House of Commons
Wednesday, March 23, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
LEE CONSERVANCY BILL [by Order]
Order for Second Reading read.
Perhaps the House will allow me to say a word in reference to this Bill, the Lee Conservancy Bill, and to two other Bills that are on the Paper, the Metropolitan Water Board (Charges) Bill, and the Thames Conservancy Bill. These are to a considerable extent interrelated. I had a conference yesterday with a number of Members interested in the Bill, as many as I could collect, and suggested that it would be desirable to send these three Bills to a Joint Committee. That seemed to command the approval of the Members who were good enough to accept my invitation. Therefore, my proposition is that these Bills should be set down for 8.15 on Thursday, 7th April. I will put down a notice following the Second Reading—which I hope may be obtained that night—that the Bills be referred to a Joint Committee of the two Houses. I do that in order to save expense to the promoters and the petitioners, and particularly the ratepayers, who are mostly concerned. In regard to the Metropolitan Water Board (Various Powers) Bill, which, I think, has been blocked by some hon. Members by reason of the similarity of names. I do not think, however, from what I have been told, that there is a Second Reading objection to that Bill, which deals with a matter of works—the sort of thing we refer for decision to the Committee upstairs, and I hope that that Bill may be allowed to obtain its Second Reading to-day.
Is there any charge?
It does not deal with charges.
Second Reading deferred till Thursday, 7th April, at a Quarter past Eight of the Clock.
Portsmouth Water Bill,
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.
Durham County Transport Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Wednesday, 6th April.
Metropolitan Water Board (Charges) Bill (by Order),
Metropolitan Water Board (Various Powers) Bill (by Order),
Thames Conservancy Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Thursday, 7th April, at a quarter-past Eight of the clock.
Forth Conservancy Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),
Consideration deferred till Wednesday, 6th April.
Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill,
Read a Second time, and committed.
Motor Tax Account
Copy ordered "of particulars of amounts paid into the Motor Tax Account by the several counties, county boroughs, and county burghs during January and February, 1921, together with an estimate of the number of licences issued and the cost of collection."—[ Sir E. Geddes. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
India
Sedition (Prosecutions)
asked the Secretary of State for India how many persons have been prosecuted in India for seditious utterances in speeches or newspapers during the past three months, and how many have been convicted; and whether any prosecutions have been instituted for incitement to assault and riot?
I regret that I have not the complete figures to enable me to reply fully to my hon. and gallant Friend I have telegraphed for them, and will let him know as soon as I receive them
Bolshevik Agents
asked the Secretary of State for India whether the terms of the trading agreement which has been entered into with Russia have been officially communicated to the Indian Government; and if he will state what action has been taken by that Government to ensure the expulsion from India of known Soviet agents?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Government of India instituted a special organisation to deal with Bolshevik activities in India, and although it would not be advisable to state what has actually been done, I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that every step necessary to checkmate them has been taken, I trust, successfully.
Is it not the fact that Mr. Gandhi lately stated that he preferred Bolshevik rule to British rule in India, and under these circumstances ought he not to be the first to be deported as a Soviet agent?
I prefer to leave the maintenance of order in India to the authorities there.
Indian Emergency Committee, London
had given notice of the following Question—to ask the Secretary of State for India if he has received information from India concerning a Resolution reported to have been passed by all the non-official European members of the Council of State and the legislative assembly objecting to the formation in London of an Indian emergency committee as unnecessary and calculated to create prejudice and ill-feeling; and if he will furnish the House with a copy of the Resolution as well as with reports of the speeches lately delivered in India by His Royal Highness the Duke of Connaught, in which appeals were made to all classes of the population to join in burying recent controversies?
No, Sir, but I have seen a message from the non-official members of the Indian Legislature in the Press. I will place a copy of the proceedings at the opening of the Indian Legislature, including His Royal Highness's speech, in the Library.
Arising out of this question, may I ask your guidance, Mr. Speaker, as to whether it is in order for an hon. Member to put a question down reflecting, as it does, on a certain Committee, which consists of two Members of the other House, and one Member of this House, myself, and not appear in his place to ask it? I want to ask whether the question should not be deferred and not answered among the written answers until such time as the hon. Member chooses to come to the House and put it personally, so that I may put a supplementary question, or give a personal explanation?
The hon. Member who put down the question may have been detained by an accident by flood or field.
With great deference, Sir, and in answer to that, may I ask whether a written answer may be postponed until the hon. Member who, of course, as you say, may have been detained by flood or field, can come down and put the question in open House so that it may be dealt with? As you, Sir, realise, the House adjourns to-morrow, and answers to unanswered questions—and I do not know what this answer may be—may be printed and contain reflection upon the Members of this Committee to which we have no possibility of replying?
The hon. Member is asking me to overrule the Order of the House, which is to the effect that if a question is not asked the answer should be circulated on the following day. Perhaps the best plan would be for the hon. Gentleman to see the answer, and if, then, if he is not satisfied, he can make a personal explanation to-morrow, or he can put a question to-morrow. I would accept a question on the subject.
Thank you. Sir.
Opium Cultivation
asked the Secretary of State for India whether, in view of the fact that there appears to be an extensive recrudescence of the cultivation of the poppy in the provinces of Fukien and Yunnan, and that, as the result of the present disordered state of China, many other provinces are also drifting rapidly back to the state of things existing before the opium treaties, it is proposed to continue the opium policy pursued in India whereby the inhabitants of India suffer higher taxation and the inhabitants of China reap no advantage?
It is not proposed to make any change in the opium policy of the Government of India as a result of the recrudescence of poppy cultivation in China. The matter is now governed by the Hague Convention; under that Convention, as China has prohibited the import of opium, India is bound to prevent the export of Indian opium to China.
Would it not be easier for the Government of China, when they have reestablished their powers, to suppress poppy cultivation in their own country than to suppress the import of opium from India if it is allowed to be started again?
I do not think that that question arises. I have informed the House that there is no intention of altering the opium policy of the Government.
Will the right, hon. Gentleman stand firm on this question, and not listen to the importunities of the opium trade on the subject?
We are bound in the matter of our opium policy by The Hague Convention. Under that Convention so long as China prohibits the importation we cannot export to China.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that the prohibition of China of the import of opium is merely an empty form; whether the action of India is not affected by it; and is it not the case that this is one of the subjects now brought within the all-embracing programme of the League of Nations; does its decision override that of The Hague Convention in this particular matter?
I am given to understand that the matter will be discussed by what is called the Opium Advisory Committee of the League of Nations at the forthcoming Congress in Geneva.
Police Grant, Bengal
asked the Secretary of State for India if he has any information regarding the reduction of the grant for police in the Bengal legislative council by 23 lakhs of rupees against the considered opinion of the Bengal Government; and what action he proposes to take in the matter?
asked the Secretary of State for India whether the Bengal legislative council have recently reduced the grant for police expenditure in the Province by 23 lakhs or more than one-eighth of the total grant demanded; and whether, in view of the unrest throughout India, steps can be taken to rectify this?
I have no information beyond that which appeared in the Press on the 21st instant. I am inquiring as to the facts and action proposed by the Governor.
In view of the fact that Bengal has a population of 50,000,000, and that there are only 3,000 or 4,000 troops in the whole Province, ought not the police of that province to be increased rather than decreased, especially now that law and order are at such a discount in the whole of India?
I do not think it is at a discount. I am perfectly prepared to repose the completest confidence in Lord Ronaldshay and the Government of India.
May we take it that the right hon. Gentleman will communicate with India on this matter?
The hon. Gentleman knows that the restoration of this Vote is within the power of the Governor of Bengal and I have no knowledge of the facts except what has appeared in the Press. I have, however, inquired, and I will let the hon. Member know when I get the results of my communication. At the present time I prefer to leave the matter to the Governor of Bengal's discretion.
Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman gets this information of first-rate importance from the Press first and not direct from India?
As soon as I saw the, report in the paper I sent a telegram to India to ascertain the facts. That is the first step we have taken. I am perfectly convinced that there is no difference of opinion between any Member of this House and the Governor of Bengal as to the absolute necessity of maintaining a sufficient number of police in Bengal to restore order.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer my question: Does he receive information of this kind first from the Press or does he get communications before those of the Press, direct from India?
The first knowledge which I had of this event which, I think, occurred only a day or two ago was from the Press. The matter lies within the discretion of the Governor of Bengal. I presume in due course I shall hear from him what action has been taken. As a matter of fact I have had no communication yet from the Government of India as to this matter, and my first knowledge was derived from the Press.
Is it not the duty of the Government of India to communicate to the Secretary of State for the information of this House any vital matters which ought not to be anticipated by Press reports?
I wish my right hon. Friend would put himself in the place of the Governor of a Province. I cannot assume there is importance in a newspaper report which may relate to a perfectly simple matter. My right hon. Friend knows that the Governor has ample power under this Act. The report may relate to a matter which does not require a special communication to be made by telegram.
Is it not the fact that an up-to-date Press can beat an official Department in point of time?
Disturbances, Nagpur
asked the Secretary of State for India whether an outbreak occurred at Nagpur, in the Central Provinces, on the 23rd February, when the Deputy Commissioner is said to have been stoned and wounded, and the civil surgeon seriously injured and his car smashed up by a mob of some 5,000 rioters who created a tumult in the city and broke into the District Court because two criminals had been arrested; and, if so, how it was that no communication on the subject has been issued to the Press; and whether, in view of the general anxiety in regard to the situation, he will take steps to issue a brief bulletin, daily if possible, summarising the news received from India for the information of Parliament and the public?
I am circulating an account collected from a series of telegrams of the disturbance at Nagpur, from which I am glad to think it will be seen that it was not so serious as my hon. and gallant Friend's question would indicate. It is not always, I think, the best way to give an accurate picture of events in India to publish each telegram relating to such matters as it is received. I recognise the importance of furnishing the public with regular information about India and have been considering the best way of achieving it. I hope that a new organisation with this object in view will shortly be working. My Noble Friend Lord Lytton is taking the matter under his charge.
Is it not the fact that all the British population in Nagpur had to be collected in the Armoury and kept there all night for protection? Is it right that the public of this country should have to await letters like that printed in the Press this morning for information as to what is going on in India?
The information I have circulated is collated from telegrams I have received and it does not contain an account of that kind.
The following is the account promised:
The disturbances referred to arose out of the arrest of a prominent local resident on a charge of sedition. A large meeting of protest was held, and on the 23rd February there was a general abstention from work, which did not extend to the mills. On the next day the auction sales of liquor shops for the district were to be held at the District Courts. A large crowd assembled to prevent the sales and assaulted one of the contractors. The police pressed the mob back to the city, where it dispersed. Two European officers and a few police constables were injured, but not seriously. In the city the mob again collected and looted several liquor shops, the police force being inadequate to control them. The same night another mass meeting was held with no serious consequences. A small force of troops were called in from the cantonment at Kamptee.
On the morning of the 25th everything was quiet and everybody at work. The District Magistrate, in the exercise of his ordinary powers, prohibited public meetings for one month. Notwithstanding this, an attempt was made to hold one, but the crowd dispersed quietly on learning that the meeting was prohibited. The sales, however, could not take place because the contractors were afraid to attend. The District Magistrate had an interview with the leaders of the Non-co-operation Movement, and warned them that the order prohibiting meetings would be enforced and that peace and order would be maintained by all the means at his disposal. The leaders undertook to use their influence to keep things quiet, but would give no guarantee. The Magistrate also prohibited persons entering the civil lines from the city without good reasons, fearing another demonstration at the courts during the hearing of a case in which a doctor was showing cause against an order prohibiting the picketing of liquor shops. That order has since been confirmed and made absolute for two months. The Governor of the Central Provinces sent a message to the Council regarding the disturbances, repudiating false statements about Government policy and stating that the Government would use all lawful and reasonable means to enforce authority by taking legal action against offenders. He invited the support of all responsible persons against the movement directed towards subverting the authority of the Government. My latest information, dated the 17th of this month, is that there has been no further trouble in Nagpur. It will be observed that the particulars of the disturbances as received by me do not bear out the alarming details given in the question, and it was because of this that it was not considered necessary to make any special communication to the Press.
Germans, Admission
asked the Secretary of State for India what decision has been reached with regard to the return of German missionaries to India; and, in that case, what precautions will be taken to avoid a recurrence of political propaganda, particularly at the present time?
In pursuance of the general policy of the Government of India and subject to exceptions only where that Government are satisfied that very special reasons to justify admission into India exist, Germans, of whatever occupation, are excluded from India for a period of five years from the conclusion of the War. The second part of the question therefore does not arise.
Army Organisation
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he can now make his promised statement on the position of the Army in India?
The Prime Minister has decided on my recommendation to submit the military requirements of India to a Sub-Committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence. While it is obviously desirable to secure reductions in military expenditure in India as in other parts of the world, they can only be achieved if compatible with the internal and external security of India. It therefore appears desirable that such an investigation should take into consideration improvements in equipment, mobility and general efficiency. The Government of India have announced that they are appointing a committee of the Viceroy's Executive Council to prepare the material to lay before the Committee of Imperial Defence.
Arising out of this very important statement, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the late Commander-in-Chief (Sir Charles Monro) will be added to the Sub-Committee of Imperial Defence, and whether, pending the decision of the Committee of Imperial Defence, no further reductions will take place in the Indian Army?
I can give an assurance that no further reductions will be made pending the inquiry. The first part of the question should, I think, be addressed to the Prime Minister, who will appoint the Committee, but I cannot conceive that such an inquiry will proceed far with its investigation without availing itself of the opinions of the gallant soldier, to whom the hon. Member has referred, and to whom also the Army in India owes so much.
