly a drafting Amendment, and so I rule.
rose—
I have pointed out to the hon. Member that he will not attain his object by further discussion, or by repeating his arguments, because the words would remain in the Bill, and he has no power to strike them out.
On a point of Order. I think it is only fair that I should have a right to make my position clear. I should be prepared to move.
I have pointed out—
rose—
I really must ask the hon. Member to sit down. The Amendment is purely consequential.
Question put, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
CLAUSE 4.—( Power to enforce proper cultivation. )
(1) The Minister, if in any case he is of opinion after consultation with the agricultural committee (if any) for the area in which the land is situate—
( a ) that any land is not being cultivated according to the rules of good husbandry; or
( b ) that the production of food on any land can, in the national interest and with out injuriously affecting the persons interested in the land, be maintained or increased by the occupier by means of an improvement in the existing method of cultivation or by the use of the land for arable cultivation; or
The House divided: Ayes, 127; Noes, 28.
Division No. 443.] AYES. [4.0 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Glyn, Major Ralph Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Armitage, Robert Goff, Sir R. Park Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Atkey, A. R. Grant, James A. Pratt, John William Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Purchase, H. G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Raw, Lieut.-Colonel N. Barlow, Sir Montague Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Barnston, Major Harry Hinds, John Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Bigland, Alfred Hood, Joseph Seddon, J. A. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hopkins, John w. W. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, south) Bridgeman, William Clive Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Carr, W. Theodore Hurd, Percy A. Steel, Major S. Strang Casey, T. w. Jameson, J. Gordon Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Cautley, Henry S. Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Strauss, Edward Anthony Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sturrock, J. Leng Chadwick, R. Burton Kidd, James Sugden, W. H. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sutherland, Sir William Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Lindsay, William Arthur Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Churchman, Sir Arthur Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Cobb, Sir Cyril Lort-Williams, J. Townley, Maximilian G. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Loseby, Captain C. E. Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Tryon, Major George Clement Courthorpe, Major George L. McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Curzon, Commander Viscount Manville, Edward Waring, Major Walter Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Mason, Robert Weston, Colonel John W. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Molson, Major John Elsdale Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Doyle, N. Grattan Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Edge, Captain William Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Morrison, Hugh Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Murchison, C. K. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Foreman, Henry Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Nall, Major Joseph Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Neal, Arthur Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Gardiner, James Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Guest. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Parker, James NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hartshorn, Vernon Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hogge, James Myles White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Billing, Noel Pemberton. Mills, John Edmund Wintringham, T. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Redmond, Captain William Archer Edwards. G. (Norfolk, South) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Entwistle, Major C. F. Rose, Frank H. Mr. Aneurin Williams and Mr Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Royce, William Stapleton Raffan.
(c) that the occupier of land has unreasonably neglected to execute thereon the necessary works of maintenance being, in the case of land occupied by a tenant, works which he is liable to execute under the conditions of his tenancy or rendered necessary by his act or default; or
( d ) that the owner of land in the occupation of a tenant has unreasonably neglected to execute thereon the necessary works of maintenance, not being works to which the preceding paragraph applies;
may serve notice, in the case of neglect to execute the necessary works of maintenance, on the tenant or owner, as the case may be, requiring him to execute the necessary works within such time as may be specified in the notice,, and in any other case on the occupier of the land requiring him to cultivate the land in accordance with such directions as the Minister may give for securing that the cultivation shall be in accordance with the rules of good husbandry or for securing the necessary improvement in the existing method of cultivation, or for securing that the land shall be used for arable cultivation, so, however, as not to interfere with the discretion of the occupier as to the crops to be grown, and where compliance with any such directions, in the case of land in the occupation of a tenant, involves any breach of or noncompliance with any covenant or condition of the contract of tenancy, the Minister may in the same or any subsequent notice so served direct that any such covenant or condition, so far as it interferes with compliance with such directions, shall be suspended, and may provide for securing to the landlord such payments or other benefits (if any) as the Minister thinks just on account of any profit or benefit derived or expected to be derived by the tenant by reason of the suspension of the covenant or condition or by reason of the execution by the owner of any works of maintenance, and any such provision of the notice shall have effect as if it was contained in the contract of tenancy:
Provided that if any person on whom any notice is served under this section is aggrieved by the notice, he may within the prescribed time require the question whether the land has been cultivated according to the rules of good husbandry, or whether the production of food on the land can in the national interest be maintained or increased by the occupier by means of the required improvement in the existing method of cultivation or by the us© of the land for arable cultivation or whether such improvement or use will injuriously affect the persons interested in the land, or whether the works required to be executed are necessary works of maintenance for the proper cultivation or working of the land, or whether the time specified in the notice for the execution of such works is reasonable, to be referred to arbitration in accordance with Part IV. of the Act of 1917, and where any question is so referred to arbitration, no action shall be taken for enforcing the directions given by the Minister until the determination of the reference or except in accordance with the terms of the award, and, where the person on whom any notice is served is a tenant, the landlord shall have the same right as the tenant of requiring any question to be referred to arbitration.
(4) Where a notice has been served on the owner of any land in the occupation of a tenant requiring him within a time specified in the notice to execute necessary works of maintenance and the owner fails to comply with the requirements of the notice, the Minister may authorise the tenant to execute the works in a proper and workmanlike manner, and a tenant so authorised shall be entitled to execute the works accordingly, and at any time after the works have been executed to recover from the owner the costs reasonably incurred by him in so doing, in the same manner in all respects as if those costs were compensation awarded in respect of an improvement under the Act of 1908.
(6) If, in the opinion of the Minister, the occupier fails to cultivate the land in accordance with directions so given, the Minister, after the prescribed notice, may, if the occupier in default is a tenant, by order determine the tenancy of the holding or of any part thereof at the expiration of the current year of the tenancy, not being less than two months after the making of the order, and, if the occupier in default is not a tenant, enter on and take possession of the land, or of the holding of which it forms part, for such time, and (either himself or by any person authorised by him) do all such things as appear to him necessary or desirable for the cultivation of the land of which possession has been taken, or for adapting such land for cultivation.
Any such order of the Minister may contain such provisions as the Minister thinks fit for adjusting the relations of landlord and tenant where the tenancy is determined; and any such provision of the order shall have effect as if it was contained in the contract of tenancy.
(7) Where it is represented to the Minister by an agricultural committee that the owner of any agricultural estate or land situate wholly or partly in the area of the committee, whether the estate or land or any part thereof is or is not in the occupation of tenants, cultivates or manages the estate or land in a manner inconsistent with good estate management, and so as to prejudice materially the production of food thereon, the Minister may, if he thinks it necessary or desirable so to do in the national interest, and after making such inquiry as he thinks proper and after taking into consideration any representations made to him by the owner, by order appoint such person as he thinks fit to act as receiver and manager of the estate or land or any part thereof:
Provided that—
( a ) An order made under this Sub-section shall not, except where the person appointed by the order to act as receiver and manager of the estate or land is appointed to act in the place of a person previously appointed under this Sub-section, take effect until a period of six months has elapsed after the date on which notice of the order having been made was given to the owner of the estate or land, and the owner may at any time during the said period appeal against the order to the High Court in accordance with rules of court, and where any such appeal is made, the order shall not take effect pending the determination of the appeal; and
( b ) An order made under this Sub-section shall not, except with the consent of the owner, extend to a mansion house, or the garden or grounds attached thereto, or to any land which at the date of the order forms part of any park or of any home
( c ) the order shall not operate to deprive any person, except with his consent, of any sporting rights over the estate or land which do not interfere with the production of food on the estate or land; and
( d ) any person appointed to act as receiver and manager of any estate or land under this section shall render a yearly report and statement of accounts to the owner or his agent and to the Minister; and
( e ) the powers conferred by the fore-going provisions shall be in addition to and not in derogation of any other powers conferred on the Minister under this Section.
The Minister may by an order made under this provision apply for the purposes of the order, with such modifications as he thinks fit, any of the provisions of section twenty-four of the Conveyancing and Law of Property Act, 1881, which relates to the powers, remuneration, and duties of receivers appointed by mortgagees, and authorise the receiver to exercise such other powers vested in the owner of the estate or land as may be specified in the order and may be reasonably necessary for the proper discharge by him of his duties as receiver and manager:
Provided that the receiver and manager shall not have power to sell or create any charge upon the estate or land or any part thereof except with the consent of the owner or with the approval of the High Court obtained upon an application made for the purpose in accordance with rules of court.
The owner of any estate or land in respect of which an order has been made under this Sub-section may, at any time after the expiration of three years from the date of the order, or after any change in the ownership of the estate or land, apply to the Minister to have the order appointing the receiver and manager revoked. and if on any such application the Minister refuses to revoke the order, the owner may appeal against the refusal to the High Court, in accordance with rules of court.
(8) If within one month after the Minister has entered on or appointed a receiver and manager in respect of any land the owner of the land so requires, a record of the condition of the buildings, fences, gates, roads, drains, ditches, and cultivation of the land shall be made within three months after the date of requisition by a person to be appointed, in default of agreement, by the President of the Surveyors' Institution; and in default of agreement the cost of making such record shall be borne by the Minister and the owner in equal portions.
(9) Where the Minister has entered on any land under this provision he may, after the prescribed notice, let the land or, with the consent of the owner, any part thereof for any term not exceeding five years on such terms and conditions as the Minister thinks fit and at the best rent that, having regard to such terms and conditions, can reasonably be obtained:
Provided that—
( a ) before any contract of tenancy is executed by the Minister under this provision a draft thereof shall be sent to the owner of the land and a reasonable opportunity afforded him of objecting to any provision therein; and
( b ) a copy of the contract of tenancy shall be sent to such owner as soon as possible after its execution.
(10) Any notice given by the Minister for the purposes of this Section, which directs the suspension of any covenant or condition, shall be sufficient defence to any action or other proceeding in respect of any breach of, or non-compliance with, the covenant or condition so far as the breach or non-compliance is authorised by the notice of suspension.
(11) If, at any time after a contract of tenancy of any land has been created by the Minister, the owner of the land requires the Minister to withdraw, the Minister shall so withdraw as soon as reasonably may be.
(12) When the Minister at any time withdraws from possession of any land of which he has taken possession under this Section—
( a ) he shall before withdrawing (except where the withdrawal is required by the owner of the land) give the prescribed notice in writing of his intention to the person then entitled to resume occupation of the land, and such notice shall be given not less than three months previously to the withdrawal by the Minister, and shall expire on one of the half-yearly days customary in the district where the land is situate; and
( b ) he may recover from the person then entitled to resume occupation of the land such amount as represents the value to that person of all acts of cultivation or adaptation for cultivation executed by the Minister; and
( c ) the land shall be subject to any tenancy created by the Minister in like manner as if the tenancy had been created by the person who would but for the tenancy have been entitled to resume occupation of the land.
(13) Any person who is interested in any land of which possession is taken under this section, and who suffers any loss by reason of the exercise of the powers conferred by this section in that behalf shall if he makes a claim for the purpose before the expiration of such period, not being less than one year, after the exercise of the powers as may be prescribed by the Minister, be entitled to be paid by the Minister such amount or amounts by way of periodical payments or otherwise as may represent the loss.
(14) The amount recoverable or payable by the Minister under sub-section (12) or subsection (13) of this section shall be determined in each case in default of agreement by arbitration under Part IV. of the Act of 1917.
(15) For the purposes of this section the expression " necessary. works of mainte- nance " means such of the following works as are necessary for the proper cultivation and working of the land on which they are to be executed (that is to say): —
( a ) The maintenance and clearing of drains, embankments, and ditches;
( b ) The maintenance and proper repair of farm roads, fences, stone walls, gates, and hedges;
( c ) The execution of repairs to buildings:
Provided that a notice under sub-section (1) of this section requiring any person to maintain or clear any drains, embankments, or ditches shall not operate so as to impose on that person any obligation in that behalf if and so far as the execution of the works required is rendered impossible by reason of the subsidence of any land or the blocking of outfalls which are not under the control of that person..
(16) Where the Minister is satisfied that there are injurious weeds to which this sub-section applies growing upon the land, he may serve upon the occupier of the land a notice in writing requiring him to cut down or destroy the weeds in the manner and within the time specified in the notice, and where any such notice is given the provisions of subsection (3) of this section shall, with the necessary modifications, apply as if the land were land which was not being cultivated according to the rules of good husbandry, and as if a notice had been served on the occupier under subsection (1) of this section.
The expression "occupier " in this sub-section means, in the case of any public road, the authority by whom the road is being maintained, and, in the case of unoccupied land, the person entitled to the occupation thereof.
Regulations may be made under this Act for prescribing the injurious weeds to which this subsection is to apply.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1, a ), after the word " any " insert "arable or grass."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is a drafting Amendment, defining the character of the land brought under this Clause. Unless these words are inserted it would be possible in theory to apply the Clause to land covered by factories, workshops, etc.
We are now on a Clause which is really important, and I am afraid if we pass these two words we shall be parties to differentiating, and later we shall be unable to alter the general character of any holding. The object of the Bill has been frequently stated, and this Clause is to increase production and to provide more employment. If the land is not more intensively cultivated that cannot be done.
That hardly refers to this Amendment.
I am afraid if we pass this, we shall be told that we are too late. This is an attempt to retain and to prevent the ploughing up of grass land.
May I explain to my hon. Friend. There is nothing in this which could produce the results he fears. This has nothing to do with intensive cultivation. You may improve the cultivation and provision is made in the Clause for improving the cultivation. The only land to which the Clause can apply is what you may call farm land, arable or grass; otherwise it would apply to buildings, factories, etc. That is the sole point of the Amendment, and I assure him there is no intention in the direction of limiting the improvement that he is so desirous to see.
May I ask my right hon. Friend if this arable or grass land includes market gardening land?
Certainly market garden land is arable land, and highly cultivated.
Is a park either arable or grass? Has the right hon. Gentleman ever heard a park referred to as "grass." May not the Amendment he refers to as a drafting Amendment prevent the Government or the Commons taking steps to put a good deal of this park land under cultivation. Can he give the House the assurance that if the Amendment is passed it is the sense of the Government that it includes all land which is not used either for the purposes of a park or for building on? Does this differentiate between park land and grass land?
There is no differentiation. Most park land is grass land, as everybody knows. This simply says:
" such land as is ordinarily cultivated "
If you do not have arable land or grass land cultivated, wht do you cultivate?
I do not think there is so much in this point that we should press it any longer, but we ought to be quite clear what is included and what is excluded. For instance, take an orchard.
I will answer that once. Most orchards are in grass. On the other hand, you may have young orchards in arable. They are one or the other.
Does this apply to woodlands?
Woodlands are dealt with in the next Amendment.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords' Amendment: In Sub-section (1,
" not being a park, garden, or pleasure ground or land adjoining a mansion house or garden attached thereto and required for their protection or amenity or woodland or land cultivated for osiers."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The object of this Bill is to improve. farms. It is not to improve what I may call pleasure grounds or parks, or osier beds or woodlands, which are adjacent to a mansion house and are a necessity for its amenities. It is to improve ordinary farm land in the country.
I have understood that the object of this Bill is not the object which was given just now by the Parliamentary Secretary, but was to provide more food for the country. For that reason I think the Government are wrong in agreeing to this Amendment. During the War we had experience of ploughing up parkland. Many parks round mansion houses were ploughed up under the Defence of the Realm regulations and the result was that we grew a great deal more food [HON. MEMBERS: No]. Yes, there is no doubt about it. An example was given us when we were discussing the Agricultural Bill recently by the hon. Member for West Perthshire of a very large park which had been ploughed up, and the owner expressed his thanks for what had been done. Those words are put in ostensibly for the protection of a park which is kept for the amenity of a large house and I do not suggest that the powers in the Bill should be used unfairly against land in that position, but if the House will look at the words of the Clause as a whole they will see that there is ample protection against any land in that position. The opening words of the Section say
" The Minister, if in any case he is of opinion, after consultation with the Agricultural Committee for the area in which the land is situated."
Surely that is sufficient protection to anyone in the possession of park lands of that description, that the powers will not be abused. If they have not confidence in the Agricultural Committee surely they would have confidence in the Minister or in both acting together.
When the Bill left this House, it was a more democratic measure than we found it. Now it returns with an Amendment as vague as it is likely to prove irritating. In the first instance it refers to land adjoining a mansion house. In my constituency there is a park with a mansion house in the centre, and presumably all the land around that mansion house would be the land referred to in this Clause. The land includes some thousands of acres, all of which would be capable of growing very excellent food. I am referring to the park of Lord Salisbury. [ Interruption. ] May I appeal to hon. Members not to interrupt unless they wish to address you, Mr. Speaker? I consider this a dangerous Clause and unnecessary, and calculated possibly to defeat some of the main objects of the Bill. What is the definition of a " park"? Are we to understand that everybody's land is to be taken bar the big landowners'? One of the most unfortunate sights in this country is large areas of park-land not under cultivation. That is what breeds Bolshevism. In my own constituency I have been endeavouring for many years to get land round the towns for allotments, but although we are surrounded by excellent land none of it is available for this purpose Yet noble Lords can insert this Amendment for the protection of their parks. I do trust that the Members of the Labour party are not going to remain silent under such an affront to the democratic system of the country. Cannot we leave it to the people responsible under the Act not to do anything so foolish as to try to take land on which there are buildings or pleasure grounds? I think the democratic supporters of the Government, not the large landowners, would have been rather shocked if this Amendment had read " not being a park or land adjoining a mansion." That would have been a little too obvious, and the Lords, with their ingenuity in these matters, have put in the little bit about gardens and pleasure- grounds to cover up their desire to retain these' vast tracts of land. I am not a Socialist in any sense. I am frequently told that I am no friend of the Labour party. That is unfair criticism. In such things as this I want to see the balance adjusted. I want to see any measure which will deprive these landowners of their vast parks. I submit that 500 acres is enough for any man to own in this country purely to maintain the privacy of his own mansion. I consider this a most undemocratic Amendment and I trust we shall hear a great deal more about it before we divide. I would like to hear the Labour Members' point of view, and the point of view of the vested interests of the large landlords who will be benefited.
This Bill comes back to the House of Commons giving powers to secure the better cultivation of land. Is there any reason why a landlord who has either a park or a garden, or land which is described here as adjoining a mansion house, should not be required to cultivate his grass land better than he is doing? One knows perfectly well that you do not destroy the amenity of a large park by feeding cattle or sheep on it from time to time. There are many parks devoted to deer, and I cannot see why the Commissioners of Agriculture should not have the power to compel a man who has large grounds to give his grass land, whether adjoining his house or forming part of his amenity, this dressing of basic slag from time to time in order that the grass may rear more cattle or sheep for public consumption. I do not see why the right hon. Gentleman should object or why he should suggest that we should agree to the Lords' Amendment without taking power to compel these people to have as high a state of cultivation as possible while preserving their amenities.
May I move to leave out the words " or amenity "?
I have put the question " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This may mean that in addition to the ordinary domain around a mansion, further lands such as hills and slopes may be kept uncultivated on the ground that it is an amenity. There are many cases where this actually occurs. Unless we can get some explanation of the legal meaning of the two words " or amenity," I think we ought to divide against accepting this very important Amendment.
I am exceedingly sorry to find myself in disagreement with the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill, and I regret that this Amendment has not been accepted. A park may mean 2,000 acres of land. It is well known to everyone who has studied the subject that in the great majority of cases these parks are left without sufficient manure. There is no leakage to the possible production of foodstuffs more remarkable than the condition of these parks.
The right hon. Gentleman should have power under this Bill to limit the amount of park land. If there is no limit, steps ought to be taken to have a provision inserted limiting the amount that can be called amenity.
I have not thought that there was a great deal of substance in what we have been talking about for the last hour or so.
Why don't you cross over and be done with it.
But in regard to the word " park " I think it would be a disadvantage if people were able to say " You are coming down on tenant farmers' grass and you are leaving So-and-so's park entirely unaffected." The Amendment is very harmless, but I am sorry that the Lords have included parks.
If this Amendment is carried there will be scores of thousands of acres of land exempt from the provisions of the Bill. We have been told from day to day to increase food production. Let us know something about what is the definition of " park " or of " land adjoining a mansion or garden attached thereto and required for their protection or amenity." This is giving preferential treatment to a certain class of people. Why cannot you say the land adjoining a cottage is exempt? Food production goes by the board when somebody's vested interests are concerned. Parks were ploughed up during the War. When we are, told that food pro- duction was never so necessary as at the present time why do we exempt parks from the provisions of this Bill? When production, as we are told, was never more necessary than to-day these gentlemen exempt themselves at a time like this. In my opinion it is a perfect scandal to exempt land such as this from the provisions of this Bill. I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will change his mind and go back to the mind he had during the sittings of the Committee.
Having regard to your decision, Mr. Speaker, on the appeal of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull, I think we are entitled to lodge a protest. You refused to allow any discussion, and regarded them as consequential. Everyone will admit, yourself included, that if time and opportunity had been given to go through the Order Paper there would have been Amendments down. We have not had time to do it because these Amendments were not in our hands until one o'clock yesterday. The least the Government could do, having regard
to the great indignation that would be caused by this Clause, is to drop it temporarily. If the words " or amenity " had been omitted it would not have been so bad.
I regret that this word was inserted.
How many acres does a park consist of?
How on earth can I say what is the size of a park? No compromise can be made at this stage. We must vote on the motion that the House agrees with the Amendment.
A compromise is possible if we put it in without the objectionable word "park." The Minister, considering the almost universal objection to the inclusion of the word " park," should omit it.
Question put, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 109; Noes, 35.
Division No. 444] AYES. [4.35 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Grant, James A. Parker, James Armitage, Robert Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Atkey, A. R. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Pratt, John William Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Purchase, H. G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Barlow, Sir Montague Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Barnston, Major Harry Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hood, Joseph Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Bigland, Alfred Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Boscawen. Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Seddon, J. A. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hopkins, John W. W. Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Bridgeman, William Clive Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead Shortt, Rt. Hon. E- (N'castle-on-T.) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Carr, W. Theodore Jameson, J. Gordon Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cautley, Henry S. Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Steel, Major S. Strang Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Chadwick, Sir Robert Kidd, James Strauss, Edward Anthony Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A.(Birm.,W.) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sugden, W. H. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Sutherland, Sir William Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Lindsay, William Arthur Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Churchman, Sir Arthur Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Cobb, Sir Cyril Lort-Williams, J. Tryon, Major George Clement Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Waring, Major Walter Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Manville, Edward Weston, Colonel John W. Courthope, Major George L. Mason, Robert Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Curzon, Commander Viscount Molson, Major John Elsdale Williams, Lieut.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Doyle, N. Grattan Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Morrison, Hugh Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Foreman, Henry Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Murchison, C. K. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Nail, Major Joseph Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Neal, Arthur TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Mr. Dudley Ward and Commander Glyn, Major Ralph Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Eyres-Monsell. Goff, Sir R. Park Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Billing, Noel Pemberton Edwards, C (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Casey, T. W. Entwistle, Major C. F.
Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Townley, Maximilian G. Gardiner, James Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Hartshorn, Vernon Raffan, Peter Wilson Wilson, W, Tyson (Westhoughton) Hinds, John Redmond, Captain William Archer Wintringham, T. Hogge, James Myles Rose, Frank H. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Hurd, Percy A. Royce, William Stapleton Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Loseby, Captain C. E. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Sturrock, J. Leng Mr. Charles White and Mr. Mills. Morgan, Major D. Watts Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1) leave out paragraph (
"( b ) that the production of food on any such land as aforesaid can, in the national interest and without injuriously affecting the persons interested in the land or altering the general character of the holding, be maintained or increased by the occupier by means of an improvement in the existing method of cultivation; or "
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
We have now reached what is undoubtedly an important matter. I cannot honestly say that all the matters we have been discussing up to the present have been important, but this is, and perhaps I may be excused if I say a few words about it, pointing out the stage we have now reached. As the Bill was originally introduced there were somewhat wide powers for compelling changes in cultivation in the interests of food production, and in Committee upstairs those powers were eliminated, leaving us with no power whatever for the enforcement of the necessary requirements beyond the ordinary rules of good husbandry. When the Bill came down from Committee to be considered in Report in this House, in the opinion of the Government that was not sufficient. It was not a sufficient quid pro quo for the guaranteed prices. We therefore re-inserted Sub-section (4), which has been struck out in another place, which gave us two things: first, the right to insist on improvements in the existing methods of cultivation, and, secondly, the maintenance of a certain amount of land as arable land. With regard to the latter, I never held that we should be able to do very much. The safeguards were of such of a character that I did not believe it had ever been possible, either to plough up extensively or even to compel the maintenance of the existing arable, because in any single case as the Clause stood it was necessary to prove that such ploughing up or maintenance of arable was in the national interest and that it would not injuriously affect the persons interested in the land.
In another place they broke up the new Sub-section which was re-inserted here on the Report stage and they have put back the first part of it, that is to say, they have left out the maintenance of arable land, but they have retained the power to insist on improvement in the existing methods of cultivation, so that there is no power to alter the general character of the holdings. We had to consider whether we thought that was a sufficient quid pro quo for guaranteed prices. The opinion of the Government is that it does. Our view is that the maintenance of arable should be maintained by the pressure exerted by the guaranteed prices; that the guaranteed prices should be sufficient inducement for the maintenance of a large amount of arable land. But what we want is this. We get the right by this Amendment, generally to tune up farming all over the country; to insist that whether the land is arable or grass, whether it is being cultivated as a mixed farm or not, that there shall be no opportunity or room for slack or indifferent farming, and that the Agricultural Committees and the Minster acting through those Committees, shall have the power to impose penalties and to compel proper farming all through the country.
In the Clause as it now stands, as amended in another place, we have that power. We shall be able to say in the case of grass that it will be properly farmed and improved, that indifferent grass lands that will carry now only a very small stock of cattle shall be treated with basic slag and improved, and shall carry a heavier head of cattle. We shall be able to say that the land seeded down to grass shall be properly seeded, and not allowed to tumble down. We shall be able to say in the case of orchards, for example, that fruit and apple trees which have been attacked by pests shall be protected by greased bands. We shall be strong, and shall have sufficient powers to insist on proper cultivation. We shall get rid of what was principally objected to in Committee, and what many Members of the House object to, the right of a Committee or the right of officials from Whitehall—they were called "whipper-snappers from Whitehall " going down and ordering ploughing up there, or maintenance of arable land here, or generally interfering with the land of a farm. I confess that, so far as I was concerned, and I stated it on a previous occasion, that, having regard to all the safeguards, I always feared that the original Clause did not give effective power. I often used to say that the main objection to the Clause was not the control, but the safeguards that so hedged it round as to be likely to render it ineffective. I think we are right in dropping what might be regarded, and was regarded, as interference and control by officials, resented by farmers all over the country, and which in practice- would be ineffective. As we still retain very large powers, such as I have described for improving cultivation and taking care there is no slack farming in the country, I think we should be justified in agreeing with the Lords in this Amendment.
I have handed in an Amendment to omit the words, " or altering the general character of the holding."
The hon. Member is not in order in moving. I cannot accept the Amendment. The question is " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment." If the House disagree with the Lords' Amendment, then I can consider the Amendment, but I cannot take it now.
Mr. Speaker ruled that Amendments were too late because they had not been handed in before he put the Question, " That the House doth agree with the Lords' Amendment." Now you rule that the Amendment which I put before you put that Question cannot be moved now, and can only be put in the event of that question being rejected. I submit that these rulings are inconsistent.
I think they are quite consistent. The right hon. Gentleman caught my eye, and there is nothing unusual in that respect.
On a point of Order. Does not that mean that if Mr. Speaker or Mr. Deputy-Speaker for the time being always called us, he would be entitled to call the Minister in charge of the Bill, and no one else could have an Amendment called?
The question now before the House is " That the House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment". If that is negatived I will then consider any Amendment that is put before me.
I quite understand. That is not the point of Order. I quite agree that you, having put it from the Chair, that the House agrees, you cannot accept an Amendment until the House disagrees. My point of Order is that my hon. and learned Friend has been several times to-night deprived the opportunity of moving an Amendment on the ground that the words were moved from the Chair first, " that the House doth agree." He has submitted an Amendment; you have not called him because it is customary to call the Minister in charge of the Bill. What I was submitting is that if you pursue that and call the Minister in charge of the Bill, how can anyone in the House get an Amendment?
I will bear in mind the hon. Gentleman's request.
I must bow to your ruling, but it practically prevents me from moving any Amendment to the Lords' Amendments. I must take other means for getting my words in. It is evident that the Government have the power to vote that we agree with this, that or the other Amendment. That being so, your ruling makes it impossible—I am not challenging your ruling for one minute—for us to move any amendments to any of the Lords' amendments except by permission of the Government. We must, of course, take other means for making our points, and we need not apologise for doing so, seeing that this Bill is brought at such an hour and at such short notice, with 16½ pages of amendments which we have had no reasonable opportunity of reading or studying. It is a sort of game of catch-as-catch-can to try and swallow the Clause as quickly as we can, and then we arc not allowed to move any amendments. The words I object to in this Amendment of the Lords' are first that they have inserted certain words and secondly that they have omitted certain words. The words that they have inserted are these: " or altering the general character of the holding." I have consulted a friend learned in agriculture as to what these words mean, and he assures me that the great objection was that they do not mean anything, and that it is perfectly impossible for anybody to say what they do mean. How can an improvement in the existing method of cultivation by any possibility " alter the general character of the holding." It seems to me quite a meaningless confusion of words, and I should like to know why we are expected to accept anything so meaningless. My second objection is to what they have left out, and the words left out are by no means meaningless. The words are that they may be ordered not only to improve the existing method of cultivation, but to improve it by the use of the land for arable cultivation. It is most essential that that power should be retained. Many of us have had the greatest doubt whether it was right in time of peace to continue these guaranteed prices. But we have reconciled our conscience to it on the ground that it was a time of transition, and for some time it was necessary for the State to retain a very firm grip over the agriculture of this country, to make sure that the land which ought to be ploughed was being ploughed, and that all land was being put to its best purpose. Now another place takes away from us altogether the power to say that such land is to be used for arable cultivation. That I think is a very grave objection. There was one other point. The Prime Minister says that the Clause would give power to go to an owner of an orchard and say that the orchard was not properly kept, and that it must be better kept. I will not argue that if he will explain where he gets that power. There is nothing said about an orchard in the Clause.
All orchards are either in arable or in grass land—one of the two.
That I think is a very great straining of the words. I know perfectly well what an orchard is and how an orchard is kept. I very much doubt whether any Court of law would take that view of the clause on these grounds, quite apart from the orchard. I beg to suggest that we disagree with the Lords Amendment.
5.0 A.M.
This is a first-class matter. We have already had the question of Ireland to-night, and this is the second big matter. If accepted this Amendment makes the Bill more unstable. What you really want in a Bill about agriculture is that it should be accepted as a permanent settlement and, what is much more important, accepted as a concordant between the industry itself and the great mass of the taxpayers. Under this Bill we are going to be called on to pay very heavy sums. We have probably saved six or eight millions by cutting out Ireland, but there remains 16 or 20 millions for England and Scotland, and when the accounts begin to come in people will say, of course, " What quid pro quo are we getting for this? What certainty is there that more food will be produced? " And that is being cut right into by the Amendment we are now asked to agree to. I had hoped that this Bill would be the lodestar of our agricultural polity for twenty or thirty years to come, and that gradually as you educated your agricultural committees and got the results of research and so on the more easy it would be, and possibly with a good deal of general agreement, to get much land now used for rather indifferent grass put to much better purpose as arable land. There is a great deal to be learned from the Danes, who are producing a large amount of milk, not from grass land but from arable land. It is not merely a question of producing more wheat and oats but more milk, and that power of producing more milk by arable treatment of the land is now to be dropped out of the Bill. I am not going to detain the House by quoting twenty or thirty passages from the speeches of my right hon. Friend opposite insisting on the power which he now suggests we should drop. It is his unfortunate duty, but he does it very gracefully, to have to change his mind with extraordinary rapidity and extraordinary frequency as we proceed with the Bill; but I want to quote the words of one who is even more important in this matter and that is the Prime Minister. He is pledged up to the hilt to promote arable cultivation. In a speech in this House on the 15th November, in which he had expressed previously a doubt whether you could justify to the taxpayer the very heavy burden which is to fall upon him, he said:
" If you want the British sovereign to look the dollar or any other denomination of coin straight eye to eye you will have to increase production, and above all to increase the production of food. It is a national weakness, it is a national folly, it is a national scandal that £500,000,000 of food should have to be imported into this country when the soil of this country is capable of producing more."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 15th Nov., 1920; col. 1612, vol. 134.]
That may have been general, but he afterwards came to the definite question of arable cultivation, and in showing how difficult it had been for him to accept these guarantees:
"I feel that the interests of the State were paramount and although there was a good deal to be said against the State interfering to the extent of guaranteeing the produce of any particular trade or business this was a matter concerning the life of the community, and I felt we were justified, if we were going to get increased cultivation."—OFFICIAL REPORT, 15th Nov., 1920; col. 1615, vol. 134.]
Now we are not going to get increased cultivation.
" in going to the extent of guaranteeing this particular industry."
The result of our evening's work will be that we will make the guarantee but will not get the increased cultivation which the Prime Minister said was the only thing which justified them in his mind. He says again:
"It is no use having this Bill unless you increase the area under cultivation."
But the Government are going to do nothing to increase the area under cultivation. The Government did not fight it in the Lords. If they had fought it and had come to the conclusion that they had got to accept it it would have been a different matter. Further the Prime Minister said:
" If you do think it worth while you can only do it by breaking up much more land than is now under the plough."— [OFFICIAL REPORT, 15th Nov., 1920; col. 1616, vol. 134.]
Lastly there is the Selborne Report which says that if you are going to carry it out you can only do so by means of Parliament saying that powers must be given with proper safeguards to compel cultivation. A more astounding change of policy by a Government after so recent a declaration by the Prime Minister I have never heard and I am very sorry that it is done, because it is going to make the Bill unfair. These things will come home to roost and the people of this country will say, " We have not got adequate returns for the guarantees we gave." I shall vote against the Amendment.
The last speaker has made it possible for me to avoid a good deal of the ground which I should have covered, because he has taken up the same points that I want to emphasise. I rather sympathise with the right hon. Gentleman, the Member for Camborne, who has been a good friend to the Government in the passage of this Bill. He spoke with melancholy approval the last time I heard him. He spoke in such a balanced way that I thought the tip of the scale would have brought him down on my side. He has come down now and he has very good reason. I am not going to let the Minister in charge of the Bill ride off with the remark that after all there is not very much in it. As a matter of fact the Minister in charge knows it is a complete surrender of the primary purpose of the Bill. You have waived what you insisted on here over and over again that the guarantees are conditional on an extra supply of food, and that means putting more ground under arable cultivation. That is a very important thing. It would be quite possible for the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken to pelt the Minister in charge with speech after speech in which he insisted upstairs and down here on the absolute need for arable cultivation following the guarantees. The right hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) brings in the Prime Minister. He is quite entitled to do that, and he can bring in the Selborne Report and the whole purpose of this Bill. This Bill has never been defended as an economic measure. It has been produced as a political measure, as a guarantee against a future war, and it would be quite possible to say that with these guarantees, which I dislike because they are bad for farming and bad for the nation, you will have a very little additional area under cultivation, and at the same time you will have on your exchequer a vote of some millions very soon as a subsidy for one industry. It would be much easier for a man representing an agricultural constituency to say nothing. It is all very well for some of those Members who represent a town constituency. I hope it is not to the interest of farmers to have this guarantee. It is enervating; it may send them to sleep. They may find that they are robbed of the advantage by rising rents. They had much better stand on their own feet and be free. For that reason I have always objected both to the guarantees and to the control dependent on guarantees. Agriculture is not the Cinderella of industries. I do not try to exaggerate the prosperity of agriculture. It has had bad times and it will have bad times but their bad times are nothing to be compared with the bad times of some of the leading trades in this country. If you give guarantees to this industry in order to secure more food you will have knocking at your doors other industries also asking for guarantees, and I can name you half a dozen trades which would accept any conditions to have guarantees against falling markets. There is the fishing trade under the Minister in charge of this Bill. It is losing heavily. Boats are being laid up in dock in Hull and Grimsby and other ports. It would accept any sort of control in exchange for guarantees against loss. The solution ought to be that the guarantees should be dropped and control should be dropped. The farmers ought to be well content to receive the measure of security given them under the compensation clauses. It would be very much healthier if farmers like people in other industries looked to their own efforts for salvation and did not lean upon the Government. I despair of a solution in this way and I despair now that control has gone.
I and most of my friends have opposed the ploughing-up orders being included in the Bill from the very first. We have done so because we are convinced that if proper powers are given to insist upon land being properly cultivated you will get a much greater increase of food supplies than by compulsorily ploughing orders. The right hon. Member for Camborne is quite wrong when he says that if the House accepts this Amendment nothing is done to increase the cultivation of land. If the subsequent Amendments which have been introduced by the Lords are accepted, and the new definition of the rules of husbandry are accepted, which necessitate the maintenance of the land whether arable, meadow, or pasture in a clean condition and high state of cultivation and fertility, you will get a far greater increase of food than you will under control. The reason we have a low yield of corn at present is because land is not clean and in a high state of fertility. If you insist that the existing arable land is kept as t should be kept under this new definition of the rules of good husbandry you will get far higher production than by compusory ploughing up orders. That is why I and my friends have consistently objected to these orders. I hope the Government will agree with this and the subsequent Amendment.
If this Amendment is passed has the right hon. Gentleman power to prevent arable land being sold for golf courses? I know a case where several acres of good arable land were sold to a golf course.
I have consistently desired to use such means, as in my opinion would improve and increase the area of arable land in this country, and I am sure the provisions indicated will not do so. Let the new schedule as to high cultivation stand in addition to the original clause. My complaint is that this clause is not strong enough. I wanted the original clause in the original Bill. There will be just cause for complaint in the country if something in the nature of the clause as it stands is not permitted to remain in the Bill. We have the spectacle of unemployment in the country. We could employ a much larger number of men if a greater area was brought under cultivation. When we were discussing the question of unemployment it was suggested the best thing would be to send our young men abroad to the Dominions. It would be better to provide for some of them on the land here. If this clause is inserted in the Bill you may bring the existing areas of arable land to a higher state of cultivation, but you will never increase it.
It is totally unfair to suggest that anyone who supports the Lords' Amendment is naturally in favour of these guaranteed prices. The whole of the Welsh Members are absolutely against any guaranteed prices being forced upon us, but we are per- fectly consistent when we go into the lobby in support of the Lords Amendment.
I suggest the Minister is misleading us to-night. He very nearly captured my support for this Clause by saying it was only right that people should not be interfered with in a vexatious manner. The speeches I have listened to since the right hon. Gentleman spoke are gradually beginning to convince me I was wrong in jumping to the conclusion that this was put in to protect the farmers from vexatious interference. The Prime Minister is not here to-night.
I understand that the Prime Minister is the principal Liberal in the Coalition Government, but we have now the residue of the most advanced Tories on the other side of the House. I honestly think that in any measure of this importance we might hope to see a complete Coalition. In the Bill it says that the production of food on any land can, in the national interest, without injuriously affecting the persons interested in the land, be maintained or increased, etc. It lays down that it should not injuriously affect a person. There is this same protection, which has been considered by the Parliamentary Secretary to be sufficient protection. I do not think any measure has been so fully debated by Members of all parties as this Bill. Yet, when it leaves this House comparatively complete, it comes back from the Lords with all these wrecking Amendments. It cannot be expected that the vision which generally characterises the bulk of the remarks of hon. Members, and those on the Treasury Bench, will be as clear as usual at this time of the morning. I do not think that we are in a fit position to judge as to the possible effects of the Amendments. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to tell us now if he is convinced against his will on the Lords' Amendments. Which does he wish to retain, the speech he has just made or the one he made a few weeks ago?
Has this Amendment, which is wrecking the whole Bill, the support, of the Prime Minister? The Prime Minister has pointed out that the whole substance and aim of this Bill is to get more land under cultivation. There is a productive and a really economic way of providing work for the unemployed. Will the right hon. Gentleman say how many men are employed on every acre of grass land and on every acre of arable land in this country? Every acre of arable land means the employment of so many more men. I appeal to him; is it too much to ask that the Prime Minister should make a statement? I think that is a duty which he owes to the House if he proposes to agree with this Amendment. A deal is made along the passage—presumably the Prime Minister makes, his own, or somebody else makes them, for him. We are surprised on this point. Those who are convinced do not know which way to turn, and those who are waiting to be convinced are asked to turn round. I ask the Labour Party to take this opportunity—and I claim to speak for labour as much as any hon. Member—if impressing upon the Government the absolute necessity of doing everything in their power to create economic employment for the working classes of this country. The Prime Minister in his speech a few weeks ago made a useful suggestion, but now he surrenders his position and, to quote the constant phraseology of one of the right hon. Gentlemen on the Treasury Bench, he is " on the run."
This Amendment is so important that I am almost inclined to move the adjournment of the Debate on account of the absence of the Prime Minister. I do not mean to speak disrespectfully of the Members on the Treasury Bench, but the hon. Member who spoke last said that we ought to open our eyes and see if there was still any shreds of Liberal principles in this House. I am faced by nothing but the representatives of the landed interests in this country with one small exception from Scotland, Mr. Pratt. The hon. Member for Daventry (Lieut.-Colonel Royds) made the only speech from that side of the House in favour of the Amendment. Do not let hon. Members imagine that we are now discussing a Lords Amendment. That has not been disclosed by the right hon. Gentleman. The Lords inserted different words to these. We are asked to accept what, on Report, was an agreed Amendment on the part of the Government, and which was accepted in the House of Lords. I can understand why Lord Lee accepted the alteration of these words so readily. He himself is a farmer. He owned the great estate of the Checkers, which he has handed over to the Prime Minister of this country. But his own estate in the county of Buckingham has already had notice served upon it by the Buckinghamshire County Council for poor farming, and he is in charge of this Amendment agreed to by my right hon. Friend. What We say is this, and why I think we are almost entitled to report progress. The Prime Minister should be here. He is the spokesman of the policy of the Government. So far as I know no Member disputes that however numerous his Tory lieutenants are to-night in the House, however numerous the landed interests, the fact remains that the Prime Minister dictates the policy of the Government. His policy is quite plain. The Prime Minister's policy depended entirely upon increasing the acreage of land to grow additional food in this country. That is the keynote, the datum line of this Bill, and the Prime Minister had a very shrewd notion of what farmers and those interested in the land thought. I have one of his speeches here made in this House on the 15th November. Speaking in the House on that occasion referring to farmers and to those who have fields which could be broken up but were not broken up, this is what the Prime Minister said, and I commend his words to the hon. and gallant Member for the Daventry Division (Captain Fitzroy) and others who think this is preferable to our interference for the breaking up of land. He said—
" They do not like any interference not even by those who are intimately associated with the land and I know therefore the prejudice, the national prejudice, the rooted prejudice, the hereditary prejudice, that they have against anyone who comes down and tries to show them how to conduct their business."
That is what the Prime Minister thinks of hon. Gentlemen who are sitting prepared to support these new words. He goes on:
" All the same this is a paramount national interest "—
I can see him shaking his fist in the face of the House of Commons and his voice thrilling.
" Unless you have power of this kind, it is no use passing Acts of Parliament on guarantees; it is no use saying you want to increase the cultivation of this country."
Is the Prime Minister telling the truth or is he not 1 Does he understand the situa- tion or does the hon. and gallant Member for Daventry and the gallant Member in charge of the Bill? Unless land is broken up and more acreage laid down for production of food then it is no use giving this guarantee. The Prime Minister is not here; there is not even a supporter of the Prime Minister except the Minister for India, who has crept in in the last few minutes. I hope he will move up to defend the position of the Prime Minister who insists that the Bill is no use unless land is broken up. That is one objection to the new words. As a Scotsman I have been in this House ever since an attempt was made to deal with the same question in Scotland. We attempted to cut out of parks and domains land for small holdings. We had to go through the Courts of Law. We had to spend enormous sums of money in order to get a few acres of land put into cultivation, and the law was so ineffective that we had to come back to this House for further legislation. It is those of us who live in the great cities, those of us who are now paying high prices for bread. Our objection is that you do not get the object you set out to get, and my authority for that is the Prime Minister, who is not present. I shall be glad to hear the criticism of those Conservative Members who look after the interests of the land in the absence of the Prime Minister.
