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Commons Chamber

Volume 139: debated on Monday 21 March 1921

House of Commons

Monday, March 21, 1921

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Liverpool Mineral and Metal Storage Company (Delivery Warrants) Bill [ Lords ],

Read a Second time, and committed.

Metropolitan Water Board (Various Powers) Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Wednesday.

Oral Answers to Questions

Peace Treaties

Austro-Hungarian Bank (Liquidation)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that a small number of British civilians, repatriated from Austria after the Armistice, brought with them amounts of enemy currency, which in many instances represented their entire assets, that in some instances this Austrian currency has been handed over to the clearing house for enemy debts to await the Allied liquidation of the Austro-Hungarian Bank; and whether, in view of the fact that many of the persons in question are more or less destitute, the Government will arrange to at once make them an advance, on the pre-War rate of exchange, in respect of the amounts of enemy currency deposited by them with the clearing house pending definite settlement of this matter?

The clearing office has been collecting certain currency notes issued by the Austro-Hungarian Bank. These notes will not form the basis of any claim which can be preferred through the clearing office, which is merely acting as a convenient channel for the collection and transmission of the notes to the competent authority for presentation in the liquidation of the bank, and His Majesty's Government are unable to make any advance to depositors of the notes pending the completion of the liquidation.

May I ask whether, in the case of people who have already deposited Austrian kronen with the clearing house, some advances may not be made to them pending a definite settlement?

I think my hon. Friend is under a misapprehension as to what has happened. The clearing office in this matter is merely assisting these people to make their claims by collecting the notes that have got to be sent to the liquidator of the bank. It is merely acting as agent on their behalf in order to relieve them of the trouble they otherwise would be put to in having each of them to present his own claim personally.

Will they not be advanced against trade notes they have deposited until the matter is settled?

Oh no. It is quite obvious that the clearing office, which is merely assisting these people by acting as their agent, could not give them an advance against documents.

Is there any chance of these people getting back their money at the old rate on the completion of the liquidation?

It is quite obvious that I cannot say what are the conditions of the liquidation of a bank which is being liquidated in Austria under the terms of the Peace Treaty, and the clearing office has nothing to do with this liquidation.

Will the hon. Gentleman do all he can to look after these cases, which are extremely hard?

I am doing all I can, and I am helping them in the most effective way possible to make their claims.

British Goods (Occupied Area)

asked the Prime Minister whether British goods will be admitted duty free into the German districts occupied by the Allies so long as the occupation lasts?

I have been asked to reply. No, Sir; British goods will be liable to the ordinary Customs duties leviable, which, I understand, will for the present be those of the German Customs tariff.

German Reparation

asked the Prime Minister what progress has been made in the Parliaments of Belgium, France, Italy, and Japan with measures to levy an import duty on German goods as a means of extracting reparations from Germany?

I am not in a position to add anything to the information which was given in M. Briand's speech.

May I ask the Prime Minister if he is aware that we do not all read the French newspapers regularly, and why have we this information from the French Prime Minister instead of the British Prime Minister? Was M. Briand speaking for Italy and Japan?

I get my information exactly from the same quarters as the hon. and gallant Gentleman. There is no official information at the present time. The speeches have appeared in English newspapers.

Is it in order, Mr. Speaker, when I ask the Prime Minister a question affecting this country, to be referred to a speech in the French Chamber?

But it is a question about something which has happened in France.

Quite so; but cannot I have the information? [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!" and "Go to France for it!"]

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware whether the French have yet introduced a Bill on similar lines to those of our own German Reparation (Recovery) Bill, and has he seen the text?

German War Criminals (Trial)

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government have yet reached an agreement with the German Government with respect to the trial of German war criminals; and, if so, will he state whether it is proposed to make the conclusion of these trials coincide in point of time with the payment by Germany of the last instalment of the war indemnity?

I have been asked to reply. This question, as I understand, is one of the questions in respect of which sanctions are now being enforced.

Cannot the right hon. Gentleman give the names of any of the leading prisoners who have been brought to trial, and say what sentences have been passed on them?

Names are rather difficult to remember, and still more difficult to pronounce. If my hon. and gallant Friend will look at an answer I gave about three weeks ago, he will get all the information he asks for.

Did not that reply deal only with subordinate people who had committed minor crimes? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the fact that up to the present no notification has been received of any of the chief criminals having been brought to justice? Can he inform the House whether any have been?

No, Sir; my hon. and gallant Friend is a little forgetful. I said the exact opposite to that. What I said was that the seven prisoners on our list were the worst seven against whom we had clear evidence.

That is a matter entirely out of my hands. I can only say that steps are being taken to make the necessary arrangements, including the difficult task of collecting the witnesses and persuading them to go to Leipsic.

Does the right hon. Gentleman find any difficulty in remembering or pronouncing the name "William"?

What penalty will be enforced if these trials are still further postponed?

I can only repeat the answer I gave a few moments ago—that this is one of the questions in respect of which the sanctions are being enforced. With regard to the proper name mentioned by the hon. Gentleman, I do not think any difficulty will arise about that.

Russia

British Nationals' Property

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in the course of his conversations, he was able to elicit from the Russian Envoy the fact that the Communist Government does not recognise the right of any private individual or company to own or hold property; did he represent to the Envoy that the British Government stood with its French Ally in refusing to allow its nationals to be thus deprived of their properties in Russia; and what answer did M. Krassin give on behalf of the Communist Government?

My right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade stated specifically in the Debate on the Appropriation Bill on 22nd December, with reference to debts and other claims of British subjects, that nothing was disavowed and nothing given up and that the arrangement was being made without prejudice to any claims which might be made against the Russian Government. Effect is given to this in the Declaration appended to the Trade Agreement.

As a matter of fact, does it not mean that at the present moment, at any rate, British property in Russia has been seized by this Soviet power?

I thought that was a proposition which did not require either question or answer to elucidate.

Would not the best way of getting this property for British subjects be to recognise the de facto Government in Russia, and to hold a regular peace conference, at which all these big questions could be discussed?

If British property has been seized by the Soviet Government, will it be handed back?

The trade agreement is perfectly specific in its terms, and the clause at the end dealing with claims is specific. It is perfectly plain, and it carries out absolutely the statement made by the President of the Board of Trade in this House on the 22nd December last, and if hon. Members desire to debate the matter further, they will have an opportunity on the Consolidated Fund Bill or on the Adjournment.

Might I have an answer? Could you not call a proper peace conference to discuss all these matters, including external debts?

asked the Prime Minister if he will assure the House that nothing in any trade agreement which may be entered into by the British Government with the Russian Soviet Government will prevent British nationals from having recourse to His Majesty's Courts of Justice to enforce their rights in the event of any of their property which may have been stolen by the Soviet Government coming within the jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice of this country, even though such property may have subsequently been sold by the Soviet Government, under the said Trade Agreement or otherwise, to another British national?

asked the Prime Minister whether, in any trade arrangement that may be made with the Soviet Government of Russia, he will make it clear that the jurisdiction of the courts of this country to adjudicate upon the rights of British subjects in regard to the stolen gold in the possession of the Soviet Government which may come to this country shall not be ousted or in any way interfered with?

I have been asked to reply. There is nothing in the Trade Agreement which prevents a British subject from bringing an action in the courts to enforce any rights over which British courts may have jurisdiction.

My question was not whether there was anything to prevent a British subject bringing an action, but what I desired to ascertain was whether anything in the Agreement gave recognition to the Soviet Government? Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that these actions all turn on the question as to whether or not the Soviet Government has obtained recognition?

No, Sir; the Agreement, I think, speaks for itself, and the hon. Member will appreciate that it really would be impossible in question and answer to debate the whole question he has raised.

My question merely was whether the Government intended by the Agreement to give recognition to the Soviet Government. If so, these actions will all fall.

How can you conclude an Agreement with a Government which does not exist?

Trade Agreement

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether British manufacturers and merchants doing business under the Anglo-Soviet Trade Agreement will have to look to themselves for the successful issue of any commercial undertakings on which they may embark; whether they can expect any assistance and, if so, from what consular or other British agents; whether they will, in case of default, be able to institute legal proceedings in this country or in Russia against the Soviet or its representatives; and what redress there will be for broken or unfulfilled contracts?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. Under Clause 5 of the Trade Agreement, the British Government acquires the right to send official agents into Russia who will reside there for the purpose of facilitating the carrying out of the Agreement and of protecting the interests of British subjects. The question of remedy in case of default is a legal one, which is not dealt with in the Agreement.

asked the Prime Minister why, having regard to the matters outside the renewal of trade between this country and Russia that have been agreed on between the Board of Trade and the Russian commercial delegation, the signature of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs does not appear on the Agreement?

The President of the Board of Trade signed the Trade Agreement on behalf of His Majesty's Government, as he had conducted the negotiations on their behalf.

Why did the President of the Board of Trade also sign a letter exclusively having reference to affairs in India?

Soviet Government Agents

asked the Prime Minister whether the official agents nominated to this country by the Communist Government of Russia will be recognised as the diplomatic representatives of that country by His Majesty's Government; and, if so, in what way will their status differ from that of the representative and personnel of the legation of our Polish ally in this country?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The second part does not therefore arise.

Supposing I desire to get a passport viséd to Russia, who is going to do it?

I will do all I can to assist my hon. and gallant Friend in the matter.

British Dyestuffs Corporation, Limited

asked the President of the Board of Trade the amount of capital held by the Government in the British Dyes Company; whether it is invested in debenture, preference, or ordinary stocks; if any dividends have been paid on these stocks; if so, what amount; and to what account of his Department dividends paid are carried?

The securities held by His Majesty's Govern- ment in the British Dyestuffs Corporation, Limited, are £850,001 preference shares of £1 each and £850,000 preferred ordinary shares of £1 each. On the preference shares 7 per cent. has been paid down to 31st October last; on the preferred ordinary shares 8 per cent. has been paid down to 31st October, 1919, and a further dividend of 8 per cent. for the year ended 31st October, 1920, has been announced, but has not yet been distributed. Dividends on investments are paid into the Exchequer and are not brought into account by the Board of Trade. They are referred to in the Estimates for the Board of Trade as "Extra Receipts," for which the Department does not receive credit.

I have seen a balance-sheet, but I think the most recent balance-sheet, to use an Irish expression, has not been issued. I have seen the balance-sheets which have been issued.

Is it not a fact that the market value of these shares is something under one-third of the amount the Government paid for them?

Trade and Commerce

Pottery Industry

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been drawn to a resolution of the National Council of the pottery industry of 8th January, relating to the urgency and importance of immediate legislation requiring all articles of pottery manufactured in the British Isles, or elsewhere, to be plainly and indelibly marked with the country of origin fired under the glaze; and, if so, what action he has taken, or proposes to take, to give effect to this request of the British pottery trade?

I have received copies of several resolutions in this sense. A measure on the lines of the Report of the Merchandise Marks Committee will be introduced.

Questions

Cost of Living

1 & 13.

asked the President of the Board of Trade (1) if he will give the prices at which the present index figures of the cost of living are taken in in all cases of food supplies;

(2) if he will give the average prices at which, in the official index of the cost of living, it is reckoned that the various food commodities are bought at the present day?

I have been asked to reply. The average prices of the articles of food taken into account in calculating the index figure are published each month in the "Labour Gazette." A copy of the current issue has been sent to my hon. Friend, on page 131 of which the desired particulars are given for 1st March.

When the officials of the Board of Trade are collecting these figures as to the cost of living, do they at any time consult the wives of the wage-earners on the subject?

The officials of the Labour Ministry are responsible. I will send my hon. Friend a copy of the "Labour Gazette," which shows how the figures are arrived at.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that vegetables are not included at all in the cost of living figures?

Coal Industry

Mines (Ownership)

asked the Secretary for Mines if he will state the number of persons and companies, and in the case of companies the aggregate number of shareholders, who are the owners of coal mines and collieries?

The number of persons and companies who are the owners of coal mines and collieries at the present time is 1,378. I do not know the aggregate number of shareholders in companies engaged in coal mining at the present time. This could only be ascertained from an examination of the returns made to the Registrar of Joint Stock Companies, which would obviously be a very laborious task.

Transport

Motor Car Duty

asked the Minister of Transport how much money was received for quarterly licences for the taxation of motor vehicles for the first quarter of 1921; and how much for annual licences?

The gross amount paid from 1st January up to and including the 7th March into the Bank of England in respect of road fund licences is approximately £7,085,000. Detailed returns have not yet been received from all local authorities, but a preliminary analysis of those received so far gives the following percentages, which may be taken as approximately correct:

May we expect to see some of that money spent on the restoration of roads?

It is being allotted now, on the basis, subject to the Treasury, of 50 per cent. on the first class and 25 per cent. on the second class.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say how much of that money has been received from Ireland?

asked the Minister of Transport if he is aware of the great amount of irritation caused to motorists by the way in which the Motor Car Duty is levied; will he remove one cause of that irritation by attaching the licence to the owner instead of to the car, so that in the case of an owner changing his car during the currency of a licence he would not be under the obligation of taking out a fresh licence?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The whole question was fully investigated by a representative Committee before Parliament was invited to sanction the charge involved in attaching the licence to the vehicle instead of to the owner which it did by the Finance Act of 1920. I have no power to alter the law except by submitting legislative proposals to Parliament, but I am glad to say that the new scheme is working smoothly.

Would it not cause great irritation to attach a licence permanently to the owner on the off-side?

London Traffic

asked the Minister of Transport what has been done so far to give effect to the Report of the Select Committee on London Traffic?

asked the Minister of Transport whether the Government intend to introduce a Bill to carry out the recommendations with respect to London Traffic control contained in the report of the Advisory Committee on London Traffic; if so, when will the necessary legislation be proceeded with; and, if it is not intended to adopt the Committee's recommendations, what is the policy of the Government for dealing with this urgent problem?

The conclusions of the Select Committee were, as the hon. Member is aware, further considered by an Advisory Committee under the chairmanship of the hon. Member for Hornsey (Mr. Kennedy Jones), and a Bill for the establishment of a London traffic authority has been under consideration, but in view of the general need for economy, both of public and local funds and of Paliamentary time, it has been decided that it is not desirable to proceed with this Bill at present. Moreover, the proposal is highly contentious. I shall be glad, however, to consider any practicable alternative proposals put forward by the authorities concerned.

At any rate, could not some of the recommendations of the Advisory Committee be adopted?

I should be very glad to do anything I possibly could to solve this very troublesome problem, but the difficulty is that there are so many people with different views about it, and it is bound to cost money, and there is pressure on Parliamentary time, and the need of economy.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that for the last 50 or 60 years various Committees have sat with regard to the question of London traffic, and are we to understand that the recommendations of the last two select Committees and the Advisory Committee are still to be put away in pigeon-holes and not dealt with?

I am aware that this matter has been considered over and over again, and I deplore my inability to deal with it. It seems impossible to deal with it until you have got rid of some of the contentious provisions of the proposal. It is highly contentious. The London County Council are dead against what is proposed, and if my hon. and gallant Friend will help me to find a solution I shall be very glad.

May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman agrees that the matter is one of increasing urgency?

Will the Government bring in a Bill, notwithstanding these contentious proposals, and let us discuss this question in the House of Commons and get on with the work?

It is a matter of finance and Parliamentary time. It seems hopeless to do this unless the Exchequer finances it, and that is a matter of great difficulty at the present time. With regard to getting on with the work, I should be delighted to get on with it, but I cannot see how to do it.

South Eastern and Chatham Railway (Brixton)

asked the Minister of Transport whether he is aware that the South Eastern and Chatham Railway Company have issued notices that they are closing down the special railway service they recently reopened from Brixton to the City; whether he can press the company to reconsider their decision; whether he is aware that they have charged the public very high fares for this service, and that they have not reopened the intermediate stations which in pre-War days largely added to the traffic; and whether he will ask the company to try and supply a service similar to pre-War times for the South London public?

This service was, as the hon. Member is aware, re-introduced last October experimentally, and the fares charged were at the ordinary current rates. I have been informed by the company that, in view of the heavy weekly loss they are incurring, they have no alternative but to withdraw the service, and I am not prepared, nor, I think, would this House desire me, to press them to continue a service introduced experimentally, the experiment having proved unremunerative.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that for this short distance the railway company charge 5½d. for a single third-class ticket and 9d. for a return ticket, while the tram-car fare for practically the same distance is only 3d.? Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that at these figures such a service could not possibly be made successful?

The tramways may or may not be run at a profit—I do not know. The railway has got to bear charges never contemplated by commercial concerns at the present time.

Railway Collisions (Automatic Prevention)

asked the Minister of Transport whether the attention of his Department has been drawn to the Augus system for the automatic prevention of railway collisions; whether any test of the value of this system has been made; and, if not, will he consider the advisability of securing reliable information relating to the possible advantage of introducing the system into this country?

A preliminary inspection of the Angus system of automatic train control has been made by the Chief Inspecting Officer of Railways, and the system is one of those which are now being considered by the Automatic Train Control Committee.

Dangerous Corners (Road Lighthouses)

asked the Minister of Transport whether it is the intention of the Ministry to erect road lighthouses at dangerous corners; and, if so, what amount of money it is proposed to expend on this scheme and from what source it is hoped to collect this money?

Questions

Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that beer as well as whisky has been allowed to be a medicine in prohibitionist America, he will arrange to relax the restrictions imposed upon the people of the United Kingdom under the Defence of the Realm Act and Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic)?

asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that the whole of the county of Wilts remains a scheduled area under the Regulations of the Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic), while the adjacent portion of the counties of Somerset, Berkshire, and Gloucestershire are unscheduled, and this although they are localities of exactly similar character to the adjoining district of Wiltshire, and any special reasons that may have existed for making Wiltshire a scheduled area have long since ceased to exist; if he is aware that very great feeling about this discrimination exists in Wiltshire among all classes of the population; and if he will prevail upon the Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic) to remove the county of Wilts from the list of scheduled areas?

The Government propose to deal with this subject at an early opportunity.

Is the Prime Minister aware of the great popularity of these medicines, and the indignation felt at the difficulty in obtaining them? Could He see his way to hasten the relaxation of these restrictions in any way?

Have the Government any real intention of dealing with this question at all?

League of Nations

Permanent Court of International Justice

asked the Prime Minister whether the convention for the establishment of a Permanent Court of International Justice has yet been ratified by His Majesty; what other countries have ratified; and whether the Government will use their best efforts to secure early ratification by 24 States so that the convention may come into force and the Assembly of the League may be able to proceed to the election of judges next September?

Steps are being taken for early ratification by His Majesty's Government of the Protocol establishing the Permanent Court of International Justice. So far, Sweden is the only country whose ratification has been notified to His Majesty's Government. The Council of the League has urged all Governments invited to sign the Protocol to give their signature and ratification without delay. The Secretary-General of the League has, moreover, been authorised to take steps if necessary on or after 1st April for obtaining a conditional nomination of candidates if the Statute has not been ratified at that date by 24 members of the League.

What jurisdiction, if any, will this Court have, and who will appoint the judges?

Have any steps been taken to establish a code of international law for this international Court to administer?

Armaments (Control)

asked the Prime Minister what steps, if any, are being taken by the League of Nations for the control of armaments?

I would refer the hon. Member to the recommendation adopted by the Assembly on the 14th December last. The text of this recommendation will be found on page 31 of the Special Supplement of the "League of Nations Journal" for January, a copy of which is available in the Library of the House. The Secretary-General of the League is in correspondene with the States members of the League on the subject of this recommendation.

Is the control and limitation of armaments of the Powers within the prerogative of the League of Nations?

Lithuania

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether he is aware that for about two years the present Government of Lithuania has been recognised as the de facto Government of the country, but that difficulties have been placed in the way of their entry into the League of Nations, which has denied them the opportunity of putting forward their national claims; and whether, having regard to the injustice to the Lithuanian people, whose friendliness to the Allies is unquestioned, he will consider the advisability of granting de jure recognition of the Lithuanian Government and thereby facilitate the negotiations now taking place with regard to the future of their country?

No difficulty has, so far as I am aware, ever been placed by the League of Nations in the way of Lithuania putting forward her national claims. At the present time a Committee appointed by the League is endeavouring to negotiate a settlement satisfactory to both Lithuania and Poland of the Vilna question, and pending a settlement of this question, the Allied Powers decided at the recent Conference to defer the question of the de jure recognition of Lithuania.