May I ask whether the Committee of Imperial Defence will have power to suggest to the Government of India—if it sees fit—that the alterations already made in the Indian Army should be cancelled?
Certainly. What we want to arrive at is a scientific investigation of what is necessary in the present circumstances for the internal and external security of India. These are the only considerations which can govern the Indian Army.
Will the Sub-Committee of Imperial Defence have anyone on it who is qualified and able to deal with the extremely difficult question of the health of the Indian Army?
The inquiry will deal with the strength of the army in India. I respectfully suggest that questions as to the composition of the Committee should be addressed to the Prime Minister.
Is it not the fact that the first action of the Reformed Councils in India was to pass resolutions entailing a heavy reduction of the Indian Army and police and a curtailment of propaganda? Is this to be allowed to proceed?
I would, prefer to answer that question on a specific reference to the particular resolution. I do not know what the hon. and gallant Member has in his mind. The Legislative Assembly of India has passed a resolution on the Esher Report, but the best evidence of its determination to provide for the defence of the country is to be found in the alacrity with which it has passed the heavy Budget provision necessary for the Army.
MayI—
Notice had better be given of any further questions.
Conspiracy Convictions (Pardons)
asked the Secretary of State for India if Mr. Harkishan Lai and others, convicted of conspiracy to wage war, and sentenced to transportation for life by three Judges, appealed against the convictions and sentences to the Privy Council; whether they were pardoned by the Executive while their appeals were pending, though similar appeals from others had been dismissed by the Privy Council; and, if so, what was the special reason why these appeals should not have been allowed to run their course?
The answer to the first two parts of the question is in the affirmative, though it is not the case, as the question implies, that the grant or refusal of pardons was determined by probabilities of the justice or legality of the convictions. As regards the last part, I do not know the reasons which have actuated appellants who have decided not to prosecute their appeals.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say why these cases were taken out of the usual course?
I do not think they were taken out of the ordinary course. There was an appeal pending which the appellant did not choose to prosecute, and meanwhile the Viceroy granted a pardon to certain people.
Was it not rather that an amnesty was granted before the appeal came on?
Yes, I think so. I surmise that this is what happened: One of these appeals founded on the question of the legality of the Courts which were set up in India was dismissed by the Privy Council—not the question of what happened, but on the question of legality—and therefore I presume that the other appellants did not think it worth while to go on.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that two days before the new rules in regard to the Legislative Councils were before the House he told me that none of the persons who were convicted and sentenced would be eligible for them for five years, and yet, in spite of that, one of the convicted persons has been appointed a Minister?
I think the hon. Member will find that all the information I have given to the House is accurate.
But—
Further questions must be put down.
Government Newspaper
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he is aware that a Government newspaper, the "Myanma Trainereryo Thadinsa," is now issued by the Publicity Bureau, Burma; and whether he will consider the desirability of not allowing officials to establish newspapers at the public expense in order to propagate their views?
Yes, Sir. A Government newspaper called "Nyanma Taing-kyo Thadinsa" is now issued by the Publicity Bureau of the Government of Burma, the first number having appeared on the 9th February. It is most desirable that steps should be taken to disseminate accurate information and expose the false information which is unfortunately being so widely disseminated in India. There are obvious advantages in doing this through the public Press, but I do not propose to interfere.
What expense is attached to the publication of this paper?
I am afraid I cannot say without notice, but if a question be put down I will inquire.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the desirability of putting copies of the paper in the Library, for the information of hon. Members?
I think I can get copies if desired.
Was not evidence laid before the Joint Committee expressly urging that such steps as these should be taken by the Government?
I think everybody who knows anything about the present condition of India will agree it is absolutely essential that silly rumours and false information should be contradicted by authoritative information, and the Joint Committee's Report was most valuable in stimulating this action.
Royal Navy
Duty Free Articles, Reserve Fleet
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the Admiralty recently issued an order allowing certain articles to be taken up duty free in ships of the Reserve Fleet; whether the Customs authorities have since detained all such articles in spite of all protests; whether in consequence some of the canteens of ships of the Reserve Fleet have entirely run out of such things as cigarettes; and when steps will be taken to remedy such a state of affairs?
I understand that my Noble and gallant Friend refers to ships of the Reserve Fleet in his question. The question of the supply of duty free articles to these vessels is at present under discussion with the Department concerned, and it is anticipated that a satisfactory settlement of the matter will be arrived at.
Is the hon. Baronet aware that there has been a very long delay now, and that certain stocks are rapidly deteriorating which the sailors concerned are quite ready to take up if they are allowed to do so?
I am not aware of that.
War Medals
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that no 1914–15 stars, British war medals, or Victory medals have yet been issued to officers and men of the Royal Naval Division discharged or demobilised; that strong feeling exists among these officers and men at the delay in issuing these medals, especially as so large a number of this Division joined up voluntarily and took part in the operations of War in 1914; and whether, seeing that the War Office has issued the 1914–15 star to nearly all entitled, he will take steps to expedite the issue to these officers and men?
It is intended to issue the British War and the Victory Medals, together with the 1914–15 Stars, to naval officers and men entitled to these decorations who have been discharged or demobilised. Delay has occurred owing to difficulties in the manufacture of the Victory Medal, but it is hoped to commence distribution during the summer of this year.
Pay and Marriage Allowances
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is now in a position to make a further statement with regard to the question of increased pay and marriage allowances for all officers of the Navy, including warrant officers and commissioned officers from warrant rank?
I regret that I have nothing to add to the reply given on the 9th instant to a similar question by the Noble and gallant Member for South Battersea (Viscount Curzon).
Devonport Dockyard
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that some of the buildings, roads, and railway tracks at the Plymouth Dockyard are in need of repair; and, if so, whether it is possible to put them in a proper state of repair with the help of the men temporarily employed on short time in the dockyard, who will otherwise be thrown out of work in Plymouth, where there is already much unemployment?
We are aware that some of the buildings, etc., in Devonport Dockyard are in need of repair, but it is also the case that it is not vitally necessary that all the repairs should immediately be effected, and for financial reasons much of the work must be spread over several years.
Is the Admiralty aware that 2,000 men will be discharged on the 1st April, and that a great many of them will simply have to receive doles? I am told that the work in question is absolutely vital if the yard is going to be kept in good repair; and, if that be so, would it not be better policy to employ these men than that they should be turned on to doles?
I am sure that the Admiralty will thoroughly consider that matter.
Questions
Fishing Smacks, Brixham
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if his attention has been drawn to the difficulty under which the Brixham sailing smacks pursue their calling in the English Channel owing to the way in which the French steam trawlers circle round and round the smacks at a great pace when the trawls of the latter are down; and will he see that adequate protection is given to our men?
Information has been received from the officer in charge of the fishery protection vessels that on two occasions Brixham fishing smacks have had their gear fouled by French steam trawlers. Orders have been given that steps are to be taken to protect British sailing smacks as far as possible from similar occurrences. Two of His Majesty's vessels are employed in this area on fishery protection duties.
Is there any possibility of getting compensation for this damage by French trawlers?
Notice should be given of that question. I do not think it arises out of the present question.
Unemployment
Local Committee, Shepherds Bush
asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been drawn to a complaint that unemployed persons applying at the Shepherds Bush exchange were informed that they could not receive their unemployment benefit until the local employment committee had investigated each case; whether it is the intention that the cases of men whose cards are fully stamped, and who are entitled in every respect to benefit, must first be submitted to the local committee; and, if so, whether, in view of the delay involved, he will reconsider this matter?
The cases referred to the local employment committee are those made under Section 3 of the Unemployment Insurance Act recently passed, which allowed benefit under certain conditions without payment of contributions. Every possible step is being, and will be, taken to secure that there shall be no avoidable delay in dealing with such cases. I understand that the Shepherds Bush committee have been meeting daily to deal with applications. If an applicant is entitled to benefit on account of contributions paid, his claim is not referred to the local employment committee, but he must, of course, satisfy all the statutory conditions.
Women (Training for Domestic Service)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he, is yet in a position to make a statement with reference to the communications with the Central Committee for Women's Employment and Training, to which he recently referred on the subject of training and employment schemes for women?
The Central Committee for Women's Training and Employment have offered to allocate the sum of £100,000 from the funds at their disposal to the training of unemployed women, and have agreed to carry out the work. The Government have agreed to contribute to the expenditure incurred by the Committee upon training in the proportion of £1 to every £2 spent by the Committee up to a maximum contribution of £50,000. It is the view of the Committee and of my advisers that the best opening for unemployed women at the present time is domestic service, and that a large propotion of the women who might be expected to take up this work are not able to do so without some form of training, both because they are over the normal age of entry into domestic service and because during the War they became accustomed to the very different conditions of factory life. The Central Committee intend to apply the funds at their disposal mainly in short courses of training for home crafts, of which the usefulness has already been demonstrated.
Is the right hon. Gentleman of opinion that the amount of money allocated will enable an early start to be made?
I hope that an early start will be made. The two grants together come to £150,000, and I have no doubt that the Committee which has come to our assistance will get to work as soon as possible.
Where does the Committee get its money from?
The money provided by the Central Committee for Women's Training and Employment comes out of a grant which they had a long time ago from the National Relief Fund. They have not spent it all, and have been so good as to place £100,000 at my disposal.
It is not in any way a charge on the taxpayer?
£50,000 is, as far as I am concerned.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think he is really justified in spending £50,000 of Exchequer money on training women for domestic service?
Yes. If I did not think so I should not have so advised the Treasury.
On whose advice does the right hon. Gentleman give that training? Is it on his own advice?
They may have been advised by us. We have seen the necessity of continuing the training. We have already trained War widows and others to the number of about 9,000, and there really is a field for continuing that to some extent. I have £50,000 from the Treasury, and the Central Committee for Women's Training and Employment have placed £100,000 more at my disposal. That will be used as I have stated.
What is the length of the course?
It is a short course.
Is this not the first and only attempt to alleviate unemployment solely and particularly among women?
No, Sir, I could not say that. Already 9,000 have been trained. But since the present depression, when we have been running into heavier weather continuously, this is the first attempt to give training to unemployed women.
Questions
Trade Boards
asked the Minister of Labour whether a conference was held on Trade Boards at the Ministry of Labour on 20th January, 1919; whether the Minister circulated to the members of that conference a list of the trades to which he proposed to apply the Trade Board Acts; whether that list included distributive drapery; whether, on the 6th April, 1920, he wrote to the National Amalgamated Union of Shop Assistants, enclosing a draft definition of the trade; whether, on the 17th November, 1920, he circulated copies of separate draft definitions of the women's and children's outfitting distributive trade and of the men's and boys' outfitting distributive trade; if the inquiries into these trades are now completed; and at what date it is proposed to set up Trade Boards for these industries?
The facts are as stated by my hon. and gallant Friend. Inquiries into these trades have reached an advanced stage, and I hope that, at an early date, I shall be in a position to arrive at a decision as to the further action to be taken.
asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of his statement on 16th March, a considerable amount of investigation has been carried out with regard to the proposed trade board in the catering trade, and that these investigations are not yet concluded, how it is proposed to conclude these investigations if the staff employed for this purpose have received notice of discharge?
A considerable amount of investigation into the catering trade has been carried out, and a sufficient staff is being retained for the purpose of proceeding with the further investigation required.
asked the Minister of Labour whether in August, 1919, he stated in a letter to the National Federation of Women Workers that he was engaged in collecting information with regard to the fancy comb, hair-pin, and hair-slide trade, with a view to considering the application of the Trade Boards Acts thereto; whether inquiries were in progress during the summer and autumn of 1920; whether he can state what stages these inquiries have now reached; and whether it is proposed to establish a trade board for this industry in the near future?
The facts are as stated by my hon. Friend. I am not yet, however, in a position to reach a decision as to applying the Trade Boards Acts to the manufacture of fancy articles such as those named in the question.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that not only the workers but also the employers in this trade are in favour of the establishment of a trade board?
That constantly happens. It may well be in this case.
What is the size of the hair-slide trade?
I must have notice of that question.
asked the Minister of Labour whether numerous questions of scope and definition have been raised by the stamped or pressed metal wares trade board; whether on the 11th January the employers intimated that they would consider no controversial business until after a consultation with representatives of the Ministry of Labour on questions of scope and definition; whether a representative of the Ministry attended the board on the same afternoon and summarised the progress which had been made by the Ministry of Labour towards an amendment of the definition of the trade for which the board had been established, after which the board resumed controversial business; whether it will be possible to complete the inquiries on this subject owing to the dismissal of the investigators; and, if not, what steps he proposes to take to satisfy the demands of this important trade board?
The facts areas stated by my hon. Friend. Further inquiries have been made in accordance with the arrangement made with the trade board, and a further discussion of the matter with the board will take place at an early date.
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has conducted investigations into the perfumery trade with a view of setting up a Trade Board; whether, as a result of these investigations, it has been shown that the wages for adult women are in some firms as low as 16s. per week, while in other firms doing comparable work wages of from 34s. to 45s. are paid; and what action he proposes to take to establish a Trade Board for the industry?
Preliminary investigations have been carried out into the manufacture of perfumery, and it has been found that wages such as those referred to by my hon. Friend are paid in certain cases. I am not yet, however, in a position to reach a decision as to the establishment of a Trade Board. As my hon. Friend is aware, many of the workers are covered by the Soap and Candle Joint Industrial Council.
asked the Minister of Labour if he will state the number of investigators employed in the Trade Board Department of the Ministry of Labour, and the number to whom notice of dismissal has been given, stating separately the number of women and of men?