The position occupied by the Government in regard to this Clause is a peculiar one. In all the discussions they have endeavoured to show how I was wrong in my contention that these compulsory powers would not be generally in the interests of farmers, and in the original Bill the Clause was much more drastic than when the Bill left this House for another place. The Clause was deleted in Committee and on Report the Government said it was essential that it should be restored, even though in some modified form, and the Prime Minister came down to the House to impress the importance of it on the House. Now we find it is not an important matter at all. Earlier in the debate we were told that the reason why an Amendment was being accepted was because the Farmers' Union was in favour of it. Is it not true to say that the Farmers' Union was in favour of this Bill as it left this House, and asked for it to foe passed in that form? I remember a resolution to that effect passed at Bristol. One remembers the speeches of the Prime Minister, in which he made those wonderful comparisons with Germany, and told us of the danger we were in unless we took some powers of this kind to increase food production, and yet they are now to be given up. In the first place, it is said the powers cannot be exercised if they are going injuriously to affect any of the interests concerned, and now we are going to accept the position that if it alters the general character of the farm there can be no exercise of the compulsory powers. The effect of this Clause then will be to standardise past methods and past conditions. If the general character of the farm is to remain unchanged, it means that we as a nation are not going to retain any rights to say how land shall be cultivated in the interests of food production, and that on top of the fact that we have guaranteed against loss those who cultivate the soil against any loss on the growing of wheat and oats. It is evident that the Bill was never intended as a serious measure Having secured that part of the Bill which gives protection in the form of guarantees, those who are behind the agitation are satisfied and are content that the other restrictions should go. Even if research shows that dairy farming can be developed on arable land we have got no power to get better milk production by that method. We have no power to deal with this phase of farming because it will alter the general character of the farm. After all that has been said by the Government, this is bringing the whole thing down to the level of a farce,
and one cannot but feel that there never was any intention on the part of the Government to introduce a real agricultural policy having for its object the increase of the food production of the country.
6 A.M.
If this had not been a first-class Clause I would not have intervened for a moment, because I want to see us make more progress with the Bill, but I would like particularly to emphasise what the Member for Daventry (Captain Fitzroy) said. We must look at the point of view of the industrial population when we are considering the subsidies. The only thing we have been able to argue on that point has been that if there were guarantees on the one side there was control on the other, and without control I do not see how we farmers can defend guarantees. The least possible amount of foodstuffs comes from grass land per acre and the amount of grass land in England is greatly in excess of what ought to exist. Anything that limits more of the grass land being placed under the plough is not to the advantage of the nation. If the meaning of good husbandry is the interpretation given in the Clause we are going to consider in a minute or two, I for one will protest with all my heart against such interpretation.
rose in his place, and claimed to move, " That the Question be now put."
Question put: " That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 117; Noes, 22.
Division No. 445.] AYES. [6.0 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Courthorpe, Major George L, Hinds, John Armitage, Robert Curzon, Commander Viscount Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Atkey, A. R. Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Hood, Joseph Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Doyle, N. Grattan Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Barlow, Sir Montague Edge, Captain William Hopkins, John W. W. Barnston, Major Harry. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Bigland, Alfred Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Hurd, Percy A. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Jameson, J. Gordon Brassey, Major H. L. C. Foreman, Henry Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Carr, W. Theodore Fraser, Major Sir Keith Kidd, James Casey, T. W. Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Law, Rt. Hon. A.- B. (Glasgow, C.) Cautley, Henry S. Gardiner, James Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Lindsay, William Arthur Chadwick, Sir Robert Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). Goff, Sir R. Park Lort-Willlams, J. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Grant, James A. Loseby, Captain C E. Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Churchman, Sir Arthur Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Mason, Robert Cobb, Sir Cyril Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Molson, Major John Elsdale Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Moore-Brabazon,, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.
Morrison, Hugh Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Waring, Major Walter Murchison, C. K. Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Weston, Colonel John W. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Seddon, J. A. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Nall, Major Joseph Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Neal, Arthur Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Stanler, Captain Sir Beville Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Steel, Major S. Strang Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Parker, James Strauss, Edward Anthony Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Sturrock, J. Leng Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Sugden, W. H. Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Pratt, John William Sutherland, Sir William Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Purchase, H. G. Townley, Maximilian G. Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Tryon, Major George Clement Guest. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Mills, John Edmund White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Billing, Noel Pemberton- Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Raffan, Peter Wilson Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Redmond, Captain William Archer Wintringham, T. Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Hartshorn. Vernon Royce, William Stapleton Hogge, James Myles Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Major Barnes and Mr. Lyle-Samuel
Question put accordingly, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 111; Noes, 28.
Division No. 446.] AYES. [6.8 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Goff, Sir R. Park Parker, James Armitage, Robert Grant, James A. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Atkey, A. R. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pratt, John William Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Barlow, Sir Montague Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Purchase, H. G. Barnston, Major Harry Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, s.) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Bigland, Alfred Hinds, John Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Holbrook. Sir Arthur Richard Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Seddon, J. A. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shaw. William T. (Forfar) Carr, W. Theodore Hopkins, John W. W. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Casey, T. W. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Cautley, Henry S. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Jameson, J. Gordon Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Chadwick, R. Burton Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Steel, Major S. Strang Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Kidd, James Strauss, Edward Anthony Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sturrock, J. Leng Cobb, Sir Cyril Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Sugden, W. H. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Lindsay. William Arthur Sutherland, Sir William Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Courthope, Major George L. Lort-Williams, J. Townley, Maximilian G. Curzon, Commander Viscount Loseby, Captain C. E. Tryon, Major George Clement Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Mason, Robert Waring, Major Walter Doyle, N. Grattan Molson, Major John Elsdale Weston, Colonel John W. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Morrison. Hugh Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Foreman, Henry Murchison, C. K. Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Nail, Major Joseph Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Neal, Arthur Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Glyn, Major Ralph. Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Guest. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Churchman, Sir Arthur Hurd, Percy A. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hartshorn, Vernon Morgan, Major D. Watts Billing, Noel Pemberton- Hogge, James Myles Redmond, Captain William Archer Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hood, Joseph Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)
Royce, William Stapleton Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Wintringham, T. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Mr. Rattan and Mr. Mills. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)
Lords Amendments:
In Sub-section (1, c): Leave out the word " land " [" occupier of land "], and insert " such land as aforesaid."
In Sub-section (I d ): Leave out the word " land," and insert " such land as aforesaid."
In Sub-section (1): Leave out the words " within such time as may be specified in the notice," and insert " specified in the notice within such time as may be so specified."
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1) leave out the words
" or for securing the necessary improvement in the existing method of cultivation, or for securing that the land shall be used for arable cultivation, so, however, as not to interfere with the discretion of the occupier as to the crops to be grown, and where compliance with any such directions, in the case of land in the occupation of a tenant, involves any breach of or non-compliance with any covenant or condition of the contract of tenancy, the Minister may in the same or any subsequent notice so served direct that any such covenant or condition, so far as it interferes with compliance with such directions, shall be suspended, and may provide for "securing to the landlord such payments or other benefits (if any) as the Minister thinks just on account of any profit or benefit derived or expected to be derived by the tenant by reason of the suspension of the covenant or condition or by reason of the execution by the owners of any works of maintenance, and any such provision of the notice shall have effect as if it was contained in the contract of tenancy,"
and insert
" or for securing the necessary improvement in the existing method of cultivation so, however, as not to interfere with the discretion of the occupier as to the crops to be grown, and the Minister may, in the same or any subsequent notice so served, provide for securing to the landlords such payments or other benefits (if any) as the Minister thinks just on account of any profit or benefit derived or expected to be derived by the tenant by reason of the execution by the owner of any works or maintenance, and any such provision of the notice shall have effect as if it was contained in the contract of tenancy."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This Amendment is consequential and necessary after the omission of para- graph ( b ) and the substitution of a new paragraph ( b ).
I hope the right hon. Gentleman will remember the peculiar circumstances in which we are placed. We have not had time to consider these Amendments, unless we stood at the Bar of the House of Lords when the Bill was being discussed there. I am sure the right hon. Gentleman has not explained the meaning and effect of the new Amendment. Comparing the words struck out and the words to be put in there is an obvious difference which raises the question of a covenant in an agreement. In the Bill, as printed, it says
" where compliance with any such directions involves any breach or non-compliance with any covenant or condition of the contract of tenancy, the Minister may direct that any such covenant or condition shall be suspended."
During the War certain powers were given to the Government under the Defence of the Realm Act to order compulsory ploughing. Some farmers with whom I have discussed this question said that instead of being against these powers only given by the Government they welcomed them because in many cases they were under restrictions in their leases and could not plough up land which they wanted to plough up, but the powers given by the Government enabled the Government to come and plough up this land despite any restricted covenant in their tenancy agreements. If you are going to control cultivation you must have the power to tell the tenant that he is to cultivate the land in a certain way, despite the fact that in his tenancy agreement there may be stipulations that he is not to do that. This power was given to the Government in the Bill as it left this House and these very good words have been struck out by the House of Lords. What would happen if these words remained out? It would simply mean that in any other agreement entered into after the passing of this Bill any landlord who wishes to evade or avoid the powers that are to be given for the control of cultivation may put in a covenant to restrict that power and, if you have not the power to order a tenant to do anything despite that covenant, the whole Clause will become a dead letter. This is a very essential difference, and yet the right hon. Gentleman calmly tells the House that this is merely a drafting Amendment consequential on one which has gone before. Surely he will admit that he has made a great mistake, and that he has said something calculated to mislead the House. This is a matter of the greatest substance. If the words are allowed to be put into the Bill, as proposed in another place, we shall make it very much more difficult for the Government to control cultivation.
I should just like to call attention to what I think are one or two misprints in the Amendment. Surely it should read " works of maintenance," and not "works or maintenance"?
indicated assent.
Ought it not also to read " landlord " instead of " landlords," as we have the word " occupier," and not " occupiers "? These are quite small points, but they show that they are misprints. I am bound to agree with the last speaker, that there is a great deal that is quite new and not consequential. The Amendment introduces a principle which I think may be a right one, but which is undoubtedly quite new. It is that you may provide on any subsequent notice that the landlord shall have " such payments or benefits as the Minister thinks just on account of any profit or benefit derived or expected to be derived by the tenant by reason of the execution by the owner of any works of maintenance." The Amendment also cuts out something old, which is not consequential. The words cut out contain the power by which a Committee can set aside a covenant or part of a covenant. I agree that most 01 these covenants or conditions would prohibit the ploughing up of grass land, but there are covenants which restrict the use of the land, quite apart from turning grass land into arable. I think it is right that the Bill should keep in it the power to set aside a covenant of that kind in order that improvements of cultivation can be made. In all these amendments the Lords are taking, in rather a narrow sense, just a little more power than they should do. This Amendment is neither consequential nor right, and I shall oppose it.
The right hon. Gentleman owes us a profound apology for misleading us this way. I do not desire to say anything that is in any way offensive or calculated to be misunderstood, but I think that the right hon. Gentleman told us that this was a consequential and drafting Amendment. That is not so, and it is due to the fact that one of the isolated few who was more awake than the rest of those of us who are spending the night in protecting the interests of the British taxpayer and the public generally, was able to put his finger on what is undoubtedly a very serious alteration. Here is another little parcel from the Lords; we had one just now. It practically washes out any use which this Bill can possibly have; at any rate it washes out the end which the Prime Minister has stated so eloquently and forcibly was his determination. Landlords can, by an agreement over a tenancy, put in a private Bill and defeat the rightful laws passed in this House. How has that happened? The majority of the noble Lords in another place are landlords and the majority of our silent friends here to-night also landlords. We know that when they failed in their Amendments on the Third Reading and on the other stages of the Bill in this House, they simply smiled and said, " We will put a word in across the way and put this thing right, so that when the Bill comes back the Amendments which we have failed to carry here will be inserted and will be introduced in the House of Commons at a late hour." What I am going to ask the right hon. Gentleman to do is not to force us to a Division on this, but to withdraw it. The question is we are making laws It is a great reflection on our political administration to think that we are making laws at half past six in the morning. We are not responsible for it, we are forced to do this thing that you may not be late for your Yuletide holiday. But it is absolutely necessary, in my opinion for us to force this to a Division unless the right hon. Gentleman is willing to wash it right out. It is the most serious Amendment to which we have spoken to-night. If we want fresh evidence of the methods in which this Government are driving legislation through this House it is that they have not even time to frame the Bills properly. It is reducing legislation to a farce, and I am not sure whether it is not re- ducing it to a criminal farce—[HON. MEMBERS: " Divide, divide"]—I respectfully submit this to the consideration of the House.
It has been suggested that in calling this a consequential Amendment I was endeavouring to mislead the House. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] I venture to think I was not. As the Clause originally stood we were not only asking for the fulfilment of cultivation, but also change in cultivation, the maintenance of arable or the production of arable, and such a change of cultivation might, and in many cases would, cause a breach of a covenant or an agreement. We have cut out the change of
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1) leave out the words
"or whether the production of food on the land can in the national interest be main
cultivation. All we have now is improvement in existing methods of cultivation. I have taken advice, and I cannot conceive that improvement in existing methods of cultivation could involve any breach of agreement for which a remedy has to be sought in this Clause. I assure the House that the alteration of the words are absolutely consequential on the change which the House made, rightly or wrongly, in Sub-section b a few moments ago.
Question put, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 119; Noes, 19.
Division No. 447.] AYES. [6.38 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Grant, James A. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Armitage, Robert Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Atkey, A. R. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Pratt, John William Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Purchase, H. G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Barnston, Major Harry Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hinds, John Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Bigland, Alfred Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hood, Joseph Seddon, J. A. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Carr, W. Theodore Hopkins, John W. W. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Casey, T. W. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Cautley, Henry S. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Hurd, Percy A. Steel, Major S. Strang Chadwick, Sir Robert Jameson, J. Gordon Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A.(Birm., W.) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Strauss, Edward Anthony Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sturrock, J. Leng Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Kidd, James Sugden, W. H. Churchman, Sir Arthur Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sutherland, Sir William Cobb, Sir Cyril Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Lindsay, William Arthur Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Courthope, Major George L. Lort-Williams, J. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Curzon, Commander Viscount Loseby, Captain C. E. Townley, Maximilian G. Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Tryon, Major George Clement Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Waring, Major Walter Doyle, N. Grattan Mason, Robert Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Edge, Captain William Molson, Major John Elsdale Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Morrison, Hugh Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Foreman, Henry Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Murchison, C. K. Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Nall, Major Joseph Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Gardiner, James Neal, Arthur. Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H (Norwich) Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Glyn, Major Ralph Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Mr. Dudley Ward and Commander Goff, Sir R. Park Parker, James Eyres-Monsell. NOES. Acland, Rt, Hon. F. D. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Mills, John Edmund Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Morgan, Major D. Watts Wintringham, T. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Raffan, Peter Wilson Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Royce, William Stapleton Mr. Pemberton-Billing and Major Hartshorn, Vernon Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Mackenzie Wood. Hogge, James Myles White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)
tained or increased by the occupier by means of the required improvement in the existing method of cultivation or by the use of the land for arable cultivation, or whether such improvement or use will injuriously affect the persons interested in the land,"
" whether the production of food on the land can in the national interest be maintained or increased by the occupier by means of the required improvement in the existing method of cultivation or whether such improvement will injuriously affect the persons interested in the land, or alter the general character of the holding."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
If there have been doubts as to whether or not any of the other Amendments have been consequential, I think there can be no doubt as to this one being consequential.
I agree as to it being absolutely consequential, and I think we must pass it.
Question put and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1) leave out the words " for the proper cultivation or working of the land."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is a purely verbal Amendment.
As we have had no opportunity of studying the Bill, I think the Minister owes us some explanation of why the words are left out. It is all very well for the Minister to say it is only a verbal Amendment, but the words were put in for some purpose, and why are they now taken out? We are exceedingly suspicious of these Amendments. The Minister himself has not had time to study his own Bill, and he tells us things which we often find on examination are not quite as well founded as they might be. I feel bound to press for a little more explanation.
I have endeavoured to explain to the hon. Member that I regret if he is ill-informed, but it is not my fault.
It is.
Why?
By rushing through the Bill.
If the hon. Member wants an explanation I will give it. At some stage in this House I believe an Amendment put forward by an hon. Member was accepted by the Government in which the expression " works for the cultivation of the land " were brought in. We are now making this part of the Bill conform with that.
I quite accept that. I only wish I had had it before.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
At end of Sub-section (1), insert a new Sub-section—
" (3) No action shall be taken by the Minister or by the agricultural committee (if any) under subsection (1) of this section unless a full report in writing signed on behalf of the Minister or of the committee, setting out in detail the matters complained of and the improvements or works required, has been served upon the owner and occupier."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This Amendment enacts that no action taken by the Committee or by the Minister shall be valid unless a full report is made, setting out in detail the matters complained of.
I should be quite willing to accept this if it did no more than the right hon. Gentleman has described; but it goes further. I tried to catch your eye, Mr. Speaker, and I dare say I ought to have put in an Amendment to move to disagree with the Lords' Amendment in order to amend it. To have to set out in detail the matters complained of is reasonable, but to have to set out in detail the improvements or works required is a different thing altogether. It would be more reasonable to leave to the person affected the best way of effecting a remedy without specifying exactly what he has to do. We ought not to say that a man. has to set out in detail what another has to do to remedy what is complained of.
Cannot we have some, explanation from the Minister. Surely it is not respectful to the House that when a Member highly skilled in these matters makes a very practical objection the Minister simply sits still and does not give any explanation.
Surely, having regard to the great interest we have shown in this matter, the Minister does not intend to treat us with indifference? I have been accused to-night of not being a farmer; but one need not own a farm to have some farming knowledge, and it does not require great farming knowledge even to point out the case described by the hon. Member below me (Mr. Acland), and I think such a courteous statement deserves some recognition from the Front Bench. The right hon. Gentleman should recognise that all we are seeking is information which will justify us in supporting the Government where we can. We are opposing them through our ignorance occasioned by the way this thing has been run, and by the lack of explanation on the part of the Government.
There is a great deal in what my hon. Friend has said. After all many of us have been through all night sittings before for the purpose of obstruction. We are not obstructing to-night. We are obliging the Government by agreeing to take the Bill at this period of the Session, which hon. Members who have any experience will agree is a very stiff proposition. The object of the Bill was to get more cultivation. It is not now the object. Hon. Members have told us that cleaner cultivation would bring about better cultivation and more food production. This Sub-section limits the action of my right hon. Friend. He will not be able to come down to the owner or occupier in the same way as he does to this House and get them to do what he wants. On the contrary, until this report in writing, signed on behalf of the Minister and the Committee, setting out in detail the improvements and works required has been served on the owner or occupier nothing can be done. That is a perfectly fair point to put, and I appeal to the Minister to show good reason why the Amendment suggested by my right hon. Friend should not be accepted. If hon. Members opposite are really anxious to accelerate increased production what is their objection to leaving out this vexatious line which will mean a lot of un necessary clerical work. I do not know what the word " works " means. Does it apply to a new system of drainage? If the point is not answered all we can do is to record our protest in the Division Lobby.
I hope we shall have some reply from the Government. The difficulty is that the words " in detail " qualify the words "improve- ments or works required." If an Agricultural Committee or the Minister complain that the drainage of a certain field is bad, under this Section they will have to write out in detail the matters complained of. No one would object to that, but this particular Sub-section goes further and says that the Minister has to set out in detail the methods by which this drainage has to be put right. That means that he has to inform the tenant as to what sort of drains he has got to put in; how deep they are to be, and to draw up a full specification of the work to be carried out. If these words are left in they will destroy entirely the object the Minister had in view.
I am most anxious to assist my right hon. Friend as far as I am able, but I do not quite realise what is the point of his objection. If he will look at line 29 of page 4 of the Bill he will see that in the notice the works to be executed are definitely, specified. The Clause runs, having regard to the Amendment made just now, that a notice may be served on the tenant or owner, as the case may be, requiring him to execute the necessary works specified in the notice within such time as may be specified, so that already in the notice definite instructions are given. It seems to me, therefore, reasonable that when this report is given by the Agricultural Committee they shall similarly, as is done in the notice, set out in detail the matters complained of and the improvements or works required.
Why in detail?
It does not mean more than we have already got in the notice. If my attention had been called to these words earlier I would have moved to amend the sub-section, but honestly I do not think that they do go any further than what we already have in the notice.
7.0 A.M.
I ask the right hon. Gentleman after his explanation to withdraw the Government's agreement to this Amendment, because he has told us that he would have accepted a motion to delete these words which are important—
I am sure they are not important.
I am trying to watch this Bill from the point of view of the taxpayer. It seems to me that this condition which has been proposed in another place is simply a method of obstructing the Clauses of the Bill which in exchange for the subsidy will enforce good cultivation. This is an obstructive measure put in in another place to hinder and hamper the local committees and the Minister in enforcing good cultivation. The Government would be well advised to move to disagree with this Amendment.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman think on his own showing he might drop the Amendment. The words "in detail" bring in new matter. As an architect I know the term detail means going very minutely into the matters in hand. It is laid down that the necessary works must be specified in the notice that must be served on the tenant or owner. The Minister relied on that to show he was not introducing any new
matter. Might he not meet the House by dropping this clause or disagreeing with the Amendment.
As one who followed the debates on what was known as the " Red Flag Budget " of 1909, and watched how the landowners contrived by using skilful lawyers to defeat the aims of that Budget by taking advantage of its unskilful phrasing, I cannot help pointing out that this will have a similar effect.
rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
On a point of Order. When you were out of the Chair, Sir, I tried to raise an Amendment, and the Deputy-Speaker—
That does not arise.
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 118; Noes, 19.
Division No. 448.] AYES. [7.10 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Grant, James A. Pratt, John William Armitage, Robert Green, J. F. (Leicester, West). Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Atkey, A. R. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Purchase, H. G. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Barnston, Major Harry Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, s.) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hinds, John Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Bigland, Alfred Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hood, Joseph Seddon, J. A. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Carr, W. Theodore Hopkins, John W. W. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Casey, T. W. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Cautley, Henry S. Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Hurd, Percy A. Steel, Major S. Strang Chadwick, Sir Robert Jameson, J. Gordon Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Strauss, Edward Anthony Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sturrock, J. Leng Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Kidd, James Sugden, W. H. Churchman, Sir Arthur Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sutherland, Sir William Cobb, Sir Cyril Lindsay, William Arthur Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lort-Williams, J. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Courthorpe, Major George L. Loseby, Captain C. E. Townley, Maximilian G. Curzon, Commander Viscount Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Tryon, Major George Clement Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Waring, Major Walter Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Mason, Robert Weston, Colonel John W. Doyle, N. Grattan Molson, Major John Elsdale Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Edge, Captain William Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Morrison, Hugh Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Murchison, C. K. Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Foreman, Henry Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Nall, Major Joseph Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Neal, Arthur Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Gardiner, James Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Parker, James Mr. Dudley Ward and Commander Glyn, Major Ralph Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Eyres-Monsell. Goff, Sir R. Park Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Billing, Noel Pemberton- Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hartshorn, Vernon Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Hogge, James Myles
Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Mills, John Edmund Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Raffan, Peter Wilson Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Mr. Wintringham and Mr. Charles Royce, William Stapleton White.