Questions

Anglo-Persian Agreement

asked the Prime Minister whether the Anglo-Persian pact has been denounced?

The Anglo-Persian agreement has not been denounced. But, according to the latest information received from Teheran, the new Persian Government have no intention of submitting it to the Persian Parliament, in which case it may be held to have lapsed.

British South Africa Company

asked the Prime Minister whether he adheres to the pledge that no payment will be made to the British South Africa Company in connection with the pending negotiations without the consent of the House; and if his attention has been called to the statement made before Lord Cave's Commission on the 10th January that an agreement had been arrived at by which the Government pledge themselves to abide by the findings of the Commission as final and conclusive?

The answer to both parts of the question is in the affirmative. The agreement referred to will be found in the Papers Nos. 3 and 4 of Cmd. 1,129.

If the Government has undertaken to abide by the findings of the Commission how will they abide by the findings of the House if the two differ?

Ex-Service Men

Land Settlement

asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that there are many ex-officers and men who will shortly have completed their period of training in agriculture in accordance with the agricultural training scheme and who will be eligible for holdings; that the county councils have not yet available enough land on which to settle these men, who will therefore have to wait a long time, be out of employment, and in consequence seriously deplete the capital with which they intend to commence farming operations; and will he have provision made that those men for whom the county county councils have not got holdings available but who are able to secure land elsewhere may have the same financial assistance from the Ministry of Agriculture as those who obtain county council holdings?

I have been asked to reply. It is the case that many ex-officers and men are completing their courses of training under the agricultural training scheme and that a sufficient number of smallholdings are not available at present to provide for all of them. I would point out, however, that the agricultural training scheme was not designed to provide applicants for the smallholdings to be created under the Land Settlement Scheme. The number of fully qualified ex-service men who applied for smallholdings was greatly in excess of the number of holdings that could be provided for some time, and accordingly the applicants for training have frequently been told that no guarantee could be given that holdings would be available for them on the completion of their training, and that if they desired to farm on their own account they should endeavour to obtain land for themselves. At the same time the Ministry has urged county councils to expedite the provision of smallholdings as much as possible, and the county councils have been informed that they must undertake to provide holdings for any suitable disabled men who have been trained in their counties before they can share in the additional sum of £4,000,000 which the Government have agreed to devote to land settlement. If my hon. and gallant Friend will supply me with the names of any particular men who have been unable to obtain holdings, I shall be glad to have special inquiry made into their cases, but he will realise that the acquisition and equipment of land is a slow business, and that until the training courses are complete it is impossible to estimate exactly the number of holdings required. With regard to the last part of the question I may say that legislation would be required to carry out his suggestion, and in view of the urgent need for economy, the Ministry does not feel justified in proposing it.

Is it not the fact that these men were definitely promised land at the end of their training, and is it not also the fact that a large number of men have finished their train- ing and see no prospect of getting a holding?

I can assure the hon. Gentleman that the Government means to do everything it can to push this matter on, but you cannot accomplish impossibilities.

Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman not think it would be somewhat in the nature of an impossibility to punish those councils who, having expended all their money, will not receive any of the £4,000,000 to facilitate their work unless they provide something for the ex-soldier and the disabled man?

The answer I gave was a fairly long one, and if the hon. Gentleman will study it I think he will find it answers his supplementary question.

Allotments; Ridgmont, Beds

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is in a position to state the result of his inquiries into the alleged attempt to prevent ex-service men acquiring land for allotments in the parish of Ridgmont, Beds?

One of the Ministry's Sub-Commissioners has interviewed a representative of the applicants and the chairman and clerk of the parish council, but before any final decision can be arrived at as regards the acquisition of the land it is necessary that the whole financial position should be explained to the applicants. With this object in view the Sub-Commissioner has arranged for such a meeting on the 30th inst., the earliest date on which all the applicants could attend, and I will inform the hon. Member of the result of the meeting.

Questions

Egypt

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the great importance of the issues raised, he will consider the advisability of himself conducting the negotiations between the Egyptian representatives visiting this country in May, rather than leave these delicate negotiations to be conducted by a subordinate Department?

No decision has as yet been come to as to the precise method in which negotiations with the Egyptian delegation will be conducted when it arrives in this country.

Canada (Captain Adams' Speech)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the feeling aroused in Canada by the reported statement at Vancouver of Captain Adams, of His Majesty's Ship "Aurora," that England is to-day paying 17 dollars per head for the great Navy that protects us, and that it is time Canada stepped into the breach and assumed a fair share of the burden; and whether he can allay this feeling by indicating these are proper subjects for discussion between His Majesty's Ministers of this country and of Canada in Imperial conference, and not for speeches by naval officers?

The hon. Member is correct in his view as to the proper method of discussion of questions of Dominion policy. The "Aurora" belongs to His Majesty's Canadian Navy, and the discipline is, therefore, the concern of the Canadian Naval Authorities.

Yes, but he is under the discipline of the Canadian authorities.

[ At this point Mr. CHAMBERLAIN entered for the first time as Leader of the House, in succession to Mr. Bonar Law, and was received with cheers by Members on both sides of the Chamber. ]

General Assurance Corporation

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the General Accident Fire and Life Assurance Corporation, Limited, has stated to the Minister of Labour that the corporation cannot allow a member of the Guild of Insurance Officials to hold a position of responsibility or trust in the corporation; that an industrial dispute is in progress on this question; that numbers of the employés have withdrawn their labour; that the guild has requested the Minister of Labour to arbitrate; and that the Minister has stated that the use of Part II. of the Industrial Courts Act would not be appropriate in a case of this kind; and will he introduce legislation to amend the Industrial Courts Act to enable it to be used in a dispute of this kind?

I have been asked to reply. I am afraid that my hon. and gallant Friend is under a misconception regarding the last part of the answer given on the 14th March to his previous question on this subject. The powers conferred upon the Minister of Labour by Part II. of the Industrial Courts Act to set up a Court of Inquiry are not inadequate, but, in this case, after very careful consideration, I have come to the conclusion that their use would not be appropriate.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the words of this question are taken direct from his own letter to the general secretary of this company, and will he give the House the reasons why the Department cannot interfere in this longstanding dispute?

Perhaps the hon. and gallant Gentleman will read the answer to another question to-day dealing with Courts of Inquiry; having read that, perhaps he will then, if necessary, put down another question.

But has the Ministry of Labour exhausted all its powers in this dispute?

Housing

Increase of Rent Act

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the great amount of unemployment at present existing in the country, the Government propose to take any steps to postpone the further 10 per cent. increase of rent allowed by the Increase of Rent Act of last year which comes into force in July; whether he is aware that the intention of the Act was that landlords should generally repair and restore houses occupied by tenants when rent increases were put into force; that very little repairs have been done to ordinary tenement property; and whether, in view of this fact, the Government will favourably consider as to postponing all further rent increases allowed for this year?

I am afraid that I cannot add anything to the replies which I gave on the 15th and 16th instant to questions asked by the hon. Members for Bedwellty and Smethwick on this subject. I am sending my hon. Friend copies of these replies.

asked the Minister of Health whether any legal proceedings have been instituted under Clause 8 of the Increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Act?

It does not fall to my Department to institute legal proceedings under the Rent Restriction Act, but I understand that a case under the Section to which my hon. Friend refers was before the High Court last week.

Questions

Public Offices (Women)

asked the Prime Minister whether women are being displaced in large numbers in favour of men in public offices and contrary to the policy deliberately adopted by Parliament of equal status and opportunities for men and women when it passed the Reform Act giving women votes?

I have been asked to reply. The policy of employing ex-service men as far as possible in Government Departments in substitution for non-service men and non-service women has naturally resulted in displacing a number of women employed in temporary capacities in favour of men.

Anglo-Persian Oil Company

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government will still hold and maintain its controlling interest in the Anglo-Persion Oil Company after the present issue of new capital is completed?

League of Nations Union

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government or the representatives of the Government on the League of Nations are responsible in any way for the action of the League of Nations Union; if so, whether his attention has been called to a document, purporting to be issued by the latter body, opposing the German Reparation (Recovery) Bill, and suggesting that the amount of the indemnity shall be referred to a tribunal appointed by the League of Nations; and, if not, whether such a document can properly be signed by a representative of any British possession?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The latter parts do not therefore arise.

May it not arise? Will the Prime Minister consider this as there is considerable misunderstanding in the country on it?

Putumayo

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether His Majesty's Government is aware that Senhor Julio Cæsar Arana has recommenced his operations on the Putumayo for the exploration of rubber; and whether the Secretary of State is in a position to give an assurance that no British subjects are being employed under this notorious person?

Albania

51 and 52.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1) whether he is aware that the numbers of cattle looted by Jugo-Slavs in the Luma and Dibra districts of Albania in August and September, 1920, were sheep and goats 79,227, cows and bulls 4,584, and horses 1,552; whether these will be returned before any cattle are required for Jugo-Slavia from Austria;

(2) if he has any information with regard to the number of cattle looted by the Jugo-Slav forces in the Luma and Dibra districts of Albania in August and November, 1920; and if the quantity of cattle taken from Albania exceeds the number demanded from Austria by the Jugo-Slav Government?

In the course of disturbances which arose in these disputed border districts, a number of villages were destroyed. His Majesty's Government have received no reports as to what may have been done with the animals belonging to such villages. It should be observed, however, that part of the Dibra district, including the town of Dibra itself, is within the Kingdom of Serbia, and cannot be described as in any way a district of Albania, in whatever way that country and its boundaries may be at present denned. The answer to the second part of Question 51 is a matter for the Supreme Council.

Consular Service

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department if he will state what arrangements have now been made regarding the levy of consular fees on invoice certificates, certificates of origin, legislation of bills of lading, and such like documents by British consuls abroad as are levied by foreign consuls in Great Britain, with a view to the provision of funds towards the improvement of the British consular service as well as to put British merchants in this country on an equal footing with foreign merchants abroad?

A fee is provided in the consular fee table for certificates of origin of goods, and an increase in that fee has been proposed and is now awaiting sanction. It has not, however, so far been deemed desirable to make the production of certificates of origin or of consular invoices compulsory in this country, except for the purposes of particular legislation, such as that which is now contemplated in connection with the Reparations sanction imposed on Germany. Proposals for a general increase in consular fees, including those for the legalisation of documents, are also complete, and it is intended that the increases shall come into operation at an early date.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether he will consider the cases of members of the consular service who retired during the War on pre-War pensions, with a view to granting them some increase to meet the present high cost of living?

Consular officers who retired before war bonus was instituted in the Civil Service generally are in the same position as civil servants who retired in similar circumstances, namely, no increase of pension can be given except under the conditions laid down in the Pensions (Increase) Act, 1920. The case of consular officers who retired after war bonus became payable in this country, but who were not in fact in receipt of bonus at the time of their retirement on account of the special conditions prevailing in the countries in which they were stationed, is on a different footing, and this question is at present under consideration.

Unemployment

Allotments and Smallholdings

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether representations have been made to his Department with reference to provision of land for unemployed for cultivation as smallholdings and allotments; and what action it is proposed to take thereon?

The Ministry has received from the National Union of Allotment Holders a resolution on the lines of the hon. Member's question. All possible steps are being taken to meet, the demand for small holdings and allotments, but the provision of land cannot be regarded as an effective remedy for unemployment.

Benefit

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that many men have been unable to work in each of 20 weeks since the end of 1919 in consequence of ill-health; and whether he can take any action to provide that in such cases the local employment committee may recommend payment of unemployment benefit under the provisions of the latest Act?

The condition as to the employment in 20 weeks since the 31st December, 1919, applies to persons other than those formerly engaged in War service, and there is no provision in the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1921, under which this condition can be waived. I have no power to authorise payment of benefit otherwise than in accordance with the terms of the Act.

Questions

Bee Adviser

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether the adviser in bee-keeping to the Ministry is the secretary to the British Beekeepers' Association, and also acts as lecturer, expert, apiarist, and manager to various associations and institutions; what are his duties as adviser to the Ministry; whether it is a whole-time appointment, what salary is attached to the position; and upon what scale travelling expenses are paid?

The Ministry's adviser in bee-keeping is the secretary to the British Beekeepers' Association, which is an honorary post. With the exception of a few lectures in Hertfordshire up to the end of March, which had already been arranged before his official appointment, he has given up all his other duties not connected with his work at the Ministry. The Bee Adviser's duties are to advise the Ministry on all questions arising out of the Ministry's schemes for improving the production of honey in this country. He is also responsible for giving advice to the Ministry's numerous correspondents on bee-keeping. The appointment is a whole-time one, and the salary is on a scale of £300 rising to £400 per annum exclusive of bonus. Travelling expenses are paid at the rate applicable to officers of his grade throughout the Ministry, namely, second class railway fares, but first class if no seconds are available.

Am I to understand that as this is a whole-time appointment this gentleman will no longer be able to act as lecturer?

Why was this gentle man asked to give up his other appointments? Is it not peculiarly appropriate that an adviser in bee-keeping should be a busy bee?

Munitions

Timber Dump, Bideford

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Munitions whether he is aware that a dump of over 5,000 tons of timber is rotting at Bideford; whether the local food office over a year ago suggested that the timber might be sold for firewood, as coal was then being rationed and was scarce; that that suggestion was not adopted; who is in charge of the dump, and at what cost; and what he proposes to do in the matter?

The timber in question being cordwood is raw material for the purpose of wood distillation, and the sale thereof as firewood would consequently prejudice the sale of the wood distillation factory as a whole. At the time of the coal strike this cordwood was offered for sale as firewood to relieve the shortage of fuel, but only a very small amount was purchased. A caretaker is in charge of the timber, and the cost of guarding involved is only the amount of the caretaker's salary. So long as there is any possibility of disposing of the factory as a going concern, it is considered inadvisable to dispose of the whole stock of cordwood separately, but the Board will be ready to entertain offers for any portion of the wood as fuel that is unlikely to prove serviceable to any prospective purchaser of the factory.

Are any negotiations proceeding now for the sale of this timber and factory?

I understand the factory has been offered for sale for a long time past. It would prejudice the chance of selling it if the raw material were sold separately. If after a length of time it is not sold and the wood is found to be no longer suitable, we shall be prepared to entertain offers for it.

Ministry (Official History)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Munitions whether the House of Commons has yet sanctioned any expenditure in connection with the preparation of the official history of the Ministry of Munitions; what is the estimated total cost and on what Vote it was borne; and whether he will suspend all expenditure on this work until the matter has been debated in the House of Commons?

The House of Commons has sanctioned the sum of £11,676 for the salaries and fees of the staff engaged since 1916 on the preparation of the official history of the Ministry of Munitions. It should be explained, however, that the supervisory staff has throughout this period been engaged at the same time on other duties, and their work on the history has only absorbed a proportion of their time. I am informed that the cost of paper and printing is estimated at £3,000 which has been or will be met from the Stationery Office Vote. Of the £11,676 borne by the Ministry of Munitions, £6,677 was paid out of Votes of Credit before 1919, £2,490 was borne on the Vote of 1919–20, £2,509 on the Vote of 1920–21. The estimated total salaries and fees borne on the Votes of the Ministry of Munitions, or the Department responsible for completing the work of the Ministry, will be £12,906. The matter has been considered by each Minister of Munitions that has held office, and it has been decided in each case that, in view of the experience gained during the War, the history should be completed for use in any future emergency. Any question, however, as to the expenditure for the next financial year should be addressed to the Treasury.

Is it a fact that this history is never to be published, and, if so, for whose guidance will it be compiled? Further, can the hon. Gentleman say whether this matter has ever been discussed in the House of Commons at all, and, if not, will he, as suggested in the last part of my question, suspend any further expenditure upon it?

It is not for me to suspend any expenditure in the next financial year, because I shall be defunctus officio in the matter. With regard to discussion, a question was addressed early last year to the right hon. Gentleman who is now the Secretary of the Department of Overseas Trade, and was answered by him. The history will be for the benefit of those who have to provide the country with munitions in any future emergency.

May I ask whether, in view of the great financial stringency which exists at the present time, no further money will be spent upon an object which will not be useful unless we have another great war, which probably will not occur for another 50 or 60 years?

At the end of 50 or 60 years it might be useful. The sum which is required still to be spent is some £1,230. Whether that is to be spent or not does not rest with the present Minister of Munitions or myself, and questions on that point must be addressed to the Treasury.

Can the hon. Gentleman say what Department will be responsible next year, and how much will be in the Estimate?

As I have said, the sum is £1,230. The Vote on Account provides for a certain sum of money to be expended by the Disposal and Liquidation Commission, but discussion on this point will be more relevant to the first Order to-day.

Will the hon. Gentleman place a copy of the history in the Library, so that Members can consult it, and save us the expense of asking further questions about the Ministry of Munitions?

I am rather afraid that there will be a good deal in that history which it would not be judicious to lay before everyone.

Ex-German Vessels

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Shipping if he will state the purchasers of the former German Hansa Line ships "Goldenfels" and "Crotanfels"; whether they have recently returned to Hamburg under a time charter to their former owners; whether they carry a supercargo; and, if so, what is his nationality?

The two vessels which are referred to have been sold to the firm of J. C. Ozanne, of Guernsey. I have seen a report in the Press that they have been chartered to the Hansa Company, but I have no official information as to this transaction and no power to call for it. I would, however, point out to the hon. and gallant Member that under the British Ships (Transfer Restriction) Acts no British ships can be transferred to a foreign flag without the consent of the Board of Trade for a period of three years after the termination of the War.

Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman reply to the third part of my question, as to whether they carry a supercargo and what his nationality is? If he is a German, and the vessels have been sent back to their original line under the German company, surely that is tantamount to their return to Germany, and breaks the agreement?

I have no information as to whether they carry a supercargo or not, but I must point out to my hon. and gallant Friend that they still remain under the British flag and are still manned by British crews. Therefore there is not really any serious injustice that I can see to British shipping.

Questions

Historic Houses, Manchester

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the plans for new main roads near Manchester, prepared under the Town Planning Act, provide for the destruction of the avenue and gable of Hough End Hall and of the moat of Withington Old Hall; whether he is aware that the former building has existed since 1596 and the latter since 1200; and if he will take action to preserve the integrity and amenities of both these historic houses?

I have received representations with regard to these matters, and am now in communication with the Manchester Corporation on the subject. I can assure the hon. and gallant Member that full consideration will be given to these representations before any scheme is approved.

Food Products (Substitutes)

asked the Minister of Health if he will state what steps he is taking to alter the food products, instituted in War days as substitutes, to a more nourishing type to protect the physique of the people, especially that of industrial workers and their children; and what action he proposes to take to ensure that local authorities have these matters under close and practical scrutiny?

I am not sure what particular classes of food products the hon. Member has in mind. Substitutes such as margarine have generally been adopted by consumers for economic reasons, and so far as I am aware all staple articles of food are now freely available. Local authorities generally have resumed the active enforcement of the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts, and the information obtained from their reports does not indicate that there is any increase in adulteration.

If I send the right hon. Gentleman details, both of food substitutes and of retrogressive local authorities in respect of these matters, will he give both his careful consideration?

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that substitute beer and spirits are still being supplied of very inferior quality?

Education

Expenditure, London

asked the President of the Board of Education what was the total expenditure on education in London from rates and taxes, respectively, in the years 1913–14, 1919–20, and 1920–21, and the estimated expenditure for 1921–22?

The expenditure of the London County Council on educational services falling within the province of the Board of Education was as follows in the years named:—

asked the President of the Board of Education what is the estimated additional cost in London for the forthcoming year 1921–22 payable from rates and taxes, respectively, in respect of new expenditure under the Education Act, 1918; what is the estimated additional annual expenditure which will be incurred each year in London till the Act is fully in operation; and what is the estimated additional expenditure from rates and taxes which will be involved under the provisons of this Act in London when the same is fully in operation?