The number of investigators employed in the Trade Board Department of the Ministry of Labour, including supervisory staff, is 68. Of this number, 39 are men and 29 women. Notice of dismissal has been given to the whole of this staff. I may add, however, that the notices of dismissal have been rescinded in the case of 28 of these employés, 17 men and 11 women.
Peace Treaties
Hungary
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that one of the factors in the unsettlement of Central Europe is the delay in the ratification of the Hungarian Peace Treaty; and when His Majesty's Government propose to ratify it?
His Majesty's Government are fully alive to the importance of the early ratification of the Treaty of Peace with Hungary. I propose with the leave of the House to introduce the necessary Bill to-day, and I hope that it will be possible to proceed with the Second Reading without undue delay after the Easter Recess.
Austrian Debts (Clearing House Department)
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that there is great delay in obtaining information and advice from the Clearing House Department for Austrian debts; and whether he can say to what this delay is due?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I am not aware of the delay mentioned in the question, and I think that there must be some misapprehension on the part of my hon. and gallant Friend. I shall be much obliged if he will furnish me with particulars as to the nature of the information and advice to which he refers. I will cause inquiries to be made on the subject and will communicate with him.
Austria (Surrender of Cattle)
asked the Lord Privy Seal if the Reparation Committee is demanding the delivery from Austria of 6,000 milch cows and 5,000 heifers and calves; and whether, in view of the starving condition of hundreds of thousands of Austrian infants and children, he can assure the House that the delivery of these animals will be deferred?
I understand that this matter is now under consideration by the Reparation Commission, which is an Allied body appointed under the Peace Treaties, and is not under the control of His Majesty's Government. As was made clear to the House last week, His Majesty's Government is doing what it can, by agreeing to the postponement of Treaty and other claims against Austria, to contribute towards the restoration of the economic life of that country.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the great cattle market in Vienna has now been turned into a garage, because practically no cattle are coming in, and the British who are helping Austria from the point of view of the starving children are doing what they can to import cattle, but if any have to be exported it will mean absolute starvation to those in the country?
German Reparation (Recovery) Bill
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether he is now in a position to state which of the Allies intend to apply the sanctions embodied in the Reparation Bill?
As the hon. Member is aware, the Allied Powers represented at the Conference in London agreed to obtain power from their respective Parliaments, requiring their nationals to pay a certain proportion of all payments due to Germany on German goods to their several Governments, such proportion to be retained on account of reparations. Of the Allied Powers not represented at the Conference Portugal, Siam and Roumania have stated their intention to take similar steps.
Which of the greater Powers have taken steps to adopt a similar scheme?
Has it not been the rôle of this country for a great many centuries to give a lead to other countries and not tamely to mark time?
Ex-Service Men
Building Trade (Dilution)
asked the Minister of Labour whether the Government have been in negotiation with the building trades unions and other organisations in connection with the building trade since July, 1919, a period of over 20 months, to secure employment for 50,000 ex-service men who have been prevented from obtaining employment which is available for them in the building of urgently needed houses, by reason of trades union regulations; whether any of these men, and, if so, how many, are now in employment; whether his attention has been drawn to a recent statement by the Minister of Health to the effect that the London County Council housing scheme at Dagenham, near Ilford, has been held up for lack of labour; and whether he will take immediate steps to secure the employment of a substantial number of ex-service men in this work, so that the building operations which are held up from want of labour may be proceeded with and useful employment secured for men who are now obliged to subsist on out-of-work donations at the cost of the taxpayer?
asked the Minister of Labour whether he can yet state what is the position so far of the employment of ex-service men in the building trade; and whether he can state on what date the Government intend to give effect to some of their declarations on the subject?
As I informed the House last night, the National Federation of Building Trade Employers have consulted their constituents on a scheme put-before them by the Government, and they have now informed me that they have accepted the scheme. The scheme is designed to give an opportunity to young unemployed ex-service men who, owing to the War, have had no industrial training, to be trained as craftsmen in the building trade in the crafts which require augmentation. In addition, ex-service men now employed in the trade as builders' labourers will have an opportunity of coming in under the scheme and receiving training as craftsmen. The total number of men for whom the scheme provides is 50,000. The men will be taken on by the employers under a contract of service for two years. They will receive a percentage of the standard district rates of the craft, varying according to their increasing proficiency, together with a grant of 10s. per week for the first six months and 5s. per week for the second six months, these additional grants being refunded to the employer by the Government. The Government have already indicated that they will adopt the principles of the scheme in the case of building operations with which they are concerned. The National Federation of Building Trade Employers have accepted general responsibility for the supervision of the scheme, and are enlisting the active support of their District Associations who will work in conjunction with the Employment Exchanges. Active steps are being taken to bring the scheme into operation immediately, and I hope that now that it is started the trade unions will cooperate in helping the ex-service men to obtain a career in a trade where there is ample opportunity and need for their services. I understand that the building trade employers have invited the trade unions to make any proposals towards this co-operation that they may desire. I will, if I may, circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a fuller note explaining the main features of the scheme.
The following is the note promised:
Outline of the Scheme for the Employment of Ex-Service Men in the Building Industry
The object of the scheme is to relieve unemployment among ex-service men by providing training for them in the crafts of the building industry which require augmentation, particularly in view of the need for housing, and thus affording the ex-service men a career in an industry where there is opportunity for their services.
(1) Responsibility of the Government.
The responsibility of the Government in the scheme is confined to ex-service men. The scheme is intended to apply mainly to young ex-service men who have been for some time out of employment and have no regular occupation to which they can return when the present industrial depression is over. In addition, it is to apply to ex-service men now employed in the industry as builders' labourers.
It is designed to provide training in the crafts of the industry which require augmentation. For the time being the deficiency is most acute among bricklayers, plasterers, slaters, and tilers.
The total number of men to be admitted under the scheme is 50,000.
(2) Selection of Candidates.
The scheme will be worked through local committees composed of representatives of the associations of master builders and, it is hoped, of representatives of the trade unions.
If it is found that the trade unions do not co-operate in the formation of a joint committee, the National Federation of Building Trades' Employers will arrange for their local affiliated associations to appoint committees in each district, which will be responsible for the selection of the men and the general supervision of the scheme in the area.
The district committee will from the register of unemployment ex-service men, kept by the Employment Exchanges, or from other sources, select suitable ex- service men for training, and will advise the craft in which the men can be most suitably trained.
(3) Contract of Service.
A contract of service, valid for two years, will be entered into between the employer and the accepted candidate. The contract will be subject to a break at the expiration of a probationary period of three months, and to termination thereafter on the ground that either party is not observing its provisions. Provision will be made for assignment of the contract from one employer to another with the consent of the employé if, for any reason, continuous work with one employer for two years is not possible. The district committee will exercise a general supervision in this matter.
The contract will provide that at any time during its currency an employé will have the right to apply to his employer for a certificate of proficiency, entitling him, on the ground of his qualifications, to a higher percentage of the district rate of wages than that laid down in Section 4 (Rates of Pay) hereunder.
The District Committee will supervise generally the execution of the contracts of service and will deal with complaints by either party.
(4) Rates of Pay.
Ex-service men accepted under the scheme will be paid by the employers at the following rates:
( a ) First six months, 50 per cent. of the district skilled man's rate, plus 10s. per week.
( b ) Next six months, 65 per cent. of the district skilled man's rate, plus 5s. per week.
( c ) Next six months, 80 per cent. of the district skilled man's rate.
( d ) Next six months, 90 per cent. of the district skilled man's rate, and thereafter 100 per cent.
Towards the payments made by the employer, the Government will contribute in respect of each man accepted for training under the scheme:
( a ) For the first 26 weeks, 10s. per week.
( b ) for the second 26 weeks, 5s. per week.
The State contribution will be paid for a full week even though the firm by whom the men is employed may in fact be working short time (provided that the man attends for duty on the days on which the firm requires him), but will not be paid for any week in which a man does not work at all. Provided that if during the first 12 months the employé receives from his employer a rate of more than 65 per cent. of the district rate the State contribution shall cease from the date of receipt of the increased rate.
(5) Supervision of Scheme by Employers' Federation.
The National Federation of Building Trades Employers has accepted general responsibility to the Government for bringing about the absorption of the desired numbers of ex-service men and for their adequate training. They will arrange for regular records to be kept of the progress of the scheme, and, operating through their District Committees, will, in conjunction with the Government, exercise supervision over the execution of the contracts of service.
(6) Government Co-operation.
The Government have already indicated that they will adopt the principles of the scheme in the case of building operations with which they are concerned.
Are we to understand that a substantial number of these men will be actually in employment before we meet again?
Active steps are being taken to bring the scheme into operation immediately.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of drafting a few of these unemployed ex-service men into the employers' organisation known as the National Light Castings Association.
If the hon. Member will put an unstarred question on the Paper to-night, I will answer it with pleasure to-morrow, but I do not understand the point of the question.
The employers' organisation concerned will.
May we understand without reserve that the co-opera- tion of the trade union has at last reached a point when the right hon. Gentleman is going to see justice done to these ex-service men?
The Noble Lord knows we went to the trade unions long ago.
Cap in hand, on your knees to the Bolshies.
Nothing of the kind. We made certain proposals to them. In the end, on 3rd February, they declined our invitation. We then turned to the master builders. I am glad to say they showed every desire to cooperate. Now we are going on.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are 4,000 bricklayers out of employment at present?
Out-Of-Work Donation
asked the Minister of Labour why Mr. John Collie, of 62, Cowcardens, Glasgow, an ex-service man, late of the Connaught Hangers, has been refused unemployment benefit by the officials at the Glasgow Labour Exchange; if Mr. Collie has been informed that he is ineligible for this grant; and whether inquiries into this, and other similar cases of men from the same regiment living in Glasgow, will be instituted?
I have had inquiries made, and find that Mr. John Collie applied at the Glasgow Employment Exchange recently for out-of-work donation or unemployment benefit. He produced his Army discharge papers, which showed that he had been discharged from the Army for misconduct. Persons so discharged are not entitled to out-of-work donation, neither are they entitled to a free credit of contributions, in respect of which unemployment benefit would be payable, in accordance with Section 41 of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920. The only other case of this kind which can be traced at Glasgow is that of a man who attended with Mr. Collie, and who had been discharged from the Connaught Rangers under similar circumstances.
Is it considered just that a man who has been punished already by the Army authorities should be deprived of his benefit and possibly left to starve? Was that the intention of Section 41 of the Act, to punish a man twice in this way?
The intention of the Section was that the War Office, the Admiralty and the Air Department would pay while a man was serving all contributions on his behalf so that when he left the service he would be in full credit and entitled to benefit at once. But Section 41 bars from that privilege a deserter or a man who has been discharged or dismissed in consequence of having been convicted on any proceedings under the Naval Discipline Act or the Army (Annual) Act. These two men fell into that category.
In view of the fact that these men were punished in India, where I think it is fair to suppose that the working of the Insurance Act and the punishment implied might not have been known, will the right hon. Gentleman have the matter reconsidered?
I am afraid I cannot go outside the Act.
Mental Cases
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of the fact that there are several ex-service men being detained in Claybury Asylum; that one of these men is a Mr. H. W. F. Ilines, who joined the Army in August, 1914, was promoted to the rank of acting-corporal in the 1st Battalion of 17th London Regiment, 47th London Division, and was invalided with shell-shock, his character on discharge being marked steady and well-conducted; and that his state of health does not appear to warrant his being detained in any lunatic asylum whatsoever; will he ascertain exactly how many are being detained in lunatic asylums of this nature and arrange for them to be transferred to more suitable institutions; will he give instructions for Mr. Henry Ilines to be examined by an absolutely impartial medical board; and will he give instructions that for the future all visits of inspection to lunatic asylums by the representatives of the guardians and/or Lunacy Commissioners are made without any prior notice whatsoever being given to the asylums?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the particular case mentioned Mr. Ilines was interviewed by a Medical Commissioner of the Board of Control and a Medical Officer of the Ministry of Pensions. It has been decided by the Ministry of Pensions, after the fullest consideration, that he has not at present sufficiently recovered for removal to a neurological hospital though his progress will be watched and the necessary arrangements made should his condition justify it. In the circumstances I see no ground for any further action. As regards the latter part of the question, all visits by Commissioners of the Board of Control are made without previous notice to the institution. There are about 4,673 ex-service patients in asylums in England and Wales, and their mental condition is constantly under review.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that on the 1st December, in reply to a similar question, he informed the House that so far as he could find out there was no definite information as to any ex-service men suffering from shell-shock being kept in pauper lunatic asylums?
I believe that statement was correct, but shell-shock does not include all forms of mental disability.
Is it not a fact that this man has been in that asylum considerably longer than the time referred to, and that he was originally sent there as suffering from shell-shock?
Yes, but I had not the information asked for as to the number of cases suffering from shell-shock at that time.
League of Nations
Secretary-General
asked the Prime Minister whether, in addition to the salary and allowance of 200,000 gold francs paid annually to Sir Eric Drummond, the Secretary-General of the League of Nations, this gentleman has yet been provided with a house in Geneva; if so, at what cost; whether, in addition to salary and allowances, he receives travelling expenses; and whether any portion of the sum paid to him is free of tax?
It has been necessary to make inquiries of the Secretariat of the League, and perhaps, therefore, the hon. and gallant Member will repeat his question after Easter, when I hope to be able to furnish the desired information.
I will put the question down for 7th April.
Questions
Committee on Production
asked the Minister of Labour what was the total number of cases heard by the Committee on Production in the year 1917–18; how many members formed the Committee; what was their total remuneration for that year; and if he will give similar particulars with regard to the Industrial Court for the year 1920–21?