Division No. 449.] AYES. [7.12 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Armitage, Robert Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Atkey, A. R. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pratt, John William Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Hallas, Eldred Purchase, H. G. Barnston, Major Harry Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Raw, Lieut.-Colonel N. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Bigland, Alfred Hinds, John Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hood, Joseph Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Seddon, J. A. Carr, W. Theodore Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Casey, T. W. Hopkins, John W. W. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T) Cautley, Henry S. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Chadwick, R. Burton Hurd, Percy A. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Jameson, J. Gordon Steel, Major S. Strang Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly), Strauss, Edward Anthony Churchman, Sir Arthur Kidd, James Sturrock, J. Leng Cobb, Sir Cyril Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Sugden, W. H. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Sutherland, Sir William Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lindsay, William Arthur Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Courthorpe, Major George L. Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Curzon, Commander Viscount Lort-Williams, J. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Loseby, Captain C. E. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Townley, Maximilian G. Coyle, N. Grattan McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Tryon, Major George Clement Edge, Captain William Mason, Robert Waring, Major Walter Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Molson, Major John Elsdale Weston, Colonel John W. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Foreman, Henry Morrison, Hugh Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Murchison, C. K. Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Gardiner, James Nall, Major Joseph Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Neal, Arthur Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Glyn, Major Ralph Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Goff, Sir R. Park Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Grant, James A. Parker, James Commander Eyres-Monsell and Mr. Dudley Ward. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hartshorn, Vernon Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hogge, James Myles Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. m. Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Billing, Noel Pemberton- Mills, John Edmund Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Morgan, Major D. Watts Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Raffan, Peter Wilson TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Royce, William Stapleton Mr. Wintringham and Mr. Charles White.
Question put accordingly, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (4) leave out the words "in respect of an improvement."
I beg to move "That this House doth disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
It is purely a drafting Amendment, and adds nothing.
If what the right hon. Gentleman says is correct that it is of no
The House divided: Ayes, 122; Noes, 18.
importance, and makes no difference whether it is in or not. Having moved to disagree with the Amendment, may I ask him to reconsider that decision, having regard to the fact that that it is the general wish of the House not to put anything in the way of the Lords carrying this measure.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment.
Leave out Sub-section (6).
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
By omitting this Sub-section we get rid of power that we had under the Corn Production Act, because the whole of this Clause is an Amendment of Clause 9 of the Corn Production Act, or it reproduces that Clause in another form. It was open to the objection, of direct interference by State officials in farming-operations. We had to consider whether we could not accomplish what we had in view by other means less objectionable. The contention I am putting forward is this. We have provided ourselves by the Amendment with new remedies which are more suitable than the old ones, and I think iris reasonable that we should give up the power we had, which has been greatly objected to, namely, of actually taking part in farming operations ourselves either by entering into possession or by giving notice to the tenant, by re-letting a farm or in other ways. We have by this new Sub-section employed means to carry out all we require, and if we can accomplish all in these ways it is far better. For these reasons the Lords were well advised in this Amendment.
My right hon. Friend in this case is probably right, and I will be frank and say so at once. I would just like to ask my right hon. Friend to make quite sure about it as I notice that a man under Sub-section 3, if he unreasonably fails to comply with the requirements of the notice, may find himself in a police court.
That may be, but we have passed that.
It is quite true we have passed that. But my right hon. Friend is moving to leave out this Sub-section, and this is the reason I am asking the question. I rather dislike this only alternative that is to be left in the Bill.
It is not the only alternative. There is power to go to the Minister.
I do not propose to say any more after the explanation. I think that the Amendment is perfectly reasonable and we will pass on.
It is very interesting to hear the right hon. Gentleman on these Clauses. When the Bill was before the House we never heard anything about farming from Whitehall.
My hon. Friend is really misrepresenting me. I said " what has been called farming from Whitehall," quoting what has been said by other Members.
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for the interruption. We are gradually becoming accustomed to the nationalisation of everything and we are constantly being confronted with a position where we have to take a decision one way or the other, and I think the inclusion of this Clause would only provide more powder and shot for the legal profession. The more one can leave out of a Bill the better.
Question, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment " put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (7) leave out the words "it is represented to " leave out the words " by an " [" by an agricultural committee "], and insert " is of opinion after consultation with the."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is a purely verbal Amendment. I think the wording of this Amendment and the following are rather better than the wording of the Clause.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (7), leave out the words " or land " [" agricultural estate or land."]
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment." Throughout this Clause the expression is '' estate or land." In another place they decided to leave out " or land," and deal therefore only with an estate. An Amendment leaving out the words " or land " appears on the paper at line 18, but if we are to leave out those words at all I think they should be left out earlier, namely, on line 7, and at the end of line 9. As the Bill was originally introduced we used the word " estate " only. We are dealing with an estate which is grossly mismanaged and not with an individual farm or bit of land. In Com- mittee upstairs the words " or land " were put in.
I was not a member of of the Committee upstairs, and therefore I do not know why the words " or land " were put in, but it will shorten my speech if my right hon. Friend will tell us when does land become an estate?
By an "estate" we mean a collection of farms under one ownership. That is the idea of an estate. When you speak of land you mean perhaps the individual farm. It may be just one parcel of land, a farm of 100 or 200 acres. An estate connotes several farms under one ownership. That is the common meaning of the word " estate." We wish to deal with an estate that is grossly mismanaged. When we come to the question of land, it is rather the cultivation that is dealt with.
Would one farm ever be an estate? I know plenty of large farms which are bigger in acreage than any farm my right hon. Friend has in mind. We must have some definition of the words in this Act. I am not sure that my right hon. Friend is right in agreeing to the exclusion of the words " or lands."
I am more confused than ever by the explanation of the right hon. Gentleman. I thought he meant an estate, or a farm or any parcel of land, and that the reason why land was omitted was because it might be held to refer to a small field which presumably was not a self-supporting holding. I read in this Clause a reference to land situate wholly or partly in the area of an Agricultural Committee. Suppose it were in the areas of two Committees. Then the whole of the estate might not come under the jurisdiction of one Committee. Assume that an estate consists of ten farms and that one of the tenants is farming badly. According to that, the Committee could only act by treating the estate as a whole and the other nine farmers, who might be practising good husbandry, would be treated as the one farmer who is not. A limit to the word " estate " ought to be laid down. If the right hon. Gentleman retains the Amendment it would be impossible to deal with one farmer without dealing with the whole estate.
The Sub-section describes an estate. It may be large or small, but if an owner grossly mismanages it there is power to appoint a receiver.
That is inconsistent with what the Minister said just now.
My hon. friend was quite right. It deals with ownership, and it may be ownership of a tract of agricultural land large or small, which may or may not be let to tenants. The point is that under this section if it is grossly mismanaged a receiver may be appointed. That makes the matter quite clear, and really the words "or land" are redundant.
Question " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment " put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (7) leave out the words " or land " [" whether the estate or land "].
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (7) leave out the words
" cultivates or manages the estate or land in a manner inconsistent with good estate management, and so as to prejudice materially the production of food thereon."—
and insert
" grossly mismanages the estate to such an extent as to prejudice materially the production of food thereon or the welfare of those who are engaged in the cultivation of the estate."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I think the words of the Amendment are much clearer. It makes it clear that mismanagement must be of such a nature as to prejudice materially not only the production of food, but what is very important, the welfare of those engaged in the cultivation of the estate. There are cases where estates are so mismanaged that people who live on the estate have their interests seriously prejudiced.
I agree that the last part of the words proposed to be inserted are important, but I cannot agree as to the first part. The right hon. Gentleman suggests that power should not be given to enter upon an estate unless land is grossly mismanaged to such an extent as to prejudice the production of food. That is making it much more difficult to put this particular part of the Bill into operation. Apart from that, it seems to me that these words are very much more vague than the words which it is proposed to leave out for this reason, that the words "inconsistent with good estate management" have been in Acts of Parliament for a considerable time. They have already, time and again, been the subject of judicial interpretation, and everyone who wants can find out exactly the meaning which has been placed upon them by judges interpreting all sorts of concrete cases. Therefore, to say that these words are vague seems to me to be a great mistake. If the words are vague why is it that the right hon. Gentleman has adopted them in this Bill in several places besides this? The words "grossly mismanaged" are bound to be disputed when the right hon. Gentleman's department attempts to take possession of an estate. What is gross mismanagement? No one can say, and the very first time the right hon. Gentleman tries to put into operation the powers given him under this particular Clause they will be disputed, and he will be hauled into the High Court and his powers disputed. There will be a long series of actions to determine what is gross mismanagement
when we have already had determined what is inconsistent with good estate management. For these reasons it is a mistake to agree to the Lords Amendment.
This is clearly a case in which the right hon. Gentleman should withdraw. All he proposes is to put in four lines of journalese. I suggest it should not be pressed. If it is—I do not know what my friends of the Labour party and the Independent Labour party are doing—I will put on the records of the House my desire to keep this Bill as clear as possible from wordy issues and from legal misunderstandings as possible.
This seems to require some explanation. If there is gross mismanagement in regard to the welfare of those engaged in the management of the estate the same penalties will follow. What is meant precisely by welfare? Has it any particular significance beyond the fact that the men on the estate must be housed in a sanitary way. Has the word any further significance referring same kind of thing as in large industries?
Question put, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 120; Noes, 17.
Division No. 450.] AYES. [7.55 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Loseby, Captain C. E. Armitage, Robert Fraser, Major Sir Keith Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Atkey, A. R. Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Gardiner, James Mason, Robert Baird, Sir John Lawrence Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Molson, Major John Elsdale Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Barnston, Major Harry Glyn, Major Ralph Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Goff, Sir R. Park Morrison, Hugh Bigland, Alfred Grant, James A. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Murchison, C. K. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Nail, Major Joseph Carr, W. Theodore Hanna, George Boyle Neal, Arthur Casey, T. W. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Cautley, Henry S. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Hinds, John Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Chadwick, Sir Robert Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Parker, James Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W) Hood, Joseph Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Churchman, Sir Arthur Hopkins, John W. W. Pratt, John William Cobb, Sir Cyril Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Purchase, H. G. Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Hurd, Percy A. Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Curzon, Commander Viscount Jameson, J. Gordon Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Doyle, N Grattan Kidd, James Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Seddon, J. A. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Lindsay, William Arthur Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Foreman, Henry Lort-Williams, J. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville
Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Steel, Major S. Strang Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Tryon, Major George Clement Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Strauss, Edward Anthony Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Sturrock, J. Leng Waring, Major Walter Young, Lieut-Corn. E. H (Norwich) Sugden, W. H. Weston, Colonel John W. Sutherland, Sir William Wild, Sir Ernest Edward TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Guest. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hogge, James Myles Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Mills, John Edmund Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Morgan, Major D. Watts Wintringham, T. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Raffan, Peter Wilson Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Royce, William Stapleton TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Smith, W. B. (Wellingborough) Mr. Pemberton-Billing and Major Hartshorn, Vernon White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Mackenzie Wood.
Lords Amendment:
In, Sub-section (7), leave out the word "making" ["after making such inquiry"], and insert "holding."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This Amendment—
I would ask my hon. Friend not to take up the time of the House on this verbal Amendment. The Clause says "making" an inquiry, and the new phrase says "holding" an inquiry; nothing else.
That really is not so. If a man makes an inquiry, he does it in his own way. But if he holds a public inquiry, that is quite a different thing. We all know what a public inquiry is in connection with Local Government Board and similar matters. The procedure is an exceedingly cumbrous and expensive business, and if it is to be laid down in this Bill that these proceedings can only be taken after holding such a public inquiry, it is going to encumber these proceedings very much, and it is going to be exceedingly difficult to take them. If you are going to have a public inquiry to prove gross mismanagement you will make it quite workable. I must protest against this Amendment.
I join issue with my hon. Friend, and support the Government on this occasion. I do not support them for the reason that there is nothing in it, but because I think there is a great deal in it. "Making" a public inquiry might be to send down a lot of officials, unknown to anyone, to make some report. "Holding" a public inquiry is a very different thing. If a public inquiry is held, evidence would be brought and the people concerned would have an opportunity of appearing before that inquiry, and it would be more or less in the nature of a trial.
I do not propose to divide on this Amendment, or to take up much time, but some of us, even at this hour, retain the habit of interpretation of words as they appear on the Paper. To-day, in the city of Cork, the Government is "making" an inquiry. That inquiry is being carried on by General Strickland. On the other hand, we have asked the Government to hold a public inquiry. There is a great deal of difference, an enormous difference, between those two points of view.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendments:
In Sub-section (7), after the word "such" ["after making such inquiry"], insert "public."
Leave out the words "or land" ["the estate or land or any part thereof"].
In Sub-section (7, a ), leave out the words "or land" ["manager of the estate or land is"].
Leave out the words "or land" ["owner of the estate or land"].
Agreed to.
In Sub-section (7, b ), leave out the words "or of any home farm."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is not a very important matter. As the Clause now stands a manager cannot act in respect of certain things except with the consent of the owner, and this Amendment is to exempt the case of a home farm from that provision.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendments:
In Sub-section (7, b ), leave out the words "which is" ["which is required for the amenity "].
After the word " house " [" convenience of the mansion house "], insert "or to any land or buildings which are not used, or intended for use, for agricultural purposes."
In Sub-section (7, c ) leave out the words " the Order," and insert " an Order made under this Sub-section."
Leave out the words " or land " [" or land which do not interfere "].
Leave out the words " or land " [" estate or land; and "].
In Sub-section (7, d ), leave out the words " or land."
In Sub-section (7, e ), leave out the words " the foregoing provisions," and insert " this Sub-section."
In Sub-section (7), after the word " receiver " [" authorise the receiver to exercise "], insert " and manager."
Leave out the words "or land " [" owner of the estate or land "].
Leave out the words " or land " ["or land or any part thereof except "].
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (7) after the word " thereof " ["or any part thereof except "] insert "or to cut or sell timber or underwood thereon."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is a point that was brought on the Report stage in this House, and I promised it should be considered in another place. It seems to me that the receiver or manager shall not have the right to cut or sell timber except with the consent of the owner. I think it is reasonable.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendments:
In Sub-section (7) leave out the words " or land " [" estate or land in respect of which an Order "].
Leave out the words " or land " [" ownership of the estate or land, apply to the "].
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
At the end of Sub-section (7) insert
" The Minister shall, on the application of a purchaser of any land subject to the provisions of an Order made under this Sub-section, revoke the Order so far as it affects that land."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in said Amendment."
I think it is clear what this means. In the event of an estate, or- part of an. estate, being sold the Minister shall in respect of that land revoke the order. In this case you will have a new owner as the receiver or manager is only put in.
There is only one point I desire to make. It seems to me that the Sub-section as drafted does not give any security against a colourable purchaser, someone who buys the estate as a man of straw and as the representative of the previous purchaser from whom the land has been taken. I suggest that if the right hon. Gentleman must put in something of this nature he should make the Sub-section permissive and not obligatory that the word " shall " should read "may."
I made this very point in this House on report. I think my right hon. Friend promised to consider it as being a substantial point, but the Amendment, as come back from the Lords, does not meet the point at all. If it is opposed I shall vote against it.
It seems to me if a receiver is appointed and he proceeds to develop the land, and having spent money upon it in developing it in the interests of good husbandry, the affected owner proceeds to sell some of the land, which the Government has enhanced in value, either to a man of straw or otherwise, it would appear that there is nothing in this Clause to protect the Government or the receiver on behalf of the Government from withholding the permission of such a sale. I certainly think this should be made permissible and not obligatory.
I rise to a point of Order. Under Sub-section (12), power is given to the Minister.
That is one of the things the other place has cut out.
May I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] to adjourn this House for an hour to allow us to get some break-fast. We are not prepared, even at the cost of starvation, to surrender this Bill into the hands of the Government.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-Section (8) leave out the words, " entered on or," and insert, "in pursuance of this Section."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is purely a drafting Amendment.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (9).
I beg to move. "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This Sub-section (9) and (14) are consequential on the omission of Sub-section (6).
Sub-section (6) which we have omitted deals with people who have failed to cultivate the land in accordance with directions given, and the Minister had power to determine their tenancies, and in default later on to take possession of the land, but in Sub-section 7, which has not been omitted, the Minister has power to take the estate—
May I explain? The only Sub-section which gives any power to the Minister to enter on land is Sub-section (6). Sub-section (7) only gives him power to appoint a receiver and manager, and that is quite another matter. Sub-section (9) deals with cases where the Minister has entered on the land, and as the only Sub-section which gives him power to do that has been left out, it is clear that Sub-section (9) must be left out.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (10).
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (11).
Motion made, and Question proposed, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."—[ Sir A. Boscawen. ]
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will take these Amendments seriatim?
The hon. Member has been told that these Amendments are consequential.
That is all very well, but in your absence during the night, while we have been busy [HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw "], we have had in stances of the right hon. Gentleman suggesting that things were consequential in a very inconsequential way. We have produced arguments to prove him wrong, and on one occasion he was gracious enough to admit that he was wrong. When he takes the things in blocks we have not time to read them, even. I am not slow in getting on my feet, but when I tried to raise a point just now, the question had been put and it was all over. It is not fair or right or just to us Members who are struggling under the most adverse circumstances to try and get this Bill into shape that these things should be taken en bloc.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (12).
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (13).
Motion made, and Question proposed, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."—[ Sir A. Boscawen. ]
The right hon. Gentleman the Minister has said that this is consequential on Sub-section (6), but is it not also applicable to Sub-section (7)? Under Sub-section (7) a receiver may be appointed, and if so he enters on possession of the land.
The receiver does not enter into possession. He merely manages the estate.
I am sure that any lawyer would say that a receiver does enter into possession. He cannot be a receiver and manager without entering into possession. I do not believe for one moment that I am wrong. We have a Law Officer of the Crown present, and I believe that he will say that a receiver does enter into possession.
Lords' Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (14).
Agreed to.
Lords' Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (15).
I beg to move, "That this House doth disagree with the Lords in said Amendment."
This is a different point, and it is not consequential. I beg to move here that we disagree with the Lords' Amendment, but I wish to propose the following Amendment to the Bill. In Sub-sec-
Question put, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 122; Noes, 16.
Division No 451.] AYES. [8.30 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Armitage, Robert Glyn, Major Ralph Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Atkey, A. R. Goff, Sir R. Park Parker, James Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Baird, Sir John Lawrence Grant, James A. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Barnston, Major Harry Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Pratt, John William Barrie, Charles Coupar Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Bonn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Purchase, H. G. Bigland, Alfred Hanna, George Boyle Raw, Lieut.-Colonel N. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hinds, John Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hood, Joseph Seddon, J. A. Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Carr, W. Theodore Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Casey, T. W. Hopkins, John W. W. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Chadwick, R. Burton Hurd, Percy A. Strauss, Edward Anthony Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). Jameson, J. Gordon Sturrock, J. Leng Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Sugden, W. H. Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sutherland, Sir William Churchman, Sir Arthur Kidd, James Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Cobb, Sir Cyril Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lindsay, William Arthur Tryon, Major George Clement Conway, Sir W. Martin Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Lort-Williams, J. Waring, Major Walter Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Loseby, Captain C. E. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Curzon, Commander Viscount Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Mason, Robert Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Doyle, N. Grattan Molson, Major John Elsdale Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Morrison, Hugh Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Murchison, C. K. Young. Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Nall, Major. Joseph TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Neal, Arthur Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Gardiner, James Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Guest. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hogge, James Myles Wintringham, T. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Mills, John Edmund Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Morgan, Major D. Watts Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Raffan, Peter Wilson TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Royce, William Stapleton Mr. Aneurin Williams and Mr. Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Pemberton Billing. Hartshorn, Vernon Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)
tion (15) of Clause 4, after the word "executed" ["are to be executed"], to insert the words, "and are capable of being executed without prohibitive or unreasonable expense." The Lords, in dealing with this Amendment, left out Sub-section (15), which is the definition of works of maintenance. Throughout this Clause we refer to works of maintenance which may have to be carried out by the landlord or tenant. At all events, they are such repairs and works of maintenance as are necessary for the proper cultivation of the farm. We have used that expression throughout, and we had a very full definition. The Lords left the definition out and they placed the greater part of the definition into their definition of good husbandry which occurs in the interpretation Clause. Whether that particular definition of good husbandry stands or not, it is clearly necessary for the purpose of this Clause, and you should have a definition of the works of maintenance. We propose to put in the definition which was in the Bill before. The Amendment which I move, that the works of maintenance shall only be those which are capable of being executed without prohibitive or unreasonable expense, is necessary because the cost of repairs has gone up enormously, and it might be that works of maintenance might be ordered, the cost of which would be absolutely prohibitive.
I think the right hon. Gentleman has taken the right course, and, having regard to the cost of repairs, I do not think the Amendment he proposes is unreasonable.
I join with the right hon. Gentleman in thanking the Minister in charge for re-inserting this Sub-section, but I differ as to the words he proposes to add. If you are to have cultivation and material things are not provided, you may just as well let the land go out of cultivation.
I must point out that in the Amendment already referred to, on the definition of good husbandry, all these matters are re-inserted. Of course, I do not know what my right hon. Friend is going to propose when we come to this Amendment, but it is not putting the matter in the correct light to say that the Lords have removed this definition. They have not removed it, but merely transferred it from the place where it now stands and where the Minister proposes to reinsert it to another point in the Bill, namely, the definition Clauses, which, I submit, is a more appropriate place for it. It is not very material, but I do not want our position to be prejudiced by this order which is being made now. I would like to suggest that the item "farm roads" be left out. (Sir A. Griffith-Boscawen indicated assent.) I am glad to see my right hon. Friend assents to that now. If the Government prefer to put this here I shall not object, but I think it is better to put it in the definition Clause.