As the answer to this question contains a great many figures, perhaps the hon. Member will allow me to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The following is the answer promised:

The estimates of the London Education Authority for the forthcoming year have not yet reached me. The London County Council, in their published scheme of last July, gave the following approximate forecast of expenditure on proposals arising out of the Education Act, 1918:

£

1920–21

116,500

1921–22

557,950

£

1922–23

1,147,900

1923–24

1,375,850

1924–25

1,483,800

1925–26

1,571,750

1926–27

1,659,700

1927–28

1,897,650

1928–29

2,305,600

1929–30

2,853,550

1930–31

3,037,500

In view of the heavy expenditure which is being incurred under the Education Act, 1918, will not the right hon. Gentleman consider as to the postponement of further expenditure under this head, especially having regard to the fact that by Cabinet decree it is not in operation in large parts of the country?

Will the right hon. Gentleman not reduce further the expenditure on education in order that there may be more money to waste in the misgovernment of Ireland?

Questions

Local Government Officials (Superannuation)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether the Government contemplate introducing any legislation with regard to the superannuation of local government officials?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given by the Minister of Health to the hon. Member for the Salisbury Division on the 15th instant.

Civil Service, Efficiency Bar

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he will state the terms of the certificate required before an officer assimilated to the new clerical class in the Civil Service can pass the efficiency bar inserted in the scale?

Precise terms have not been prescribed for the certificate, but it is intended that in accordance with general practice, the certificate should state that the officer in respect of whom it is given is fully competent to discharge the highest duties of the class.

Trade Boards Acts

asked the Minister of Labour whether a conference was held on trade boards at the Ministry of Labour on 20th January, 1919; whether the Minister circulated to the members of that conference a list of the trades to which he proposed to apply the Trade Boards Acts; whether he stated in July, 1920, in a letter to the National Amalgamated Union of Shop Assistants, that he had under consideration the application of the Trade Boards Acts to the hair-dressing trade and circulated copies of a draft definition of the trade; whether on the 7th August, 1920, he issued notice of his intention to make a draft special Order applying the Trade Boards Acts to this industry; whether in October, 1920, he issued a special Order applying the Trade Boards Acts to the hair-dressing trade; and whether he will state when it is proposed to set up this board?

As stated in the general reply to the subject of trade boards which I gave in the House on the 16th March, I propose to proceed forthwith with the establishment of trade boards in trades for which special Orders have been made. Among these is the hairdressers' trade, and I am in communication with the organisations of employers and workers with a view to the early constitution of the boards.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give any idea when it will actually be in operation?

asked the Minister of Labour whether, on the 17th February, 1920, he received a letter from the sugar confectionery trade board to the effect that the limited scope of the board led to many anomalies and inequalities and suggesting that the scope of the board be extended, to which he replied that every effort would be made to expedite the progress of the inquiries which had already been instituted; whether he is aware that on the 7th August the trade board expressed a desire that the Minister would receive a deputation on the question of scope, and that on 20th October that deputation was received and expressed on behalf both of employers and employed a desire that the definition, of the industry covered by the board should be amended; whether the inquiries into this question are now terminated; and, if not, whether, in view of the proposed dismissal of investigators, he will state how it is now proposed to give effect to the request made by both sides of this trade board?

The facts are substantially as stated by my hon. Friend. Before deciding, however, on the manner in which the scope of the board should be amended, it was necessary to make considerable inquiry into the many branches of trade affected. These inquiries are well advanced, and I hope to be able to communicate further with the trade board in the near future.

In view of the importance of the trade boards, how are you going to administer them if you are going to dismiss all the inspectors?

The answer given on 16th March was very full, covering four questions which were put to me, and I endeavoured to state what the policy will be. I will send the hon. Member a copy of the answer.

Industrial Fatigue

asked the Minister of Labour if he will give opportunities for immediate further research as to the causes of industrial fatigue and thereafter to proffer suggestions thereon in respect to the cotton and woollen textile trades?

I am answering this question on behalf of my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council. The work of the Industrial Fatigue Research Board, upon which both the Home Office and the Ministry of Labour are represented, is being maintained by the Medical Research Council under a new scheme of organisation, and industrial investigations of the kind suggested by the hon. Member will be undertaken as occasion arises. The Board are already engaged in an extensive inquiry into the cotton trade, the result of which will, it is expected, be applicable to a large extent to all textile trades. When the Report of this investigation has been received, it will be considered how far inquiry can profitably be extended to other textile industries, including the woollen trade.

Welfare Training

asked the Minister of Labour, if he will make the necessary Regulations to require free facilities from the various Universities to enable welfare training to be more prominently considered in its higher branches and as applied to British industries, both as regards men and women students of the same?

My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. Training for welfare supervision in factories is a matter which has been engaging the serious attention of the Universities and the Home Office, and conferences on the subject were held at the Home Office with representatives of the Universities and others in June, 1917, and July, 1920. The Report of last year's Conference, which has been issued as a Government publication, contains a brief review of the present position of the question, and I am forwarding a copy of it to the hon. Member. A more comprehensive statement is in course of preparation by a Committee appointed by the Joint University Council for Social Studies, on which the Home Office and the Ministry of Labour are represented. I have no power to issue any Regulations such as the hon. Member suggests, nor, in my opinion, would it be desirable to deal with the matter in that way. The Social Study Departments of the Universities have shown a keen interest in the Question, and most of the Universities already provide for welfare training at, I under- stand, quite moderate cost. I may add that the attention of employers has been called to the importance of adequate training of welfare supervisors in the Home Office Pamphlet on "Welfare and Welfare Supervision."

Have the American universities been consulted in respect of their more forward movement on higher education and industrial work and in respect to their application to our own industries in this country?

I am afraid I cannot carry in my mind all the people who were consulted, but I will make inquiry.

Registrars, Scotland

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, in view of the position of the remuneration of registrars in Scotland and of the hardship to registrars whose fees were fixed by a statute half a century ago and have not been raised, in spite of his appeals to local authorities, he will introduce this Session a short measure to bring the remuneration of this class of public servant more into line with that of others and with the value of their services to the community?

My right hon. Friend is informed that out of a total of more than 1,000 registrars in Scotland only 67 are now paid in the manner mentioned in my hon. and learned Friend's question, namely, exclusively by fees fixed by the Act of 1854. Out of the 67 at least 29 receive payment from local funds for other public services, and in most of the remaining cases the registrar-ship represents only part-time employment. Where registrars are paid by fees the local authorities have power under the existing law to pay a further sum in supplement of the fixed fees. A suggestion that local authorities should consider the remuneration of registrars in the light of present conditions was made with my right hon. Friend's authority a year ago and was repeated in a reply which he gave on the 29th November to the hon. Member for Central Edinburgh. The figures which he has given appear to him to indicate that there has been a substantial response to the suggestion. In these circumstances he does not see necessity for the introduction of such a measure as my hon. and learned Friend suggests.

Ireland

Week-End Casualties

( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland the number of week-end casualties in Ireland, stating how many of the forces of the Crown were murdered; and how many Sinn Feiners lost their lives in the attempt to commit these murders?

( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary whether he has any information regarding the fighting at Innishannon, Dungarvan and Cronnbarry on Saturday; what were the total casualties; and whether Captain Thomas, commanding the Crown forces in the Dungarvan fight, was made a prisoner by the insurgents?

asked the Chief Secretary whether he can give the House any information concerning the fight in Ireland during the week end, and the number of casualties?

All these fights referred to, with the exception of that at Dublin, occurred in the martial law area, and I will read the report as I received it. I am informed that two lorries with police returning from Dungarvan at 12.30 a.m. on the 19th instant were fired on two miles from Dungarvan. They returned the fire and got through, but a military officer and a police sergeant were missing after the engagement. A relief party proceeded to the scene and succeeded in picking up the military officer unhurt. They were again fired on, and the motor driver (Constable Redman) was wounded in the head. He died soon after. One dead body of the attacking party was picked up and others observed. Some arms, ammunition and bombs of attackers were seized. The two lorries were burned. The dead body of Sergeant Hickey was found about one mile from Dungarvan. He had been blindfolded and shot. The word "Executed" was on a card pinned on his body.

As regards the fight at Crossbarry, I am informed that about 8 a.m. on Saturday last, while a party of the Essex Regiment, Hampshire Regiment, and Royal Irish Constabulary were operating on foot near Crossbarry, six miles northeast of Bandon, County Cork, their transport, which was some little distance behind them, was attacked by a large body of rebels. A fierce resistance was put up by the small party in charge of the transport, but before the main body could come to their rescue three other ranks of the Royal Army Service Corps, three other ranks of the Essex Regiment, and one Royal Irish Constabulary driver were killed, and the transport burned. After the arrival of the main body and of reinforcements of police and auxiliaries, who vigorously engaged them, the rebels fled, leaving behind six of their dead. Several wounded were carried away by their comrades. Six wounded rebels and a quantity of arms, ammunition, and bombs were captured by the Crown forces. The total casualties to the military and police were seven other ranks and a Royal Irish Constabulary driver killed. Two officers, two other ranks, of whom one has since died, and one Royal Irish Constabulary constable wounded. One sergeant of the Essex Regiment missing.

I have no further information regarding any fighting at Innishannon as the Commander-in-Chief has been unable to get a message through, to make local inquiries, as the wires are cut. Innishannon is, I understand, near Crossbarry, and it may be that the fighting said to have taken place there is the same as that of which I have just read a report, which occurred at Crossbarry. The week-end casualties are as follows: 10 military and 5 police dead. 11 military and 5 police wounded. 7 rebels dead. 7 rebels wounded. 6 rebels, unwounded, taken prisoner. In addition to the above, three civilians were wounded in the ambush of military in Dublin on Saturday.

In view of that appalling list, can the right hon. Gentleman reassure the House and the country that he has sufficient power and has taken sufficient measures to deal with this situation in Ireland, and is he further aware that this House is quite prepared to give him any powers he may require to deal with the situation?

Almost all these casualties occurred in the martial law area. I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that I have always given and do give my whole-hearted support to the General Officer Commanding in Chief in that area.

Will the right hon. Gentleman answer that part of my question which asks whether Captain Thomas, commanding the Crown forces in the Dungarvan fight, was made prisoner by the insurgents?

I am informed that he was made prisoner, but has since been either released or recaptured.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he realises that the non-slaughtering of Captain Thomas points to these people not being in all cases simply murderers? May I have an answer to that question? [HON. MEMBERS: "NO!"]

Business of the House

I should like to ask the Leader of the House a question relating to business. Before doing so, may I offer, on behalf of those for whom I speak, our very hearty congratulations to him on the position which he now occupies, and our best wishes for his success in a difficult and trying task.

I should like to know whether the Government intend to proceed beyond No. 3 on the Order Paper to-day, and the Motion standing in the name of the Financial Secretary to the Treasury (West India and Panama Telegraph Company, Limited)?

I thank my right hon. Friend for the kind words and the kind hopes he has expressed towards me. I value the good opinion of this House, in which I have spent so large a part of my life, and I will do my best to maintain its great traditions so far as I am concerned. We propose to take tonight only the first three Orders and the Motion standing in the name of my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury. We will adjourn the House as soon as that business has been done.

LOCAL ELECTIONS (PROPORTIONAL REPRESENTATION) BILL [Lords]

Read the First time; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed.—[Bill 52.]

Orders of the Day

Ministries of Munitions and Shipping (Cessation) Bill [Lords]

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

The Bill consists of only one Clause, and it is very simple. Under the Act, which set up the Ministry of Munitions and the Ministry of Shipping no provision is made for dealing with the property rights and liabilities of the Ministries upon their termination, and a provision in regard to these matters has been inserted in the Bill. With regard to the Ministry of Munitions, the work of disposal, which will still go on for some time, will be carried out by the Board, under the direction of the Treasury, the Treasury being responsible for the action of the Disposal Board in this House. As far as the Ministry of Shipping is concerned, such work as still requires to be done in regard to liquidation will be transferred to the Board of Trade. The Treasury and the Board of Trade, therefore, after the close of this financial year, will be answerable in this House for the remainder of the liquidation work of the Ministry of Munitions and the Ministry of Shipping respectively. The reason why it is desirable to pass this Bill, bringing to an end the Ministries as they now exist, is that in the Estimates for 1921–22 no further provision is made for the Ministries as they exist, but in each case Estimates will be found for the liquidation of the business of the Ministry of Munitions and the liquidation of the business of the Ministry of Shipping.

I am sure that the House and the country will welcome this indication of the intention of the Government to wind up, at any rate, two Ministries. I hope that the activities of those Ministries will not be merely concealed by being transferred to other Departments, but that their ceasing to exist in their present form will be accompanied by a real reduction of activity and consequent saving to the taxpayer, and a consequent release of business to its normal and proper channels. The House, on being reminded of what the headquarters staff of one of these Ministries is costing, will hope that there will be no revival of the Ministries, and no creation of any new Ministries for many years to come. I find that the headquarters staff and branch offices, including disposal of raw material, for the Ministry of Munitions, and the outside staff, stores, magazines, etc., cost during the years 1919–20 and 1920–21 no less than £9,732,000.

Yes. That is the actual cost for two years, not the estimate for this year. The total cost of the headquarters staff and branch offices, and the outside staff, was £9,732,000, while the cost of the headquarters staff and branch offices for the two years was £3,860,000. The record of the Ministry of Shipping is somewhat refreshing, as far as headquarters, at any rate, are concerned, in contrast to the record of the Ministry of Munitions, because for those two years the cost for headquarters, salaries, travelling, and incidental expenses at home and abroad amount to something under £900,000. That is practically all that I have to say, except to address a parting homily on the disappearance, actual, as we hope, of these two ministries by reading to my right hon. Friends opposite what a very famous Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Gladstone) once said about public expenditure:

"All excess in public expenditure beyond the legitimate wants of the country is not only pecuniary waste, but a great political and, above all, a great moral evil."

[HON. MEMBERS: "Copybook maxim!"] I only wish these copybook maxims had been carried into practical effect, because we should have saved hundreds of millions of pounds, and I am going on with the quotation in the hope of saving a few thousand pounds:

"It is characteristic of the mischiefs that arise from financial prodigality that they creep upwards with noiseless and stealthy tread, and commonly remain unseen and unfelt until they have reached a magnitude absolutely overwhelming."

That is the case to-day.

The Title of the Bill says, "Ministries of Munitions and Shipping (Cessation)." So far, I ask leave to congratulate my right hon. Friend on the Bill which he has introduced. He says that there is only one Clause. That is quite true, but there is a great deal in that Clause, and unless I am very much mistaken it does not correspond with the Title It says:

"Any Order in Council made under Section six of the Ministry of Munitions Act … fixing a date earlier than the termination of a period of twelve months after the conclusion of the present War as the date on which the office of Minister of Munitions and the Ministry of Munitions or of the office of Shipping Controller and the Ministry of Shipping are to cease"—

Here comes the bad part—

"may vest and transfer or provide for the vesting and transfer in and to any Government Department or Departments of any property, rights, or liabilities held, enjoyed, or incurred by the Minister of Munitions or the Shipping Controller"—

That, I presume, means that though the Ministry is to be abolished all the property, and rights, and business which it is doing are to be continued. Then it goes on

"including any person who has held the office of Minister of Munitions or Shipping Controller."

I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman who so ably leads the Opposition saw that. If we pass this Bill, we shall be nominally doing away with the Ministry of Munitions and the Ministry of Shipping, but in reality we shall be providing for the transfer of all their property, rights and liabilities, including the Minister, to another Department. Any ordinary person when he saw in the Paper and on the Whip that the Ministries of Munitions and Shipping (Cessation) Bill was coming on might have thought it to be quite unnecessary for him to come down to the House this afternoon, because no one could wish for a better Bill than one to do away with these Departments, but, as I have told the House before, I am rather of a suspicious nature, and I thought that I might come down and that I might also get the Bill. The very first thing that I see is that it provides for the continuation in office of the Minister of Munitions and the Shipping Controller, and it goes on to

"provide for the transfer to some other Government Department or Departments"—

notwithstanding anything in certain Acts

"of such of the powers or duties of the Minister of Munitions or the Shipping Controller as are not so discontinued; and … the Government Department to which any such property, rights, liabilities, powers or duties are transferred shall be deemed in law to be, as respects such property, rights, liabilities, powers or duties, the successor of the Minister of Munitions or the Shipping Controller."

Therefore, this is all camouflage. It is a Bill to continue the Ministry of Munitions and the Shipping Controller. We, being plain, honest people—

When we saw the Bill called the "Ministries of Munitions and Shipping (Cessation) Bill," we thought it meant what it said. The proper title of the Bill would be "Ministries of Munitions and Shipping (Continuation) Bill," and before I sit down I shall ask your ruling, Sir, as to whether or not the Clause in the Bill is not beyond the scope of the title. The title of the Bill is

"An Act to make provision for the cessation of the Ministry of Munitions and the Ministry of Shipping,"

Whereas it is an Act to provide for their continuation under a different name. There are one or two questions which I should like to ask. I happen to live in Wiltshire, and I come up by the Great Western Railway, and I pass every day Milton and Didcot. Last Friday I was surprised to see at Milton, where the depot is already surrounded by a high barbed fence, a large number of beautiful climbable iron railings about seven feet high stacked about the place, and I thought to myself, "What on earth are they doing?" I came up this morning, and they are being erected inside the existing wire fence.

Is the right hon. Gentleman quite sure that this is a depot of the Ministry of Munitions, and not a permanent War Office depot?

Under these Bills, which transfer from one Ministry to another all the various functions and which continue the work of an old Ministry under different name, it is quite impossible to know whether it belongs to the Ministry of Munitions, the War Office, the Shipping Controller, the Food Controller, or any other Controller with which we are concerned, but somebody is putting up an elaborate iron fence inside the existing wire fence, which to my knowledge was only erected some three or four years ago. It is a very excellent fence, and another fence beside it is not required. I would also like to know whether there is any foundation—I do not know this of my own knowledge—for stating that the various officials are not anxious to discontinue the work of their office, and that consequently when offers are made to purchase the various properties which they administer they are not too anxious to accept them and dispose of the property and thus bring their work to an end. I do earnestly hope that in Committee we shall cut out everything except Sub-section (1), which does bring the Ministries to an end. I hope that all the rest providing for their revival and continuation will be cut out. Before I sit down, may I ask how it is possible for a Bill, the title of which is "to make provision for the cessation of the Ministry of Munitions and the Ministry of Shipping," at the same time to make provision for their continuation.

The Ministry of Munitions and the Ministry of Shipping will cease to exist as Ministries, but their liabilities must be taken over and must be liquidated. Supposing such an unfortunate thing should happen as that the right hon. Gentleman himself should cease to exist, his liabilities would still require to be taken over and liquidated by his executors.

I agree with the right hon. Baronet that this Bill discontinuing the Ministry of Munitions will be received in the country without infinite regret. Although there are individual servants in the Ministry of Munitions who have done a great work and are entitled to the thanks of the House and the country, I am afraid there are other individual servants who have got inside the Ministry for their own purpose and have used their opportunities inside that Ministry for furthering their own advancement. They, at any rate, are not entitled to thanks or to any feeling of gratitude from the country. It is notorious that inside the Ministry there has been a very considerable amount of corruption. That was inevitable.

On a point of Order. There has been a Commission appointed to inquire into the history of this Ministry, and I wish to know whether at this stage, before it has investigated and reported, it is in order to make general charges of corruption?

Might I explain that I have no intention of dealing with any of the matters sub judice. I was very shortly going to make myself perfectly clear.

It would be undesirable, the House having remitted the matter of inquiry into the conduct of certain officials, that the conduct of those officials should be raised and discussed to-day. It would not be fair to them. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman has other officials against whom he makes certain charges, I think it would be relevant to the Bill now before the House to refer to them.

I was dealing at the moment with the general point, and I stated that in my opinion, in view of the circumstances under which the Ministry of Munitions was created, it was inevitable that individuals would seize upon their opportunities to get inside the Ministry for purely corrupt motives. Some of us feel that the Ministry has been unduly nervous in prosecuting to conviction these criminals. It is a matter of general notoriety. I have no doubt the Ministry felt that if they had prosecuted certain criminals to conviction such prosecutions would have rebounded against themselves; but I do think they have laid themselves open to criticism for not having prosecuted in certain cases. Before the present representative of the Ministry is relieved from his position of responsibility, there are one or two searching questions which I should like him to answer. The House should make itself perfectly clear in regard to the policy that moves it in agreeing to the Second Reading. I believe that a certain Department is dispensing public money on a considerable scale, and in many cases wrongly. It may argue in extenuation of its action that this was forced upon it by the country, this House, and the Government, but I am quite sure that, so far as this House and the coun- try are concerned, they do not realise what is being done in their name. If they did, they would, I believe, order a reversal of that particular policy in regard to the payment, in particular, of contractors' claims.