The answer to the first part of the question is 1,146 for the financial year 1917–18. In reply to the second part, until May, 1917, the Committee consisted of five members. It was then found necessary to re-constitute it, and ten additional members were added during the year, while three of the original members ceased to act on the Committee. The remuneration, apart from expenses, was £3,670. In regard to the last part of the question, the number of awards was 409 during the period from April, 1920, to the present time. There are five salaried members and eight additional members who are called upon as occasion demands, and are paid on a basis of fees for each hearing. The total remuneration for the financial year 1920–21 was £10,623. It should be borne in mind that some of the members of the Committee on Production received no remuneration for their Work on the Committee.
Will the right hon. Gentleman recognise the fact that the Committee on Production had 1,146 cases and the Industrial Court 409, although the Industrial Court cost three times as much as the Committee on Production? Will he reconsider this matter and see whether it is advisable to revert to the old system which was in operation in 1917?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman has rehearsed the figures I gave him, but I shall be very glad to discuss the matter with him so that if he wished to put any further questions arising out of the comparison he has now made, he will be in a position to do so.
Will the right hon. Gentleman again study this and see what an enormous amount of money the Industrial Court has cost, and see whether it is advisable to alter the system?
I will look into it, but I can assure my hon. Friend that the work of the Industrial Courts is worth to this country many times the cost of those Courts.
Are we to understand that the Committee on Production did not give satisfaction in the way they carried out their duties? I must press my right hon. Friend on that point.
Is it not a fact that the Committee on Production had practically compulsory powers during the War, whilst the Industrial Courts are purely voluntary?
That is one of the considerations which if I had the opportunity of discussing the matter with my hon. and gallant Friend I should point out. The Committee on Production was acting under war conditions, and the Industrial Courts under peace conditions. Those circumstances are not unreflected in the results.
Housing
Caravans
asked the Minister of Health if he will state what powers are possessed by the Ministry of Health to control the conditions and sanitary arrangements of caravans, especially when these have ceased to be really mobile and have settled in some field or vacant piece of land, joined shelters to the vans, and, without control or method, established a kind of encampment of vehicles, often a menace to the health of a district?
The Ministry of Health have themselves no direct power in this matter, but the local authority can take action under the Nuisances Provisions of the Public Health Act where a tent, van, shed or similar structure is in such a state as to be a nuisance or injurious to health or is so overcrowded as to be injurious to the health of the inmates. The local authority can also make bye-laws under Section 9 of the Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1885, for promoting cleanliness in and the habitable condition of such structures and for the prevention of nuisances in connection with them.
Has the right hon. Gentleman received any complaints, and, if so, what action has he taken?
I have no knowledge of any complaints at the present time, but I am looking into it.
Building Costs, Walsall
asked the Minister of Health whether he can give any information as to the cost of building the houses under the Walsall county borough by direct labour as compared with the contractors' prices given for the same?
So far as can be ascertained from an examination of accounts at the present stage the cost of the houses completed under the contract is £945 per house, whereas the cost of the houses completed by direct labour is £893.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give encouragement to local authorities where they have decided to build houses by direct labour?
We must consider each case on its merits.
Has anything been put down for establishment charges of the local authority?
I believe these figures include the total cost.
Bungalows
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that many houses suitable for families are now occupied by childless couples and unmarried persons who would gladly occupy smaller premises if such were available; and whether he will consider the advisability of extending the limits within which the building subsidy has hitherto been payable so as to include bungalows containing two bedrooms, with a total area of not less than 450 square feet, the subsidy being proportionately reduced?
The suggestion made by my hon. Friend is an attractive one, though I am afraid that in practice it may be difficult to ensure that such houses are only used in the manner intended, and do not become overcrowded. I will, however, give the suggestion my careful consideration.
Is there any more difficulty in saying that houses of the kind mentioned in the question are not overcrowded than there is in the case of other houses; and is it more wicked to put five people in a house intended for three than to put 10 people in a house intended for five?
I do not consider that there is any difference in the two cases.
Memoranda
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that copies of the Housing Memoranda issued by the Ministry of Health cannot be obtained from His Majesty's Stationery Office; and whether, in view of the importance of such memoranda to members of housing committees and the public generally, he will arrange that these documents should be on sale at the Stationery Office?
Those General Housing Memoranda which are considered to be of interest to the general public are invariably placed on sale at the Stationery Office; copies of any General Housing Memoranda hitherto issued which are not on sale may be obtained on application to the Ministry of Health.
Bricklaying
asked the Minister of Health whether he is yet in a position to give any comparable figures as to rates of bricklaying on guild schemes and those under private contractors?
It is very difficult to be sure that the figures for output of bricks reported from different schemes are strictly comparable. In some statements where high figures are given the number has been taken on foundation work or straightforward walling, while in other cases where lower figures are given the average for the whole house has been taken. Reports have been received showing variations in the output on guild schemes from 430 to 900 bricks a day and on builders' schemes figures varying between 450 and 850 have been recorded. With a view to a closer comparison, I am having special inquiries made into a number of typical schemes being carried out by different methods, and I shall be glad to give the House full information when I obtain it.
Subsidence, Bilston
asked the Minister of Health whether, on the 18th March, a man named John Davis, of Bilston, was prosecuted before the stipendiary under Section 6 of the Housing (Additional Powers) Act, 1919, for in part demolishing a dwelling house fit for human habitation by working a gin pit close to the surface in proximity to a number of dwelling houses; whether the stipendiary held that the Section did not apply to houses demolished through mining operations; whether, owing to the operations of this same man since the year 1919, 91 houses have been damaged and 37 houses completely demolished in Bilston, with the result that 44 families, comprising 182 persons, have been dehoused; whether accommodation has had to be provided for these persons by the urban district council; and whether he will consider taking steps to prevent the continuance of similar operations in future?
My attention has not previously been drawn to the prosecution referred to, but I am making inquiries in the matter.
Questions
Old Age Pensions
asked the Minister of Health whether, under the Old Age Pensions Acts, a person who has been maintained by his family is deprived of the whole or part of his pension because of the value of such maintenance having been calculated by the pension officer as part of the claimant's income?
The enjoyment of free maintenance from relatives does not prevent the recipient from obtaining an old age pension unless the maintenance (with the other means, if any) is of such value as to exceed the statutory limit for pension.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that this is likely to dry up all the good will that relatives may have towards old age pensioners when they know that anything they do is not going to assist the old age pensioners at all? Is he not also aware that in that case 10s. is quite insufficient to keep anybody at the present prices?
That matter was discussed when the Old Age Pension Bill was before the House two years ago, and the House decided against that view.
Swimming Baths, London
asked the Minister of Health if he has been approached with a view to introducing a Bill to allow metropolitan borough councils to increase the charges for swimming and other public baths; and if, in view of the importance of facilities for bathing for the young, he will refuse to forward any such legislation?
I have received representations to the effect mentioned in the question, but I have no present intention of introducing any such legislation.
Venereal Disease
asked the Minister of Health whether he has at any time sanctioned the provision of public money, either out of the national Exchequer or out of local revenues, for the purposes of the National Council for Combating Venereal Disease, either for the purpose of advertisement or for any other purpose; and if so, whether he will specify what amount of money has been so provided in each of the financial years affected and on what purposes the money has been spent?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. In accordance with the recommendation of the Royal Commission on Venereal Diseases the National Council for Combating Venereal Diseases has been recog- nised by the Government since 1916 as the authoritative body for the purpose of spreading knowledge and giving advice in regard to the question of venereal diseases in its varied aspects. During the years ended the 31st March, 1919, and 31st March, 1920, grants were made to the National Council from the Exchequer amounting to £13,000 and £15,600 respectively, and the grant up to date during the current financial year amounts to £13,750. These grants have been paid in respect of expenditure incurred by the National Council in connection with a campaign of publicity and education by means of lectures, meetings, exhibitions and Press advertisements, and by pamphlets, posters and other literature. The grants for the current financial year and for 1919–20 included a proportionate sum for administrative expenditure. No grants are made direct by local authorities to the National Council, but some of these authorities have made contributions to local branches of the Council in aid of the propaganda and educational measures undertaken by those branches.
In view of the recent recommendations of the Birth Rate Commission, will the right hon. Gentleman see that steps are taken to persuade the two societies engaged in the campaign against venereal disease to co-operate instead of pulling in different directions?
Will the right hon. Gentleman in this matter regard with suspicion the reports of a profession which has reported that victorious England has a C3 population?
I cannot agree with those generalisations. I have done everything I can to get these two different bodies to work together, and am continuing to do so.
Infant Mortality, London
asked the Minister of Health what has been the rate of infant mortality during the last four years in London; and what has been the cost on the rates during the same period of maternity and child welfare centres established in the London area?
The rate of infant mortality in London has fallen during the last four years as follows:—1917, 104; 1918, 108; 1919, 85; 1920, 75. The average cost to the rates of London of the maternity and child welfare service was during each of the last four years considerably less than one penny per pound of assessable value.
Phthisis and Tuberculosis
asked the Minister of Health the number of deaths and the death rate per 1,000 from phthisis and tuberculosis, all forms, in 1920, and similar figures for the previous five years; and whether, as a measure of public economy, he proposes to reduce the number of sanatoria and beds available for coping with this disease?
The total deaths during the past six years from 1915–1920 inclusive from all forms of tuberculosis were as follows:—54,295, 53,858, 55,934, 58,073, 46,312, 42,545. The death rates per hundred thousand of the population for the same years were as follows:—151·5, 152·9, 162·4, 169·4, 125·8, 112·8. As I have already stated, the figures for the last two years were the most encouraging we have had since the inception of the national scheme for the treatment of tuberculosis. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative.
Health Grants
asked the Minister of Health what are the grants towards the services for tuberculosis, maternity welfare, and venereal disease for London during the last year; and if there has been any reduction in infant mortality since the grants in aid were issued?
The grants paid to local authorities in London during the last completed financial year in respect of the services mentioned were: Tuberculosis, £49,195; maternity and child welfare, £39,763; venereal disease, £35,543; total, £124,501. The mortality rates are given in my reply to the hon. Member for Central Southwark. The total expenditure in all these services combined out of an average rate in London of 14s. 5d. for the year 1920–21 was 2½d.
Local Expenditure
asked the Minister of Health whether his Department has recently issued a circular to all local authorities urging the necessity of economy in local expenditure; and whether, as a large proportion of the increased expenditure in which Local Authorities have been involved in recent years has arisen from new obligations placed upon them as the result of legislation and Orders for which his Department is responsible, he will consider the desirability of indicating to the authorities more precisely the directions in which he considers there is scope for local economy?
The recent Parliamentary Paper on local expenditure, a copy of which I am sending to my hon. and gallant Friend, shows that the main cause of increase is not due as he states to new obligations placed upon them as the result of legislation and orders for which my Department is responsible, but is mainly due to higher salaries, wages, and costs of materials. The circular on economy to which he refers in fact contains very definite suggestions as to the directions in which expenditure is to be curtailed and as to the standards by which the necessity for it is to be judged, and as at present advised I see no reason for further action.
Would the right hon. Gentleman send me a copy of that circular?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the large industrial centre the reason of the big jump in some of the rates is the tremendous amount of unemployment, and that the guardians have been compelled to give outdoor relief to people who are starving?
If my hon. Friend consults the returns which are compiled very carefully and are very accurate he will find that taking an average 80 per cent. of the increase is due to increases in wages and materials.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in places like West Ham the poor rate has gone up by 8d. in the £ during the last 12 months in consequence of unemployment?
That is so.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that one of the local authorities has written to say that the suggestion of the Ministry of Health is something like Satan rebuking sin?
Ireland
Shooting, Mallow
( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he has now received the report of the court of inquiry into the Mallow shooting, and whether he will communicate its findings to the House?
The answer to both parts of the question is in the affirmative.
May we take it that the report of this court of inquiry will be published, and published at once?
Yes. It will be circulated as a White Paper. I think that that is the most convenient form.
Why are some of these reports issued and others suppressed?
Settlement Proposals
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether before the Government is finally committed to the details of the Budget he can consider the possibility of offering Ireland immediate fiscal autonomy as the basis of an agreement to accept Home Rule, whether he is aware that in the opinion of Irishmen whose opinion carries great weight such an offer would bring immediate peace to Ireland and settle the Irish question; and if he can inform the House what revenue would be lost to the Imperial Treasury by the grant of Irish fiscal autonomy?
I can add nothing to the statements already made on this question. In regard to the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the White Paper explaining the financial provisions of the Government of Ireland Act.
Business of the House
May I ask the Government on what date it is proposed that we should reassemble, and what business will be taken on that day?
The Government propose that the House should adjourn to-morrow till Monday week, 4th April. On that day the following business will be put down:
Does the term "Key Industries Bill" include anti-dumping legislation?
I have a shrewd suspicion that that is another name for it.
Will questions be answered to-morrow?
Yes.
Will the Bill be published before the Resolution?
It cannot be; the Bill is founded on the Resolution.
Notices of Motion
British Army (Cavalry)
On this day four weeks to call attention to the proposed reduction of the Army by four cavalry regiments, and the proposed reduction of the Imperial mounted forces, and to move a Resolution.—[ Major Sir Keith Fraser. ]
Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic)
On this day four weeks to call attention to the proposed wind-up of the Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic), and to move a Resolution.—[ Major Kelly. ]
Imperial Forces
On this day four weeks to call attention to the reduction of the mobile forces within the Empire, and to move a Resolution.—[ Lieut.-Colonel McLean. ]
Bills Presented:
Housing Bill,
"to amend the Law relating to the housing of the people; and for purposes in connection therewith," presented by Dr. ADDISON; supported by Colonel Sir Hamar Greenwood; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 54.]