We have to put it in here. If you take the Bill as it stands now, you have a definition of good husbandry with these words included. With regard to the question of farm roads, I think there is a good deal to be said for leaving out "farm roads," and if my hon. Friend moves to omit that I shall not object.
Before that step is taken I hope the right hon. Gentleman will look into it. On. this particular point I think the item brought forward with respect to the use of these words does not quite help the House to get the true position. The words as they stand here on page 10 apply to necessary works of maintenance which, under Sub-section (4), may be required from the owner. Later we come to page 13, where you get the rules of good husbandry defined. You are dealing there with a Section which precludes the tenant from getting compensation if he fails to observe these rules. In this case the onus falls on the owner and in the other case on the tenant. I think the words should remain here. The right hon. Gentleman has not made out any case for leaving out the words referring to farm roads.
Question, "That this House doth disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment," put, and agreed to.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (15), after the word "executed" ["are to be executed"], to insert the words "and are capable of being executed without prohibitive or unreasonable expense."
Who will decide that? Will it be by arbitration?
indicated assent. Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (15, b), to leave out the words "farm roads."
It would give rise to very great difficulty. Farm roads, making roads to farms, in many districts are very unnecessary and might cause an immense amount of expenditure. It might interfere with the usual practice by which the road is made from local material, good enough for farm cartage.
I am exceedingly sorry to have to disagree with the right hon. Gentleman opposite, but when we discussed this question in the House, the result was that farm roads were exempted in the Bill. It is not the new roads that we are here dealing with, but it is the maintenance and the cost of repair of the farm roads now in existence. In Scotland these roads are only used for farm purposes, and I suggest that we should resist the deletion of these words.
I should like to ask the Mover of the Amendment whether his "farm roads" mean what we know in Norfolk as "occupation roads?"
Yes.
Then I am afraid he will put the public to serious inconvenience. I thought the right hon. Gentleman meant only the roads across a farm.
The roads on a farm?
By "occupation roads" we mean roads on which the public have a right of way.
Those are not included.
Amendment agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (16) leave out the words
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is purely a drafting Amendment which makes it perfectly clear that where a man allows injurious weeds to grow on his estate or farm and does not cut them when odered, he may be taken before the magistrates and fined.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
At the end of Sub-section (16) insert new Sub-sections—
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The first Amendment simply states what is the effect of this long Clause 4. It takes the place of Section 9 of the Act of 1917. The House will remember that the Bill originally had a Clause 4 which amended that Clause 9, and in the final stages through this House I inserted the whole of Clause 9, as amended, and we have now repealed Clause 9. This is a Section to set out all the foregoing provisions as affected by the substitution of Section 9 of the Act of 1917.
Do I understand that it was an oversight not to have put in such words before?
Yes.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
After Clause 4 insert—
NEW CLAUSE.— (Arbitrations under the Corn Production Act, 1917.)
(1) If in any arbitration under Part IV. of the Act of 1917 the arbitrator states a case for the opinion of the county court on any question of law, the opinion of the court on any question so stated shall be final unless within the time and in accordance with the conditions prescribed by rules of the Supreme Court either party appeals to the Court of Appeal, from whose decision no appeal shall lie, except with leave of that Court.
(2) The Arbitration Act, 1889, shall not apply to any arbitration under Part IV. of the Act of 1917.
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment.
The arbitration under Part IV. of the Corn Production Act, 1917, were taken from the Schedule of the Act of 1908. Under that Act cases may be stated on a point of law for the opinion of the Court. The new Clause repeals the greater part of Sections 3 and 4, and provides for arbitration under Part IV.
Sub-section (2) of this new Clause states:
That is a very technical point, and I think I gave an exact statement as to what the legal position is and I do not think I can add anything to it. I understand that the effect of this is exactly what I read out.
Under what procedure will the Arbitration take place?
I have already stated that the Sub-section means exactly what it says, that the Act of 1889 shall not apply.
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 5. — {Establishment of wages committees in Wales.)
Sub-section (1) of Section five of the Act of 1917 shall not apply to Wales, and in lieu thereof the provisions contained in the Second Schedule of the Act of 1917 shall apply with respect to Wales as they apply with respect to Scotland, with the substitution of the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries for the Board of Agriculture.
Lords Amendment:
After the word "shall" [" shall apply with respect to Wales "] insert" subject as hereinafter provided."
I beg to move,
9:0 A.M
"That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This and the following Amendment deal with the establishment of a Wages Board for Wales, and when we accepted the proposal for such a Board we adopted a plan based on what took place in Scotland. It was pointed out to us that the machinery for the Scottish system was not applicable to Wales. In Scotland the Central Wages Board is formed out of five regions in which the various district Boards are merged. But this is not applicable in Wales, and therefore we had to set up machinery applicable to the local geographical conditions there. These Amendments are all designed for that purpose.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendments:
Leave out the word "Ministry," and insert "Minister."
After the word "Agriculture" ["Board of Agriculture"] insert "for Scotland."
Agreed to.
Lords' Amendment:
At the end of the Clause insert—
Provided that—
(1) The provisions of the said schedule with respect to combinations of districts, and paragraph (4) of the said schedule shall not apply, and there shall be constituted in accordance with a scheme to be framed by the Minister a central agricultural wages committee for Wales (in this section referred to as "the central committee") consisting of a chairman appointed by the Minister, and of two representatives of each district wages committee (one of whom shall represent employers, and the other of whom shall represent workmen) to be elected by the district committee, and of two women to be appointed by the Minister; and
(2) The Minster shall appoint a person to act as secretary to a central committee; and
(3) The powers of the Agricultural Wage Board established under the Act of 1917 shall continue to be exerciseable until such time' as the central committee is duly constituted under this section; and
(4) Any rate of wages fixed, or order made by the Agricultural Wages Board shall continue in force in Wales unless and until it is varied or revoked by the central committee, and any permit granted by the said Board to a workman under sub-section (3) of Section five of the Act of 1917 shall, in relation to the emploment of that workman in Wales, have effect as if it were granted by the central committee")
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
May I suggest one alteration in Sub-section (2), to alter the letter "a" and insert "the"—to make it read the central committee and not a central committee.
On a point of Order. We have not reached that point.
One cannot help regretting that the Government, which is so continually talking about economy, should in a Bill of this description set up machinery which is certainly not asked for by the people who are affected by the Clause, and it is rather a regrettable fact to find that the people who are concerned in the question of the procedure regarding their wages should have no opportunity of expressing their opinion. We are frequently told in dealing with matters that come before this House that we ought very carefully to guard against any expenditure that can be avoided. Here we are going to have a Welsh Wages Board set up, which must mean central offices, and a central administrative staff. So far as that part of the country is concerned it must completely duplicate the machinery that now exists in London. I have certainly never heard farmers ask for it. On the other hand, I could definitely state that the workpeople concerned strongly protest against it. Having regard to the fact that nobody desires it, it is very regrettable that the Government should introduce measures of this description, which means an increase in public expenditure.
I did not intend to make a speech on this matter until my hon. Friend made his remarks. He states that the farmers in Wales have not made a demand for this Central Wages Board.
I am afraid I cannot allow the hon. Member to use that argument. This is not the part of the Bill which sets up a Wages Board in Wales. We cannot discuss it.
I repeat the request which I made to my right hon. Friend, and that is I should like the letter "a" in Sub-section (2) altered to the word "the"
I think it is an obvious printer's error.
It is an obvious error, and will be corrected by the printers. Question put, and agreed to.
Clause 6.— {Service of notices under Part IV. of Corn Production Act, 1917).
Lords Amendment:
After Clause 6 insert
NEW CLAUSE.— (Annual accounts to be furnished by agricultural committees).
It shall be the duty of each agricultural committee referred to in this Act to furnish annually to the Minister full accounts showing the expenditure which has been made by such committee in the carrying out of the provisions of this part of this Act, and the Minister shall submit to Parliament the returns made by agricultural committees under this Section or a sufficient abstract thereof.
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment." It is a very reasonable Amendment, and will be of advantage from the point of view of the Ministry:
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 7.— (Commencement of Part IV. of Com Production Act, 1917.)
Lords Amendment:
At the end of Clause insert
I beg to move " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This Clause deals with the commencement of the Corn Production Act, and we merely wish to retain the right to get possession of land in the interval after the powers are withdrawn, and also land in which we are in possession under the Land Facilities Act in the interval that will elapse between the passing of D.O.R.A. and the coming into force of the Acquisition of Land Act.
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 8.— (Compensation for disturbance.)
(1) Where the tenancy of a holding terminates after the commencement of this Act by reason of a notice to quit given, after the twentieth day of May, nineteen hundred and twenty, by the landlord, and in consequence of such notice the tenant quits the holding, then, unless the tenant—
(b) had at the date of the notice failed to comply within a reasonable time with any notice in writing by the landlord served on him requiring him to remedy any breach being a breach which was capable of being remedied of any term or condition of the tenancy consistent with good husbandry; or
(d) had at the date of the notice refused, or within a reasonable time failed, to agree to a demand made to him in writing by the landlord for arbitration as to the rent to be paid for the holding as from the next ensuing date at which the tenancy could have been terminated by notice to quit given by the landlord at the date of the said demand;
and, in the case of a notice to quit given after the commencement of this Act, unless the notice to quit states that it is given for one or more of the reasons aforesaid, compensation for the disturbance shall be payable by. the landlord to the tenant in accordance with the provisions of this Section:
Provided that compensation shall not be payable under this Section in any case where the landlord has made to the tenant an offer in writing to withdraw the notice to quit and the tenant has unreasonably refused or failed to accept the offer.
(2) The agricultural committee for the area in which a holding is situate shall, on the application of the landlord of the holding and after giving the tenant or his representative an opportunity of being heard, hear the application and may grant to the landlord a certificate that the tenant is not cultivating the holding according to the rules of good husbandry, or may refuse the same, and any such certificate shall for the purposes of this section be conclusive evidence of that fact unless the tenant, within such time as the Minister may prescribe, requires the question as to whether he is cultivating the holding according to the rules of good husbandry to be referred to arbitration and the arbitrator determines that the holding is being so cultivated.
(3) Where, after the commencement of this Act, the landlord of a holding refuses, or within a reasonable time fails to agree to a demand made to him in writing by the tenant for arbitration as to the rent to be paid for the holding as from the next ensuing date at which the tenancy could have been terminated by notice to quit given by the tenant at the date of the said demand, and by reason of the refusal or failure the tenant exercises his power of terminating the tenancy by a notice stating that it is given for that reason the tenant shall be entitled to compensation in the same manner as if the tenancy had been terminated by notice to quit given by the landlord.
(4) The provisions of this Section relating to demands for arbitration as to the rent to be paid for a holding shall not apply where the demand, if made later than six months after the commencement of this Act, is so made that the increase or reduction of the rent would take effect at some time before the expiration of two years from the commencement of the tenancy of the holding or from the date on which a previous increase or reduction of the rent took effect:
Provided that an arbitrator in determining for the purposes of this Section what rent is properly payable in respect of a holding shall not take into account any improvements executed thereon so far as they were executed wholly or partly by and at the expense of the tenant without any equivalent allowance or benefit made or given by the landlord in consideration of their execution, or fix the rent at a higher amount than would have-been properly payable if those improvements had not been so executed.
(5) The compensation payable under this Section shall be a sum representing such loss or expense directly attributable to the quitting of the holding as the tenant may unavoidably incur upon or in connection with the sale or removal of his household goods, implements of husbandry, fixtures, farm produce or farm stock on or used in connection with the holding, and shall include any expenses reasonably incurred by him in the preparation of his claim for compensation (not being costs of an arbitration to determine the amount of the compensation), and also a sum equal to one year's rent of the holding, or, where the notice to quit is given without good and sufficient cause and for reasons inconsistent with good estate management, such sum, not being less than one year's rent nor more than four years' rent of the holding, as the arbitrator may think proper.
(6) Compensation shall not be payable under this Section—
(b) unless the tenant has not less than two months before the termination of the tenancy given notice in writing to the landlord of his intention to make a claim for compensation under this Section; or
(c) where the tenant with whom the contract of tenancy was made has died within three months before the date of the notice to quit; or
(e) where the holding was let to the tenant by a corporation carrying on a railway, dock, canal, water, or other undertaking, or by a government department or a local authority, and possession of the holding is required by the corporation, department, or authority for the purpose (not being the use of the land for agriculture) for which it was acquired by the corporation, department, or authority; or
(f) in the case of a permanent pasture which the landlord has been in the habit of letting annually for seasonal grazing, and which has since the fourth day of August nineteen hundred and fourteen and before the commencement of this Act been let to a tenant for a definite and limited period for cultivation as arable land, on the condition that the tenant shall along with the last or waygoing crop sow permanent grass seeds.
(1) In any case where a tenant holds two or more holdings, whether from the same landlord or different landlords, and receives notice to quit one or more but not all of the holdings, the compensation for disturbance in respect of the holding or holdings shall be reduced by such amount as is shown to the satisfaction of the arbitrator to represent the reduction (if any) of the loss attributable to the notice to quit by reason of the continuance in possession by the tenant of the other holding or holdings.
(8) The landlord shall, on an application made in writing after the commencement of this Act by the tenant of a holding to whom a notice to quit has been given which does not state the reasons for which it is given, furnish to the tenant within twenty-eight days after the receipt of the application a statement in writing of the reasons for the giving of the notice, and if he fails unreasonably so to do the notice shall be deemed to have been given without good and sufficient cause and for reasons inconsistent with good estate management.
(9) If any question arises as to whether compensation is payable under this Section or as to the amount payable by way of compensation under this Section the question shall, in default of agreement, be determined by arbitration under the Act of 1908.
(10) Compensation payable under this Section shall be in addition to any compensation to which the tenant may be entitled in respect of improvements, and shall be recoverable in the same manner as such compensation and be payable notwithstanding any agreement to the contrary.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-Section (1, b ), after the word "him" ["served on him"], insert " to pay any rent due in respect of the holding or."
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
We now come to Clause 8, which deals with compensation, and by this Amendment we make it clear that a man will not be entitled to compensation who has failed to pay his rent in respect of the holding. I think that is already covered; at the same time it puts it beyond doubt.
I am slightly at a loss to understand exactly what this means. Paragraph (c) says that the tenant is not to get compensation if on the date of the notice he has failed to pay any rent due in respect of the holding.
If a tenant farmer has failed to pay, after reasonable notice, the rent that was due from him, under these circumstances he is not entitled to compensation.
My point is a good one, and I desire to press it. I quite agree that a tenant should not get compensation if he refuses to pay his rent without any reason, but why should a tenant be penalised because for some reason he may have fallen on evil days and may not be able to pay his rent at the particular time it is demanded? What was the object of putting in the compensation? It was to enable the tenant to put money into his land; to give him confidence that if he sank capital in the land it would not be lost. We must presume that he has sunk the capital in the land, and yet simply because at the particular moment when his rent becomes due he is not able to find the money he is going to be deprived of that compensation and have all the capital he has sunk in the land confiscated. That is unreasonable and harsh.
May I ask what is a reasonable time?
All that is left for the arbitrator to decide. If after reasonable notice the tenant farmer fails to pay his rent, and the landlord gives notice because he does not pay in a reasonable time, surely under those circumstances it is not reasonable that he should receive compensation. He is in default.
That explantion does not relieve my anxiety. The answer to the query "What is a reasonable time"? is that it will be fixed by the arbitrator. But arbitrators differ in different parts of the country. The tenant might be a perfectly good farmer, but be unable to pay his rent under circumstances which are easily conceivable at the time when it became due.
Surely the answer to all that is that it would all be taken into account by the arbitrator.
But he is directed by the statute. It does not come in his discretion. The man has put his capital and his work into the farm, and he is entitled to some compensation. Give him his compensation, but deduct from that the rent due. Then the man would have the balance due to him, and the landlord would have his rent and the farm, and in many cases a very good farm. What injustice does any landlord suffer by the suggestion I have put forward?
Question put, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 109; Noes, 26.
Division No. 452.] AYES. [9.15 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Neal, Arthur Armitage, Robert Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir-John Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Atkey, A. R. Glyn, Major Ralph Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Golf, Sir R. Park Parker, James Baird, Sir John Lawrence Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Pratt, John William Barnston, Major Harry Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Barrie, Charles Coupar Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Purchase, H G. Bigland, Alfred Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hanna, George Boyle Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Seddon, J. A. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel A. H. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hopkins, John W. W. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Carr, W. Theodore Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Strauss, Edward Anthony Casey, T. W. Hudson, R. M. Sturrock, J. Leng Cayzer, Major Herbert Robin Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Sugden, W. H. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Jameson, J. Gordon Sutherland, Sir William Chadwick, Sir Robert Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Maryhill) Cobb, Sir Cyril Kidd, James Tryon, Major George Clement Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Knights, Capt. H. N. (C'berwell, N.) Waring, Major Walter Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Weston, Colonel John W. Conway, Sir W. Martin Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South) Lindsay, William Arthur Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Loseby, Captain C. E. Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Curzon, Commander Viscount Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Doyle, N. Grattan Mason, Robert Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Molson, Major John Elsdale Edge, Captain William Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Commander Eyres-Monsell and Mr. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Dudley Ward. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Murchison, C. K. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hartshorn, Vernon Royce, William Stapleton Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hinds, John Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hogge, James Myles Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Billing, Noel Pemberton Hurd, Percy A. Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Lunn, William Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Mills, John Edmund Wintringham, T. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Morgan, Major D. Watts Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Nall, Major Joseph TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Mr. Walter Smith and Major Gardiner, James Raffan, Peter Wilson Mackenzie Wood.
Lords Amendment:
At the end of Sub-section (l,
("(c) had at the date of the notice materially prejudiced the interests of the landlord by committing a breach which was not capable of being remedied of any term or condition of the tenancy consistent with good husbandry; or."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
A man should not be entitled to compensation if at the date of the notice he fails to apply in writing to the landlord requiring him to remedy any grievance capable of remedy. It is reasonable and fair that these words should be inserted.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1 d), leave out the words "had at the date of the notice" and insert "had after the commencement of this Act."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is really only drafting, and it is to bring this part of the Sub-section into conformity with Sub-section (3).
I do not think it is quite so simple as the right hon. Gentleman suggests. If you put in the words "after the commencement of this Act" that will mean that the refusal may have been at any time previously. The words as given in he draft of the Bill makes the refusal contemporaneous, but putting in the new words makes it possible that a refusal a long time before might deprive a tenant of compensation.
There is a plan by which the landlord may go to an arbitrator and ask for an increase, or the tenant may ask for a diminution, and it is only right that we should have the same terms in each, after the commencement of the Act.
In certain circumstances the tenant is not to get compensation. One of these circumstances is if he refuses to agree to a demand made to him in writing. If he has once refused,
Lords Amendment:
After Sub-section (1,
(f) had at the date of the notice refused, or within a reasonable time failed, to comply with a demand made to him in writing by the landlord requiring him to execute an agreement setting out the existing terms of the tenancy.
I beg to move, as an Amendment to the Lords Amendment, although it may be years ago, he still comes within the provision of this particular Sub-section. I want to ensure that if he refuses it will be a refusal immediately before he is visited with this penalty, and not a refusal in respect of a request made many years before.
Question put, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 109; Noes, 20.
Division No. 453.] AYES. [9.30 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Armitage, Robert Glyn, Major Ralph Parker, James Atkey, A. R. Goff, Sir R. Park Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Baird, Sir John Lawrence Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Pratt, John William Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Barnston, Major Harry Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Purchase, H. G. Barrie, Charles Coupar Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N. Bigland, Alfred Hanna, George Boyle Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hinds, John Seddon, J. A. Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel A. H. Hopkins, John W. W. Strauss, Edward Anthony Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Sturrock, J. Leng Carr, W. Theodore Hudson, R. M. Sugden, W. H. Casey, T. W. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Sutherland, Sir William Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Jameson, J. Gordon Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Chadwick, R. Burton Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Cobb, Sir Cyril Kidd, James Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Maryhill) Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Knights, Capt. H. N. (C'berwell, N.) Tryon, Major George Clement Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Waring, Major Walter Conway, Sir W. Martin Lindsay, William Arthur White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Mason, Robert Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Doyle, N. Grattan Molson, Major John Elsdale Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Edge, Captain William Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Murchison, C. K. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Nall, Major Joseph TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Neal, Arthur Mr. Dudley Ward and Commander Fraser, Major Sir Keith Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Eyres-Monsell. Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Lunn, William White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D.(Midlothian) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Mills, John Edmund Wintringham, T. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Raffan, Peter Wilson Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Royce, William Stapleton TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hartshorn, Vernon Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Mr. Aneurin Williams and Mr. Hogge, James Myles Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Pemberton Billing.
after the word "execute" ["to execute an agreement "] to insert the words "at the expense of the landlord."
The effect is that a tenant will not be entitled to receive compensation if he has refused to reduce to writing what is called a normal tenancy. These tenancies, while purely formal, are very often inconvenient, and it is very reasonable that they should be reduced to writing for the benefit of all classes. If a tenant is refused compensation because he refuses to have the tenancy reduced to writing it is only fair that it should be done at the expense of the landlord.
I think the right hon. Gentleman ought to put in the word "unreasonable" after "notice." As it reads now, it applies to any notice, even if reasonable.
indicated assent.
The right hon. Gentleman says this should be carried out at the expense of the landlord. It is quite a common thing for the men to be illiterate. [HON. MEMBERS: "Where?"] I am prepared, in my own constituency within 25 miles from London, to show them country villages which at the last election came out to vote for Mr. Gladstone, and where a public meeting had never heard of Mr. Lloyd George. If you can find villages within 25 miles of London who have never heard of our illustrious Prime Minister, it is reasonable to suppose they cannot read or write. This Clause should protect illiterate tenants from the landlord in framing any agreement. If he wishes, the tenant should have legal advice in drawing up this agreement. It is impossible to have such agreements, like a hire-purchase agreement, which can be usefully standardised for the district, because there are circumstances peculiar to the locality and to the relationship between landlord and tenant. No one would suggest that all landlords are wicked and deceitful people. Quite a number of us are landlords who are not wealthy men, and not necessarily wicked men, but I think that the right hon. Gentleman should protect the illiterate tenant from the landlord as a general rule, and that he should so frame his Amendment as to include in the expense which the landlord becomes entitled to pay if he desires such a tenancy agreement which, I confess, to me seems quite reasonable and fair, and that the more agreements committed to paper the better; the less likelihood will there be of a misunderstanding among these men, who I certainly think should have the opportunity of having legal advice.