This House has made it clear on several occasions that it wished this Ministry to close down at an early date. March 31st has been mentioned more than once as the date, but I do not think at any time that it has indicated any desire that that should entail payment of all accounts by that date. I do not think that the House has ever indicated that the process of closing down must be so precipitate that accounts must be closed whether they be investigated or not. That would have been madness, because it is obvious that such a policy would entail considerable wastage of public money. Yet that appears to be the manner in which the desires of this House have been interpreted by certain officials in the Ministry of Munitions. Since January of this year a particular Department has been settling accounts on a very large scale at breakneck speed, and, certainly, in certain cases, practically without investigation as to whether those accounts can be proved or not, or, indeed, whether they are due or not. It is for a complete reversal of that policy in regard to any contractors' claims that remain to be paid that I press this House to make itself clear. Because we may rest assured that there will be the defence that this policy, right or wrong, which entails a considerable wastage of public money, is the policy which has been forced upon them by ourselves. I ask the Parliamentary Secretary to answer definitely if it has come to his knowledge that accounts on a very considerable scale are being settled without investigation, and that all criticism has been completely ignored. He can tell me if I am misinformed, but I am informed that the Treasury a short time ago sent out a notice to a particular Department telling them in regard to future settlements they must take into account free issues, loans to contractors, and credit for material had on payment. Is it to his knowledge that, prior to that order, accounts had been paid without taking these matters into account, and if that is not so, why was this Treasury order necessary?

Can the hon. Gentleman give me the date of the Order, or identify it in any way?

It is strange to me that the hon. Gentleman has not heard of that Order. I regret that I have not got the date at the moment, but he can find out immediately by inquiry whether such an Order was in fact sent out.

I think that it is relevant to know, because I have no doubt that such an Order was sent out some time. Can my hon. Friend tell the time?

That is quite sufficient for my purpose. If the hon. Gentleman knows that the Treasury has found it necessary to send out an Order telling a Payments Committee that they must take into account such things as loans, surely that suggests that payments to contractors have been made without taking into account loans which have been made to those contractors. Can he explain how it was such Treasury Order became necessary at all? It has come to my knowledge—and I would not raise this matter if I did not believe that this was continuing to-day, and if I was not afraid that it would continue unless the House made itself perfectly clear in regard to it—that the attention of the particular Payment Committee was brought to the fact that they were paying contractors' claims without reference to a certain Department, and they were informed that 75,000 forms—Form A.S.I—were lying in a particular Department, and that Department had not been consulted at all, and that they represented proof of Government credit from anything varying from £1,000,000 to £7,000,000 that had been ignored completely prior to payment. These A.S. I forms verified payments owing to contractors who had in turn been supplied by other contractors. My information is that a particular servant asked what he was to do with them, and the reply given to him was that he was to forget all about them. If information of this kind came from one Department alone, one would hesitate to believe it, but the same bitter complaint comes from numerous Departments. It comes from a Department able to verify the supply of timber. I am told that a particular man complained that he would wish to be consulted, because he could verify timber supplied by the Government to contractors, and that he, too, was ignored. The complaint from Government servants was almost universal. The complaints came from investigators who had investigated accounts and held strong views in regard to them, that they had not been consulted. I could give the hon. Gentleman numerous instances. I hope that he will be able to give the House some indication either that, in his opinion, the statements which I am making are unfounded, or as to the policy which is moving the Ministry in this matter, and that he will give the House some opportunity of expressing their opinion as to whether this really is a desirable course to follow or not. For my part, I have no doubt upon the matter.

One statement is that certain of the Ministry accounts are being daily settled without writing to the Departments dealing with the matter. Strange as it may seem, this failure on the part of this paying Committee to consult those who have proof of money due to the Government has not been due to shortage of staff, because some of the employés of the Ministry of Munitions who are accountants are engaged in sorting bills in certain cases and others have been sent away on holidays for three weeks prior to the termination of their engagement. I am sorry to say, but I believe in regard to the last two months never has there been a Department of the Civil Service in a more scandalous condition than the Department of the Ministry of Munitions charged with this particularly vital duty of settling claims. In these days when corruption is rampant, when it is a crime to facilitate it, I believe that there never has been a Department of the Civil Service which has more scandalously neglected its public duties. I ask the House to express its feeling on this matter and to put an immediate veto on the policy which, I believe, is continuing in the Ministry of Munitions to the present time of entering into contracts for final settlements without thoroughly investigating contractors' claims before entering into these contracts.

There is no change of policy. The House may think I am advocating that the Ministry of Munitions should not be closed down. I advocate nothing of the find. I do not advocate any unfairness contractors, but this is what the Ministry might have done. It could have said to the contractors: "We will pay you at the earliest moment that you can prove your claim to us. We will do more than that. Every tradesman, every business man has in his possession material which will enable him to verify his claims, bring them along and prove your claims to us. We will take no mean view of our duty in this matter, and if you cannot do that we will go further. We will assist you by material documents which we have in our possession and which should enable us to verify your claim. But in regard to the remainder, which can neither be proved by yourselves nor established by ourselves, we will give no cheque in final settlement. We will do nothing that will not stand the strictest audit. We are handing over on 31st March. We understand our duties by that to be that we should get our accounts in order as clearly as we can by that date. We shall pay such claims as are verified by that date, but it is perfectly clear we have no powers beyond that nor can we consider that for a moment to be the instructions that we have received." Will the hon. Gentleman tell me, in conclusion, in regard to payments made to contractors by the Accounts Liquidation Committee, have those payments yet been audited to the best of the ability of the Ministry of Munitions, and will he tell me what has been the general report in regard to that audit? Will he tell me specifically no contractors claims are being paid without investigation? Will he tell me that every available Department capable of proving Government credits is being consulted prior to payment, and will he tell me if the books and papers of his Department are being carefully collected, and will they be handed over to such Departments as will take over such accounts as may be assembled by the Ministry? I am sure, in regard to such criticisms as I have ventured to make in regard to this particular Department, I do hope that the House will acquit me of any desire to be a sensation-monger. The whole job is to me perfectly distasteful, but I cannot feel any Member of this House is entitled, on whichever side of the House he sits, to fail to bring to the notice of the House such facts as he believes to be important and which he thinks the House is entitled to hear.

The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has asked the House to be clear. I hope he will not think it is discourteous of me when I say the only thing clear about his speech was its ambiguity. I failed to see what he was driving at. He says accounts ought not to be paid without investigation. How are you going to have that investigation if you are going to wind up this Ministry in an unreflecting hurry. The right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London says the Ministry should not be carried on. It is in my opinion of the utmost necessity that this Ministry should be carried on in some form or another in order that ill-disposed persons—I make no charges—ill-disposed contractors may not feel that if this Ministry is going to be shut up quickly that they can advantageously hang up their accounts in the hope that the staffs may be disbanded and the papers put away and destroyed so that the Government may have no weapons or opportunity for contesting contractors' claims. There are a lot of very involved accounts. It was my privilege in the late Autumn of 1914 to work in the War Office and afterwards for some time in the Ministry of Munitions. Recently the Cabinet asked me to investigate the methods and staff of the Ministry of Munitions, and I sat for six months making an examination with the help of Sir Henry Buckingham and Colonel Scorgie. It is true that there may have been fraud. We were not there to ferret out fraud. There can be fraud anywhere, in a halfpenny sweet shop in a small village. I would like to say here and now in defence of the Accounting Branch of the Ministry I could find no scandal of waste there at all. The men there have done their work very well, and so I have reported to the Government.

I do not suggest the accounts should be paid without investigation. I agree there should be investigation, and the Ministry might be retained solely for the purpose of investigation, and if its rights and property are to be transferred they should be transferred to somebody else and not continued under another name.

I do not take my right hon. Friend's view. I think the functions of the Ministry should now be distributed. For instance, some contractors have to pay certain duties for Munitions levy, excess profits, and so on. I think collection of those duties should be handed over to the Inland Revenue. If the Government is empowered to collect them, Somerset House should do so. There are certain claims, too, on Allies and Dominions. I suppose those claims will be handed over to the Treasury and collected from the Allies and Dominions. I will go further. I would have even an Exploration Department kept alive for one, two, three, or four years, to ferret in likely ground. It came under my notice that in a certain allowance to one of the Australian Governments for the transfer of hides to this country there had been an omission to make a certain credit to our Government. It was found out after a time by one of the accounting officials of the Ministry of Munitions and recovered from a Dominion Government. There can be many similar things that might be found out and you might lose more money by disbanding the accounting branch too quickly than by carrying it on under some other Ministry of State. I have a particular case in mind of another kind. I do not know if I am transgressing in mentioning it, but if I am you will call me to order, Sir. A very great firm in this country that has done very great work for the Government running to many millions, made a final settlement of accounts claim on the Government for £7,000,000. Owing, however, to the way in which Sir Sigmund Dannreuther and the men under him worked and remembered transactions, they were able to convince the firm that claimed that money that the Government had no right to be called upon to pay such a sum, and I believe the claim of £7,000,000 was eventually settled for £1,250,000. The Ministry of Munitions saved the Government about £5,500,000 of money, a great deal more than the Ministry would have cost to carry on for two or three years. This sum could not have been saved for the nation if the staffs with the necessary memories and knowledge had been disbanded. Things of that kind are in themselves a complete justification of this Bill for allowing the functions of the Ministry in some form or other to be carried on for some length of time distributed among other Departments. I think in one point the Financial Secretary to the Treasury will agree with me. I am too young a Member to know the constitutional practice, but perhaps the Financial Secretary to the Treasury would tell me whether it would not be possible now to bring in a Bill to compel contractors to put their claims in within twelve months of this date, so as not to have accounts hanging on indefinitely year after year, and so necessitating a great deal of expense in continuing Departments in various forms. I do not know that any economy will be made even if we disband or distribute this Ministry. It sounds badly to carry on a Ministry of Munitions two years after the Armistice, but I do not think much economy will be gained by distributing its functions. Much will be lost by hastily abolishing them. The best thing is to abolish the cause for the existence of any of the staff, and the best way to do that it to pass the Act to limit the length of time for claims. The Disposal of Stores is another matter, and cannot be hurried. I will support the Second Heading of this Bill because I think it is a move in the right direction.

Like the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London this Bill appears to me a Bill to put the Ministry of Munitions into liquidation and to subdivide the liquidation into the different Government Departments. It is difficult to know between the two opponents who spoke against it because the right hon. Baronet suggested that the officials were like St. Paul, who magnified his office, and were not in a great hurry to dispose of the various articles which the Ministry of Munitions had at its disposal. There I think the right hon. Baronet erred. It has liquidated something like over £500,000,000 worth of stuff up till a few months ago. That is the equivalent of the total value of the whole of the buildings in London. London's valuation is about £700,000,000 and this enormous stock was liquidated at the Very top of the market. I think if the Minister of Munitions were to tell all the different people who entered into contracts with him for the purchase of stuff that he was prepared to undo his bargain he would have a queue reaching from here to the Border almost. It is one of the reasons why there is so much outcry against the Minister of Munitions, that, instead of being like the usual Government official who always gets the worst of the deal when he deals with the merchant and the man outside, he happened to be a long-headed Glasgow trader and got the better of the people who came to deal with him. Therefore he is not so popular with them.

I listened with interest to the hon. Member for East Bradford (Captain Loseby). Though he is of somewhat spare proportions, he was a little like the fat boy in Pickwick. He seemed determined to make our flesh creep, but we could not get down to any startling details about anything. Very ugly words escaped his lips, and the use of them would have been very much better postponed until this inquiry had published its judgment. I do not think that such words as "fraud" should be used. The hon. Member said a circular had been sent out by the Treasury with regard to the taking into account of loans to contractors. It is very natural that just as the Ministry draws to its close such a circular should go out. Contractors of many kinds were without the necessary finance, but their services were absolutely needed for the production of munitions. They received the necessary loans to enable them to engage in the capital expenditure and to buy the stock they required. They were paid from time to time as they delivered the goods, and it was only when near the final settlement that it was necessary to call in the loans. These loans were being used as working capital all the time. It is the most ordinary thing in the world and the flimsiest foundation on which to build up a suspicion or suggestion of fraud.

Corruption is very much the same thing, and that word was used. The circular went out in the ordinary course of business. After all, there cannot be many of these payments to be made, because the Ministry of Munitions has been more a selling agency than a buying agency since the Armistice. It is not so many months ago since the War Office threw over to them another £200,000,000 worth of goods. The job of disposing of all this stuff, it is true, has disorganised the market. It has had that effect in the motor trade, for instance. I am interested in that trade, and I know that people have found it very hard to sell motor lorries because the Government had to dispose of so many. As a taxpayer, however, I rejoiced that, instead of scrapping all these vehicles, the Disposal Board managed to make such a good job of getting them on the market. Of course, it is better for trade generally to have cheap lorries available. I believe that at one time the Ministry employed about 25,000 people. I remember an hon. Member asking what was the number employed and what was the population of Wales, because he thought the whole body of the Welsh population must have been shifted to the Ministry. The Ministry is now employing something under 200 persons and the minimum of expenditure is being incurred. In view of those facts, I think the Bill should be passed. Hitherto there has been a great deal of Press obloquy and also a good deal of jealousy on the part of traders and contractors who did not get their own way as previously they had been accustomed to have it with Government Departments. This is a final and a proper wind up.

I very much welcome this Bill. As a matter of fact, when I came into the House I had not read it, and I took it for granted that it was an absolute wind up that was proposed. I must confess that I have been a little disquieted by the right hon. Member for the City of London (Sir F. Ban-bury), who read out one or two paragraphs. The whole of this Debate seems to have turned on the Ministry of Munitions, but this Bill contains provisions for winding up the Ministry of Shipping also. Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us the number of the staff at present engaged by each of these Ministries? The real test of whether a Department is being wound up is how much of the staff is actually to disappear. I quite agree that you cannot make these Departments extinct altogether. You have to carry on to a certain extent in order to wind up the final business, but I wish my right hon. Friend to tell us, in the case of both the Ministry of Shipping and the Ministry of Munitions, how many officials now existing are to be transferred to the Board of Trade, and, if possible, how long those officials will be required and in what numbers. My mind will be far easier in respect of the wind up of these Departments if he can assure us, in giving the figures, that these officials are not practically being handed over in the bulk to the Board of Trade.

This Bill means a new lease of life to the Departments. We are entitled to have from the Minister in charge a statement of what they have done in the past two and a quarter years. We ought to know if they have used proper care and shown proper vigour in settling the accounts with a view to bringing the Departments to an end in a period of, say, two years from the end of the War. If we are satisfied that they have done their best, it ought to be easy for them to obtain a Second Reading of this Bill. I agree that they have had a colossal task, and I am glad to associate myself with the statement that they have disposed of immense quantities of stores. Giving them full credit for that, I am not at all satisfied that they could not have done a great deal more. They have assets which I divide into three classes. First, there are book assets—that is, debts owing by them and to them. They have had more than two years to close those accounts, and I would like some assurance that the end is now in sight. If they cannot see the end, what is to prevent these books being handed over to a firm of chartered accountants with instructions to make a settlement on some basis? Would not that be calculated to bring the matters at issue to a settlement more quickly than by allowing them to go through what may be termed ordinary Government procedure? That procedure must of necessity be slow and tedious, whereas a chartered accountant, accustomed to regulating accounts, might be allowed a little licence to effect settlements. In the Ministry of Shipping it was not an uncommon thing for an official to go practically with a cheque book and settle on the spot with a manufacturer with whom a dispute was pending. He was given full power and authority to settle, and I understand that as a result of that procedure liquidation has been far more rapid in the Ministry of Shipping than in the Ministry of Munitions. If the Ministry of Munitions is not able after two years to bring these book transactions to a close, can the Government give the House some idea as to how much more time is required, and, if it is a considerable period, is the Government prepared to consider my suggestion regarding chartered accountants? another por- tion of the Ministry's assets consists of stores.

I understand that the Ministry has depots scattered all over the country, and that these depots contain vast quantities of goods which are deteriorating day by day If it is a question of getting a good price, would it not be better to face the issue and dispose of these goods at the best price obtainable, rather than allow them to depreciate in value daily? It has been suggested to me that some of the stores cannot be disposed of at any price. I doubt whether there is serious foundation for that statement. I was told the other day that the Ministry have sufficient horse shoes to meet the demand in this country for the next ten years. If that is so, the sooner the Ministry disposes of them, and of similar lines of goods, to a contractor, or someone who will go abroad and sell them, the better it will be for industry in this country. Some action of that kind is essential if we are to wind up these Departments. Is the Ministry of Munitions still receiving goods from other Departments? If so, is that to be part of the system of Government in this country? In pre-War days each Department which had a surplus of stores at the end of a year had power to dispose of those stores. Under the new procedure each Depart-part accumulates quantities of articles and forwards them to the Ministry of Munitions. Is that to continue? The sooner we return to pre-War conditions the better.

5.0 P.M.

Than there are buildings and works. In the course of an investigation upstairs I was amazed to find that the Ministry of Munitions is still running factories in full force. I was also surprised to learn that the Government owned all the shares in this very large manufacturing company. I put the question upstairs when the information was disclosed as to whether the Government was disposing of factories in which they held all the shares and of which they appointed the directors. I was told they were. A few months after that I came across somebody who was in the same line of business as was carried on at this factory, and this manufacturer complained bitterly of the uncertainty of this industry, because they did not know what the Government was going to do with this competitive business. "If this Government competitive business was only out of the way," he said, "then we should know where we stand." I said, "Why do you not buy this factory?" He answered, "Because they tell us they have no such factory. We have written to the Minister of Munitions, and he has written me to say he has no such factory." It seemed that he had written to the Secretary, and the Secretary had handed over his letter to the Building Section instead of to the Factory Section, and the Building Section did not know anything about it. Had the letter been sent to the Factory Section he would have had a totally different answer. Thus many months were lost in the disposal of this factory owing to the imperfect arrangements of the Ministry itself. That is one of the reasons why I am not satisfied that due diligence and care has been manifested in his Department during the last two and three-quarter years.

It is quite right and proper that the Government should obtain the very best price they can get, but in a case where they are asking a figure they cannot obtain they have no right to keep a factory going employing hundreds and thousands of people without the knowledge of this House. They publish, as we know, from time to time a book stating all the factories in which the Treasury have shares and appoint directors, but in none of these returns is there any reference to this factory. Are there any other factories of this kind in which the Government have got all the shares and are running it as a manufacturing concern in competition with private traders? That, I think, the House would be interested to know. There is a point at issue: Are the Government making money by retaining factories and buildings and stores indefinitely in the way they are doing? I am told that this particular factory could have been sold at a good price, but to-day, owing to the depression in trade, its assets are down to a tremendous extent, and, therefore, the Government, instead of making money, are losing money by retaining it. In cases of this kind if the Ministry have not succeeded in finding purchasers it would be worth while to put these places up for tender and accept the best offer they can get rather than proceed in the way they have proceeded in this particular instance. Let them put all their assets into one channel; let everybody know what they have got to sell; let them fix the price if they like; if not, let them invite offers, and let everybody know where such offers can be made, and that would do a great deal to clear up the impression that exists that something is rot quite what it should be in the Ministry. I sit down by expressing again my opinion that the Ministry have had a difficult and overwhelming task, and that they have, to the best of my knowledge and belief, done very well indeed, and it is only in one or two directions which I have come across in which I think they could have done better.