Greenwich Hospital Bill,
"to amend the Greenwich Hospital Act, 1872," presented by Colonel Sir JAMES CRAIG; supported by Lieut.-Colonel Amery and Colonel Leslie Wilson; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 55.]
Treaty of Peace (Hungary) Bill,
"to carry into effect a Treaty of Peace between His Majesty and certain other Powers," presented by Mr. CECIL HARMS-WORTH; supported by the Prime Minister, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Sir Gordon Hewart; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 56.]
Sittings of the House
Resolved, "That this House do meet To-morrow, at Twelve of the Clock."—[ Lord Edmund Talbot. ]
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to—
Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Bill, with Amendments.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to make provision with regard to the union of parishes in the city of Westminster, the ownership of St. James's vestry hall, superannuation allowances, pensions, and gratuities; to confer various powers upon the Westminster City Council; and for other purposes." [Westminster City Council (General Powers) Bill [ Lords. ]
Tribunals of Inquiry (Evidence) Bill
Lords Amendments to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 57.]
WESTMINSTER CITY COUNCIL (GENERAL POWERS) BILL [Lords]
Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Orders of the Day
Ministries of Munitions and Shipping (Cessation) Bill [Lords]
As amended, considered.
There stands on the Paper in my name a new Clause ( Provision as to Orders in Council ), but I do not propose to move it, as I understand the Government are willing to accept two Amendments which appear later on the Paper, and more or less meet the object which I wish to achieve.
CLAUSE 1.—(Provisions as to transfer of property, etc., on cessation of Ministries. 5 & 6 Geo. 5, c. 51. 6 & 7 Geo. 5, c. 68.)
(1) Any Order in Council made under Section six of the Ministry of Munitions Act, 1915, or made under Section thirteen of the New Ministries and Secretaries Act, 1916, fixing a date earlier than the termination of a period of twelve months after the conclusion of the present War as the date on which the office of Minister of Munitions and the Ministry of Munitions or the office of Shipping Controller and the Ministry of Shipping are to cease may—
( d ) provide for the Government Department to which any such property, rights, liabilities, powers or duties are transferred being deemed in law to be, as respects such property, rights, liabilities, powers or duties, the successor of the Minister of Munitions or the Shipping Controller.
(2) Any such Order may contain such consequential, incidental, and supplemental provisions (including provisions as to the transfer of officers) as may appear necessary or proper for the purposes of the Order, and shall have effect as if enacted in this Act, but may be varied by a subsequent Order.
Amendments made:
At the end of Sub-section (1) insert the words
"Provided that any organisation established under any such Order shall cease to exist not later than the thirty-first day of March, nineteen hundred and twenty-four."
At the end of Sub-section (2) insert the words
"Provided that any such subsequent Order shall be laid before both Houses of Parliament as soon as may be after it is made, and if either House within twenty-one days on which the House has sat next after the Order is so laid presents an Address to His Majesty against the Order His Majesty in Council may revoke the Order without prejudice to anything previously done thereunder."—[ Sir F. Banbury. ]
Bill read the Third time, and passed with Amendments.
Consolidated Fund (No. 2) Bill
Considered in Committee, and reported, without Amendment.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
Ireland
I rise to call attention, as has often been done in the past few weeks, to the subject of Ireland. We have had several Debates on Ireland lately, but I am afraid they have not got us very much further. Before we separate for the first Adjournment of the year, I think it is worth while to try to pull the threads together and to see what progress, if any, we have made or can make towards the settlement which all of us must desire more fervently than we desire any other single political event. We are about to separate for Easter, the time when all Christian peoples observe and commemorate the suffering and the death of their Master, and I am sure that at this time it will be a weight on our hearts that suffering and death beset the paths of so many of our fellow subjects in Ireland who are made in His image. I am going to set myself not to excite controversy, if I can prevent it, but to promote agreement. I think the House can agree on a great deal, if only we can get ourselves on to something like a common basis for considering the question. There are four points of view which all of us must have heard expressed at one time or another. The first is, that murders by the Irish of the Crown forces are the natural outcome of the perverted Irish nature, and that the only way to deal with them is by counter terror created by our forces. I think that is pure fatalism, unworthy of British citizens. If we cannot do better than that with regard to the Government of Ireland we have no business to remain in Ireland.
4.0.P.M.
Then there is the point of view, held, I suppose, not by any Member of this House, but by some of the Sinn Feiners, that everything they do is with the noble object of freeing their country from an oppressive foreign yoke, and, therefore, that the murders they commit are justified, and that any attempt to suppress them is wrong. There is the contrary view which I am afraid is held by certain persons in this House, and that is that all the acts of the Sinn Feiners are cowardly outrages, that therefore the Sinn Feiners are outside the law, and that the more they, and, in fact, the more Irishmen in general can be "done in," to use a common expression, the better; and, anyway, that if you cannot hit the murderers you had better hit someone, and it does not very much matter as long as you produce enough terror, because the rule of terror is the only thing the Irishman can understand. If any hon. Member takes that view I can only say that one cannot accept it as common ground. It is a point of view that leads directly into the abyss. Then there is the point of view that it is equally horrible that there should be murders by police and soldiers and that the Irish should be murdered by our forces without any trial or form of law, that every murder leaves a mother mourning or a wife desolate; and that murders and lawless acts make more hazardous, more difficult, and more unstable the path along which we have to travel if any settlement is to be secured. I believe that is the point of view of the vast majority of all subjects of the Crown throughout the British Empire, of the vast majority of the Members of this House, and, of course, of the Chief Secretary himself, and it is from that point of view that I am going to address myself to the question. The first point I want to make is the intense importance to the British Empire of arriving at a settlement. The world is looking on what we are doing in Ireland. We may be defiant of what the world thinks of us, but we ought not to be deaf to what the world says of us. Just as we regard the Prussians, so most nations, unfortunately—it may be wrongly—are beginning to regard us. That makes the task of every Englishman in every foreign country and in many of our Dominions harder than it need be. It is a real weakening of the British Empire that that view should be widely held of our action.
May I draw attention to the importance of the position of the United States of America in this matter? Many of us who have had an opportunity of studying the subject realise, I believe, that if the Irish Question had been settled before the War the United States of America would have entered the War months, and it may be years, before they actually did enter it, and, if that had been so, many men in our towns and villages whom we shall never see again, and many of our young Members whose shields are now over our doorway, would still be among us. If by greater wisdom we might have avoided that mistake in the past, let us realise that there is an even greater mistake that we may succeed in avoiding in the future if only we will not any further delay a settlement of this question. I believe that the future of the world depends more than any other one thing upon getting the United States of America in fact, if not technically, inside and alongside the League of Nations, throwing their whole weight into the scale of restoring Europe and limiting the world's armaments. I believe, if once again we begin the race of armaments, we may as well put up the shutters of civilisation. What is it that now prevents the warmest friendship and closest understanding and co-operation between the English-speaking nations? It is, of course, the existence the other side of the Atlantic of millions of people with a genius for politics in every country except their own who are devoting the whole of their high political abilities towards fostering misunderstanding, distrust, and suspicion between the two-great sister English-speaking peoples.
If there be some who, perhaps, disregard what other countries think of us, may I say that our pride of ourselves, if we are thinking of ourselves alone, surely rests largely upon our conviction that British rule means law and order without fear or favour. We regard ourselves as an Imperial race with a mission to rule and to rule justly. We are not ruling in Ireland now. Ruling moans ability to punish the guilty and to let the innocent go free. Reprisals mean striking blindly at the innocent and letting the guilty go free. As long as we allow ourselves just to drift along our present path, our good conceit of ourselves, which is so important, is damaged, and that does us no good but harm. While talking of the importance of a settlement, let me not minimise at all the difficulty of it. Let me, as illustrating that, take the false view, as I thought, which was expressed in the Debate which we had a few weeks ago. My right hon. Friend, the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) was taunted from that Box with a charge which had been made against him during the War by Mr. Redmond, that all our present difficulties were his fault owing to the leniency with which he put down the rebellion of 1916.
Mr. Redmond did not say that.
I beg pardon. I should have said the "severity" with which he put down the rebellion. I heard other hon. Members in the same Debate make exactly the contrary charge, namely, that it was all his fault because of the leniency which had been shown to that nation. Of course, both those things cannot be true, and, as a matter of fact, neither is true. There is no one wrong turning to which we can simply go back and retrace our steps and proceed on the straight path. One has to go right back into the roots of Irish history if one wants to find the true cause of the present difficulty and present discontent. I am not going to ask the House to follow me along that path, but I am going to mention two or three points. When we hear charges brought against the Irish people, it may be of treachery or cowardice or of being in some way degraded or debased, is it not worth while stopping to think, if it be so, whether we may not have had something to do with it? I do not believe that they are so. They are different from us, but they are not inferior; I believe that they are superior. Was it helpful to them in the past that in a horse-loving and horse-breeding country any Protestant could seize any Catholic's horse if he tendered £5 for it, or that he could take a Catholic's farm if he could show that by the Catholic's industry he had made profits exceeding one-third of the rent of that farm, and that all education of Catholics by persons of their own faith was illegal? Memory lives long in Ireland, and the fact that we must have driven all the best of the Catholic population in those times either to apostacy or to go to other countries, as they did in such numbers to form the finest units in foreign armies, still has its effect in Ireland to-day. You cannot degrade a country for centuries without it being apparent in the present life of that country. You cannot really expect the Irish to love our rule, seeing that within the lifetime, unfortunately, of many who still live, not owing to our fault, but largely owing to our muddling and misunderstanding, the population of Ireland has gone down half.
Coming to recent times, is it really wholly to our credit—I do not impute blame—that after 35 years of entirely Constitutional and Parliamentary action the best we can do is to pass a Home Rule Act for which not a single Irish Member, not even an Irish Member of the Government, can be found to vote? Finally, let me say that Irish history did not begin 15 or 16 months ago, when the first soldier and policeman were shot. Let us cut out the question of what was done in repressing the rebellion of 1916, and come to the rebellion of 1917 and 1918. Let us remember just this sort of thing: There were 81 attacks by our forces on unarmed gatherings in 1918–19, and 476 in 1919; there were 260 raids on private houses in 1918, and no less than 13,782 in 1919. I do not say that justifies the outbreak of murder against the military and police—nothing can justify it—but it goes some way to explain it. Differences between this country and Ireland go very deep. There is no small or simple prescription that you can offer for ending them. Nothing but a big and courageous effort of statesmanship will be of any avail to get us through.
Let us see how far we have moved in the last few months, and let me try to get a certain measure of common agreement about it. It is all to the good that now we never hear from the Government Benches the charge that if we do not back up every action of the Government we are backing up the murder gang. All of us in all parts of the House are much too disturbed and anxious for that to be argued any more. That is so much to the good. Those of us who feel intensely and feel compelled to say what we feel can at any rate regard ourselves as respectable and loyal citizens in expressing our view. Secondly, Members of the Government can no longer, and do no longer, pretend that they are engaged in a victorious attack on a murder gang on the run which is on the point of triumphant success. I am not going into the ques- tion of whether their policy has succeeded or failed: I merely state the fact. The character of the hostilities and the disturbances, if they ever corresponded with the Government's description, do so no longer. There is now a regular insurrection going on in parts of Ireland. It is comparable with the state of things in the last months of the South African War. Then, as hon. Members will remember, we swore that we would never treat with rebels, but there was one man big enough and bold enough to meet the rebels without conditions, and, as we know, Lord Kitchener made peace within a week after he had taken that step of meeting them without any false pride in the matter.
May I go on to another point, which I hope will be also admitted? The recruitment of the Black and Tans and the Cadets as a force of auxiliary police, not under military law and with no fear of losing their pension rights, has been a real mistake. I do not like to think evil of my fellow countrymen, and particularly of men fighting in the British uniform—I think those men in many ways were more sinned against than sinning—but I do think that the way in which they were recruited, the class from which they came, very largely ex-service men who were capital men at rough-and-tumble fighting under strict discipline and control but of very little use for any post of responsibility and duty, was a mistake. Go to any ex-service men's society, and you will find that there flowed into the Black and Tans all the bad hats for whom they had been unable to find places. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I have taken the trouble to verify that fact. They are first-class fellows in a way, perfectly splendid fighters when under control, but the last men in the world whom you ought to have trusted out in bands not under the strictest military discipline which could be applied to them. The fact that they are in large measure men of that kind explains many of the things that they have done. What have they done? We have now to admit that there has been, first of all, a perpetual steady seizure and consumption of drink. That explains a great deal that has been done. I do not believe many of the things could have been done by men really sober and not under the influence of drink. Then there has been a deliberate destruction of the means of livelihood of people in the rural parts of Ireland. It is not alleged that in the large majority of the creamery cases there was any provocation or justification for the destruction of those buildings.
indicated dissent.
No, it is not even alleged. I have the figures, and, if you look at the Chief Secretary's answers with regard to the cases brought to his attention, it is not even alleged in the great majority of them that there was any justification. Of course, we know again that under Government direction in many cases towns and villages and groups of houses have been burned as reprisals, and if it is true, as the Government has said, that most of these outrages take place through gangs suddenly descending from the hills without any knowledge of the local population, what folly it is, as a retaliation for that, to burn the houses, within a certain radius, of people who are certainly innocent of the offence In regard to looting, that is acknowledged, and the Trim case, I hope, is still under investigation, and I will not go into that. Looting, of course, has been widespread, and then, worse than all, there has been a perfectly deliberate campaign of murder without trial that really is admitted. The Chief Secretary is, of course, as much pained and grieved by that as any man in the House, and the best thing he could say about it, when questioned a week or two ago, was that he hoped there was less of it now than there had been. In the light of these facts—I am carefully making no charge against either the military or the Royal Irish Constabulary, and really no charge against the Black and Tans—
The right hon. Gentleman has made very considerable charges against both military and constabulary. Is he speaking from personal experience, because my recollection is that he never served in anything greater than the cadet corps in the War?