I regret very much I cannot accept the suggestion of the hon. Member. It is not only to protect the tenant farmers, many of whom can read and write, and who, very properly, wish for legal advice before they conclude an agreement. Many landlords do the same. Both parties pay for their own advice. What we do say is that the actual cost of paying for the agreement if the landlord demands it shall fall on the landlord.
Is it not a fact that some of these rents only amount to about 3s. a week, and is it reasonable to ask a man to pay three weeks' rent for legal advice?
I have listened in some surprise to the statement that tenant farmers are not uneducated men. In the county of Shropshire there are many farmers who are not even educated enough to keep accounts for Income Tax purposes. They cannot keep books which will allow anyone else to make Income Tax returns. So they therefore get favoured treatment because they are too illiterate to make out these returns. When I was working under the Ministry of Food I met a good many farmers who were unable to make out their registration forms for milk and butter. You will create suspicion among these uneducated tenant farmers and smallholders, and you will make difficulties instead of smoothing them away. Some tenant farmers even do not like to accept cheques if they know there is any gold about. I have no thought of objection or obstruction. I have tried to assist the Government to make this Bill a little bit better. It is true that I have Voted against the Government every time, but not before I put my reasons before the right hon. Gentleman. If nobody else divides with me against this Clause I shall ask our sheet anchor, the hon. Member for Hertford (Mr. Billing), to tell with me against it.
Of course, if hon. Members wish to divide for the sake of dividing, nothing is likely to stop them; but, if not, I would suggest that if my right hon. Friend accepts the word "unreasonable" that that will cover all illiterated uneducated farmers whom I can scarcely believe are so numerous as my hon. Friend has just stated. I certainly have not met, in Yorkshire, at least, any who would refuse to take a cheque. If my right hon. Friend will accept the word "unreasonable," as I understand he will, that will, in my opinion, meet the case.
I beg leave to withdraw my proposed Amendment to the Lords Amendment.
Proposed Amendment to Lords Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendments made to Lords' Amendment:
After the word "notice" insert the word "unreasonably."
Lords Amendment:
Leave out in Sub-section (2), and insert the following new Sub-section:
(2) The landlord of a holding may at any time apply to the agricultural committee for the area in which the holding is situate for a certificate that the tenant is not cultivating the holding according to the rules of good husbandry, and on any such application being made the committee after giving to the landlord and the tenant or their respective representatives an opportunity of being heard, shall as they think proper either grant or refuse the certificate within one month after the date of the application.
After the word "execute," insert the words "at the expense of the landlord." — [Sir A. Boscawen.]
Question put, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment, as amended."
The House divided: Ayes, 113; Noes, 17.
Division No. 454.] AYES. [9.50 a.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Neal, Arthur Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Gardiner, James Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Armitage, Robert Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Atkey, A. R. Glyn, Major Ralph Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Goff, Sir R. Park Parker, James Baird, Sir John Lawrence Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Barnston, Major Harry Hanna, George Boyle Pratt, John William Barrie, Charles Coupar Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Purchase, H. G. Bigland, Alfred Hinds, John Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Seddon, J. A. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hopkins, John W. W. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Strauss, Edward Anthony Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel A. H. Hudson, R. M. Sturrock. J. Leng Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Sugden, W. H. Carr, W. Theodore Hurd, Percy A. Sutherland, Sir William Casey, T. W. Jameson, J. Gordon Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Chadwick, R. Burton Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Maryhill) Cobb, Sir Cyril Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Tryon, Major George Clement Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Kidd, James Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Knights, Capt. H. N.(C'berwell, N.) Waring, Major Walter Conway, Sir W. Martin Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Loseby, Captain C. E. Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Doyle, N. Grattan M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Edge, Captain William Mason, Robert Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Molson, Major John Elsdale Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Fraser, Major Sir Keith Murchison, C. K. Guest. NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Mills, John Edmund Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wintringham, T. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Raffan, Peter Wilson Hartshorn, Vernon Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.⁁ Hogge, James Myles Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Mr. Charles White and Mr. Lunn, William Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Pemberton Billing.
The landlord or tenant may, within seven days after the notification to him of the refusal or grant by the committee of a certificate require the question as to whether the holding is being cultivated according to the rules of good husbandry to be referred to an arbitrator who may grant a certificate for the purpose of this Sub-section or revoke the certificate granted by the committee, and the award of the arbitrator shall be giver within twenty-eight days of the date or which the matter is referred to him. Subject to any such appeal, a certificate granted under this Sub-section shall be conclusive evidence that the holding is not being cultivated according to the rules of good husbandry.
In the case of a holding situate in a county borough for which an agricultural committee has not been appointed this Sub-section shall have effect with the substitution of the Minister for an agricultural committee.
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
We are dealing here with the case of a landlord who goes to an agricultural committee and gets a certificate from the committee that the tenant is not entitled to compensation. The section is already in the Bill, but it is very badly drafted, and this proposal is simply a redrafting of the old section. The old section provided for an appeal from the Agricultural Committee to an arbitrator if the Agricultural Committee decided the tenant was in fault. The Lords thought it fair that appeal should be open not only to the tenant but also to the landlord, that is to say if an agricultural committee refuses to give a certificate to the landlord he can appeal to an arbitrator. With that one exception the Clause is the same as the old Clause in the Bill. It has been redrafted by the Government draughtsman.
I do not like these appeals at all. I do not think there ought to be any appeal either to the Agricultural Committee or to an arbitrator, but as we have already thought it prudent to retain the one appeal, I do not think we can very well resist putting in the appeal on the other side, namely, that if the landlord feels he is aggrieved, he may also appeal to an arbitrator.
I am sorry to hear the point of view of my right hon. Friend. It seems to me that this is opposed to all the analogy of procedure. We all know that if anybody is charged with a criminal offence he is entitled to appeal, but that does not mean that the prosecutor is entitled to go to the Court for an appeal if he fails to obtain a conviction. I hope the Committee will not agree to the Lords Amendment. It appears to me to be a purely landlord's Amendment, an Amendment in the interests of the class to which their Lordships belong and to which this House ought not to agree.
Evidently the Government in their wisdom in framing this Bill took a totally different point of view from that of another place, otherwise I presume they would not have done a purposeful injustice to the landlord.
10.0 A.M.
May I explain? This was an Amendment that I accepted on the Report stage. I was not then asked to give a similar appeal to the landlords and the matter was overlooked. If it had not been, I should have done it.
Although I appreciate what the right hon. Gentleman says, and the generous spirit in which he meant the Amendment, I want him to show a certain amount of vigour in resisting this desire on the part of the landlords to give them selves powers as prosecutors to appeal if they fail to secure a conviction before the Court which the right hon. Gentleman has set up. The point was very clearly put by the hon. Member who has preceded me. A landlord may bring an action vindictively and put a tenant to an immense amount of trouble, and all trouble and time is expense. The tenant may not brief counsel, or incur a great deal of expenditure, but his security of tenure is in jeopardy, and for weeks, and perhaps months, he lives in a state of perturbation and in the fear that he is going to be evicted. Eventually he appears before the committee, who say to the landlord, "You are wrong, and this man is right." Is it fair that the tenant farmer should then be the plaything of the landlord, again to be brought up before an arbitrator and endure several more months of anxiety as to his tenure? His business must suffer, because no man who is awaiting his trial can be at his ease. Any Member who has ever been awaiting his trial must know that. I hope the rgiht hon. Gentleman will break his all-night record by conceding us this one little point. It is only done in the interests of giving the tenant farmer a little peace of mind. If he does that, many a tenant farmer will rise and bless the right hon. Gentleman.
I rise to protest against the line the obstructionists are now taking. They have now been for ten hours obstructing the measure in a manner that is most unjustified. I remember the hon. Member for Hertfordshire (Mr. Billing) telling us some time ago—
Is the hon. Member entitled to speak generally on this matter, or ought he to confine himself to the Amendment?
I think he should apply himself to the particular Amendment.
I wan to give the hon. Member a fair chance. Is he not in Order in rising to move to report Progress?
He cannot move to report Progress.
I protest against the aspersions that are now being made. We have been told that they are poor agriculturists, and we have also been told that they are illiterate, and do not understand agreements, but what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander, and if you are going to take that line, and the tenant is to be given a right of appeal, the landlord ought also to be given a right of appeal. The obstruction to this Amendment seems therefore ill-timed and unjustifiable, and I hope that hon. Members will have more consideration for the dignity of the House.
I am sure the House will associate themselves with the protest of the hon. Member about maintaining the dignity of the House. The responsibility for that rests on the Government. The great mass of the people will not
take too seriously legislation that is introduced at 11.30 at night with 15 or 16 pages of Amendments, and or assume that it will be beneficial legislation. The hon. Member is entitled to protest, but he must realise that the opponents of the Amendment feel very strongly—
Is the right hon. Gentleman in order in pursuing this general discussion?
I am thinking he is rather straying from the Debate.
Has the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Thomas) been here all night, and is he qualified to go back over the whole of the discussion?
The opposition to the passing of this Amendment is not obstruction. We do not think it is right, after an individual has gone through the process of a court that is likely to punish him, and has established his case, that he should be put through a similar process again on the appeal of the landlord. That is not obstruction. It is general opposition of the Amendment.
Question put, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 111; Noes, 22.
Division No. 455.] AYES. [10.10 a.m. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Fraser, Major Sir Keith Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C Armitage, Robert Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Atkey, A. R. Gardiner, James Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Murchison, C. K. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Goff, Sir R. Park Neal, Arthur Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Barnston, Major Harry Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Parker, James Barrie, Charles Coupar Hanna, George Boyle Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Bigland, Alfred Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hinds, John Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Middx.) Brassey, Major H. L. C. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Pratt, John William Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hopkins, John W. W. Purchase, H. G. Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel A. H. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hudson, R. M. Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Carr, W. Theodore Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Casey, T. W. Hurd, Percy A. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Jameson, J. Gordon Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cobb, Sir Cyril Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Strauss, Edward Anthony Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sturrock, J. Leng Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Sugden, W. H. Conway, Sir W. Martin Kidd. James Sutherland, Sir William Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Knights, Capt. H. N. (C'berwell, N.) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell-(Maryhill) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Tryon, Major George Clement Doyle, N. Grattan Loseby, Captain C. E. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Waring, Major Walter Edge, Captain William M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Mason, Robert Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Molson, Major John Elsdale Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald
Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Wood, Hon, Edward F. L. (Ripon) Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Young, Lieut.-Com: E. H. (Norwich) Guest. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Mills, John Edmund Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Briant, Frank Newbould, Alfred Ernest Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Royce, William Stapleton TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hartshorn, Vernon Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Mr. Pemberton Billing and Mr. Hogge, James Myles Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Raffan. Lunn, William Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)
Lords Amendment.
At end of Sub-section (3) insert
"Provided that such compensation shall not be payable if the circumstances are such that a notice to quit could have been given by the landlord for any of the reasons mentioned in paragraphs (a), (b), or (c) of Sub-section (1) of this Section."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This Sub-section provides that if a landlord refuses arbitration, or if arbitration has taken place he refuses to agree to a reduction of rent, the tenant may then, it he likes, give notice to quit, and if he does so the landlord has to pay him compensation. It is clear that a tenant might exercise this right who would not be qualified for compensation for reasons given under paragraphs (a), (b), or (c) of Subsection (1) of this Section. Instead of waiting to receive notice to quit because he was not farming properly the tenant might put in a claim for arbitration and thereby not only escape disqualification for compensation but actually obtain compensation. A tenant in such circumstances ought not to obtain compensation. This particular Amendment was going to be moved in this House, but at the time the hon. Member was not in his place. It is an absolutely fair Amendment, and I think it ought to be accepted.
I am very sorry that the right hon. Gentleman should agree to this Amendment. I understood that one of the good features of the Coalition was that they Were able to stand up to the House of Lords. We have seen very little evidence of that to-night. It is about time that they showed that they are prepared to make a fight for the Bill which they passed some time ago. If a tenant committed no offence, but can be brought within any of the Sub-sections named in this provision, the landlord will give him notice to quit, and if he can prove his case the man will have to go and there will be no compensation. This proviso is that if a landlord has a request made to him for arbitration and he refuses to give it, perhaps out of sheer obstinacy, he has the right to turn round and say, "I am going to put up a case against you that you are not cultivating your land under the rules of good husbandry."
Why should you disqualify a man from getting the just compensation he is entitled to because he has become bankrupt? You say that a man after arbitration is entitled to a certain amount of compensation, but because he becomes insolvent his right to that compensation shall be waived.
There is a studied attempt to worsen the position of the tenant by false analogies. The tenant comes forward and says, "I desire there should be arbitration in regard to my land." The landlord is to be entitled to determine the tenancy without compensation, though the tenant may be willing to continue.
I am certain that if the Government had more time to consider the Lords Amendments they would never have accepted this. It gives you two shots at a man. If six months afterwards the landlord finds out the man was bankrupt on a certain date, he can refuse compensation. It gives a landlord who advances money to a bankrupt tenant the power to make him a bankrupt and escape compensation.
Question put, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 105; Noes, 27.
Division No. 456.] AYES. [10.30 a.m. Armitage, Robert Goff, Sir R. Park Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Atkey, A. R. Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Parker, James Baird, Sir John Lawrence Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Hanna, George Boyle Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Purchase, H. G. Barrie, Charles Coupar Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Betterton, Henry B. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Bigland, Alfred Hopkins, John W. W. Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Brassey, Major H. L. C. Hudson, R. M. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Sturrock, J. Leng Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hurd, Percy A. Sugden, W. H. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Jameson, J. Gordon Sutherland, Sir William Burgoyne, Lieut.-Colonel A. H. Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South). Casey, T. W. Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Kidd, James Tryon, Major George Clement Chadwick, Sir Robert Knights, Capt. H. N. (C'berwell, N.) Waring, Major Walter Cobb, Sir Cyril Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Warren, Lieut.-Col. Sir Alfred H. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Colvin, Brig-General Richard Beale Lloyd-Greame, Major Sir P. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Conway, Sir W. Martin Loseby, Captain C. E. Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Doyle, N. Grattan Mason, Robert Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Molson, Major John Elsdale Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Murchison, C. K. Young, Lieut.-Commander E. H. Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Gardiner, James Neal, Arthur TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Mr. Dudley Ward and Commander Eyres-Monsell. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hogge, James Myles Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Lunn, William Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Tillett, Benjamin Briant, Frank Mills, John Edmund White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Hartshorn, Vernon Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hinds, John Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Mr. Pemberton Billing and Mr. Raffan.
Lords Amendments:
In Sub-section (4), leave out "Provided that an "and insert "(5) An".
After the word "any" ["account any"], insert "increase in the rental value which is due to", and after the word "improvements," insert "which have been".
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (4), after "execution" ["their execution"], insert "and have not been executed by him under an obligation imposed by the terms of his contract of tenancy".
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is a very simple Amendment. The Clause provides that in determining the rent payable the arbitrator shall not take into account any improvements executed at the expense of the tenant. This Amendment excepts those that the tenant is bound to do by his contract of tenancy.
I beg to move, "That the Debate be now adjourned."
The discussion on the Lords Amendments began at 2 o'clock this morning. [HON. MEMBERS: "At 12 last night!"] Well, we see the confusion produced by an all-night sitting, both in the minds of those who have been here, and in the minds of those who have not been here. Without going into the general question, I think I am entitled to draw your attention, Mr. Speaker, and the attention of the House, to the fact that these Amendments which we are now discussing are mainly Amendments going right to the heart and vitals of the Bill. It is no mere figure of speech to say that the Amendments in another place have almost disembowelled the Bill as it left this House. The question of Ireland took a long time to discuss, and the question of the cutting down of the compensation to the tenant is going to take a long time to discuss, and also the question of guarantees for the cultivation of arable land.
We have done that.
It is a very hopeful sign that the House is in such a merry mood. I have not got up in my place to delay the proceedings unduly. That is quite clear. Nobody desires to sit over Christmas, and meet here again next Tuesday, as must inevitably be the case if some arrangement be not arrived at. Of course, if matters of great public interest arose Members from all parts of the House would not hesitate to discharge their public duty. Of that I am quite sure. What I want to ask my right hon. Friend, the Leader of the House, is, What can he suggest? It is quite obvious that if this sitting be protracted right into the afternoon serious complications will arise. Of that there can be no doubt. Another place will undoubtedly insist upon their rights to discuss matters which reach them from here, and it is also quite clear that Members of this House will also insist upon the discharge of their public duty in the same way. I should like to know from my right hon. Friend, the Leader of the House, on behalf of the Government, what suggestions he has to make.
I should like in the first place to say how much I agree with what my right hon. Friend has said about the good humour of the House of Commons. I had experience of one who went through last night, and I have never seen the House of Commons in a more good humoured mood, and the proceedings carried on with better temper all round. Everyone knows who is conversant with these things that an all-night sitting is not the best method of producing legislation, and we have all seen the extreme advantage of having a fresh mind projected on to the subject. I need not illustrate that. But I would like to say quite clearly that it would be a great advantage if we, by good will, could arrive at the end which we all have in view of getting the business done and enabling the House to adjourn before Christmas. It is undoubtedly the fact if the Debate be prolonged, with that wealth of illustration to which we have been accustomed during the night, we should go into the ordinary Session of to-day, and the actual doing of that will make it impossible for Adjournment before Christmas. It would be a very great danger that we should have to come back after Christmas. I am quite sure that my hon. friend, even after the pleasant evening we have spent, does not desire to inflict real inconvenience upon Members of the House, still less upon the officials, who have a larger claim even than the Members. I would suggest, and I would urge that, with the goodwill of the House, we should come to an understanding that these new Lords Amendments should be given to us before 1 o'clock.
Will you drop the Dye-stuffs Bill?
That is one of the effects of all-night sittings. You have shown your power of speech, and I think that ought to be sufficient compensation. I would suggest that, having made the protest, and a very vigorous one—and I am quite sure that this action was the belief that we were not giving away, under the pressure of another House, parts of the Bill and which the House of Commons of its own accord would not have given—is it not obvious that where there are two Houses of Parliament with powers which exist there must be compromise. The whole question in my view is this. Whether or not, even from the point of view of hon. Gentlemen opposite, that the Amendments are worth having rather than having no Bill at all. I suggest that we may now, with the goodwill of the House, come to one of those understandings to which we are accustomed, that we should come to the end of the Lords Amendments some time about 1 o'clock.
The reserves were brought in late this morning, and I am one of the reserves. I want to say quite frankly that we do not want to embarrass other Members, but I ask the House to appreciate that we do not think the right hon. Gentleman or the Government is acting wisely in their decision with regard to some of the Amendments. I will mention two—the question of tenant compensation. We do not agree that that is a compromise. We believe that it is a surrender of a very vital principle and is disastrous to the people concerned. Nevertheless, as far as the general convenience of the House is concerned, I agree that there will be no useful purpose for a mere mechanical majority on one side being compelled to come back on Tuesday. On the other hand, I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to indicate in some way how far he was willing to meet us on some of the Amendments, especially the question of the tenant which is something upon which we could not compromise and we would prefer to see the Bill defeated than that Amendment standing in its present form.
I desire to acknowledge the extremely conciliatory manner in which the Leader of the House has approached us. But may I put to the Leader of the House and the rights hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill that this is not a case in which there has been a desire to obstruct a Bill with a view of destroying it. On the contrary, practically the whole of the efforts of those who have been engaged in examining the Bill have been to endeavour to restore the Bill to the shape in which the right hon. Gentleman introduced it and as the Government themselves put it forward. We do feel, as the right hon. Gentleman has indicated, that if we were not pressed for time in this way it is almost certain that the Government would insist upon some of their Amendments. So far, really, there has not been a spirit of compromise, but I am trying to find a bridge concerning what the right hon. Gentleman has said. So far it has been a spirit of entire surrender. On no substantial point has the slightest concession been made. I have no objection to an agreement if there is any quid pro quo, and I suggest there might be a consultation with the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill, and the other House be asked to compromise. There is still to come on an Amendment of the Labour party to which they attach considerable importance dealing with the question of cottages.
We all want to make some arrangement, and I thought we might see what is the view on some of the remaining points to which we attach real importance. If I go through the Amendments perhaps the right hon. Gentleman would moderate, by a word or two, whether the Government are going to agree or to disagree on some half-dozen points. I am at the mercy of my hon. Friends behind me, because I have not had time to talk things over, and if two or three hon. Members will not make any such arrangement, we can go on till seven or eight o'clock this evening. I am risking a good deal from the point of view of persons who do not want to agree. On page 13 there is Sub-section (6), the new Compensation Clause, cutting down the compensation. Can you meet us there?
Not there.
I knew you could not. I mean I was in the House of Lords and saw that the Amendment was brought forward by the men in charge of the Bill, and that is why I know. There was no arrangement about it On page 17, line 35, there is an Amendment dealing with the workmen's dwellings. If the workmen is not out of the house in a fortnight's time he does not get anything. Can you meet us on that?
indicated dissent.
The right hon. Gentleman does not think he can. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] I do not want to abandon this. There are only a few more On page 19, line 42, there is an Amendment providing that nothing in the Subsection shall authorise the breaking up of pasture. Can you meet us there?
I can meet you partially.
Then there is the proposal to leave out Sub-section (3) on page 22 of the Bill.
I do not know whether my hon. Friend attaches great importance to this, but I am advised that these words have no meaning at all.
Then I will withdraw that as an important point. The last point is the Scottish Land Court.
I am going to suggest a compromise.
I am sorry you cannot meet us on the cottage point.
My right hon. Friend has not mentioned some of the most-important points on which I think accommodation is possible. I propose to put back the leasing Clause, which has been taken out of the Bill. Then there is the definition of good housing. I think I can meet him on that. These are substantial points. On the cottage Clause I am not sure that I can agree to the particular Amendments suggested, but there are other Amendments which I think are beneficial to the labourer, and which I can mention later.
Can we know what the nature of the compromise is on the Scottish Land Court?
That would take too long.