I do not desire to stand between the House and the Parliamentary Secretary. I was anxious to say one word in support of what fell from my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London and the hon. Member below him as to the particular danger that this measure, which is ostensibly a measure for the cessation of these Ministries, shall, in fact, be a measure for their continuance. I quite understand, and I think there is no dispute, that you must keep up some organisation for the winding up of what is still the property of these Ministries. But paragraph ( c ) certainly does appear to be of a far larger character than is necessary. The words are

"provide for the transfer to some other Government Department or Departments … of such of the powers or duties of the Minister of Munitions or the Shipping Controller as are not so discontinued as aforesaid—"

That might be the whole Department—

"and for the exercise or performance of the powers or duties so transferred by the Department or under the direction of the Department by any organisation which may be established—"

You might set up a new Ministry, for that is a new organisation—

"and for enabling any such organisation to sue and be sued."

That appears to me to be a very large power for the Government to take, and it is a power unlimited in point of time. I do hope the Government will consent, when the Committee stage is reached, to some words limiting the operation of that Clause to some definite date, so that there may be a prospect of a definite period at which the powers of these Ministries will come to an absolute end, because otherwise this Bill will really be a Bill for the perpetuation and continuance of these Ministries which it is the wish of the House and the avowed intention of the Government to terminate. I should like to know who is the Minister, if this Bill passes, who represents in this House the Board of Liquor Control. I think I am right in saying the Ministry of Munitions does that now.

By an historical accident I give answers here for the Board of Control, but I have not the smallest control over it, not has my chief.

That is a very unconstitutional state of things, but I suppose the Government propose to deal with that in another Bill later in the Session. Those are the only two things that I wish to bring to the notice of the Government. I do hope that the Ministries will be wound up as quickly as possible. It is very natural that they should desire to sell with great advantage if possible, but it ought to be constantly in their minds that what really pays the community is that there should be as much abundance as possible, and to keep goods held up by a public Department or private individual is always mischievous. I shall not oppose the Second Beading, but I hope the Government will amend the Bill as regards a time limit.

As regards the last point, it is, of course, exceedingly difficult to liquidate large stocks during a time of depression. What would probably happen would be that the goods would pass into private hands and would be held up for a future rise. The question is a large one, and I cannot deal with it adequately at this moment. With regard to the other point, I am not to be held responsible for the procedure of drafting my own demise. I think that is a matter for my superior and the Government. The intention of Sub-section ( c ) really is to provide such organisation for carrying on such work as is absolutely necessary in the public interest. Whether the words in the Bill carry out that intention we shall have to argue in Committee, but that some organisation must be set up is, I think, perfectly clear, when you remember that not only has the Ministry of Munitions powers and duties of its own, but has had powers transferred to it from other Departments, and if it lapses these powers could not be resumed by these other Departments, but would remain absolutely in the air. Those who are bringing petitions of right against the Ministry would be gravely hampered. I do not know whether they would not be stopped altogether. That is a legal point. At any rate, there must be an organisation to take over the present liabilities and, possibly, the future liabilities.

That is not a point for me. If the Noble Lord means to limit the period for bringing claims against the Ministry, that, I think, is dealt with under the Indemnity Act. One or two hon. Members, my hon. Friend the Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) and the hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Kiley) raised that point. That is fully covered by the Indemnity Act, and unless you want an Amendment of that Act—

It would be a good thing for the House to know whether these claims are covered by the Indemnity Act or only by the Statute of Limitations.

I did not know the question was going to be raised, and it is a legal question I could not attempt to answer with authority. The Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) raised a point of drafting in Sub-section ( a ), and apparently he inferred that any person who had held the office of the Minister of Munitions or Shipping Controller might bodily be transferred. I do not think that is the right construction. I suggest the right construction is that the liabilities incurred by the Minister of Munitions or the Shipping Controller, including any person who has held these offices—that is to say the present Prime Minister, for example, who incurred liabilities in his time—should be taken over by the new organisation. I believe the matter arises because everything done is in the name of the Minister himself, and I understand that the technical point has arisen whether, if these words were not put in, the liabilities of past Ministers of Munitions could be transferred and taken over by the other Departments. That again is a Committee point.

Will the hon. Gentleman put in words to carry out what he says was the intention?

I cannot say any more about that now. I have a rather serious complaint to make of my right hon. Friend in what he said as to there being officials in the Ministry of Munitions who had refused offers because they were not willing that the Ministry should be wound up. I do not think he ought to make a charge like that. If he will lay before the House or will tell me any case in which what he alleges as a fair offer has been made—

I never said anything about a fair offer, neither did I make any charge. I said I had been told that some of the officials had declined to accept offers because they did not wish to dispose of the property in too great a hurry.

If he has been told so much, will he ask his informant to tell him what are the cases he has in mind, so that they may be gone into? It is possible that offers may have been refused in some cases, not, I think, for the reason he suggests, but, if such refusals have taken place, we ought to know the facts, and the right hon. Gentleman's best course would be to bring them before the Public Accounts Committee. That sort of insinuation is one that anyone speaking for a Department is entitled to resent. With regard to my hon. Friend the Member for Wood Green (Mr. Locker-Lampson), the staff to be taken over by the new organisations for the new year amounts to about 2,075, of which 75 are concerned in winding up the work of liquidation and the rest are concerned with the work of disposal.

That includes the entire headquarters staff only. With regard to the point made by the hon. Member for Whitechapel with regard to the factory, it is, I am certain, the only one which is in any sense run by the Government, and it is not being run in the way in which factories were run during the War, from headquarters, but by its own board of directors, and the only thing is that the Government, for reasons at the time connected with the War, bought out the shareholders of the factory, and therefore they run it as shareholders, but it is run entirely under separate management, and the Government, if they had any good offer for their interest in the factory, would be open to accept it.

Yes, but they would be only too glad to get an acceptable offer to get out of the business. That is the only case where they have a controlling interest.

Yes, but I am not quite sure they were acceptable offers. Now I come to what was said by the hon. and gallant Member for East Bradford (Captain Loseby), and I think I have a right to complain of the course he has taken. I knew that he would on a suitable opportunity raise the general policy of the Accounts Liquidation Committee, and I am ready to discuss that, but when he suddenly brings up case after case and asks me to give definite replies when he does not attempt to give me the opportunity of making inquiries, I think I have a right to complain. There are three courses, I suggest, which are open to my hon. and gallant Friend. In the first place, he might have brought these cases to me; secondly, he might have put questions here with regard to them; thirdly, he might have brought them to the notice of the Comptroller and Accountant-General with a view to their being threshed out by the Public Accounts Committee.

Is the hon. Gentle man aware that, in regard to the only thing that matters at all, I gave his Private Secretary notice as far back as ten days ago of the matter I was going to raise, that is to say, the settlement of accounts without investigation by investigators?

As to the policy of the Accounts Liquidation Committee, I shall be glad to deal with that, but the hon. and gallant Member went a good deal beyond that to-day. He said there was undoubtedly corruption in the Ministry, and that the Ministry had not prosecuted criminally where they ought to have done so, for reasons which he left the House to infer. With regard to the latter point, I think I can answer it. Certainly no case has come to my knowledge, and I believe there are no cases to be found, in which criminal acts were alleged against officials of the Ministry and brought to the notice of the Minister where the opinion of the Treasury Solicitor was not taken as to whether a prosecution would lie or not. With regard to the somewhat rhetorical string of questions the hon. and gallant Member put to me, I can best answer on the whole case by giving a history of that branch of the Ministry, the Accounts Liquidation Committee, and if he and the House are not satisfied with that, and they will ask specific questions on specific points, I will do my best to give them satisfaction later, but I must ask the House to bear with me for a moment while I attempt to describe what the course of the liquidation of the accounts for the Ministry has been. I must ask them to go back to February, 1919, when the present Minister of Munitions took office. He was then very much impressed by two points. One was the immense magnitude of the volume of work to do, and the other was the magnitude of the staff. He dealt with the staff question at once by appointing a private Committee under the chairmanship of Sir John Ferguson, of Lloyds Bank, who had great experience and knowledge of large staffs, to tackle that question, and I may say that Sir John Ferguson's Committee caused no little friction in the Ministry by the drastic methods with which they set about their task.

That was one thing. The other was that, as the year went on, he was assailed by continued complaints of the great delay in paying contractors, and many hon. Members of this House know that many of those complaints came from them. As the year drew on towards autumn, he found that the work did not proceed at all as he would have wished. For instance, in the month of September, 1919, there were 37,252 bills still to settle, at the end of October there were 33,091, and this was after all he could do, had been done in the way of endeavouring to make the work of liquidation go quicker. There were two reasons for this congestion. In the first place, undoubtedly, during the stress of the War things were done and orders were given which are not defensible on ordinary business grounds. What happened was this, that General Headquarters abroad would telegraph back that it was absolutely essential to get certain weapons of offence or defence. All who knew anything about it, manufacturers and others, would be called together, and one would be asked if he could provide one component part, or, perhaps, the whole article; and another would be asked if he could provide another part; and what was said was: "We will settle the price afterwards, but get on with the work now." They did get on, and if they had not got on we should not have been discussing German reparations to-day, but, of course, a system like that led to a great many faulty records. Prices had to be settled afterwards, and the proper routine of invoices and the rest was not observed. That was changed very much in the later time of the War, largely by the system adopted by the present Secretary of State for War (Sir L. Worthington-Evans), who came in and entirely changed the arrangements of the whole office, and he instituted a very elaborate system of checks and counterchecks, but this very elaboration of the system made the position more difficult after the War. There were so many checks of one branch against another that it became a lengthy matter to pass any one account. It must be remembered that you had to act sometimes on verbal recollection, sometimes on evidence to be got out of the correspondence, and sometimes on what can only be described as some guess at what was in the minds of the parties when the original transaction was entered into, perhaps in the autumn of 1915 or 1916. So many audit branches were set up that the whole machinery in 1919 got clogged. There was audit of stores and bonds, there was an audit of national factories, there was an Internal Audit Department which endeavoured to obtain returns from contractors of their transactions with the Ministry; there was a Special Investigation of Accounts Department; there was an audit by the Central Accounts Section of the records of other sections; there was an audit of assisted contracts; there was an audit of explosive filling contracts, an audit of subsidies, an audit of accountancy costs and technical costs, an audit of wages claims, and an audit of hardship claims.

It was decided to start with the Accounts Liquidation Committee with Treasury powers, and they did start in December, 1919, and by March, 1920, 694,641 bills had been settled out of 715,651, and as this went on the staff was very largely reduced on the liquidation side. In December, 1919, the staff was 3,628; in December, 1920, it was 250; and in April, 1921, it will be 71 to hand over to our successors. What has been lost? The House must member, first of all, that the Accounts Liquidation Committee worked under Treasury authority and the active superintendence of the Minister, who read their minutes and followed all their transactions and settled the larger cases himself, and all the time they worked under the fear of the ordinary machinery of Government in the shape of the Exchequer and Audit Officers and the Public Accounts Committee. Their officers were continually about, and were in a position, if anything went wrong, to give those responsible an uncomfortable time before the Public Accounts Committee. Let me give one or two examples of what happened under the old procedure. I will give one which I think will illustrate the difficulties. There were certain documents called transit notes, which were notes entitling contractors to free railway transit of their goods. It had been thought in a number of cases that these transit notes had been incorrectly used by contractors, that is to say, they got free transit of their goods over the railways in cases where they were not covered by Ministry orders, and therefore the examination of these notes was relevant where settlement had to be made with contractors. It was urged that all this should be gone through. When the Committee came to look into it, it was found that there were 748,000 of these transit notes in hand, and it was proposed that each one of them should be examined. Of course that was a preposterous task. What the Accounts Liquidation Committee did was to test transit notes, and see whether there was much to be recovered. They worked at this for two months, and in the end recovered £32. Therefore they abandoned the task, because obviously it did not pay. In the case of another item, in respect of a loan arising out of capital expenditure, the auditor went to work on a question involving over £200,000, and after long investigation he found he was only able to knock off £180.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that on another occasion £80,000—a Handley-Page account—was recovered?

I am not saying that the Committee did not succeed in getting a great many items knocked off, but what I do say is that if they had gone through the whole procedure since the beginning, and not found some way of shortening it, not only would they have wasted a great deal of time, but the amount recovered would not have been worth the salaries of those making the investigation. It was resolved, as I say, to cut short this cumbrous procedure, and Lord Inverforth found it was far better, instead of these elaborate checks and elaborate correspondence, to gather the contractors round a table and argue it fairly out. It is extraordinary how quickly the differences in many of these cases were settled. In one case where the whole amount was £6,000,000 it was found on going closely into it that the difference between the parties only amounted to some £300. Surely it is a matter of common sense where a set of contractors name £7,000, and the Ministry admit £5,000, and where there is no absolute evidence to prove either the one or the other, or it can only be proved by very long research, to say to the contractor, "Take thy pen and write down six." Where you get as close as that, and there is no real evidence to prove either one way or the other, or to prove which would take an immense time, it is surely only common sense to take this attitude. There was no certainty that the Government would gain. The only certainty was that it would be necessary to keep a large staff for a long time. That might suit some people very well; it might perhaps suit my hon. and gallant Friend.

Has my hon. Friend realised that he has not dealt with my complaint at all? Does he realise that he has not dealt with the complaint that this Committee did not consult the investigators who have actually investigated, and did not consult Departments who had the whole material in their possession?

If my hon. and gallant Frend will bring any proof of any single case, I shall be glad to go into it. I say bona fide, quite apart from any other question between us, if he will give me an instance where this has happened, I will have it looked into. I know of no such instance, and I really cannot inquire into all these cases—there are 38,000 different contracts—on the chance of finding something of the kind. If he will give me chapter and verse, I will undertake that it shall be properly gone into. But to return to the point I was making, the only result of adhering to the procedure here suggested would be that the settlement would be delayed and a large staff would have to be kept at work. Lord Inverforth was only too glad that this Bill should be brought in, to take advantage of the occasion to get out of the very onerous, laborious, and thankless task he has had so long. I cannot conclude without saying some word about Lord Inver-forth's services. Of course, anything said by a Parliamentary Secretary on behalf of his chief will be liable to be discounted, but I do beg the House to believe me when I say I am not speaking in any perfunctory spirit when I think it ought to be known what Lord Inverforth has done. I think the work he has done for the country has been shamefully overlooked and belittled. What was his task when he took office? There were, as I say, 38,000 contracts to be settled. We were liable, for goods which we did not then want, to pay £302,000,000. These were settled for £129,000,000. Then as to the disposal, we had this prodigious quantity of goods all over the world subject to difficulties of freight, difficulties of deterioration, difficulties of finding markets, difficulties of the exchange, and the rest. Could he have left it to the Departments at whose orders these goods had been procured in the first instance? I believe the experience of winding up the assets left by the South African War was not happy. But apart from that, if you had a selling staff at the War Office, a selling staff at the Admiralty, and a selling staff at the Air Ministry, and so on, you would have had chaos. At the beginning of the War we suffered very badly from competitive buying, and competitive selling under these circumstances would have been far worse. I take it it was perfectly clear you had to have some uniformity in your sales. You had to have some organisation that would sell on behalf of all the Departments. What sort of organisation could you have? Were you to have one entirely composed of Civil servants? I know very well what would have been said if that had been the case. There are some people who regard Civil servants as coming within the saying, "There is a Civil servant; heave half a brick at him"; and if you had put this enormous transaction on the Civil Service, I am sure the complaints would have been far greater than they are to-day.

What he did was to take it in hand himself, with the assistance of the best men he could find, and they have carried out this task according to business methods. They have not been content simply to draw up catalogues and throw the goods on the market. My Noble Friend's practice has been to study the markets, and to see whether they were capable of absorbing the goods. If he had not done this, speculators who were strong enough would obtain an advantage by getting the goods cheaply, and the consumer would not have got the benefit, and great fortunes would have been made. I cannot help thinking that part of the resentment against my right hon. Friend is due to disappointed buyers. The total realisations have been some £570,000,000, which is about two and a half times the whole revenue of the country at the beginning of the War. At what cost has this been effected? The cost works out at some £12,000,000, that is to say, a little over 2 per cent. of the whole value realised. It is quite true the trading accounts are not realisations proper, but if you do take disposals alone, which require large staffs, the whole expense comes to under 5 per cent. of the receipts, and I am perfectly certain that if you could wipe away the whole Disposal Board to-morrow, and put up to auction all the goods left, nothing could be more disastrous to the revenue and to the public interest. My Noble Friend has had no reward for all that he has done. Politics is nothing to him. Official salary is less than nothing. He is only glad to be able to get back to his own activities. But I do say again that when men of business, who have plenty of business of their own, have come forward without material reward to give their services to the State, it is very poor thanks that they should receive—I do not speak so much of this House as of outside—nothing but suspicion and opprobrium.

This is a Bill which purports to cause to cease the Ministry of Munitions; but in point of fact we get from it no information as to what is going to happen as to the expenditure or powers of the Ministry. The Bill says that an Order in Council shall be made to transfer these powers and staff to other Departments. I am going to suggest to the hon. Gentleman opposite—I hope it will meet with the approval of the House—that before the final stages of the Bill are taken—perhaps on Report stage—he should lay on the Table of the House this Order in Council, and we shall then be able to judge how far the Ministry will cease or otherwise, and how far it will be transferred to other Departments. The figures of the staff, for example, which he gave showed a diminution of one-third in relation to one branch. Perhaps the same diminution on the 8,000 is shown in the factories and the outdoor staff? At any rate, it shows that so far from ceasing the Bill represents a substantial reduction in the size of the Department. Perhaps the Order in Council will show us whether the transfer of powers to other Departments means Supplementary Estimates for these Departments, for, surely, they will not be able to do the same work that the Ministry is doing without the necessary funds being found.

Then that point is met. The third point as to the powers is an interesting one, particularly in regard to the Ministry of Munitions and the Defence of the Realm Act. There is still a great bulk of Regulations limiting and narrowing the rights of the private individual. Many of these powers are exercised at the bidding of the Ministry of Munitions. For example, the Ministry of Munitions may make a prescribed area from which people may not move without special permits. The Ministry of Munitions may make certain Press offences, causing the publication of certain information to be a special Press offence for which penalties are imposed. This may be done by order of the Minister of Munitions. Now, in times of peace, one might imagine that the ordinary law of the country would be reverted to in relation to offences of this kind. Therefore, I would suggest to the hon. Gentleman before the final stages of this Bill are taken that this Order in Council should be laid before us, so that we may see which of these powers he proposes to reserve and how much he proposes shall be transferred to other Departments.

May I put one question so as to get a satisfactory answer from my hon. Friend in regard to the transfer of the staff? The number at headquarters is given as 2,075. Will these be transferred in toto to the other Departments, or will they be reduced? I think that is really what my hon. Friend the Member for Wood Green wished really to know, and that was not quite gathered from the answer of my hon. Friend opposite. It is perfectly right to say that these matters have gone forward in a businesslike fashion, and I trust that the work will be so continued in the other Departments, and may I also congratulate the Ministry of Munitions upon it?

The 2,075 will be taken over from 1st April. That does not mean that that will be the number throughout the year. It will be diminished after about three months, certainly; but the number will be substantial on the disposal side, because there is still a very large amount of surplus of which to dispose. The times are not very propitious, and, therefore, the number kept on the disposal side will be substantial, though the 2,075 will be the maximum in the financial year.

I could not give the number at the moment, but there will be a reduction in the course of the year which will depend upon the course of events.

I wish to put a couple of questions to the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Shipping (Colonel Wilson). I am not opposing this Bill as regards the winding up of either the Ministry of Shipping or the Ministry of Munitions, and personally—if I may be allowed to say so—I should regret very much not being able to apply to my hon. and gallant Friend in respect of shipping matters, for he has done his best to meet those of us who are Members representing shipping ports in any question we have put forward. At the present moment British shipping is in an extremely bad way. I think we ought to have some word as to whether the Board of Trade is really going to buckle to and try to help a little. The Board of Trade at present is a very hard-driven Department. It has got two immense tasks on its shoulders. One is the running of the very complicated Reparation Bill and the other is the scheme of export credits. I am rather afraid that shipping will be considered the Cinderella of its activities. I am hoping that there is a Fairy Prince going to appear at the Board of Trade who will deal with the very difficult shipping question which assails the country at the present time. I myself dare to hope that the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself will play the part of the Fairy Prince to the Cinderella, because, after all, shipping is of vital importance, and, therefore, I do not apologise for asking one or two questions about it.