I am quite willing to go into that at any time. Unfortunately, I was only a B2 man, and I did the best I could.
Is it right, without experience, to get up, and make charges in this House against those who have experience? [ Interruption. ]
I do not see how actual war experience, which, I am sorry to say, I was not privileged to have—although J. did my best to train officers here—I do not see how that, even if I had had the privilege of having it, would have helped me to judge of the action of the Black and Tans in Ireland.
rose —[ Interruption. ]
Sit down, old cock.
Is it in order, Mr. Speaker, for the hon. Member for Silvertown to make these continuous observations in this House of a most irritating description?
I have often appealed to the hon. Member for Silvertown to discontinue that practice of interruption. Supposing every other hon. Member indulged in the same practice, it would be perfectly impossible to carry on a Debate at all. The only chance of matters being properly discussed is that speakers on either side should be given a quiet hearing.
These are not speakers, but interrupters.
The only point I wanted to bring out about the Black and Tans and the ex-officer cadets is, that the reason for what they have done is more due to the circumstances in which they were recruited, and the absence of their being under military law, on the one side, or having any fear, as the police have, of losing their police pensions if they are turned out of the force as a deterrent, and as a check, on the other side. It does bring me to the first definite point I want to make, and that is that, as a sign of the goodwill often expressed from the other side the last time we discussed this, as a preliminary to any chance of settlement, it is necessary to put these two forces, Cadets and Black and Tans, under military discipline and under military law. I think they ought to be abolished altogether, except for those who would choose to join definitely the forces of the Crown. Again—and here I claim definitely that this will be admitted—the reprisals policy was not an accidental break-away from discipline of a few men not under control; it was a policy deliberately sanctioned by His Majesty's Government. I am very sorry to have to make that point, but it is the only possible deduction from the facts as we know them. Again, I ask for an agreement that the reprisals policy has entirely failed. The only possible justification for the policy of reprisals, if you put aside the question of the morality of it altogether and look at the expediency of it, is that it should succeed, and succeed quickly. To go on with a policy of that kind for years is an absolutely unthinkable thing for the British Government to do. Unless within a few months you can justify it by success, you must give it up. I take one point only in that connection. We have made it a penalty in the martial law areas for a wife to give shelter to her husband or a mother to her son if the husband or the son is wanted by the police. It illustrates our perpetual failure to understand the Irish people. I am perfectly certain that that proclamation opened hundreds of doors to those people which otherwise would have been closed to them. It shows our failure to understand and to succeed on a military line. There is something more than the failure of the reprisals policy. The whole policy of the Government, which should have been directed above all things to getting the general, moderate opinion of Ireland on their side, has somehow succeeded in putting that opinion against them. I feel bound to say that as strongly as I can. If people are hanged, if people have committed crimes and have to be hanged for their crimes, what you ought to feel is that all that the ordinary man in the street would say is, "There is a good riddance of a bad man," and would go to his breakfast with a good appetite. But what happens now? When we have to hang people in Ireland part of the population of Ireland are on their knees in prayer. That shows the failure of the policy, and on that line we cannot succeed.
There must surely be a change of policy. It is utterly unthinkable and inconceivable that we should go on, as we may have to go on, for years with these casualty lists for our reading every morning in trying to overbear and suppress the Irish people. I want to make quite definite and practical suggestions. First of all, I do think, as so many hon. Members think, it is necessary, if you are going to give a chance of peaceful feeling to grow up, to disband the Black and Tans, and to give them a chance of joining the regular Army and coming under military law if they wished to do so. Then I think, secondly, that representatives of the Government must consent to meet representatives of Dail Eireann. Make an exception, if you like, of the men whom you are going to try on specific murder charges, but let the rest of them meet and choose their delegates to meet your delegates in open conference. Thirdly, do not have any nonsense about giving up arms as a preliminary to negotiations. How can you expect Sinn Fein not to regard that clearly as a trick just to get the arms given up and then to start again? It must be so. Fourthly, try to arrange—and you would arrange if you would meet the leaders of Dail Eireann face to face—that the attacks on both sides shall cease. I believe the Sinn Fein leaders could arrange it and ensure it on their side quite easily, and we, of course, could arrange and ensure it on our side in a couple of days. Fifthly, concentrate on trying to get elections held in a full and fair way, without any conditions about those people who have to be elected taking an oath of allegiance, elections held both in the North and in the South of Ireland. Then make the two, Parliaments sit together as a Constituent Assembly to work out a scheme for their own government, making it clear that we are willing to accept any form of self-government known to the British Empire. I believe that, though the Sinn Fein leaders, have, of course, talked of a Republic, they do not by that in any way mean an independent State under a President. They mean a self-governing State within the Empire. [HON. MEMBERS: "How do you know that?"] I believe they would be perfectly prepared to go back—it is worth inquiring, at any rate— to the system which we applied to Ireland in the Parliament of 1782 of the King, and the Lords and Commons of Ireland. There only remains the question of the independent navy. Do hon. Members really think that if we had got so far along the road as I have suggested, that question would not adjust itself? Do they really think the Irish people, who have more things they want to do for them selves, I suppose, than any other people in Europe, would be very anxious to build battleships or submarines, which are very costly things nowadays? Do they not know that, even assuming the impossible, even assuming that the Irish ever tried that on, we should be able to smash every dock and slipway to pieces by long-range fire from our ships without any trouble whatever?
Why not, at any rate, try to follow some such line as that? The Government will have to do it some day, and why should they not do it now? You may say it would require magnanimity, and so it would; but is not magnanimity often the truest sign of statesmanship, and have we not statesmen on that side now who are capable of magnanimity? Of course we have. Then it might be said it would require willingness to negotiate with men who have planned rebellion against us. I do not think the Prime Minister, who has admitted men of that kind to his Cabinet, ought to find much difficulty there. After all, if this is not a war now, it is what the ex-Lord Chancellor called a sort of a war, and you cannot end any war unless you will meet those who have been engaged in conducting operations against you. Lastly, you may say it would look as if we were admitting we were beaten. Of course, it would look like that. No one dreams of denying that we can grind down and crush and demoralise the Irish people if we spend enough money, and are brutal enough, and go on long enough. The question is, what good to God or man would the Irish nation or this nation be if we pursued that policy? It is incredible that we should pursue it. I ask for a better way, and I appeal to the Government to find that way. I happen to be going over to Ireland for Easter this evening. I need not tell the House I am not doing that because I think I can learn anything of the true position in a short Easter visit, but simply because I think anyone who will tell those whom he meets there that there are people in England who care intensely and passionately about the state of Ireland, and who want to see peace in Ireland, can, even if only by a very little, do some good in that country. What a pleasure it would be to me and to all others who may be going to Ireland or who may have connections with Ireland if they could say, not only that we care and we think and we are working to bring them peace, but that the Government were going to take a new turn and give a new direction to their policy. Can the Government give us some ray of hope? Can the Government now, before Easter, say something which will bring up a chance of a policy of magnanimity and statesmanship, or must we go on indefinitely seeing these terrible casualty lists which we see in our papers every morning?
I do not think anyone can complain of the tone of the speech to which we have just listened. It seemed to me to express the great anxiety that we all feel in an extraordinarily critical situation, and in the very few remarks that I am going to make I am going to throw no charges against anyone. I realise, as far as a private Member can realise, the great difficulty in which the Government are placed. Every Member must look with the gravest anxiety at the present situation, a situation in which, if what we read in the Press is correct, the outrages in Ireland are tending to increase in number and in terror. A year ago hon. Friends of my own and myself ventured to say time after time in this House that there could be no settlement of this terribly difficult question unless somehow or other you could mobilise behind you the moderate opinion of the South and West. It is easy to be wise after the event, and it is easy, no doubt, to say that if that advice had been taken twelve months ago there might have been in the South and West a big body of moderate opinion mobilized against the forces of disorder. Whether that is still the case I do not know; events have run very quickly during the last twelve months. But whether it be the case, or whether it be not the case, I am inclined to think that there is no chance of getting moderate opinion mobilised on your side in the South and the West until you have reformed the present Government machine in Ireland and made it work efficiently. Ten days ago my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) made a proposal that, in the interest of efficiency and in the interest of humanity, and with the object of bringing this terrible situation to an end at once, it was necessary to put all the forces of law and order under a single command. Now I know that question raises very wide and difficult issues. At the same time, I cannot help thinking that, if events go on as they are going on at the present time, the Government will be driven to that course.
I am inclined to think that public opinion in this country is not criticising the Government for their attempts to restore law and order in Ireland, I believe public opinion in this country is overwhelmingly in favour of the restoration of law and order, not only as a necessity for any Government to undertake, but as a foundation for any settlement, and I believe that public opinion criticises the Government, not so much for their attempt to restore law and order, but for what they think to be their inefficiency in carrying out that policy. The opinion seems to me to be felt that, for some reason or other, possibly the inefficiency of the Dublin Castle administration, the acts of the Executive have often been acts at haphazard. The wrong people have been arrested; the right people have not been caught. Raids and reprisals have been made, I admit sometimes with good results, but very often without any results at all. That makes me think that there must be something wrong with the Dublin Castle administration. I am making no charge whatever against the Chief Secretary. I believe the Chief Secretary has done his best in a very difficult situation. But I believe sincerely that the Chief Secretary is trying to work an impossible system of administration.
The right hon. Gentleman opposite made various criticisms of the Auxiliary Force. That has, I venture to think, reinforced what I am trying to express. The Auxiliary Force, I understand, is composed of a splendid body of men. I have taken some pains to make inquiries as to their records, and I am given to understand that, with few exceptions, these men are excellent ex-officers, who have behind them a very creditable War record. I believe that the fault of the Auxiliary Force has been the fault of the administration. Consider their conditions of service. You pay a man £1 a day for a short service of twelve months, and then turn him adrift in Ireland, and leave him to fend for himself, living in small companies scattered all over the country. I believe the organisation is wrong. I should liked to have seen the Auxiliary Force, as my hon. Friend the Member for Stafford suggested the other day, brought directly under the Army Annual Act, and made a part of the military Forces of the Crown. As to the criticism which the right hon. Gentleman opposite made upon the Black and Tans, I venture to suggest that those criticisms are now out of date. If my information is correct, I understand that now practically all the Black and Tans have been absorbed into the Royal Irish Constabulary. But there, again, I believe that the Government would be well advised to bring, not only the Auxiliary Forces, but the Royal Irish Constabulary also, under a single command.
And the Specials, too.
Yes, all the forces of law and order. There was one other suggestion the right hon. Gentleman made. He appealed to the Prime Minister to take the necessary steps to summon the two Parliaments at once, to have those two Parliaments meet together and allow them to act as a constituent Assembly. If the information one receives is correct, I am inclined to think it would be very dangerous at present to hold elections in the South and West. I am very much afraid that the men of law and order in the South and West, the men upon whom we hope the Government of Ireland in the South and West will eventually depend, would be unable to come out as candidates at the present time. If that be the case, I hope the right hon. Gentleman will not summon the Southern Parliament until he has assured himself that these moderate men will be able to come forward and take a part in the elections. As to the demand of the right hon. Gentleman that the two Parliaments should sit together in a Constituent Assembly, no doubt all of us would like to see that happen. At the same time, there, again, it seems to me to be not much good making a suggestion which does not appear to me, at any rate, to be practical. With the experience of the Convention in the past, and with public opinion embittered so immensely, as it has been during the last two years, I cannot envisage, as a question of practical politics, these two Parliaments sitting together within a few months as a Constituent Assembly.
Having said that, I would ask the House not to think I am not as anxious as ever for a settlement. Every Member in this House is equally anxious for a settlement. But I am being driven to the conclusion that, if you want to get behind the moderate men in the South and the West, you must immediately reform your system of Government, and make it appear reputable in their eyes, and the personnel that are taking part in it above every reproach. Then, I believe, you will create in Ireland a better atmosphere—an atmosphere in which, I hope, it will be possible for the Prime Minister to take a step that I have always hoped he would take, and that is to make a greatly extended offer, and enable these moderate men in the South and West to come forward and take their part in the public life of Ireland.
Though I am bitterly opposed to the policy of the Government, and though it arouses in me feelings of intense disgust and shame, I do not intend this afternoon to make a combative speech. I do not intend either to attack or to appeal to the Prime Minister. It would be very little use my doing so. Like Pharoah, he has hardened his heart. I neither intend to attack the Government nor to appeal to the Government. They have deliberately adopted a policy, to use the words of Mr. Bernard Shaw, of "blundering their way into difficulties, and bludgeoning their way out." But I do urgently appeal, with all humility and all respect, to my hon. Friends opposite who are the soul of honour and patriotism, not to support any longer a policy which reflects terribly on our honour and on our patriotism. Surely it is time to face realities in this matter of the Government, of Ireland. We cannot hide from ourselves that our policy has been founded on principles which are directly antagonistic to those principles which we have always regarded as the very keystone and foundation of the British Empire. Mr. Gladstone once said, that if you want to see British law respected and British institutions honoured in the British Empire, never associate any portions of the British Empire with the hated name of force and coercion. That is exactly what we have done for the last, three years. During the years 1917 and 1918 we deliberately attacked Irish liberty. We subjected them to a rigorous campaign of political oppression. We prosecuted and imprisoned many hun- dreds of people simply for expressing their political opinions. We even went so far as to forbid political meetings. Even cattle fairs were prohibited, and young people and children were put in prison for whistling Irish tunes and for selling flags in the streets.