I disassociate myself from this auction of Clauses. It is all very well for deals across the Front Bench, and for right hon. Gentlemen who have been sleeping peacefully in their beds to come down here and talk of peace. But so far as I am concerned there is "nothing doing," and I think there are others in the House who are determined to press certain Amendments to a reasonable conclusion. I appeal to hon Members who have sat with us all through the night not to be swayed by the charm of the Leader of the House. Whenever he addresses the House I have the physical sensation of being stroked, and I find it very difficult not to agree and give way. It is all very well for the Government to come down here and say, "We hope you will all be sportsmen, and give us this and that"; but during the whole of the last two years have the Government ever given us anything? An hon. Member, addressing the House yesterday, used a phrase which I think applies admirably— "Brotherly love is all very well, but let some account be kept." We have got an account to keep with the Government. They have closured us in the most heartless way. I hope that those on these Benches, who have in no sense obstructed, will do nothing they cannot conventionly do in the public interest. I hope they will not be unduly swayed by the plausibility of the Leader of the House, or the sufferings of Coalition Members. They have not had to bear the brunt of this, and we have put up twenty or twenty-five Divisions to their credit in less time than it has ever been done before. That will be something for their election platforms. We have to punish them, because we have to do our duty, and I can only commend them to the merciful consideration of the Government.
11.0 A.M.
May I be allowed, with the leave of the House, to say a word? It is quite obvious that we cannot come to an agreement without involving the whole House. I would suggest that the Motion to adjourn the Debate should be withdrawn. I am sure there will be a desire to meet the general convenience of the House. As regards my hon. Friend below the Gangway (Mr. Billing) I can only hope that in the words of a Scottish poet, he will "tak' a thocht, an' mend."
I am disappointed, after the effort that has been made to facilitate the passage of the remainder of this Bill, there has been no disposition to give us any concessions on points to which we attach considerable importance. At least those of us associated with the Labour party have never been obstructive on this Bill. In many respects we have tried to contribute something towards getting it through the Committee and Report stages. We have only got one thing in connection with the Bill, and that is a little protection for the agricultural labourer so far as his cottage is concerned. That is all we have got, apart from the fact that the Bill extends the Agricultural Wages Board, but that is nothing new. The position of the labourer in regard to his cottage to-day is a scandal and disgrace. We get by way of agreement some consideration on this point, and now we find that in another place the whole merits of that particular Section have been destroyed by virtue of the insertion of words that unless a man gets out within 14 days he forfeits all rights to compensation. It is only marking a man to put forward a suggestion of that description. We are waiting until this Clause comes along when we will discuss it to the fullest extent, and if there is no concession we will emphasise our protest in the division lobby. Is this House to be pushed on one side entirely? No concession has been made to us but every Amendment of substance made in another place has been accepted.
I did accept a very important Amendment disagreeing with the Lords in respect of the definition of works of maintenance and with regard to the question of the definition Clause. That is a most important Amendment and might conceivably result in the wrecking of the Bill, but we are prepared to accept the risk.
I had no intention of misrepresenting the position, but is it not possible to meet us in some manner in connection with the 14 days?
I am always willing to act perfectly fairly to the Labour party, and if it be possible to make a fair compromise when the Clause is reached, I will do so.
I certainly agree to the suggestion that I should withdraw my Motion because it is very much better to get on with the discussion. Although this discussion has not been without its uses, unfortunately it has disclosed almost vital differences which may have serious consequences.
Motion to report progress, by leave, withdrawn.
Question against proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
At end of Sub-section (4) insert
"and provided that the arbitrator shall not fix the rent at a lower amount by reason of any dilapidation or deterioration of land or buildings may be permitted by the tenant"
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
It simply has the effect of laying it down that an arbitrator in fixing the rent must not take into account improvements or depreciation.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment.
At the end of Sub-section (4) insert a new Sub-section—
" (5) The compensation payable under this Section shall be a sum representing such loss or expense directly attributable to the quitting of the holding as the tenant may unavoidably incur upon or in connection with the sale or removal of his household goods, implements of husbandry, fixtures, farm produce or farm stock on or used in connection with the holding, and shall include any expenses reasonably incurred by him in the preparation of his claim for compensation (not being costs of an arbitration to determine the amount of the compensation), but for the avoidance of disputes such sum shall (for the purposes of this Act) be computed at an amount equal to one year's rent of the holding, unless it is proved that the loss and expenses so incurred exceed an amount equal to one year's rent of the holding, in which case the sum recoverable shall be such as represents the whole loss and expenses so incurred up to a maximum amount equal to two years' rent of the holding."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This, of course, is a very important Amendment. As the Bill left this House, compensation payable for disturbance was as follows: One year's rent certain, plus costs of sale and removal. In another place a further arrangement has been made, and the compensation at the present time is one year's gross rent certain, but if the tenant proves that his expenses amount to more than one year's gross rent, then he will get that amount up to a maximum of two years' rent. I quite agree that this is not so much as the compensation was when it left this House. As far as I am personally concerned, I would sooner have had the compensation settled here. It would be a very difficult question to adjust the balance between landlord and tenant. This is a fair compromise. At all events, it has this great advantage. It lays down a definite sum, one year's rent in all cases, so that the landlord will know what he has got to pay and the tenant will know what he is entitled to receive. In that way uncertainty will be removed and arbitration will be unnecessary in the great majority of cases. If the expenses are great the compensation will be more than one year's rent, and may amount to two years' rent. Even if that is not so much as was put in the Bill in this House it does amount to very substantial compensation, and since this new Clause has been agreed to in another place the Minister of Agriculture and myself have had interviews with the leaders of the National Farmers' Union and they have agreed to accept this new proposal. It is quite true they would have preferred the other, but they would infinitely sooner the Bill proceeded with this proposal in it than that anything should be done to wreck the Bill for then no tenant would get compensation when notice to quit was given except the small compensation given under the Act of 1908. It is a really big improvement and a great step forward not only in capricious cases, but in all cases, except where the tenant is at fault, he will get very substantial compensation under this Clause. I tell the House for what it is worth that the Farmers' Union who fought for it so are prepared to accept it rather than allow the Bill to be destroyed. They say they will accept it as very substantial compensation.
The speech of my right hon. Friend has clearly given the the key to the whole situation. It says in substance the Clause that left this House was in his opinion the best Clause, and that it was the Clause most likely to meet the situation. He says further that it was the Clause the House considered to be better. Then he said, "So determined are the House of Lords, so satisfied are they that they can defeat the Government, that if he refused to accept the Amendments of the Lords then the Bill would be wrecked. That means that the Lords have clearly laid down a challenge. It means clearly that he is speaking for the Government, and indicated to this House that unless they accept something that they never agreed with and that the Government even did not agree with, the Bill must be wrecked. Then the Bill should be wrecked and the people of this country should be told that notwithstanding the Coalition majority, notwithstanding the powers of the Coalition, notwithstanding all we have heard of the power of democracy and the extension of the franchise, we have now reached the stage where the Minister comes down to the House and says, "Never mind the people of this country. The people in other place must determine the policy of the country."
I did not say that at all. It is a compromise, a very big compromise, and concession by the other House. Their original Amendment last week was of a very different character, and after considerable pressure they altered it and proposed this particular Amendment which was accepted by Lord Lee as a compromise in the other House.
This is a concession on the part of the other House, which ignores the feeling of this House. This big concession means that unless the Government had accepted this concession they would have got nothing. Is the other House to determine policy or not? The right hon. Gentleman has given the whole case away. He says distinctly, "I would have preferred the other Clause. The other Clause was more satisfactory and better in the opinion of the Government, but if we do not accept this Clause the Bill would be wrecked." I would prefer to wreck the Bill. The lesson we have had this morning is worth all the effort of the two night sittings, for it clearly proves that, unlike previous Parliaments, the Government has not got a majority in the other place. On the other hand if they are to flout the House repeatedly they certainly should accept the challenge and say it is infinitely better that this Bill should be wrecked and the people of the country should know it is wrecked because notwithstanding the majority of the Government they are dependent and not independent of another place.
I should like to point out to what the alteration comes. If we were right when the Bill left the House of Commons we can be right now. Suppose a man had a rent of £300 and his removing expenses were £200. The old scale would have given him £600 and the new scale £400, or two thirds. If the rent is £400 and expenses £400, he gets not £800, but £400. If you take the possibility of capricious cases the old scale would have given him £2,000 and the new scale only £400, or a fifth. Although the Farmers Union have accepted the Bill as better than nothing the fact that the compensation has been whittled down will make it very insecure.
It will give an enormous impetus to the demand for fixity of tenure, which, I much regret, has been brought immeasurably nearer by the action of another place. I deplore that. I wish that this Bill could have remained for 20 or 30 years as the basis on which we could have settled down and co-operated to improve matters. I regret this element of instability, and that, when the Bill passes either to-morrow or the next day, every farmer will know that, whereas he has been absolutely confident of getting one year's rent plus all the costs of removal, that that amount will be as largely cut into as it has been. This is a great victory for hon. Members behind the Government. A danger signal was sent to another place on the Third Beading, and Noble Lords have responded nobly to the call.
I would ask my right hon. Friend whether, in connection with this proposal, he will accept a later Amendment, which deals mainly with the case of the tenant who has bought his farm. This is very germane to this Amendment. My right hon. Friend's answer will influence me in the matter.
My right hon. Friend has referred to an Amendment which deals with the case where the landlord resumes. I propose to agree with an Amendment to that to confine the operations of that Clause so that, in the case of resumption, there will be no compensation in the case of agreements made before the commencement of the Act. That would still deal with hard cases that might arise in future. But I am not disposed to agree with the Lords so far as to allow this arrangement to be made in the future after the Act is passed.
I am sorry to hear that proposal indicated. My right hon. Friend (Mr. Acland) was quite wrong in attributing the kind of motives to us which he did. We have objected to this compensation, not on the ground that it is going to hit the landlord, but because, in" our opinion, it is going to injure the tenant in the first instance and the small owner in the second. The heavier the compensation is, the less likely will be the tenant former to continue in existence in this country. Whatever the form taken, the tendency will be for the landlord to sell or refuse to let it and farm himself. That will add heavily to the burden of the tenant farmer. In the case of the larger owners it will be possible for the owner dealing with one particular farm out of many to pay compensation if he desires to do so. It will not be any very great hardship to him. But take the case of a clergyman who owns a small glebe. It will be absolutely impossible for him ever to be able to get possession of his property for a legitimate purpose, such as to create small holdings and allotments in the village. The more reasonable the compensation is made the better it will be from all points of view. If we may deal with the whole subject.
I am sorry to hear that the future Amendment is going to be linked up with this one and is going to be limited. The tenant farmer who has been forced to buy his farm is bound to find himself or his successors at some future time in a position when, for family reasons, he will have to let the one farm on which he entirely depends for some period within which he may hope that some member of his family may be able to resume it again. That ought to be provided for, and under this Amendment of the Lords it is provided for. This House has no right to prevent two other Englishmen from making arrangements obviously in the interests of both and of the whole country. This sort of legislation is ridiculous. It is going on the old road in which we are now travelling. Nobody is fit to do his own business, but the State must do it for him. It is bringing us to ruin. It is the character of an Englishman that when he is free to do his best, to act on his own, he will do the best for himself and his country, but the moment he comes under State control he is up against it, and his one desire is to do the least he can, and fight that control, because it is his nature to do it. I suggest that in the whole interests of the industry and of the nation, we should certainly not go further than is proposed now in imposing this heavy burden of compensation, and so far from thinking that we are going to take part in accept-this Amendment of the Lords, I think that from the point of view of public policy we should be wiser to have gone even further, not from the point of view of the big landlord, but from the widest point of view of industrial policy.
Attention has not so far been called to the fact that this Clause 8 governs not only the compensation to farmers in the ordinary sense, but to a large extent also governs the compensation to allotment holders. The extension of the allotment holders in the last few years has been one of the most gratifying and valuable features of our life, but it is well known that those men who have taken small pieces of land feel they have put an enormous amount of work into that land, and that they have not got security for the results of their work, and I venture to say that if we are to develop and permanently to secure the allotment system of the country, we have got to give them every possible security for what they put into the land. As this Clause 8 left this House, the allotment holder would get his compensation under the preceding law, and he would also get under this new law one year's compensation and the cost of removing his stuff to another allotment, or in case of capricious eviction, he would get four years' rent and cost of removal. That has been cut down, and he will now under Clause 8 only get one year's rent in the ordinary case, and never more than two years' rent, and he does not get the extra for removing his stuff. I suppose that under Clause 9 he will still get the compensation for fruit trees and bushes, and he is also entitled to certain payments where his notice to quit is less than one year, but that is not satisfactory, because even if his notice to quit is one year, he loses heavily. I hope the Government will consider this case of the allotment holders and that the compensation finally allowed to them will not be less than it would under the Bill as it left the Commons.
I should like the House to notice how the compensation to farmers has been whittled down. This question started a year ago at the Caxton Hall, where the Prime Minister made much of the fact that he was going to provide security for all the different sections of the community engaged in agriculture—the landlord, the farmer, the public, and the labourer. As far as I can see, these securities have matured to a great extent as they were foreshadowed, but what was the security for the farmer? A distinct pledge was given by the Prime Minister that it was to be security of tenure. When, however, the Bill was produced, it gave no security of tenure at all, and the right hon. Gentleman has carefully evaded an explanation. The Parliamentary Secretary, however, says the Prime Minister never promised security of tenure, but security of capital. Now, however, that pretence has gone, and the Government are now asking us to accept on behalf of the farmer something more attenuated still. If the tenant is turned out now all that he is to get is the expense of removal. The farmer in this matter has been completely taken in, and I very much regret that the Government should have been prepared to take this lying down, so to speak. The right hon. Gentleman said the farmers were prepared to take it, but it is not because they think it just, but because, having a certain amount of worldly wisdom, they are prepared to take something rather than nothing, and I agree that this is better than nothing, but surely this great Coalition Government, the Government that of all others could talk to the House of Lords, is not going to knuckle down to that House. It seems to me that if we do not accept the challenge at this time it means that we shall be prejudiced in future conflicts.
From the time the Bill was introduced until now the right hon. Gentleman in charge of it has fought strenuously and with a desire to do what was absolutely fair and just between all the parties interested, but to-day he is in a difficult position. This Clause is the kernel of the Bill. When it came into this House many criticised it and said it did not fulfil the promise of the Prime Minister, and so far as security of tenure is concerned that is undoubtedly the case, but I think that if it was not absolute security of tenure it was at least a fair attempt to give security of a kind that evidently the Government and those they consulted considered was sufficient for the purpose. The original Bill was not all that we desired, but it was a good Bill, certainly very much better than when it left this House and infinitely better than the Bill that has come from another place. So far as this particular Amendment is concerned, I think the position must be that, whilst the compensation has been whittled down, there is something in this Clause that makes it of some value to agriculturists, and I for one would not vote against this Amendment. I agree with practically every sentence that was spoken by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland), and 1 find myself in this difficulty, that I did my best during the progress of the Bill to support the Bill and the Government, and now we find the Government, instead of standing up against the position, taken in another place, submitting to it. These Amendments will, in my opinion, do very much to depreciate the value of this Bill as a lasting settlement. I was hopeful that the Bill would settle the land problem so far as the relationship of landlord to tenant and farm servant was concerned, for many years to come, but only a few days ago hon. Members opposite made the suggestion that in less than 12 months and possibly in six months' time we would require an amending Bill. I am sorry that that should be so. What is the present position? Compensation for capricious eviction disappears. I am quite sure the Noble Lords in another place had no desire to do anything that would even seem to be exercising a desire to benefit themselves at the expense of the tenant farmers, but the position is—and I am afraid it will be misunderstood in the country—that they deliberately struck out the compensation for capricious eviction.
What was the position in this House among agriculturists on each side of the House? We were all agreed if there was to be liberal compensation it should be for capricious eviction. As I heard an hon. Member interested in agriculture say, that was the one thing required to be dealt with. Yet now that is struck out of the Bill. Like the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill, I want to see the measure placed on the Statute Book at the earliest possible moment, and however much I regret the position, I shall support this Clause. The right hon. Gentleman said he had consulted, amongst others, the Farmers' Union. It must have been the English Farmers' Union. I am absolutely certain the Scottish National Farmers' Union has never been consulted, nor any other Scottish agricultural authority. As this Bill applies to Scotland, I want to enter my emphatic protest against the way in which Scotland is treated in the matter of legislation. We ought to have had a separate Bill. Unfortunately we have not. But we will take what we can get, although it will not satisfy us.
Evidently nothing we can say will have any effect on the Government, but that is no reason why we should not continue fighting. I listened with some amazement to the spirited defence made by an opposition speaker of the tenant farmer. It reminded me of the spirited defence of the mouse by the cat, and I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman on the front bench that one of the reasons why these Amendments are not being opposed by the supporters of the Government is because they are the children of their own creation. I believe we are attacking the Members of the other House most unfairly. In my opinion these Amendments were handed to them. This House has more influence generally with that other place than hon. Members think. There is a Tory element in the Government which will not allow it to have entirely its own way in this Bill. We have a Liberal Prime Minister—
No.
A political cosmopolitan—a Prime Minister who professes Liberalism. I am glad he has just entered the House. I am going to address my remarks to him. I am satisfied that a deal was made with the Tories during the passage of this Bill through this House. They were told to keep their opposition down. " You must understand we are a democratic body." I can imagine the Prime Minister saying to them, "Unity must exist; any split in the Coalition Cabinet would be fatal to the best interests of the country. We must be united, Tories and Liberals must show that they are standing side by side in this democratic measure. We will shove all the blame on the Lords. Cut out your Amendments, and then we can say, " sooner than wreck the Bill we will amend it." I do not call that playing the game. I am surprised that the Lords have become the political donkey to carry the Coalition sack. I should expect them to dissociate themselves from it entirely. This Bill left this House, a democratic measure. It is not a democratic measure to-day. Practically everything we were doing for the tenant farmers and allotment holders and the agricultural labourer has been whittled down, and we have now only the skeleton of what was once a fat farmers' measure. All the farmers of the country asked for was security of tenure. The compensation which was provided in this Bill was not likely to be paid in many cases. The fact that capricious eviction would have to be paid for would prevent such evictions; it would not be worth the landlord's while to push the tenant out. I interviewed a number of big tenant farmers in Hertfordshire—in my constituency. Hon. Members may not know that 90 per cent. of the farmers there are Scotsmen—educated men well capable of looking after their affairs and desirous, above all, to know exactly where they stand, as they have a perfect right to do. It is not so much their battle I am fighting as that of the small people on the land. They are apparently to be sacrificed to the Tory majority in the present Government. The Prime Minister knows that quite well. He is a wonderful manipulator of parties, and I congratulate him on the extraordinary ability of keeping the Tories with him. The tenant farmers are to be sacrificed to the Tories, so that the Government may continue their career of crime. It is easy for the Prime Minister to say we must sacrifice this or that, but I consider we are sacrificing too much. I do not like the attitude taken up by the hon. Gentleman below the Gangway (Mr. Gardiner), although, I admit, he helped us in our fight earlier in the night by his speeches, which gave us an idea how to carry on the battle. He stood up in this House to denounce the thing as bad, wrong and wicked. He said we had been swindled, and despite that he proposes to give his support to the people who are swindling us. I hope he will reconsider his decision when we come to a Division. No anxiety on the part of the Coalition M.P.s to get to their Christmas festivities is going to stand between me and what I believe to be the public duty of every Member of the House who represents farmers to break the Tory ramp which is trying to destroy this Bill. Where are the Coalition Liberals? We have seen some of them.
I must ask the hon. Member to see that his remarks are relevant to the Question before the House.
Possibly after some 18 hours of this one has a tendency to allow the levity of the Coalition supporters to interrupt the even tenor of his thoughts. I am looking to the Members of the Labour party to support us in this matter. Perhaps we shall not succeed. The tenant farmer is to be sacrificed as everything now-a-days is sacrificed to time and the Tories, the two great enemies of legislation in this House. I hope to get a statement from the Prime Minister. I shall use the interval in digging out some of his speeches on this subject with which to confront him when he does speak. There are more important Amendments coming on later. If you are going to rob the tenant farmer of security of tenure at the dictates of the Tories it is far better to at once make a frank con- fession and let the country know there is a lack of democracy in this House and not in another place. Why should we stir up hatred among the masses in the country against the House of Lords, which has time after time in days gone by saved us from our own Government? Why stir up enmity and hatred against the House of Lords when it is the Tories in this House who have forced the Amendments on us? I should like to hear a little more from the Tories here. They have been very silent. I expect they were told to be so. No doubt they were warned that if they spoke they would only supply material to the Opposition for more: speeches. One thing I do admire about them, and that is their implicit obedience to the Government in this matter.
I think we ought to be quite clear before a Division is taken that what we are doing is registering our vote against the recission by the Prime Minister of the pledges he has given in this House. The right hon. Gentleman was in the House a few moments ago. I suppose he had neither the time nor the inclination—
Nor the courage.
to remain and hear the Debate.
The Prime Minister has left the House to fulfil a very important engagement in his own room.
12 NOON.
I said " neither the time nor the inclination "—a perfectly fair remark. If the Prime Minister has gone to fulfil an important engagement in his room, after all, many of us have been fulfilling a fairly important engagement for the last twelve hours in this House. I have been trying to get an opportunity of meeting the Prime Minister with his own pledges with regard to this. What the Prime Minister said with regard to this security of tenure which we have been discussing was this:
" It is proposed that he (that is the farmer) shall be secured in his tenancy unless the land he sold for public purposes or a case can be made that he is a bad cultivator."
What we want to know is where in this Bill is there a single instance of that being fulfilled. Where is there any real fixity of tenure in the Bill. It may be contended that the security is not security of tenure but security of capital. A great deal was made of that in Debates in the House. If that is the reason now alleged by the Government, we reply that you must show us now in the Bill where this security of capital is. So that on both sides of the argument, on the question of security of tenure and security of capital, they have both gone, in spite of the pledges which have been made by the Prime Minister, and a surrender is made to suggestions from the other House. It is no use thinking of getting others to agree with us, but before we divide we want it plainly understood that we are approving it for these three reasons, that in spite of the definite, deliberate pledges given by the Prime Minister, they are not now in the Bill, either on the side of tenure or of capital, and that we are conceding to the House of Lords something which I do not think we ought to concede, and which we do not mean to concede.