The coastal trade is recovering too slowly. The matter has been discussed in this House, but I trust that the point of view of the coastal trade, which is of great importance to this country, will be upheld against the dominant railway interests of the Ministry of Transport. Is the Board of Trade paying more attention than it did in the past to this matter? My second question deals with the ships that have been handed over to us by the Germans, and which are not yet disposed of. This matter was discussed last Saturday week, and I do not want to traverse the whole ground again, except to say that hon. Members are probably aware that about one-half of the German ships handed to us have not been disposed of and are laid up in this country. Some of these ships have been sold to foreigners. I resisted that at the time in this House—unsuccessfully, I am sorry to say. They have been sold, amongst others, to Greeks, who are our very bitter competitors in the Eastern Mediterranean. Meanwhile, we have British officers and seamen walking the streets out of work. The question arises as to the disposal of the remaining part. At the time, as I say, I criticised the Government when these ships were being sold outside this country, for not only were German ships handed over, but standard ships. In regard to the remaining part there is an agitation by the Germans that these ships—

That seems to be a matter to be dealt with either in Committee of Supply or on the Consolidated Fund Bill. Nothing arises on this Second Reading to allow the hon. and gallant Gentleman the scope he is taking.

I thought the matter was one which would be considered on the Ministry of Shipping matter, and one which the hon. and gallant Member might himself have said something about, as to whether or not it would looked after by him or by the Board of Trade. However, I will not pursue the matter any further.

I should like to congratulate my hon. Friend on his statement, and should also like to say a word in support of what he said. I rather feel that those who, like myself, are independent critics of the Government on these questions of expenditure, should consider such an occasion an apt one to say, if one can say it, a word or two on the opposite side. I do not want to bring any charge against a Noble Lord in another place, who owns a number of newspapers, but I have tried to follow the matter somewhat to see if there was any coherence or consistency in the criticism of this Ministry. I find, on the one hand, that the original criticism was that the Department in question was not staffed by business men, and that the old type of civil servant was handicapped in dealing with these special war problems. As soon, however, as Lord Inverforth was placed at the head of the Department, the same attacks were made from the same quarters upon the Ministry, no longer because it was not staffed by civil servants, but because of the extravagant ideas of the superman who was at the head of it! I would not be in order in going into the whole of the circumstances of the Ministry of Munitions, but I should like to say that no Ministry called upon to do the work of the Ministry of Munitions, and subsequently that of the Ministry of Supply in the last two years, could possibly meet with anything like universal approval. But I would suggest that my right hon. and hon. Friends have earned the gratitude of this House and of another place for what has been done. We have had many opportunities for criticising the Government, and most of us have availed ourselves of those opportunities, and now, when there seems to be some reason for praise and credit, I think it ought to be given.

I want to take up only one other thing, and that was the interruption of my hon. Friend opposite (Mr. Kiley). He complained that when my hon. Friend below me (Mr. Hope) had asserted, or suggested, that there were people trying to make fortunes out of the necessities of the War, that he was referring to somebody in this House. Of course that was not so. He referred to people outside. We know there are hundreds and thousands of people outside this House who have done everything they could to make money out of the Government, or rather out of the public, by making a corner in some munitions of war and disposing of them, and had it not been for the activities of Lord Inverforth the Minister of Munitions—

I brought no charge against Lord Inverforth. I think thanks are due to him for what he has done.

6.0. P.M.

My hon. Friend does not quite understand, I think. I do not suggest that he was bringing a charge against anybody, but he objected to the Under-Secretary's reference to this matter under the impression, I think, that he was referring to someone in this House; and of course he was not. I say that the hon. Member for Whitechapel knows, and we all know, that outside there were hundreds and thousands of people anxious to take the opportunity to make money out of the country as has been done in other wars, in the Crimea, and in the Peninsula Wars. There are many people in this country who ought to be thoroughly ashamed of the way they have made their money. We all owe a debt of gratitude to Lord Inverforth. I hope the Government will not allow itself to be hustled by utterly irresponsible Press criticism in the disposal of stores which they still hold before there is a ready market for them. One in the past has had the fear that the Government, by reason of this criticism, has disposed of stores at a time when it was not really in the interests of economy to do so. I hope my hon. Friend will realise that those of us who support him here hold that his Ministry has done very good work and that there is a considerable body of opinion in the House which thanks the Ministry for having made the best possible bargains, whatever criticisms may be uttered outside.

Two questions which have been put affecting the Ministry I represent in this House call for an answer. One was by any hon. Friend the Member for Wood Green (Mr. Locker Lampson) and it was in regard to the staff which is to be transferred to the Board of Trade under this Bill. I quite understand there is a feeling of anxiety lest the transfer of this staff means simply calling the Ministry of Shipping by a new name. That is not what we are doing by this Bill. We are instituting a corporate body to take over the responsibilities of the Ministry. The sections of this staff, which will be transferred to the Board of Trade on the 31st of this month, are those which have been responsible for finance, reparations, ship management and transport, and the staffs dealing with questions coming under those heads must, for obvious reasons, be transferred. With regard to the finance section, the number to be transferred will be about 380, and, as I explained the other day, although it is costing £8,500 per month it is responsible for work which is saving an enormous amount to the country—something like £750,000 a month. Obviously, such a staff must be transferred. How long it will be before it finishes its work I cannot say, but I can assure the House that that work will be completed as early as possible. The staff will in future be under the control of the Board of Trade. There is still a very large amount of work to be done, and it is estimated that the expenditure under the Vote next year will be very much more than covered by the receipts. The reparations branch staff consists of 38—

Is this the section which deals with the claims for the ships sunk by Germany?

Yes, claims have been put in to the extent of £700,000,000, and they have to be dealt with. The ship management branch has a staff at the moment of 16, and one result of closing the Ministry is that the ship-owners who have been voluntarily carrying on the work will now cease to do so and will have to be replaced by expert assistants who will have to be paid. The work is highly technical. During the whole time the Ministry has been in existence it has been done by voluntary workers. How long the staff of 16 will remain depends entirely on the disposal of the ships. The Noble Lord the Member for Oxford University (Lord Hugh Cecil) referred to the transport staff, and I may explain that that staff was lent by the Admiralty. It was in existence before the War and it will continue in existence now the War is over. It is a permanent branch of our Civil Service. It is to be transferred to the Board of Trade, and all Government transport work will be performed by it. A question was put with regard to the future of the Mercantile Marine, a fairly large subject, I do not think I should be in order in going into it in any detail. The hon. and gallant Member who raised it (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) suggested that when the duties of the Ministry of Shipping were transferred to the Board of Trade the Mercantile Marine would become the Cinderella of that Department. I do not agree with him at all. Under the arrangement for the transfer of the work of the Ministry of Shipping to the Board of Trade, it will be possible for the Board of Trade to form a sub-department to deal entirely with the work of the Mercantile Marine, and that sub-department will have more to do for the Mercantile Marine in the future than has been done in the past. It will bring all transport work under the Marine Department of the Board of Trade and thereby it will do much to assist the Mercantile Marine.

I gather that the transport section were lent by the Admiralty to the Ministry of Shipping in the first instance, and now it is going to be transferred to the Board of Trade. Does the Admiralty give up its claim to the branch of work hitherto done by it?

All the transport work done by the Admiralty in former days will be transferred to the Board of Trade, with the exception of that work which actually belongs to the Admiralty—in connection with Admiralty-owned oilers and colliers, which will still remain under the control of the Admiralty. I hope the House will now see fit to give a Second Reading to this Bill.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time.

Bill committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]

Supply

Report [19th March]

Resolutions reported:

Civil Services Supplementary Estimates, 1920–21

Class II

1."That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £13,945, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1921, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Offices of the Chief Secretary in Dublin, Belfast, and London (including Grants for the Higher Education of ex-Officers, etc.); of the Irish Public Health Council; of the Inspectors of Lunatic Asylums; Expenses under the Inebriates Acts; and certain Allowances for Disturbance, etc."

Class III

2. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding. £11,600, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1921, for the Salaries, Allowances, and Expenses of various County Court Officers, Magistrates, and Divisional Commissioners in Ireland, and the Expenses of Revision."

3. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £31,600, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1921, for the Expenses of the General Prisons Board in Ireland and of the Establishments under their control, the Registration of Habitual Criminals, and the Maintenance of Criminal Lunatics confined in District Lunatic Asylums."

4. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £500, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1921, for the Expenses of the Maintenance of Criminal Lunatics in the Dundrum Criminal Lunatic Asylum, Ireland."

Class I

5. "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £108,260, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1921, for Expenditure in connection with Public Buildings in Ireland, for the Maintenance of certain Parks, Harbours, and Public Works, for the Maintenance of Drainage Works on the River Shannon, and for sundry Grants in Aid."

Civil Services (Excesses), 1919–20

6. "That a sum, not exceeding £28,210 13s. 11d., be granted to His Majesty, to make good Excesses on certain Grants for Civil Services for the year ended on the 31st day of March, 1920, viz.:—

CLASS II.

£

s.

d.

Vote 33. Local Government Board for Scotland

28,180

13

10

CLASS III.

Vote 9. Reformatory and Industrial Schools, Great Britain

10

0

0

CLASS IV.

Vote 16. National Gallery of Ireland

20

0

1

£28,210

13

11."

Air Services (Excess), 1919–20

7. "That a sum, not exceeding £251,214 18s. 5d., be granted to His Majesty, to make good Excesses of Air Expenditure beyond the Grants, for the year ended on the 31st day of March, 1920."

First Resolution read a Second time.

I beg to move that the Vote be reduced by £1,000.

The object of this Vote is to enable the Chief Secretary, among other things, to set up a Publicity Branch for propaganda purposes and to look after journalists who come to Ireland. Although I do not want to traverse the ground which we covered fairly fully on Saturday, I submit the House should not grant this sum of money to the Chief Secretary, who proposes that journalists from all parts of the world visiting Ireland should be taken in hand by his Department, escorted through the country, and no doubt be introduced to tame Irishmen with a slight Welsh accent who will tell them how much they love the Chief Secretary and all his works, and the Government and all its works. I submit this sort of thing is quite unnecessary. There is no need to assist newspapers to get news from Ireland. Every paper of importance has a correspondent there already. A great many foreign newspapers, and American as well, are represented there, either directly or by means of a Press service. I do not think that the foreign journalists are, on the whole, unfair to this country. I do not believe the information they send out is particularly biased. With regard to the journalists from this country, I do not want to say anything against them, but I am afraid that too often they allow their reports to be coloured by the politics of the paper they represent. Why should we vote money for work of this sort?

The right hon. Member for Duncairn (Sir E. Carson) the other day attacked the Foreign Office for not spending enough money on propaganda in order to counteract a mysterious league which it was suggested seeks to overthrow the British Empire—a league of Jews, Germans and Russians banded together to bring about our complete ruin and downfall. The Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, in reply, said the Foreign Office was already spending £50,000 on propaganda, and he disclaimed all knowledge of this mysterious league. I think his information is likely to be better than that of the right hon. Member for Duncairn or of the Noble Lord the Duke of Northumberland, who, I see, has been fulminating on the same lines. If the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs is content with the money which he has for propaganda purposes, why should the Chief Secretary ask for an additional amount? Certain misguided Members of this House who profess to be fervent anti-wasters, and object to expenditure on housing, health and education, came down on Saturday and demanded that unlimited sums of money be placed at the disposal of the Chief Secretary for defending his name and his acts.

I think the hon. Gentleman who interrupted me was one of the hon. Members who wants to spend more, money in this way. May I point out that if this proposal is persisted in it will mean starting a new Department in Ireland, which will gather more and more clerks and typists to it, and become another vested interest that will object to any change in the present régime, and naturally so, because their livelihood will be at stake? It will object, in fact, to the Government carrying out its avowed policy of settling the Irish question in some way or other. For that reason I consider it particularly mischievous. Again, Sub-section C of this Vote, although it is headed "Incidental Expenses," is mainly, according to the Chief Secretary, if I heard him aright on Saturday, to be devoted to the purchase of newspapers. That is in order that his Department may track down and refute false statements about the Government in Ireland. He says that he wishes to get a "clear, accurate, unquestioned statement of facts on any event," etc., etc. In particular, he wishes to counteract the effect of newspaper articles which, he says, are untrue. We are voting this money for the purchase of newspapers in order to refute reports which his Government does not like. I should like to ask him what he is going to do when he finds statements of which his Government does not approve. Is he going to prosecute the editors for bonâ fide statements which they make in good faith, believing them to be bonâ fide, as in the case of the "Freeman's Journal"? May I remind the House what happened in that case? The sequel, of course, was that the Military Court, in a great hurry—because they heard that there was going to be interference from Downing Street— rushed on the sentence, fined the paper £3,000, and sentenced the editor, Mr. Hooper, and the two proprietors, Mr. Hamilton Edwards and Mr. Martin Fitzgerald, to imprisonment for twelve months. The "Freeman's Journal" made three charges against the Government. As hon. Members know, newspapers in Ireland are mostly filled with attacks on the Government—either that the Government is not doing enough or that it is doing too much. The "Freeman's Journal" made three statements. The first was that at Tullow two policemen who were shot were victims of the Black and Tans. That statement was proved to be untrue, but it was admitted that the rumour about it was very prevalent. The second statement for which they were prosecuted was with reference to the shooting of a man at Ardprior. I believe the statement was that the man, so far from being engaged in trying to escape when he was shot, was simply put against a wall and riddled with bullets. For that they were arrested and brought before the Military Court. A platoon of soldiers were brought up as witnesses, and one and all declared that the man was shot at such-and-such a distance while running away as hard as he could. Then the proprietor of the journal brought forward medical evidence, which was that the man was shot in front. The military then very wisely dropped that charge against the "Freeman's Journal." The third charge was in regard to the case of a civilian who alleged that he was beaten in Portobello Barracks, and a photograph was taken of his alleged injuries and published in the paper. I should like to read to the House a statement made on this matter by the very respectable representative of the "Manchester Guardian," and published in that paper on the 28th December last. He says:

"I happened to be one of the journalists present when Quirke "—

that was the name of the man in question—

"made his statement to a representative of the 'Freeman's Journal,' and I cross-examined him. My own impression, which has not been shaken by the evidence at the court-martial, is that the man was honest and was telling the truth about what happened to him in the barracks. His back showed unmistakable signs of ill-usage—severe bruises and weals; and two eminent doctors, who saw him three or four days after I did, said that his explanation of the injuries—beating by belts and rifle butts—was a quite feasible one. The whole evidence in the case was, to put it mildly, so conflicting that no jury could have convicted, even if they had agreed, which is still more unlikely. That a general court-martial of officers of high rank could have made an unproved case like this the occasion for such severe sentences is perhaps even a more serious fact than the arson and murder by their undisciplined subordinates."

On that evidence the paper was fined £3,000 and the proprietors and editor were imprisoned. I am glad that Downing Street had a little common sense and had the sentence countermanded. Is that what is going to be done with the money that we are asked to vote this afternoon? Is the right hon. Gentleman or his servants going to terrorise the Press—to bulldoze the Press into keeping quiet on these matters by methods such as were adopted against the "Freeman's Journal"? If so, they will find that it will not work in the long run. Very few people would have heard of the man Quirke and his alleged maltreatment in Portobello Barracks, but, owing to the prominence quite naturally given to the case months ago, it was reported all over the world, and the attack on the freedom of the Press was very naturally resented by lovers of freedom in all countries. The right hon. Gentleman talked about propaganda under the auspices of the Sinn Fein movement in Ireland which is carried on, not only in this country, but throughout the world, and he is asking for money to fight it. He wants to supply the public with

"official information which it is my duty to substantiate or if in error to withdraw at this box."

He goes on to say that he wants to get a clear, accurate and unquestioned statement of facts on any event which may arise. I do not think I am tearing sentences from the context of his speech; I think that that represents fairly the policy for which we are asked to find this money. I wonder if he has seen a document which I hold in my hand, and which is a report on the Irish situation by Lieut.-General Sir Henry Lawson, K.C.B.? It gives an extraordinary account of affairs in Ireland from the point of view of a distinguished and gallant soldier. I need not quote from it; probably hon. Members have had it sent to them. It is issued under the auspices of the Peace with Ireland Council, the chairman of which is my Noble Friend the Member for Nottingham (Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck). Is that Sinn Fein propaganda? It is by Lieut.-General Sir Henry Lawson, who joined the Army in 1877, served in the Suakin Expedition of 1884, the Nile Expedition of 1884–85, the Sudan campaign of 1898 (when he was dangerously wounded), and the South African War, 1899–1902 (dispatches, Queen's Medal with four clasps, and King's Medal with two clasps); who held the Northern Command from 1915 to 1916, and was Inspector-General of Communications in Italy from 1917 to 1918. Is that Sinn Fein propaganda? What steps is the right hon. Gentleman taking to refute the statements made in that document. Then there is the report of Judge Bodkin, for 14 years County Court Judge of County Clare. That report—which was forwarded to the right hon. Gentleman himself and was read in open Court at Ennis, County Clare—by one of His Majesty's judges, contained the most astonishing indictment of any Government that has been made in modern times.

I have not read the Strickland Report That is an indictment which would have shocked the infamous "Bomba" of Naples, even in those blood-stained times. Judge Bodkin proved in open Court these horrible crimes. The hon. Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill) laughs at Judge Bodkin—

The hon. Member can laugh at me as much as he likes as long as he does not laugh at the foul tragedies that are scouring the face of this country—

Yes, and reported to-day. I am as much shocked at those as anyone. This report has gone broadcast over the country. I have had a copy sent to me, and I should like to know whether £900 or £900,000 are going to refute statements of that sort by means of any number of tame journalists employed in the right hon. Gentleman's office. Then, again, there is the report of the Labour party on the burning of Cork City. That has been widely circulated, not only in this country but, I am afraid, in other countries and it contains a series of very remarkable statements. It gives a map of the city, showing the public buildings on the right side of the river, and it contains evidence which, I think, will convince most people that it is high time we heard the truth about the burning of Cork. How does the right hon. Gentleman propose to counter that? He could do it without spending a penny of public money by doing the right thing and publishing the Report of General Strickland. Yet again, there is the Report of the Labour party on their mission of inquiry to Ireland. Is that Sinn Fein propaganda? Does the right hon. Gentleman tell the electors of Sunderland that that is Sinn Fein propaganda? I believe that the fourth or fifth edition of that Report has been sold out—not given away—at 2s. a copy. Is that Sinn Fein propaganda, and if it were, how does the right hon. Gentleman propose to counter it? I cannot bring myself to vote credits for any propaganda department for the purpose of attempting to whitewash misdeeds such as the burning of Cork by our servants in Ireland. That is the case shown against the servants of the Crown in the absence of the finding of the only tribunal that has been set up by the Government to inquire into the matter. I hope that hon. Members who have a sense of humour apart from anything else, and at any rate a sense of decency, will support me in resisting this Vote for so-called propaganda purposes, because I think any hon. Member of experience of the War and of War propaganda will guess how it is going to be used.

I think we discussed this Vote pretty fully on Saturday. I thought I made out a case which must convince even the hon. and gallant Gentleman (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy), but I am glad to be able to answer the points he has raised. I think we all agree that the organisation of Sinn Fein propaganda is very thorough and very wide. I think also we are agreed—the speeches made on Saturday show that we are agreed—that the Government is not doing as much as it might do to state the Government's case in reference to Ireland. I ask the House, therefore, for this very modest Vote, in order to enable me not to distribute opinions, but to engage an adequate staff to collect and to distribute statements of fact connected with events in Ireland. It would be an impertinence to suggest that any Minister could spoon-feed the British or any Press, but the very fact that journalists go to Ireland and come to the Chief Secretary's Office for information makes it essential that there should be a staff to supply them with information. There must also be men who are skilled in the collection and distribution of this information. I am glad the Press wants this information. I believe the stronger the searchlight on the facts and the realities in Ireland the more clear will it become that the Government is pursuing the only possible policy under the circumstances as they exist to-day in Ireland. This distribution of facts will include, no doubt, if they arise, facts which count against individuals in the service of the Crown. I have no desire to shelter anyone who is guilty of a breach of discipline or a lapse of good conduct. He is my worst enemy. If this publicity in-Volves criticism of agents of the Government, all the better. On balance I am certain this country and the world will support the Government in this most difficult, burdensome, but none the less vital duty of the moment. That is on the main point of publicity. There is nothing sinister in it. There is nothing unusual in it. The only point of criticism on it on this stage of the Estimates is that the amount I ask the House to grant me is too small. In Debate on Saturday I made it clear that in the main Estimates for the new financial year that I shall submit larger proposals, if necessary, to meet the all but unanimous wish of the House in that respect.