When that policy aroused, as it was bound to arouse, feelings of intense disgust and irritation, and when that disgust and irritation broke out, as I am, sorry to say it did break out, in subterranean crime and murder, the Government, instead of meeting that murder in the proper way, deliberately adopted—the Prime Minister has never denied it—a policy of lawless reprisals. I submit that the policy has hopelessly and irretrievably broken down, and I do submit the further you pursue that policy, the more shame and the more disgrace will attach to the name of Great Britain. What do you gain by it all? If there is any reliance to be put upon information, the only thing you are doing by your lawless government, your burnings and shootings, is to add recruits to the Irish Republican Army. I do think it is time to stop it. I have a correspondent in Ireland, whom I believe to be a very respectable, creditable person, and he tells me that the only result of forming these guards a few weeks ago has been that the great majority of the young men who formed those guards have run away to the hills. And now that policy has been abandoned. May I ask my hon. Friends opposite to ask themselves whether it is not a terrible responsibility to give their support any longer to a policy of this character? Is it not all the greater responsibility when there is every reason to believe that peace could be had if only the Government would get itself out of the ruts of a deplorable and malignant policy and have the courage to abandon the repression method of government and to substitute for it British methods? Why should we not agree to start afresh on an agreed foundation? Why should we not agree to start on the common ground that government without the consent of the governed is the very essence of slavery? Why should we not agree to start afresh on the British principles of liberty for the governed? If we are honest with ourselves, must we not confess that the whole root of the trouble is that we are using the armed forces of this country for the very purpose for which armed forces ought never to be used in the British Empire?
I have the greatest sympathy with the soldiers in Ireland. They naturally are what they call "fed up" with the politicians, and they are angry with the politicians, and they have every right to be so, for politicians are using them to repress the liberties of the Irish people. Soldiers ought to be used to fight the enemies of this country, and not to terrify and bully our fellow-citizens in this Empire. You are using the military forces of the Empire to try and bully the Irish people into the acceptance of minority Government. By minority Government I mean the right of the Ulster Parliament to thwart the aspirations of the Irish people towards unity and a free partnership within the British Empire. The Prime Minister claims that he has done more for Irish liberty than any other Prime Minister. He also claims that his Act is the most generous Act that has ever been passed. But I do not know of any law, either human or divine, which makes a Welshman a better judge of Irish liberty than the Irish people themselves. He attacks the Irish people and says they have never read this Act, but I cannot see that it is a useful contribution at the present moment to lay an indictment against the whole Irish people of being either illiterate or negligent. As a matter of fact, the Irish people hate and detest the Government of Ireland Act, for the simple reason that they know that it does put it within the power of a small minority in the North of Ireland to say "No," and to thwart their aspirations for national unity. We have hitherto assumed that it is an insoluble problem to combine Irish unity with Irish self-Government. I freely confess that hitherto it has been an insoluble problem, but that is because we on this side of the Channel have attempted to impose a solution upon the Irish people on the other side of the Channel. Is not this Irish problem soluble if we only have the statesmanship and the sense to throw upon the Irish people themselves the responsibility of finding a solution. The great fault of British policy is that it has never given the Irish people the responsibility of framing their own constitution and getting themselves out of the ímpasse in which they now are.
It may be that partition is the only solution, but I cannot help feeling that if partition is to come at all it can only come by the consent of the Irish people as a whole—it can only come by the consent of the people in the South of Ireland when they see that no other solution is possible. It is useless to expect the Irish people to accept partition when it is imposed by us from this side of the Channel. But is it not possible to take the view that once the Irish people—are given the responsibility they will recognise that no section of the Irish people can live to themselves alone, and that no section can be prosperous and contented without the prosperity and contentment of the other? It seems to me that the only hope of agreement lies in this, that the leaders in Ulster seem to have a gleam of this, and are beginning to realise that their Parliament in Belfast will be an utter failure unless it does secure the co-operation of the governed. If the Parliament in the South is destined to be a failure, I am not sure that the Parliament in the North will be any greater success. Though the Catholics may possibly take part in the election in order to show what a very strong minority they are in the North, I am quite sure that they will not take any part in the deliberations of the Belfast Assembly, and that they will turn their thoughts southwards towards Dublin, and so from the very first the Belfast Parliament will turn out to be nothing more or less than a failure, and a failure for the reason that it includes only the Protestants of Ireland.
Is it not possible for us to see that the time now is propitious for peace? Although I am only a very humble and insignificant Member of this House, I am going to put forward what I cannot help thinking are the heads of a possible settlement. First of all, let the Black and Tans and the Auxiliaries be withdrawn from Ireland. Secondly, let an amending Act be passed to the Government of Ireland Act enabling the elections which are to be held in June to be held for a Constituent Assembly. Thirdly, let that Constituent Assembly deliberate, North and South, as to the future constitution, and let the result of their deliberations be submitted to the Imperial Parliament. If you like, by all means insert stipulations. Let there be inserted a stipulation that the sovereignty of the Crown must be maintained, and also that there shall be no coercion of Ulster; but I cannot help thinking that the fewer the stipulations the better, and I wonder really whether they are of any value, or whether there is any necessity for them, because is it not possible that the necessity for the people of the South living in co-operation with the people of the North if their Government is to be a success will bring about such a feeling of responsibility that they will be only too anxious to secure the co-operation of the people in the North. That is what I cannot help thinking would be a settlement.
You had much the same situation in Canada before the days of Lord Durham. We gave not only representative, but responsible government to the people of Canada, and in due time they arrived at the solution of their difficulties, and I cannot help feeling that to give full responsibility to the people of Ireland will lead in turn to their finding a solution of their difficulties. What we have to do is to return to the atmosphere of 1782. May I read what the Duke of Portland wrote when he was Lord Lieutenant in 1782:
5.0 P.M.
We have heard from the last speaker a long record of the wrongs and grievances of Ireland. As a member of one of these oppressed nation alities, I should like to say that in the ears of many of my own countrymen that tale has become outworn and falls with very little attention. The country to which I belong holds its title of nationhood by at least as ancient and as honourable a title as Ireland does. She fought for her nationhood just as well as Ireland, she suffered just as much as Ireland from the neighbourhood of the tremendous strength of England. She suffered through centuries incessent warfare, poverty and want of every kind. We remember those days, but we remember them with pride. The bitterness of them has passed away. We would be ashamed to keep up the old memories, and though in some ways we are jealous of our nationality and of its position, still, we are proud to be associated with England in the task of running the greatest Empire that the world sees to-day. And we do not see why what is quite good enough for Scotland ought not to be good enough for Ireland as well. We have been occupied in dealing with Irish grievances for the last 20 years. Before the War enormous sums of money were voted out of the British Treasury for such purposes as buying Irish land for the Irish farmers. It will be a long time before the farmers in Scotland get a similar convenience granted to them by the British Treasury. The time of the House of Commons was largely taken up with Ireland, much more largely than with Scotland. A Home Rule Bill, an extremely generous one, was put on the Statute Book and an even more generous one has been added. Scotland has been crying out for that sort of thing for years and years, but no attention has been paid to her. I am not talking about the grievances of Scotland—there are a few that are in need of adjustment, but we have a good conceit of ourselves. We hope England is proud of the Scottish connection, and we are certainly proud of being associated with this nation which is so glorious in its achievements and so great in its national character. But during the War we also saw what the grievances of Ireland were. They consisted chiefly in the young men of Ireland being allowed to do exactly as they liked—to go out and fight against the Germans or stay at home and shoot British soldiers. The latter alternative was the one mostly favoured.
Did they shoot any British soldiers during the War?
In the streets of Dublin, certainly, and while everyone was running under control in Scotland and England to within an inch of their lives, we saw Ireland indulging in lashings of food and drink and making money as hard as she could. Accordingly I say the grievances of Ireland have ceased to be a tale which commands very much respect among my countrymen. Since the War what have they seen? They have seen crime and murder and arson being allowed a great deal too much liberty in Ireland. Measures of repression we would certainly expect, in Scotland, if we behaved, which God forbid, in the way they are behaving in some parts of Ireland. We would quite expect to see tanks and everything else there if we could not behave ourselves. The only kind of repression I can see taking place in Ireland is the repression required to put down crime and maintain law and order. It is very strange for one accustomed to the point of view of the man in the streets and the man in the fields to come into the sort of atmosphere of the political debate. You see the Opposition, so to speak, putting the police of Ireland into the dock, bringing all sorts of accusations against them, and inviting the Government to go into the dock along with them as accessories before and after the fact. That is an entirely topsy-turvy view of the matter—it is the exact converse of what the country thinks—and you get nominal supporters of the Government adopting that suggestion, and the Government, if it is not apologetic, very often stands on its defence. In my part of the country the people who are put in the dock are the Sinn Feiners. They are the people held responsible for what is going on in Ireland. The police and the military are regarded as the victims, condemned to death by them, and for whom death may be lurking round every turning of the road, in every railway station, or behind every hedge. It seems to me the boot here has got on to the other leg. I received a letter the other day from a correspondent in Ireland which was typical of that sort of attitude, the sort of "Alice in Wonderland" attitude. It breathed the fiercest indignation at murder and arson and crimes of violence, attributing them to the police. Who was that letter sent by? By De Valera. If you had a person like Jack the Ripper writing letters to the papers complaining of the bloodthirstiness of the police in hunting him down, or if you had Bill Sykes writing complaining that the police were trying to break into his house, everybody would think it was extraordinary. In this case you get a person like De Valera, whose profession is murder, who is at the head of the murder gang, and he has the insolence to write a round letter to the Members of this House complaining of the terrible reign of murder and arson which is going on in Ireland just now. My countrymen are sometimes accused quite wrongly of a lack of a sense of humour, but that incident awakened the grim sense of humour of the Scot.
I claim to be very much in touch with the point of view of the man in the streets and the man in the fields in the south of Scotland. In the country the men in the fields are my neighbours, and I go about among them. I am not in such personal touch with the men in the towns, but, sitting for a town constituency, I hold continually open-air meetings at the street corners with large audiences, and I know exactly how they feel about this matter. I may tell the Government they are very much more satisfied now with their action in Ireland than they have been at any time for the last three years. There was one time when they were not so well satisfied. There was a time when I was severely heckled about the Government. That was in the spring and summer of last year. The heckling was very bitter, and it was always on these lines, "When are the Government going to try to restore law and order in Ireland? When are they going to put down Sinn Fein Courts? Why are they not trying to repress the rebellion, murder and rapine carried on by Sinn Fein in Ireland?" I had a very difficult job to answer them. In fact, I was not very friendly with the line the Government was taking up till then. But since then it has given very much greater satisfaction to see that the fighting is not all on one side, that Sinn Fein is being countered, that the King's law is being restored, and that the King's writ is once more running. The Government changed in August and September, and since then I have hardly had a heckling question as to what is going on in Ireland. I had one, and it was at the time a hunger strike was going on in September. The Press was full of it. Appeals came from the leaders of the Opposition, and all sorts of telegrams reached me. I only got one heckling question, and I will tell you what it was. A man asked me, "Is there no wey of getting the whole of Ireland to go on hunger strike and just let her bide there?"
That is the right policy.
A supplementary question to that indicated that the particular heckler thought that the supply of Sinn Feiners considerably exceeded the demand at the present moment. That is the attitude of the people in my part of Scotland. They are every time in favour of the police. In the first place they are the men that faced death for us in the trenches when their opponents were doing something very different indeed. They go about carrying their lives in their hands, and when you have a state of warfare—and there is a state of warfare to some extent, because there are two rival governments and two rival armies, the Irish Republican Army and the British Army—everybody knows, who is acquainted with Army affairs, it is very difficult to avoid breaches of discipline taking place. In the present kind of warfare, which is a warfare of murder and assassination, the difficulties are increased tenfold, because you have death lurking for these men at every corner, and you have a population which to a great extent is engaged in sheltering and supporting and concealing the murderers. In these circumstances it is very difficult indeed for any body of men not to be subjected to great breaches of discipline from time to time against the population that they may think guilty of sheltering their would-be murderers of the people who have actually murdered their comrades. That is a sort of broad view that the country takes upon these matters. They see these men carrying out an extremely difficult job to restore law and order in Ireland, to restore some sort of decent living. They think every support should be given to these men, and that the attention of people should be concentrated upon the difficulties of their task and, on the whole, the excellent way that task is being performed, and that every support should be given to the Government now that they are really tackling the task of establishing good order and civilisation in Ireland again. As for the people who begin by reciting the usual litany about not approving of murder and assassination and then proceed to assail the police and the military and the Government, they have no patience with that sort of man, and all I hope, if there is an election soon, is that my opponent will take a strong line against the police and the military, because it will lose him thousands of votes and gain me thousands of votes.