I have been 25 hours continuously in the House, and I am prepared to stay another 25 rather than sacrifice the principle that I voted for in this Bill. I shall compromise neither on time nor principle. I supported the Bill because there was some security of capital in it. I refer, of course, to the compensation that is payable under the Bill as it left this House. What has happened right through? It has been whittled down upstairs in the first place. It was attempted to be whittled down here on Report. It is now whittled down to something that means comparatively very little security of capital as compared even with what it was when it left this House. What really became of the views that the right hon. Gentleman (Sir A. Boscawen) took upstairs and that he expressed in this House? He would not
have the Clause whittled down at all. And that was the decided view of the Government and it was the decided view of the House. Three hundred Members took part in the Division on this matter and by a huge majority decided that this Clause should remain as it was. What has become of it and what becomes of the Prime Minister's pledge at Caxton Hall, and what has become of him? I understand he has not the time to be here. He had not the time to be here on another occasion when the Budget was brought in that destroyed his land taxes. Again, the landed interests of this country, through their friends in the Upper House, have made the Government and the Prime Minister toe the line as we always said he would. The most impressive thing that has happened during the past twelve hours has been the silence of those hon. Members who upstairs tried all methods to destroy or whittle down the compensation Clauses. I do not hear them say very much. I daresay they have had their instructions from the Government to lie low and say nothing. Yet although we have had the considered opinion of this House, although we had the emphatic declaration of the Parliamentary Secretary that this compensation Clause should not be further interfered with, yet we have seventeen pages of Amendments, every one of which has been agreed to with the exception of one or two very important Amendments, and now are we, as a House of Commons, to bow the knee, as the Government is doing, to the hereditary Chamber after the considered opinion of this elected House of Commons, expressed in no uncertain manner not many weeks ago?
Question put, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 129; Noes, 34.
Division No. 457.] AYES. [12.18 p.m. Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C. Brassey, Major H. L. C. Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Brittain, Sir Harry Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Atkey, A. R. Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Curzon, Commander Viscount Baird, Sir John Lawrence Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City of Lon.) Carr, W. Theodore Doyle, N. Grattan Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Chadwick, R. Burton Edge, Captain William Barnston, Major Harry Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Barrie, Charles Coupar Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Beck, Sir C. (Essex, Saffron Walden) Cobb, Sir Cyril FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Betterton, Henry B. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Fraser, Major Sir Keith Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Conway, Sir W. Martin Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C.
Gardiner, James Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Simm, M. T. Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Lindsay, William Arthur Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Loseby, Captain C. E. Stanier, Captain Sir Seville Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Glyn, Major Ralph M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. Sturrock, J. Leng Goff, Sir R. Park Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Sugden, W. H. Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Mitchell, William Lane Talbot, Rt. Hon. Lord E. (Chich'st'r) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Molson, Major John Elsdale Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Murchison, C. K. Tryon, Major George Clement Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Waiters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Hanna, George Boyle Nail, Major Joseph Waring, Major Walter Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Neal, Arthur Watson, Captain John Bertrand Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock) Hopkins, John W. W. Parker, James Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Hudson, R. M. Pilditch, Sir Philip Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Wilson-Fox, Henry Hurd, Percy A. Pratt, John William Wise, Frederick Jameson, J. Gordon Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Purchase, H. G. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Woolcock, William James U. Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Kidd, James Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Knights, Capt. H. N. (C'berwell, N.) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Mr. Dudley Ward and Commander Eyres-Monsell. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Hartshorn, Vernon Sitch, Charles H. Billing, Noel Pemberton- Hinds, John Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hogge, James Myles Swan, J. E. Briant, Frank Irving, Dan Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Bromfield, William Kenyon, Barnet Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Casey, T. W. Lunn, William Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Morgan, Major D. Watts Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Raffan, Peter Wilson TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hallas, Eldred Rose, Frank H. Mr. Charles White and Mr. Mills. Royce, William Stapleton
Lords Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (5).
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment
In Sub-section (6, b ), leave out the words " two months," and insert " one month."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is really for the benefit of the tenants concerned. It is in their interest that the notice should be as short as possible.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (6, c ), leave out the word " three," and insert " six."
I beg to move, "That this House doth disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I do not think it is necessary at this stage to rehearse the controversy that took place when the original Bill was before the House. The reasons pro and con are in the minds of all those who heard the discussion. I assume the view of the majority will probably be that their case has been reversed by the Amendment which has been inserted in another place.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (6, e ), after the word " authority " [" department, or authority "], insert " or appropriated under any statutory provision."
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
At end of Sub-section (6) insert
" or ( g ) where a written contract of tenancy has been entered into (whether before or after the commncement of this Act) for the letting by the landlord to the tenant of a holding which at the time of the creation of the tenancy was in the occupation of the landlord upon the express terms that if the landlord desires to resume that occupation before the expiration of a specified term not exceeding seven years the landlord should be entitled to give notice to quit without becoming liable to pay to the tenant any compensation for disturbance, and the landlord desires to resume occupation within the specified period, and such notice to quit has been given accordingly."
I beg to move, as an Amendment to the Lords Amendment, to leave out the words "whether before or after the commencement of this Act," and to insert instead thereof the word "before."
The effect of this will be to protect existing contracts of a very special kind, but not to protect future contracts which might be made with a view to evading the provisions of the Bill.
It is absolutely essential that this Amendment should be made, because if it is not made a coach and four could be driven through this Bill. It would apply to leases up to seven years where landlords had been in occupation and desired to resume occupation. It would only be necessary to let a farm for six years and 360 days and resume occupation for five days and then start again and then you give no compensation at all. Therefore the compensation provision would have no effect, Where, there is an existing tenancy of this character now running out with an understanding that it is for less than seven years and the owner was to resume occupation at the end of that period. I do not think it is unreasonable to say that that cannot carry compensation with it. The matter I am most concerned with is that it is quite impossible to accept the words "or after."
I do not think the proposal of the Government is satisfactory from any point of view. The Lords Amendment, as amended, will deal with existing cases of tenancies created prior to the Act, but I doubt whether there is a single case where these terms are complied with. It has never been necessary before to make any such special specific agreements as proposed by these words. Does the Secretary for Scotland suggest that there has been any case in Scotland or England where the terms now proposed would be necessary? In Scotland leases do not terminate automatically, and if a landlord lets on a lease it cannot be terminated without notice, and the lease automatically continues, and there would have to be a special Clause to secure possession. Leases in England terminate at the end of the specified period. Where a person occupying his own land had, for family reasons, let his land for five years, he would simply let it for the period because under the existing law he would automatically regain possession.
My information is that these are not normal agreements. A good many special cases of that kind arose during the departure of the proprietors for the War, and in those circumstances it was desired to cover such cases.
I have brought such cases myself before the Minister in charge of the Board of Agriculture, and it is not within my knowledge that any such special Clause has been inserted. I want the right hon. Gentleman to say whether the insertion of such a Clause would have made any difference to the right of the owner to gain possession without paying compensation?
I am afraid I am not able to express an opinion upon the English law on that point.
Then we ought to have somebody here who can answer that question. This is a very important matter. I think I have made it clear from the point of view that the Government are willing to concede this, but it will not do what is required. There may be such conditions in some leases, but they would produce no good result. I very much doubt if any such agreements are in existence and thus only applies to cases where the letting was created by somebody who was actually occupying the land itself and that is a very great protection. I see the point as to the possibility of this proposal being used for the purpose of escaping compensation by somebody who might take possession of his land for a few days. There is no desire whatever for anything of that kind, and I should be perfectly willing to provide for occupation for not less than three years. We do not want any evasion of that kind. If a landlord for a short term desires to let the land and to resume possession of it I think in the future, as well as in the past, it would be wrong for this House to interfere with that right. That would apply to anybody, large or small, who was actually occupying his own land. A big owner might let his own farm on those conditions or any farm he had in hand, but that would be comparatively a small occasion. The main case is the small man occupying his own land, and if he desires, for family or personal reasons, to let it for a definite period, I think he ought to be able to do. I shall feel it my duty to divide against any proposal of this kind to compel a small owner who has one little bit of land which he desires to occupy for himself and his family under an agreement for a definite term, and when he can find somebody willing to take it, to preclude him from doing so is something which I cannot support.
I wish to support what my right hon. Friend has said. There are a great many farmers, and
nearly all the occupying farmers in the County of Lincoln, including the members of the Farmers' Union, who demand this Clause. The first time that the Prime Minister propounded his agricultural policy he expressly stated that if a man who had been an occupying owner desired to resume possession he should be at liberty to do so without paying compensation.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Lords Amendment."
The House divided: Ayes, 30; Noes, 133.
Division No. 458.] AYES. [12.30 p.m. Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Goff, Sir R. Park Nall, Major Joseph Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Betterton, Henry B. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Liv'p'l,W.D'byl Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Brassey, Major H. L. C. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Campion, Lieut.-Colonel W. R. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord H. (Ox. Univ.) Jameson, J. Gordon Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Kidd. James Wilson-Fox, Henry Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lindsay, William Arthur Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A. Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Mr. Pretyman and Captain Sir Beville-Stanier. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D. Gardiner, James Pratt, John William Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C. Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Purchase, H. G. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Rattan, Peter Wilson Atkey, A. R. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel John Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Rose, Frank H. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Royce, William Stapleton Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Hanna, George Boyle Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Balfour, Sir R. (Glasgow, Partick) Hartshorn, Vernon Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Barnston, Major Harry Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Seddon, J. A. Barrie, Charles Coupar Hinds, John Simm, M. T. Billing, Noel Pemberton- Hogge, James Myles Sitch, Charles H. Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hopkins, John W. W. Stanley, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. George F. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hudson, R. M. Sturrock, J. Leng Briant, Frank Hunter, General Sir A. Sugden, W. H. Bridgeman, William Clive Hurd, Percy A. Sutherland, Sir William Brittain, Sir Harry Irving, Dan Swan, J. E. Bromfield, William Jesson, C. Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Kenyon, Barnet Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Butcher, Sir John George Kidd, James. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Carr, W. Theodore. Knights, Capt. H. N. (C'berwell, N.) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Casey, T. W. Law, Rt. Hon. A. B. (Glasgow, C.) Tryon, Major George Clement Chadwick, Sir Robert Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm.,W.) Lunn, William Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. C. A. Waring, Major Walter Cobb, Sir Cyril Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray Watson, Captain John Bertrand Conway, Sir W. Martin McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport) Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Mills, John Edmund Wignall, James Craig, Colonel Sir J. (Down, Mid) Mitchell, William Lane Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Curzon, Commander Viscount Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Murchison, C. K. Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Doyle, N. Grattan Neal, Arthur Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Edwards, C. (Monmouth. Bedwellty) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Wise, Frederick Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Ormsby-Gore, Captain Hon. W. Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Lord Edmund Talbot and Captain Fraser, Major Sir Keith Pilditch, Sir Philip Guest. Ganzoni, Captain Francis John C. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton
Proposed words there inserted.
Lords Amendment, as amended, agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (8) leave out the words "twenty-eight days,"and insert "six weeks."
Disagreed with.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (8), leave out the words
"the notice shall be deemed to have been given without good and sufficient cause and for reasons inconsistent with good estate management,"
and insert
" compensation shall be payable under this Section as if the notice to quit had not been given for a reason specified in Sub-section (1) of this Section."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is necessary because capricious eviction has been knocked out of the Bill.
I agree that this is consequential.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
After Sub-section (9) insert a new Subsection—
" (12) The expression 'holding' in this Section shall not include any land which forms part of any park, garden or pleasure ground attached to, and usually occupied with the mansion house, or any land adjoining the mansion house which is required for its protection or amenity, and the compensation for disturbance payable in respect of a notice to quit given in respect of any such land shall be such compensation (if any) as would have been payable under section eleven of the Act of 1908 if this Act had not been passed."
Agreed to.
On a point of Order. I do not wish to be offensive, but hon. Members cannot hear the Clerk read the Orders. I was listening closely, and I never heard a word. I respectfully submit that they should be read in a voice that can be heard throughout the House. Here we have a most important Amendment, and we should have an opportunity of speaking to it. We were waiting for the purpose, and it was only due to the acoustic properties of the House that we could not do so.
It is not everyone who is blessed with as good a voice as the hon. Member. I am sure that the Clerk is doing his best.
Lords Amendment:
After Sub-section (10) insert a new Sub-section—
" (14) When determining for the purposes of this section what rent is properly payable in respect of a holding which is held otherwise than on yearly tenancy, the arbitrator may, on the application of the landlord or tenant, direct that the reduction or increase shall not take effect unless the tenant or landlord, as the case may be, agrees to renew the tenancy for such period as the arbitrator shall determine."
I beg to move, "That this House doth disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
Perhaps we can get to know on this Amendment what we wanted to learn on the last, of which I never heard a word read out. Why is a holding not to be allowed to be carved out of what we call park land? In Scotland in a great many cases without destroying the amenity of a large estate you can get a small holding.
If I were to discuss the last Amendment on this Amendment, I should be out of order.
Will the hon. Gentleman give some reason why we should not agree with this Amendment?
It is placing an undue limitation on the discretion of the arbitrator in determining the rent.
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 9.—(
" (2) Where the tenancy of an occupier of an allotment garden is terminated by reason of a notice to quit which is less than one year's notice, the compensation shall be either such an amount as is payable under the provisions applied by this section or such an amount as represents the benefits which would have accrued to the occupier from the occupation of the allotment garden on the terms of the expired tenancy during the period between the date of the expiration of the tenancy and the end of one year from the date on which the notice to quit was given, whichever amount is greater: Provided that this subsection shall not apply where possession of the land is reasonably required for naval, military, or Air Force purposes or for building, mining, or other industrial purposes, or for roads necessary in connection with any of those purposes.
(6) In the application of this section to Scotland the expression "allotment garden" means an allotment under the Allotments (Scotland) Act, 1892, as amended or applied by any subsequent enactment, and a reference to the Small Holdings and Allotments Act, 1908, or to the Allotments and Cottage Gardens (Compensation for Crops) Act, 1887, shall be construed as a reference to the said Act of 1892 as so amended or applied."
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (2), leave out the words
"Provided that this Sub-section shall not apply where possession of the land is reasonably required for naval, military, or Air Force purposes or for building, mining, or other industrial purposes, or for roads necessary in connection with any of those purposes."
If this Sub-section be omitted, it means that compensation will have to be paid in respect of the land that is referred to, which means that a charge for compensation will be imposed.
I beg to move, "That this House doth disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I do not think that we ought to waive our privilege in this matter so as to cause a greater charge to be imposed.
May I point out that allotment holders suffer equally whether land be taken for private or public purposes.
There will be exactly the same compensation given as the ordinary tenant gets, and this only refers to a special extra compensation to the allotment holder where he is given less than a year's notice. Normally he is to get something extra, and in this case he will not.
I quite agree with my right hon. Friend. But I do not see why, if those concerned are to get compensation at all, it should not be the same, and whether the land is required for public or private purposes.
I know the point made by the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite, which is that a great many allotments were taken under D.O.R.A. during the War, and if the owners are not able to get it back for building purposes, say, that the Ministry of Agriculture will be liable to pay compensation for the loss of a good bargain, or something of the kind. Could we not possibly make some sort of compromise with the House of Lords in a form that would relieve the State of the necessity of paying heavy compensation in these cases? Would my right hon. Friend consider, not whether it is possible to disagree with the Lords Amendments, but to insert words that will make the Sub-section read: "Provided that this Sub-section shall not apply to land taken under the powers of the Defence of the Realm Act, or where possession of the land is reasonably required. Such a provision would be all right and you would not require to pay extra compensation. Where, however, the naval, military, and air forces wanted to resume land at less than a year's notice they would require to pay compensation. But I do not quite see that it is fair to expect the Ministry of Agriculture to pay owners heavy compensation for the resumption of this D.O.R.A. land.
We have considered the point very often. This particular proposal to leave out D.O.R.A. land and give additional compensation in every case has been before the Ministry more than once, and the thing is to find a practical way out of the difficulty. It seems that if the Ministry of Agriculture escape paying heavy compensation other Government Departments will have to pay it. There are, too, thanks to private owners who allowed their land to be taken for allotments during the War and immediately after, and to say that they shall not be allowed to resume possession unless they either give twelve months' notice, or pay compensation, which may amount to as much as £150 per acre, would be very hard indeed. I do not see how the Ministry of Agriculture could get up here and say: "We have exempted ourselves and everybody else has to pay." That would be an impossible position. The only proper course is the one I have indicated, to refuse to waive our privilege and disagree with the Lords.
Question, "That this House doth disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment," put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out Sub-section (6).
Agreed to.
CLAUSE 10.— (
"Where the occupation of a dwelling-house (including a garden attached thereto) forming part of a holding to which the Act of 1908 applies has been allowed by the tenant of the holding to a workman employed by him in agriculture on the holding, whether the occupation is under a contract of tenancy or not, and the occupation is terminated on account of the termination by the tenant of the holding of the employment of the workman, the provisions of Section seven of this Act shall (subject as hereinafter provided and so far as the same are capable of application) apply as if the dwelling-house (including a garden attached thereto) were a holding and, where there is no contract of tenancy, as if the person allowing the dwelling-house to he so occupied were the landlord and the occupier were the tenant, and the notice to terminate the occupation were a notice to quit: Provided that—
Lords Amendment:
Leave out the words "Section seven of this Act" ["the workman, the provisions of Section seven of this Act"], and insert "the Section of this part of this Act relating to compensation for disturbance."
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out the word "occupier" ["landlord and the occupier"], and insert "workman."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I should like to have an assurance from the right hon. Gentleman on this matter. When the Bill left this House it contained something the House had given to the humblest class associated with agriculture—the labourer— something for which we who represent them were exceedingly grateful. But we were very much shocked and astonished when the Bill came back from another place to find that practically all that had been given had been taken away.
The hon. Gentleman would be in order in raising his point a little later.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
In paragraph (1, a ), leave out the words "six weeks", and insert "three months".
I beg to move, "That this House doth disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I take the opportunity of saying that it is my intention to bring back this Clause as nearly as possible to its condition when it left this House.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendments:
In paragraph (1, b ), leave out the words " cultivated properly", and insert " worked properly or to better advantage ".
In paragraph (1, c), leave out the word "workmen", and insert "workman".
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
At the end of paragraph (1,
" ( d ) the workman does not cease to occupy the dwelling-house on the expiration of the notice to terminate his occupation thereof or on the expiration of a period of fourteen days from the date when the notice was given whichever is the later; or "
I beg to move, " That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I desire, however, that the paragraph should be amended by the insertion of 30 days, instead of 14 days.
No hon. Member who has had any experience of the housing difficulty would do otherwise than vote against this Clause. It is a most scandalous thing that after we pass a Bill providing for compensation for certain men under certain conditions, who have been, or are, suffering inconveniences, that this thing should be done. I feel like moving an Amendment to the proposal of the right hon. Gentleman and make the Clause read " until such time as it can be satisfactorily proved that other accommodation is available for the tenant in question." The present proposal is tantamount to saying that we wish to cut out the compensation altogether. It is reasonable to assume that the reason why the tenant is given notice to quit is because the farmer wishes to put someone else in his place, and in the particular house, and the need for immediate possession is because of the scarcity of houses. But the present is not a reasonable or humane suggestion. Many men, I know, in agricultural districts are living in actual hovels. To say to these, " You shall be out within 30 days or lose your compensation means driving them into the countryside with their wives and children and without any shelter. I want the right hon. Gentleman to amend this Clause so that the local authorities may be enabled to deal with each case on its merits. We ought by no means to sacrifice this point in favour of the men, and for which we have fought with so much vigour, and for whom we have succeeded in obtaining what we desired. Does the average agricultural labourer read through our Bills? I do not suppose that one per cent. of the population of England has the vaguest notion of the legislation we pass. The agricultural labourer is ignorant of the ordinary affairs of life and on top of that he is ignorant of this new legislation. I say that at least five per cent. of the agricultural labourers cannot read their own letters. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] We ought to protect them just so much as if they were the majority. We ought not to put it in the power of a landlord to get rid of his tenant in an ingenious way. I trust we shall receive considerable support from the Labour Members. It is possible to make this a human Clause instead of a mechanical Clause and to provide that the circumstances of each case shall be taken into account before anything is done. We have not been very successful in making out points so far, but the debate has at least taught the Government the contents of their own Bill, a thing they did not know at eleven o'clock last night.
I appeal to the Government to change the 30 days to six weeks. No man who regards his relations with his workmen, and desires to treat them fairly, will wish to give any tenant less than six weeks' notice to leave his cottage. The change suggested will not involve the slightest injury to any tenant farmer. If it is a case of misconduct, it does not apply. In the ordinary way a man must know whether in six weeks he wants the cottage or not.
Those specially interested in agriculture have been in consultation with a view to the Government meeting them on the Bill. I do not agree in the least with the statement that the agricultural labourer is less capable than others of looking after his interests. That point does not arise now. What does arise is the housing problem in agricultural districts. We can find the case where, although the workman has received notice and may be able to get other employment, he cannot get another, house. The House, generally, is sympathetic in regard to the housing problem in agricultural districts. Compensation was agreed to by both Houses. When the Bill left this House there was no time limit. "Fourteen days" has been put in in the other House, and no one would pretend that 14 days' notice is a justification for preventing a man receiving compensation. The Government have offered 30 days as a concession. That is not sufficient. There ought not to be any time limit. As a compromise, I urge that at least two months is a reasonable period.
I accept that compromise.
Amendment made to Lords Amendment: Leave out "fourteen days," and insert " two months."— [ Mr. Thomas. ]
Lords Amendment, as amended, agreed to.
I beg to move " That the further consideration of the Lords Amendments be now adjourned."
We have been talking the matter over, and it is accurate to say that substantial, indeed complete, agreement has been reached that if the Bill be resumed after questions this afternoon, the Amendments will be disposed of not later than eight o'clock to-night.
The understanding was that we should meet again at 2.45, and, after the usual questions, should proceed to the Amendments of the Bill.
An hour and a half ago a discussion took place as to whether the business of the House would be facilitated by an Adjournment and an agreement that the Bill should be completed at a given time. I agreed. We are not out to obstruct the Bill for obstruction's sake.
I hope there will be general agreement to take this course. From the point of view of time for discussion it would, of course, be better to go on, because we would not have questions to answer. When the matter was raised before, I thought that on the whole we gained on all these occasions by trying to come to some general agreement, instead of fighting over our differences. I hope hon. Friends behind me agree. There has been so much to occupy us during the last 24 hours that it will be very difficult to give answers to a great many questions this afternoon, but we will do our best.
Will written answers be supplied to Members?
Yes.
Question, " That the further consideration of the Lords Amendments be now adjourned" put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendments to be further considered this day (Thursday).
The remaining Government Orders were read, and postponed.
It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Wednesday evening, Mr. SPEAKER, adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Fifteen minutes after One o'clock p.m. on Thursday.