As to the question of incidental expenses the hon. and gallant Gentleman waxed very eloquent over this question of £425 for the purchase of newspapers and official photographic requisites. Every Government Department must have newspapers. At any rate let me restrict myself to my own Department. We must have newspapers and we must pay for them, and I must ask this House to pay for them. I am doing that now. There is no desire, and it would be impossible if there were such a desire, to control newspapers or to control what they put in them, but it is essential in the interests of good government, and in the interests of the policy of the Government, that if newspapers make statements which are inaccurate in fact, statements setting out the facts should? be issued. Let me give a case. Not long ago I read, I think in several newspapers, that certain members of the Constabulary force had robbed a bank at Strokestown, Roscommon. Questions were asked in the House about it. The allegation was made that the Irish Government was hushing it up. The facts were that these men were arrested by the Head Constable, were brought before a military court-martial, found guilty, convicted, and sentenced to five years' penal servitude. Unless I get a Vote like this how can I get that out? I must have a staff to deal with questions like that.

That is all right. It will go into the "Weekly Summary." I put in the "Weekly Summary," which is a Stationery Office Vote, all the convictions of police, because the "Weekly Summary" is issued for the purpose of heartening the police and insisting on discipline. The greatest enemy of the Government is the man who commits a breach of discipline if he is a member of the forces of the Crown. He is the enemy of this House as well as of the Irish Government. I will fight him with all the insistence and firmness I can command. The official photographic requisites are part of the ordinary requisites that every police force must have. You must have photographs of wanted men. You must have photographic copies of seized documents, and We are constantly securing important documents of the Irish Republican Army which must be quickly photographed and distributed to the agents of the Government throughout Ireland. These requisites are essential, and the Vote I think is small. The hon. and gallant Gentleman's reference to the "Freeman's Journal" was quite irrelevant because this has nothing to do with prosecutions of newspapers. I hope I have made the Vote clear. As we had a most interesting, and I thought helpful, discussion on Saturday, I trust the House will not unreasonably delay the passage of this Supplementary Estimate.

I agree with my right hon. Friend that we shall not unreasonably delay the granting of this Vote, but I am very glad my hon. and gallant Friend has again challenged this item. It is true we had a considerable discussion on Saturday, but I am not satisfied, and despite my right hon. Friend's power of suasion and logic, I do not think he has made a case yet for his Vote. The first statement he made was that the propaganda department of the Sinn Fein movement was wide and very thorough. If that is really believed by him, there is a great deal to be said by those who are in favour of combating this propaganda on the adequacy of the £900. It is an altogether inadequate method of combating what we are told is so thorough a propagandist movement. My right hon. Friend therefore is not doing the right thing by waiting until the Estimates are laid before the House for the year. He ought at once, as he believes it is necessary, to come to the House and ask for an adequate sum to combat this propaganda. That, of course, is the Government's responsibility and not ours, but if their arguments are right, the amount of money is altogether ludicrous.

The second point made by my right hon. Friend was that this Vote was to distribute facts and not opinions. On Saturday I challenged that statement, and asked him where in the British Press he could get those statements of facts for which this Publicity Department was responsible, and he sent me copies of three London papers which had statements supplied from Ireland with regard to some outrages which had taken place. But these facts as they appeared there have been challenged over and over again in this House by questions on the Order Paper. Facts have been challenged before now, and my right hon. Friend has had to admit, what I am sure he will have to admit over and over again, that he has been misinformed and that certain events have happened which he did not know. One does not blame him for that. One can readily admit that the Chief Secretary cannot be expected to know the details of all these incidents, and that he might quite inadvertently, as I am sure he always does, give inaccurate information to the House because he has been ill-informed. He takes all steps, I daresay, to get the right information immediately the first information is challenged, but it is idle to pretend that the first statement of the facts is invariably right.

That leads me to say this, which is one of the main points of criticism I want to raise. I cannot for the life of me understand how a Department of this kind can so sift the information as to give the facts inside that limited time. My right hon. Friend says the purpose of this Publicity Department is to collect and to collate and then to distribute what are the actual facts of any incident. I am not sure that a journalist put into that position is absolutely the best person to collect and to collate. The duty of a journalist is to distribute and to make his information as enticing as he can to the readers who are expected to read it, but the training of a journalist is not the training that enables him to sift facts in such a way that he can separate the wheat from the chaff, and if we are to get, as we ought to get from time to time, a statement with regard to facts, we want to go a great deal further. My right hon. Friend was quite good about this on Saturday. He made a suggestion as to informing the House with regard to those facts. He said he would like to print as White Papers from time to time the information which he received about the facts. I think he even went further, and said he would like to give the results of the inquiries. I think he was pressed also to give the evidence, but he jibbed at that, as he might reasonably do, on the ground of expense. Something ought to be done more regularly. These events happen so frequently. We had private notice questions to-day with regard to events during the week-end. I am sure that every hon. Member who read his morning paper was shocked and distressed that, despite the efforts of the Government, and the criticism from this side of the House, events in Ireland do not get any better, and we have such a catalogue of crime and tragedy that we had last week-end. Any man who has, any sound sense is bound to regret that. My right hon. Friend was asked these private notice questions, and he did what a Minister can only do in the circumstances; he gave the House the information that he had been able to collect inside the time of the giving of the notice and the meeting of the House. Probably before to-morrow there will have been more murders, and by the day after there will have been more murders. These events happen so quickly that we cannot keep trace of what is taking place. What I suggest is that for the information of the House—of course, the right hon. Gentleman is the best judge, from his own experience of the work of his Department—he might give at regular intervals, say, at intervals of a week or a fortnight, a summary of what has actually happened in Ireland, which we can trust, and which is reliable. If an hon. Member is preparing for an Irish Debate he looks at the Press for some days before the Debate and collects and collates the numbers of murders of constables or soldiers, and the number of murders of civilians, and he uses those facts in the Debate, as evidence of the disturbed state of Ireland. Some of those facts may be entirely wrong, because we are relying upon what is reported in the newspapers. If my right hon. Friend would publish regular statements upon which we could rely, it would be a great convenience. I am very serious in regard to this suggestion, because the House is getting very worried owing to the continuance of the assassinations on both sides. We want, as speedily as possible, to see a cessation of them. Therefore, we ought to have accurate information from the Chief Secretary. I make the suggestion to him, very respectfully, that he should issue a statement, and that he should be responsible for it.

A third point which the right hon. Gentleman made was this—did any of us believe that the Ministry would spoon feed the public? My reply is, Yes. I do not know whether my right hon. Friend is disappointed when I say Yes, but I will tell him why I say Yes. I raised the point on Saturday, and I pointed out that during the War the public was spoon-fed. Every hon. Member knows that to be true, that the Press were only allowed to publish what the, Government desired they should publish, and publish it in the way the Government desired it to be published. I do not say that my right hon. Friend is doing that, but in the present state of affairs in Ireland it is sometimes difficult to believe that we are getting the whole truth from the Government. The test of that is the Strickland report. We were promised the publication of that report. I put questions to the Prime Minister before the last recess, and we were confidently given to understand, or we believed confidently from the replies that were given, that we should have the Strickland report published. It has not been published. I am not going into the question of the burning of Cork, and I am not going to apportion blame to one side or another, but I say that because the Strickland report has not been published the British public do not know the facts in regard to the burning of Cork. Why are we not to know the facts? My right hon. Friend knows the facts. I presume that is so.

My right hon. Friend has seen the substance of the report. He has read the report. I presume the Cabinet knows the substance of the report.

Some of them. Let the House observe the position with which we are faced. My right hon. Friend knows the substance of the Strickland report. Some of the Cabinet know it; but all the Cabinet do not know it, and yet the Cabinet are responsible for the government of Ireland. I am glad that my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) has come into the House, because this is a matter which he will probably emphasise more than I can. We have now a new factor which we did not know before. We were under the impression that the Strickland report had had the amount of publicity which would come to it from consideration by the whole of the Cabinet.

I was speaking literally true. The report was considered, and all the Members of the Cabinet did not happen to be present, but it was considered by the Cabinet.

I suppose my right hon. Friend means that it was circulated to the Cabinet? I should like an answer. This is a Vote for publicity. Here my right hon. Friend is asking for £ for publicity, and he is denying publicity to me now here in the British House of Commons. I will repeat the question. Was the Strickland report circulated to the Members of the Cabinet?

The hon. Member ought to know that I am precluded from answering anything as to what is circulated to the Cabinet. I have answered very fairly as far as I can.

That is a stranger doctrine than ever. Over and over again we have heard the Prime Minister, who is not a less important member of the Cabinet than my right hon. Friend, state at that box that documents have been circulated to the Cabinet. That is quite usual; it is done over and over again in this House. If my right hon. Friend cannot say that, let me put it where he leaves it. He leaves it here, that in spite of the fact that he is asking for money for publicity, he cannot or he will not or he dare not state to the House of Commons, to which he is responsible, that that document has been in the hands of all the members of the Cabinet. That is a perfectly ridiculous position, and further attention ought to be drawn to it. If you are honestly seeking peace in Ireland, if you want the confidence of the public outside, and if you want to gain the confidence of public opinion in other countries, it is certainly not going to help you if to-morrow that public reads that the Chief Secretary for Ireland, in the House of Commons, was unable to affirm that the Strickland Report dealing with the burning of Cork was even circulated to members of the Cabinet. It is a very serious position, and I hope my right hon. Friend feels that it is so. Before I was led on to this point, I was taking the failure to publish the Strickland Report as an example of the kind of thing we object to when we deny my right hon. Friend the right to have this £. If he is going to have publicity, we want publicity for everything. We do not want him to have the right to choose what he is going to make public and what he is going to keep private. If he will publish the Strickland Report, we will give him more than the £900. We will give him all the money he wants, if he will publish the real substantial facts that will enable us to know the true position of affairs.

A fourth point raised by my right hon. Friend's speech was a statement that this publicity will involve criticism of agents of the Government.

You said "will," but I will substitute "may" This publicity may or will involve criticism of agents of the Government. My right hon. Friend said that if it did, so much the better. He would like these agents to stand more criticism. Surely it is a new principle that you are going to set up, that a journalist, whose main task is to collect, collate, and distribute facts—a temporary official, therefore a man who is not even in the civil service, but an outsider, chosen because of his skill in this particular kind of work is to do work which will involve criticism of the agents of my right hon. Friend.

How is he to know? My right hon. Friend stated to-day in answer to the private notice questions that these were the facts up to that moment; the facts that this publicity department were distributing. My right hon. Friend would not himself say that those facts were true. I believe he hoped that a great many of them were not true. Here you are going to have this temporary official providing information in such a way that it may involve the action of the paid agents of His Majesty's Government. That is an abrogation of the duty of my right hon. Friend. Does my right hon. Friend criticise his agents as to the way in which they do their work? Their duty is to carry out their work in the way he determines, and nobody else but he has the right to say to any of the agents of the Irish administration that they may be guilty of an indiscretion. Let me take this supposition. The Attorney-General is an agent of the Irish administration. Is this journalist who is on this publicity committee to be allowed to criticise the Attorney-General? Whether he commits a murder or not, is this journalist to be allowed to criticise him? Is he to be allowed to do that, and if not, if he is not allowed to criticise the Attorney-General, surely the rule should apply throughout the Service. I do not know whether my right hon. Friend made a slip in his reply, and means something else, but I do not think that his argument could hold good.

I confess that I was not impressed by the reason given for the expenditure on photographic materials. The right hon. Gentleman said it was to provide the necessary photographic apparatus and material for the police force. Surely the Irish police force have already got it. If the Irish police force is a competent force, they would be equipped with the necessary apparatus and with the necessary photographic materials for photographing criminals. Does the right hon. Gentleman mean to tell me that the Irish police force have not the means and methods in this respect that we have in this country? If you pass a police station in this country any day you can find a bill posted outside containing a photograph of a man who is wanted for a crime. That machinery is in the hands of the police force. Does the right hon. Gentleman mean to say that he wants this money because the Irish police force ought to be equipped with these photographic apparatus and materials?

7.0.P.M.

It cannot be true. It cannot be the real reason. There must be some real reason. There must be some other reason; it must be for a special purpose. I am sure my right hon. Friend is misinformed. I rather suspect there is some other purpose behind. I am glad that my right hon. Friend raised this question of publicity, because if he will publish everything, and not only the things he wants, but what everybody wants, we will give him the money for it. But in other circumstances we must take every opportunity of dividing against this expenditure of money on a state of affairs in Ireland on which, however much hon. Members opposite may criticise us, we feel as deeply and as keenly as they do. We are only dying to have an end of these things, so that we may rise in the morning and look at our newspapers without reading these terrible things. That is as true a thing as I have ever said in this House, and is as true of all my colleagues on this side of the House as it is of my right hon. Friend and those who sit beside him. We want it finished, but until we see a way of getting it finished we must take every opportunity of protesting against the expenditure of this money in this way.

My hon. Friends have devoted their attention chiefly to complaints about the suppression of information connected with propaganda work which the Chief Secretary carries on in Ireland. I want to complain of another branch of their activity, and that is the dissemination of publicity. Day by day in the Irish newspapers we read contradictions of these things which are issued from Dublin Castle as part of their propaganda. Several cases come to my mind even as I speak. One example was the shooting of Inspector O'Sullivan in Dublin in December. That was a sufficiently painful and horrible an incident in itself, a transaction with which no one in this House has a particle of sympathy, but the fact that a terrible thing like that takes place is no reason whatever why the Government should exaggerate what happened and try to make it more horrible by issuing from the Castle lying details. What happened in this case? They gave out an official statement from Dublin Castle in two messages. They said that the district inspector was shot when he was lying on the ground dying, and that the man who fired the first shot deliberately fired another shot into him without any of the crowd showing the slightest sympathy with the district inspector; that his fiancée, who was with him on that occasion, had received a threatening letter warning her that her life would be taken because she was walking out with him; that the district inspector had also received a similar letter; and that it was only through the chance passing of a military lorry that the body of this district inspector was discovered; and that he might have lain for hours as far as the crowd was concerned.

What happened? Miss Moore, who was with the district inspector when he was shot, immediately wrote to the newspapers in Dublin stating that the report issued from Dublin Castle was a tissue of absolute falsehoods, that the district inspector had never received any threatening letter nor had she received any such letter, that no second shot was fired into his body when he lay on the ground, and that it was proved that there was only one shot in his body afterwards. I am as much opposed to murder as any hon. Gentleman, but nothing justifies the Government giving out lying statements to the public. Moreover, Miss Moore stated in her letter to the newspapers that, so far from the crowd having shown no sympathy, the people in the crowd showed to her the greatest kindness, that they all knelt down and prayed, and did their best for the district inspector and helped to bandage his wounds. Miss Moore also said that it was members of the crowd that stopped the military lorry as it was passing, told the driver that a district inspector had been shot, and helped the soldiers to lift the body into the lorry. That is a very different story to that which came from the Castle. Why were these lies put into the report? There was never a shadow of reason for any of these statements, except the terrible fact that the man was murdered. I say that it is deplorable, and the Government has no justification for the dissemination of false statements through its bureau of propaganda at Dublin Castle.

I will recall another case. There are scores of them. It is about a policeman who was thrown into the Liffey and his dead body was fished out afterwards, and I think the Chief Secretary got up at that Table and stated—certainly the official report from Dublin Castle stated—that the body was trussed when it was thrown into the river and it was a trussed body that was taken out. That also was an absolute falsehood, utterly without foundation. The body was not trussed. It matters very much whether the Government is going to tell the truth or whether Government Departments are going to doctor every account they get to make it acceptable to the English public and useful for propaganda purposes in this country. I am entitled to protest, and I do protest, against money being voted by this House for the dissemination of false statements. If this propaganda were honest propaganda the right hon. Gentleman might appeal to this House to vote money, but it is dishonest from the beginning to the end. Faked photographs are not the only part of it. The right hon. Gentleman said that it was not an official photograph. But it was taken by his men. If he had not anything to do with the faked photograph, where did the photographer get the military lorry, and the soldier who accompanied the lorry, to take part in the scene enacted for the purpose of taking this lying photograph issued for circulation in the English newspapers? It is quite idle for the Chief Secretary to come down here and say there is nothing official about that photograph. It was an official photograph, and it was a lying photograph. The right hon. Gentleman would be showing more consideration if he faced the facts and got up and frankly denounced them in this House. He knows these things to be false and he ought to condemn them accordingly. I therefore associate myself with the protest which has been made against this Vote, because I believe that this propaganda, not only in the shape of faked photographs and of lying paragraphs given out, but in the suppression of items of news of great interest to this House and to the English public such as the Strickland Report—I believe that propaganda is dishonest from beginning to end, and I shall certainly vote with my hon. and gallant Friend in opposition to this Vote.

It seems to me that the Amendment before the House really raises a vital question of principle. We ought to decide whether we are going to continue in peace times the publicity which was asked for as a War service. I submit that the principle that the right hon. Gentleman has enunciated that the Government must have its newspapers—not only his Department, but every Department—raises a question foreign to the genius of our method of Government. To say that an English Government must have a propaganda service in order to justify its method of government is surely bringing into our system a policy which hitherto has not been known in any part of the United Kingdom. I submit that, although during the period of the War it was essential that we should take our news and information spoon fed, when those particular conditions have passed away we should say that the right of free speech, which is the inalienable right of the British people, should be restored to us and to Ireland. Instead of the necessity of a Publicity Department, if you have a free House and a free Press, then you do not need to spend any money in trying to forward the Government's case by any special propaganda. Its own actions, its own method of Government reporting in the ordinary Press without restraint and without any special pleading is its surest justification. Therefore I do protest on this point that a Publicity Department has laid down a vicious principle and is subverting the ancient, ground upon which good government in the Empire and in Ireland has hitherto been based. I hope a protest will be made against this principle.

I join with those who have raised their protest on this side of the House against the subsidising of any journalistic venture by the Government, or, properly speaking, by the taxpayers of the country. Mention has already been made of the fact that we have already had reports regarding certain things that have happened in Ireland—reports written and issued by sections of the Irish people themselves and reports issued from others who have gone over to Ireland for the purpose of investigating them. We have another report which has not been issued, a report which is the result of pressure brought to bear upon the Government regarding the incidents which have occurred in Cork City. At that time the Government made certain statements as to whom they held responsible for the destruction that had gone on in that city. They placed responsibility upon the shoulders of certain people. The responsibility they placed upon those shoulders was denied by those people, and appeals and demands were made to the Government to institute a public inquiry into the matter. The public inquiry was refused and a military inquiry was substituted. What has been the result? In spite of the fact that the inquiry was held as a result of the pressure brought to bear upon the Government and of the public clamour which wished to know actually upon whom the responsibility should be placed for these things which had happened in Cork City—in spite of all these things—the public desire for knowledge was not gratified. The Government withheld that report. I wish to ask the Chief Secretary, why it is he comes down with a report about happenings in Ireland, which he says has already been ascertained from Ireland, not by journalists, not by an attempt to subsidise a journalistic venture, but by a properly constituted inquiry held by the military, and then refuses to give that information to the public, information which, he says, can only be given by subsidising journals in Ireland? If you have the report, publish the report, and then we will know you are in earnest in getting at the truth of the things happening in Ireland to-day. Some people suggest the reports issued by the Labour party and the Commission sent over to Ireland were based on statements drawn from one side only. Why cannot you meet the Labour party's report by the publication of General Strickland's report if it bears out your case that those things were not done by the forces of the Crown, which is what is actually said in the Labour party's report on the information gained by members of the Labour party in this House who went across to Ireland, a statement which has gone into thousands of copies, which has been printed in hundreds of newspapers in this country, and is in the minds of scores of thousands of people who have read the report through newspapers and are to-day blaming the forces of the Crown for those incidents. If the right hon. Gentleman and the Cabinet say that the forces of the Crown are not responsible and that this report makes that clear, why not publish it and let the general public know that those things which are being said about the forces of the Crown are untrue, and then bring those who are guilty of circulating this false information to justice?

The Government wants another £900 to subsidise journalists to garble information and to publish information. Is the Press of this country so one-sided that it is not publishing things in the interests of the Government? Are you going to discredit the Press of this country? We are usually accused of saying that the Press is one-sided when they publish things against the Labour movement and only publish small items in favour of the Labour movement. Now it seems that the Government are afraid of the Press. They have introduced the war measure of desiring to allow newspapers to publish only those things which they, as a Government, desire and then they say it is not spoon-feeding the public. Is the £900 voted to the Irish Office to be the end of this Government's Department propaganda? If the Irish Office requires a publicity Department, why not the Department which is governed by the Minister for the Colonies? Why not that particular Department of which the Secretary of State for War is the head? Why not any and every other Department? Why not organise one huge journalistic Department to issue or collect information to point out to the public that this is the greatest of all Governments that has ever ruled over this country, that you cannot get another like it, that it is in fact a Government of supermen? You are going back to the Napoleonic days. Napoleon established his own press agency, he had his own paper and writers, and only allowed other papers to publish the things which were going to be favourable to Napoleon in France. All the papers had to praise him and publish only those things which showed Napoleon to be the greatest man France had ever had. Now we are going to have a journalistic Department in Ireland to prove to the people of this country that the Chief Secretary is the greatest Chief Secretary that Ireland has ever had. It is bringing government in this country down to a farce. Here is the most tragic situation that has ever been in Ireland. We can go back right through all the centuries and we cannot find a situation worse than that existing to-day. We claim to have brought about peace throughout the world, and we cannot bring it about in Ireland. Do you think paying £900 for a journalistic venture is going to bring peace in Ireland? You want photographic requisites. We have, most of us, seen these faked photographs. We have reason to believe that these photographic requisites may be used in the same way. Having once used, and issued and published in the Press of this country photographs which the right hon. Gentleman and everyone must admit to have been faked, what guarantee have we that the photographic requisites we are being asked for are not going to be used in a similar manner?

I hope the House will vote against this £900 until we have the Strickland Report. If the Government is honest about publicity it will publish that Report and let us know what the facts were in Cork City. You are leaving it merely to one-sided statements. In Ireland there are murderers, not on one side, but on both sides. Looting, shooting, and all the rest of it. Almost 60 creameries burnt down, and the Forces of the Crown accused of having burnt them down. Valuable, sound evidence has been offered to show those places were actually burned by the Forces of the Crown. Compensation is refused; the savings of hard-working men and women, who have subscribed their shillings and pounds to build up a cooperative creamery in order to gather in the milk and send out the dairy produce to this country, those savings have been burned down and scattered to the heavens, and the Government refuse to grant public inquiries into those cases. Publicity! You are avoiding publicity. You refuse publicity. Yet you come today and ask the Members to vote you £900 for publicity when you refuse to give us publicity of the facts you have already. I take it that the majority of the Cabinet—I am not putting rhetorical questions—have read the Strickland Report, or at least the substance of the information contained in that Report. If they have not taken the trouble to read it, that does not excuse them from the responsibility of now withholding publication of that Report which the Government and the Cabinet refuse to publish, and yet come to this House and ask for £900. They have really taken the advice that the Prime Minister gave to the Labour movement in 1917, that they should be audacious. I have never yet known in all my life in political history a Government more audacious than the present Government in coming down to this House and asking for money for publicity when they refuse to give us publicity of the things they already possess.

I want to ask the Chief Secretary one particular question. I notice a sum for photographic requisites. Is it his intention under that particular head to deal with cinema films? Will we have cinema operators travelling at Government expense in order to get cinema films to please the British public and to be put forward on the basis of publicity to illustrate the Government s attitude in Ireland? Then, as regards publicity work, are we to merely have what will take place in the future or shall we have information as to the Government's attitude towards Ireland in the days that are gone? Shall we have given to the British public the fact given by a well-known man that, in 1917, 1,117 men were arrested and that men were deported without trial? Will that be given or will it be merely the one-sided statement frequently dished up for us in the Government papers of the present day? Is it intended to have some inquiry and to publish the result as to the burning of various properties in Ireland? I have in my mind the question of a particular distributive stores in Tralee. We were told by the Chief Secretary that we were spending some thousands of pounds in teaching the Irish language to the Irish children, yet here where they had the name in Irish the manager was told to remove the name in two hours or else prepare for death. Will publicity be given to facts of that description? Or will it be merely what we find in Government papers to-day? The Member for East Edinburgh referred to the already prepared method that the Government has of distributing through the Home Office the photographs of criminals. It really seems farcical to try and convince the House it requires £900 to send photographs around of the men required for criminal injuries. I will do my best to divide the House on this matter. We enter again an emphatic protest against the Government's procedure on this publicity propaganda. It will not increase the Government's status in any "degree to ask for £900 when we see the Government refusing to publish the Strickland Report. It is in my judgment an unwise policy, and I hope the House will divide on it. I will certainly vote against it.

Before we divide I would like to say in three sentences why I feel bound to vote with my hon. and gallant Friends behind me. I do not think it right to vote any further money for the Government for publicity unless and until they make better use of the means of publicity they have got a-t present. I believe that, apart from casualties in action, ambushes and so on, about 150 men were murdered by the forces of the Crown last year. That is up to 2½ months ago. They were murdered by Black and Tans, cadets and so on entering into their houses and simply hauling people out and shooting them, and things of that kind. The least the Government could have done in that

2½ months would have been to publish a White Paper narrating these cases and stating what the results of the inquiries were that were held into the cases of those murdered by their forces. Questions, questions, questions have been put in this House time after time. The Chief Secretary has said that inquiries were to be made and no doubt they were made, but never have we had anything like a return or account of those cases. Fifty or sixty more cases of the same sort occurred up to the middle or end of February. Until the Government has convinced the House that it is using the publicity it can get through the Stationery Office I am not going to vote a single extra farthing towards publicity of any sort or kind.

Question put, "That '£ 13,945' stand part of the said Resolution."

The House divided: Ayes, 178; Noes, 49.

Division No. 58.]

AYES.

[7 32 p. m.

Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. C.

Foreman, Sir Henry

Lorden, John William

Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent

Forestier-Walker, L.

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Agg-Gardner, sir James Tynte

Forrest, Walter

Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie)

Allen, Lieut.-Colonel William James

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Amery, Lieut.-Col. Leopold C. M. S.

Ganzoni, Captain Sir F. J. C.

Macquisten, F. A.

Austin, Sir Herbert

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Maddocks, Henry

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Manville, Edward

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Gould, James C.

Martin, Captain A. E.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington)

Middlebrook, Sir William

Barnett, Major R. W.

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Barnston, Major Harry

Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred M.

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Greenwood, William (Stockport)

Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S.

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Gregory, Holman

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell

Greig, Colonel James William

Morden, Lieut.-Col. W. Grant

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish

Gwynne, Rupert S.

Morris, Richard

Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C.

Borwick, Major G. O.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Murchison, C. K.

Bowles, Colonel H. F.

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh)

Bowyer, Captain G. E. W.

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Breese, Major Charles E.

Hanson, Sir Charles Augustin

Nail, Major Joseph

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Neal, Arthur

Brittain, Sir Harry

Henderson Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Brown, Captain D. C.

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Brown, T. W. (Down, North)

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Hills, Major John Waller

Parker, James

Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay)

Hinds, John

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Butcher, Sir John George

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Campbell, J. D. C.

Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central)

Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge. Mddx.)

Carr, W. Theodore

Hopkins, John W. W.

Perkins, Walter Frank

Casey, T. W.

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City)

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Pollock, Sir Ernest M.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A.(Birm., W.)

Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere

Pratt, John William

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Howard, Major S. G.

Prescott, Major W. H.

Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender

Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster)

Purchase, H. G.

Clough, Robert

Hurd, Percy A.

Raeburn, Sir William H.

Coates, Major Sir Edward F.

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel N.

Cobb, Sir Cyril

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple)

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

Jameson, J. Gordon

Reid, D. D.

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Jephcott, A. R.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Jesson, C.

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.)

Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr

Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill)

Eyres-Monsell, Commander B. M.

Knights, Capt. H. N. (C'berwell, N.)

Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham)

Evans, Ernest

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Falle, Major Sir Bertram G.

Lloyd, George Butler

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert A.

Farquharson, Major A. C.

Lloyd-Greame, Sir P.

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Seddon, J. A.

FitzRoy, Captain Hon. E. A.

Lonsdale, James Rolston

Shaw, William T. (Foriar)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Sugden, W. H.

Wills, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Gilbert

Simm, M. T.

Sutherland, Sir William

Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West)

Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington)

Taylor, J.

Wise, Frederick

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Thomas-Stanford, Charles

Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Stanier, Captain Sir Beville

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak)

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Steel, Major S. Strang

Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)

Yeo, Sir Alfred William

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Waring, Major Walter

Young, Lieut.-Com. E. H. (Norwich)

Stewart, Gershom

White, Lieut.-Col. G. D. (Southport)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Williams, Lt.-Com. C. (Tavistock)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Lord E. Talbot and Captain Guest.

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. F. D.

Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton)

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hallas, Eldred

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.)

Hayward, Major Evan

Royce, William Stapleton

Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith)

Hirst, G. H.

Shaw, Thomas (Preston)

Bramsdon, Sir Thomas

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough)

Briant, Frank

Hogge, James Myles

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Holmes, J. Stanley

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Irving, Dan

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Waterson, A. E.

Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South)

Kennedy, Thomas

Wignall, James

Entwistle, Major C. F.

Lunn, William

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

Galbraith, Samuel

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Gillis, William

Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D.(Midlothian)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Glanville, Harold James

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Graham, R. (Nelson and Coine)

Morgan, Major D. Watts

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness and Ross)

Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy and Mr. C. White.

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Myers, Thomas

Grundy, T. W.

O'Grady, Captain James

Question, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution" put, and agreed to.

Second Resolution agreed to.

Third Resolution read a Second time.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."

This is a Vote for the maintenance of criminal lunatics. On Saturday I asked about the case of Cadet Hart. The Chief Secretary told me that Cadet Hart had been sent to a lunatic asylum, although found guilty of murder by a court-martial, because he was being held back in connection with some other charge. If this man has been found insane on the opinion of medical officers in the Government service, how is it that he has been kept back to have another charge brought against him? What is the good of bringing a charge of murder or any other crime against a man who has been found, insane? You cannot put him in the witness box; he cannot plead. It is another case of the Chief Secretary being misinformed. Cadet Hart is living in the mess in Dublin and has not been sent to a lunatic asylum, for reasons which I consider altogether inadequate, as they have been expressed to this House.

The case does not arise on this Vote at all, but I shall be happy to answer the question. Cadet Hart was found guilty of murder, but was declared insane on the evidence of six distinguished medical specialists. An order was made for his transference to Broadmoor Asylum, where he will be detained at His Majesty's pleasure. In the meantime, in reference to another very serious crime, he has been detained under close arrest in Cork Military Prison, because this crime has not yet been cleared up, and if he is identified as the criminal it will release someone else who may be under suspicion. I hope my hon. and gallant Friend will see that that is a perfectly clear explanation.

That is all.

Question put, and agreed to.

Fourth Resolution agreed to.

Fifth Resolution read a Second time.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."

I want some information with regard to Item H ( c ), which I do not think was discussed at all in Committee, when we talked mainly of the price paid for some buildings in Belfast. This item deals with the provision required for the restoration of Government buildings maliciously damaged or destroyed. Does it refer to police barracks burned by Sinn Feiners? If so, why does not the Government claim against the county fund under the Malicious Injuries Act? Or does it refer to public buildings destroyed by persons unknown or destroyed by servants of the Crown such as the City Hall in Cork which was used for paying pensions to widows and dependants of ex-soldiers, or the Town Hall in Mallow? With so much arson going on in Ireland some by direct order of the military governors others by the Sinn Feiners and others by the special constables as acts of vengence we are entitled to know why this solitary item is included in this Vote.

This sum is in respect of a number of police barracks and Inland Revenue offices which were damaged. Claims are being made in all those cases against the county rates. They are not at present being honoured, but ultimately they will be brought to credit of the Vote. This is merely an Estimate for the time being, but the money will ultimately be recovered from the county council.

Where buildings have been burned down by Crown Agents or Sinn Feiners in Ireland, it is understood that the persons who suffer loss must apply to the County Fund for the money. At times that is very hard, especially in the event of the Auxiliary policemen themselves committing arson, which was not contemplated when the Malicious Injuries Act was passed. When we ask that these perfectly innocent sufferers should be compensated, we have always been told that under the Malicious Injuries Compensation Act they must apply to the County Fund. Now we find Parliament voting money for the restoration of these buildings, and we are entitled to ask the Chief Secretary whether he cannot see his way under this head to compensate some of the innocent people, particularly the creameries. Perhaps they are the most urgent cases. Does the hon. Gentleman suggest—

I suggest that a great many crimes have been prepared and have originated in the creameries.

There is no evidence of that. I suggest that the Government should under this heading make tem- porary provision for compensating perfectly innocent people who have suffered damage and if they cannot do it here that they cannot do it in the other cases.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolutions agreed to.

Ways and Means [19th Maech]

Resolutions reported;

1."That, towards making good the Supply granted to His Majesty for the service of the years ending on the 31st day of March, 1920 and 1921, the sum of £16,467,532 13s. 9d. be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom."

2."That, towards making good the Supply granted to His Majesty for the service of the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1922, the sum of £ 265,108,000 be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom."

Resolutions agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolutions by the Chairman of Ways and Means, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Baldwin.

Consolidated Fund (No. 2) Bill,

"to apply certain sums out of the Consolidated Fund to the service of the years ending on the thirty-first day of March, one thousand nine hundred and twenty, one thousand nine hundred and twenty-one, and one thousand nine hundred and twenty-two," presented accordingly and read the First time; to be read a Second time To-morrow and to be printed. [Bill 51].

West India and Panama Telegraph Company, Limited

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That the Agreement, dated the 16th day of March, 1921, between His Majesty's Government and the West India and Panama Telegraph Company, Limited, supplemental to the Agreement, dated the 10th day of August, 1914, entered into between His Majesty's Government, the Government of the Dominion of Canada, the Crown Agents for the Colonies, and the West India and Panama Telegraph Company, Limited (H.C. 447, of 1914), be approved.—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]

Anything in connection with cables, especially to the West Indies, is deserving of the attention of the House, and I should be glad if the hon. Gentleman would give us some explanation.

I have just returned from a journey in these parts, and would like to know whether these contracts include a cable for the Colony of British Honduras. It is within the orbit of the British West Indies. It suffers very much from the absence of communication, British or otherwise, with the outer world, and it is most important that in any agreement made with this cable company or any other cable company the interests of British Honduras should be included.

With regard to the inquiry of my hon. and gallant Friend, there is no cable to British Honduras, but there is a wireless.

The only wireless today is the American wireless, and it is very doubtful whether it will be able to continue.

It is the Marconi Company which has the wireless. I move this Resolution on behalf of the Treasury. The supplementary agreement between the Treasury and the West India and Panama Telegraphic Company provides for the waiver of deductions from the Imperial subsidy which are due under terms of the agreement of the 10th of August, 1914. That Agreement provides for a large reduction in the cable rates to the West Indies and for the payment to the company of an Imperial and Canadian subsidy of £16,000 per year— £8,000 Imperial and £8,000 Canadian£ and a subsidy of £10,300 contributed by the various Colonies, making up a total of £ 26,300. The agreement was for the period of ten years expiring on the 30th September, 1924. The conditions, owing to the War, have been very much changed. Clause 14 of the agreement provides that if during any year after the 1st of October, 1918, the company's revenue shall exceed £74,000, there shall be deducted from the Imperial and Canadian subsidy, payable in respect of the next following year a sum equal to one-half of such excess up to a revenue of£106,000 which would entirely absorb the subsidy, and that if the company's revenue shall exceed £106,000 there shall be deducted from the Colonial subsidy a sum equal to one-half of such excess up to a revenue of £126,600 which would entirely absorb the Colonial subsidy also. I can give the company's revenue from 1915 to 1919. The first four years are not affected by this proposal. For the year ended 30th September, 1915, the company's revenue was £54,000. In 1916 it was £69,000; in 1917, £87,000; in 1918, £94,000, and in 1919, £106,000. Thus, under Clause 14 the Imperial and Canadian Governments are entitled to the refundment of practically the whole of their subsidy, £16,000, for the year ended 30th September, 1919. The company are not yet in a position to give the actual figures for the year ended 30th September, 1920, but it is understood that there is not likely to be any large deduction due for that year.

As in many other similar cases, the sliding scale arrangement was made under pre-War conditions. As everyone knows, the conditions have changed very much. When the sliding scale was agreed upon in 1914 no one could possibly foresee the enormous rise in prices which has occurred, and it was assumed that if the company's revenue increased beyond £74,000 a year there would be an increase in their profit which would enable them to bear a reduction in the amount of the Government subsidy. In actual fact, however, the company are in a very bad way, and the increase in expenditure has more than absorbed the increase of revenue, and the company's need of the whole of the subsidy is greater now than it was when the agreement was made in 1914. They have been obliged to sell practically all their investments, and if the refundments due under Clause 14 were insisted on it seems probable that they would have to cease working almost at once. The whole question of West Indian telegraphic communication is being fully considered by a sub-committee of the Imperial Communications Committee, but it would not at present be possible to bring into operation an alternative service, whether by cable or wireless, at short notice. Therefore, it will be seen that it is absolutely necessary that we should take the course which is being pursued to-day.

8.0. P.M.

Consultation took place between the Treasury, the Colonial Office and the Post Office, and it was thought that the best course would be that the Treasury-should waive the deductions from the Imperial portion of the subsidy which have already accrued, and should take power to waive any further deductions during the remaining 3½ years of the agreement if they consider that the circumstances warrant that course. The Canadian Government have paid their portion of the subsidy in full up to the 31st December last. They are not calling for any refundment at present, and it is hoped that they will agree to adopt the same course which we are asking the House to pursue now. The Company have agreed that if the deductions from the Imperial and Canadian subsidy are waived they will make a concession in regard to the British Guiana subsidy. Their cable between Trinidad and British Guiana has been interrupted for upwards of a year and communication between these colonies has been maintained by a Government wireless service. Under the terms of the 1914 agreement, however, the Company can still claim the whole of the British Guiana subsidy, £3,000 a year, but they have now agreed that as from the 1st of July last that subsidy should be reduced by three-fourths—that is £2,280 a year—so long as through communication with British Guiana is maintained not entirely by the Company's cable system, but partly by means of that system and partly by means of the Government wireless service. It is necessary for me to move this Resolution to-night because the supplementary agreement should be approved before the Recess, as the Treasury are bound by the main agreement to make the deductions which accrued in 1919. They will be unable to do so unless this Resolution is passed. I shall be glad to answer any questions any hon. Member wishes to put.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether in this matter we are in full touch with the West Indian communities as well? He has spoken of the relations between the Post Office and the Canadian Government. What about the several West Indian Colonies?

This is an emergency measure, but I understand the Colonial Office has been in touch with them during the whole period.

As this is a Colonial Office point, perhaps I may be allowed to answer the hon. Member. Of course, the West Indian Colonies would be willing and hope to secure a direct-British through service from Bermuda. But under present conditions—the cost and difficulty of constructing cables—I do not think it will be possible to get such a service laid down within the next year or two. In the circumstances, it is in the interest of the West Indian Colonies to maintain the present communications.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

"That the Agreement, dated the 16th day of March, 1921, between His Majesty's Government and the West India and Panama Telegraph Company, Limited, supplemental to the Agreement, dated the 10th day of August, 1914, entered into between His Majesty's Government, the Government of the Dominion of Canada, the Crown Agents for the Colonies, and the West India and Panama Telegraph Company, Limited (H.C. 447, of 1914), be approved."

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Sir Robert Sanders ]

Adjourned accordingly at Two Minutes after Eight o'clock.