As for these eventual settlements, we know what Conventions can do. We do not want to repeat the successes of the last Convention. As for calling a truce, the Prime Minister has offered that on reasonable conditions. But as for just calling "Pax," like one schoolboy does to another, you cannot call "Pax" with a rattlesnake. There is no use saying, "Take the military and police out of Ireland." That would only mean handing over Ireland to the murderers. It would mean abandoning the whole country. I should like to tell the Government the popular feeling is quite unaffected by this campaign of indignation against the police and against the military, that it is quite unaffected by the gyrations of the Northcliffe Press. It is too accustomed to the somersaults of the Northcliffe Press. It is always turning them. It has turned another one to-day. What the country wants to see is decency and order restored to Ireland. They know we have done everything for Ireland, and given Ireland every indulgence that she could reasonably demand. They want to see anarchy done away with in Ireland, and the reign of crime and terror put an end to. They want to see law and order and decent conditions prevailing again, and they will support the Government, and the Government will gain in popularity if they take the firmest measures, but also merciful measures, to restore again to that country a better state of affairs, and give it a chance in the new career that we all hope Ireland has before it.
The hon. Gentleman who opened this Debate made an interesting speech, which was free from many of the qualities that sometimes detract from the value of speeches made by the opponents of the Government. It was a speech which, in respect of the various comments and criticisms it contained, was worthy of very careful consideration by the Government. Any contribution which I make to this discussion is made from the point of view of one who is a firm supporter of the policy of the Government in regard to Ireland. I take that policy to consist of two parts equally important, equally necessary, and equally urgent. In the first place, there is the suppression of rebellion and outrage, whereby it is being attempted to tear Ireland away from the British Empire; and, in the second place, there is the bringing into operation of the Home Rule Act, the establishment of Home Rule and self-government in Ireland as a reality, and the extension of the already wide provisions of that Act, if any body of responsible opinion can be found in Ireland to co-operate.
The Chief Secretary has a difficult and onerous task. He is bearing a greater burden of responsibility than any other Minister on that Bench with the exception of the Prime Minister. His task is a peculiarly difficult one. It is the most difficult of all tasks, that of dealing with a country in a state of civil war, and as a supporter of the policy of the Government I should regret very much if anything that I had to say were to hamper or embarrass the right hon. Gentleman in the task he has before him. My aim and object is to assist him and strengthen his hands. The comments I have to make are with reference to the two sides of the Government policy. The first is with regard to the suppression of rebellion and outrage. I wish to say there are some features about the executions of Sinn Fein prisoners at the present time which are causing widespread uneasiness both at home and abroad. Is there a single man in this House, whatever be his views, whose heart was not profoundly stirred and moved by the incident which took place on Monday, the 14th inst., when six Sinn Fein rebels were executed in Dublin? The killing of one man by process of law is a terrible and dreadful responsibility, and must always be so to the Government which has to sanction it. In this case the execution was accompanied by remarkable demonstrations. Petitions were signed widely for a reprieve, masses were offered up in all the churches; the populace thronged the squares and streets in the vicinity of the place of execution, praying on their knees, weeping and holding vigil, while the souls of these doomed men were being sent to that bourne to which a Government may send them, but from which it has not the power to recall them. The whole proceedings partook of the nature of a sacrament rather than of an execution. Little publicity was given to the charges on which these men were convicted, but the last tragic act in the drama was noised abroad throughout this country and throughout the world, and I am convinced that the general effect of the incident was detrimental, not merely to the Government, but to the policy of the Government. Let us face the facts. Do not let us be blinded by legal formalities and legal technicalities. The state of affairs in Ireland is a state of war. Whatever may be the legal position, these are not ordinary crimes and outrages. This is rebellion. This is civil war. The prisoners whom we have taken, whatever may be their legal status, are to all intents and purposes prisoners of war, and the trial and killing by legal process of prisoners of war for acts of war is a thing which is revolting to the general sense of humanity, and which will alienate from us the sympathy of many of our friends in this country and practically universally abroad.
Let me take an illustration to show what I mean. At a crisis of the War, in the early stages of it, there was a rebellion in South Africa, a very dangerous rebellion, not merely against the Empire but against the Government which constitutionally represented the majority of the Dutch people. It was a rebellion which was treacherous in its origin and which was instigated, aided and supported by alien enemies. It was a rebellion which combined sedition and treason with treachery. That rebellion was suppressed vigorously and firmly by the efforts of Generals Botha and Smuts and the Government which they represented, and in the course of the suppression they took many prisoners, among them the leaders of this treasonable and seditious and treacherous rebellion. If ever the lives of men were forfeit the lives of those rebels were forfeit by all the canons of the law, and General Botha and his Government would have been justified in punishing with death the men who had caused such destruction in South Africa. I venture to submit that in his dealing with this matter General Botha showed once again that great capacity for statesmanship which has made him, untutored though he is, a supreme leader of men, a supreme national leader, a supreme builder and cementer both of nationality and of Empire. The line which he and his Government adopted was to imprison these men for a time and then, after the danger had passed away, to release them.
It was not sporadic murder in that case.
I am talking of acts of war. I will deal with the distinction drawn by the hon. Member later. De Wet executed would have been a greater menace to constitutional Government in South Africa than De Wet alive. He would have been a martyr of a cause, but by the manner in which he dealt with him Botha disarmed him and made him not so much an object of fear as an object of pity. That is a precedent which our Government might study with advantage. I am afraid it has followed a less statesmanlike precedent. Almost immediately after the South African rebellion there came another rebellion, similar in character, in Ireland, a rebellion instigated and aided by alien enemies. It was also suppresed by vigorous action, as the South African rebellion was suppressed, and it fell to the Leader of the Coalition at that time, the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), to suppress that rebellion, and to deal with the situation which arose afterwards. He might have followed the South African precedent. I remember that in the House at the time I appealed to him from the Bench where I am now standing to follow that precedent. He chose to reject it. In the suppression of that rebellion we captured many prisoners, including the leaders of the movement, and they were duly tried, a dozen of them or so. They were condemned to death. Their execution was spread over weeks, and even the wounded were nursed back to life in order that they might be shot. I see my right hon. Friend the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) has come into the Chamber at a time when I am referring to the policy which he himself adopted in Ireland—the reign of drastic coercion, instead of mercy—and which, I am afraid, has been to some extent the precedent followed by the Government at the present time. I think the right hon. Gentleman should remember that when he criticises the Government. If this policy had been intended to keep open and raw the wound in the souls of the friends of these men it could not have been more effectually devised. Compared with the policy adopted by General Botha in South Africa, it is a policy of savage repression. Clemency succeeded in South Africa; severity has failed in Ireland. The blood of these men, of the convicted rebels, and prisoners of civil war, the blood which has been shed, has been the dragons' teeth from which has sprung the armed bands of assassins who are now holding Ireland in terror.
It is one thing to kill in hot blood and another thing to kill in cold blood. The killing of a man in hot blood in battle, or in the act of suppressing rebellion, is a thing which is forgiven and forgotten; the killing of a man in cold blood by due, cold, legal process for an offence which the mass of his countrymen regard as a virtue is a thing which is never forgotten. It lives and rankles in the soul. The blood of these men cries aloud to their friends for vengeance. It gives no facility to the Government, no advantage. It only increases their difficulty. The suggestion which I have to make, for I do not mean to make these criticisms without suggestions, is this: Is it not possible for the Government to discriminate between prisoners, and wherever possible to treat the prisoners whom it takes as prisoners of war? There are, of course, crimes and outrages which are not acts of war. We took German prisoners, but we did not shoot them. On the other hand, if any German prisoners had been guilty of some of the acts of which the Irish rebels had been guilty, we would have shot them, and I venture to say the universal conscience of mankind at home and abroad would have justified us in doing so. Take the case to which I have already referred, the case of these six rebels who were executed in Ireland on the 14th of this month. I find that out of the six, four were convicted of the crime of high treason by levying war and two of them were convicted of murder—very different offences and very different in character. If it is possible to draw that distinction by a Court—and it is possible, for it has been done—is it not possible to observe that distinction by some difference in the manner of treating these offences? By the policy which was adopted, by the execution of these, persons in a batch, that distinction was confused in the minds of many people. It was confused both here and universally abroad, and the effect of it was to draw the heroic cloak of war over acts which were infamous and outrageous by all the standards of war. My suggestion is this, that the Government, as a general rule, should recognise this as a state of civil war, and should accord its prisoners the treatment of prisoners of war.
Those in uniform!
I go further than that. I suggest that not only should the Government accord its prisoners the treatment of prisoners of war, but that it should set up special courts for the purpose of trying any of them who are guilty of offences which are outrageous and infamous in themselves, apart from being acts of war. I suggest, too, that the fullest publicity—publicity is essential—should be given to these trials.
It is.
Then I think greater publicity should be given than is given it the present time.
Irrespective of the consequences to the witnesses?
The fullest publicity should be given to these trials. If not, the executions should not take place—it does harm—they should be postponed until such time as publicity can be given, and it can be clearly established, in the eyes of the people at home and of the world, that the offences for which these men are tried and convicted is not the offence of rebellion or of acts of war, but offences and acts of infamy and outrage justified by no standard of war in the world. That is the first point I have to raise.
The second point I desire to raise concerns that branch of the policy of the Government relating to the enforcement of Home Rule, the bringing of Home Rule into operation in the South and in the North, or either of them, at the earliest possible moment. It is a great thing that Home Rule is now upon the Statute Book, but it will be a much greater thing when Home Rule is in operation, is a fact and a reality, and when the Irish people realise that self-government is not merely within their reach, but in operation in a part of Ireland at least and that they have only to stretch out their hands and receive the boon, and in an extended form. Then I think they will realise that at present they are grasping at a shadow and losing the substance. The number of people in Ireland who are prepared to sacrifice everything for an Irish republic is, I believe, a very limited number. The extremists know and realise that the establishment of self-government in Ireland within the Empire would be the end of their hopes and the defeat of that for which they are working. They will strain, and are straining, every effort to prevent that coming about. I believe the present crescendo of murder and outrage is the last effort to prevent Home Rule coming into operation in Ireland. The hope of the extremists is that they will prevent it, and that they will be able to persuade the Irish people thereafter that nothing serious was meant; that they then will be able to drive them into the arms of the extremists.
What is the Government doing to hasten the coming into operation of Home Rule? What steps is it taking? I believe that according to the Act the appointed day is 2nd August, or such other day as the Government may determine before 2nd August, or within six or seven months after. There are many other appointed days in the Act. There is the appointed day for summoning Parliament, for the transfer of services, of the civil servants, and so on. Has any appointed day been fixed up to the presents If not, can the Government give us any idea when the appointed day is likely to be? They have everything to gain by so doing. Their policy will be strengthened immeasurably. It will be, I am sure, the quickest way of defeating and stopping the campaign of the murder gang.
I am convinced that by the suppression of revolution and outrage alone you can never pacify Ireland. You can never solve the Irish question by that means alone. You cannot permanently govern any people except with the consent of the governed, and to attempt to do so is to bleed the conqueror white. I believe that the true line of salvation lies on the side of the remedial policy of the Government. That is the policy which was successful in Canada, and which was successful in South Africa; and in both those cases the problem was more difficult and more dangerous than it is in Ireland. Every day's delay adds to the difficulties and dangers and losses. I beg and implore the Government to do what they can to expedite the fruition of their remedial policy. Let us have done with delays and procrastination. Delay has been the tragic factor which has blighted all our hopes and destroyed all our opportunities in Ireland since August, 1914, when Ireland was "the one bright spot."
I want to emphasise the appeal made by the hon. Gentle, man who has just spoken in relation to the course that the Government should take with regard to men convicted of high treason. The point that he made as to the effect of the execution of those six men was not at all exaggerated. Three other men are condemned to be executed on Monday next, and the principal public body in Cork has made representations to the Prime Minister. I beg of him to take those appeals intro consideration, and to take the course which I am sure will engender a spirit of conciliation among the people in Ireland. I was very much surprised to hear the speech of the hon. Member for West Edinburgh (Mr. Jameson). Of all the reactionary speeches that I ever heard in this House, it was about the worst, and I am sure that not one of his colleagues from Scotland in this House will venture to support him in the attitude that he took. To talk in that trifling way about the condition of Ireland is an appalling proposition. To hear him compare the contentment of men in Scotland with the frame of mind of men in Ireland, one would have thought that, although he is an educationist, he had never read the history of Ireland. There is an old story of a boy who was asked to write an essay on the conquest of Ireland. He wrote, "The conquest of Ireland was in 1172, and it is still going on." That is exactly the course which has brought about the state of affairs with which we are face to face to-day. I venture to submit that the hon. Member was not stating the opinion of the Scottish people, and particularly of the Highlanders in Scotland. If there is any people in the British Empire in whom anger has been aroused by the position in Ireland, it is the Scottish people. I do not know whether the hon. Member is aware that about three months ago the party with which I am associated inaugurated a campaign throughout the country, and that at the whole of the meetings held in Scotland the statements made by the speakers met with an enthusiastic response. The hon. Member knows, as everyone else knows, that there is a large trade union membership in Scotland. I get resolutions from trade union branches, and they are couched in very strong and fervid language, respecting the Government's action in Ireland at the present time. A speech of that kind cannot but be harmful to the supreme necessity of an understanding.
Most hon. Members who have spoken have made an appeal to the Government to take a new course. I do not care what course it is, so long as it is along the path of conciliation. I am certain that if the Prime Minister will state that the British people do not wish to coerce a proud people into a political path along which they will not go, it would change the temper prevalent now in Ireland. Does anyone think for a moment that the Irish people go out to murder and burn for sheer joy of murder and burning? After all, that is the effect of the hon. Member's speech. There is no people who abhor murder more than the Irish people. They do not believe in the destruction of property. What has taken place in Ireland could be truthfully said to be largely the effect of the attitude that we have taken towards the Irish question in this British House of Commons for a considerable period of years. The pathway of the relationship between Ireland and the British Government is heaped high with broken promises. In spite of that, I believe if the Prime Minister will make such a statement the people of Ireland would begin at least to forget. I am astonished at what happens in this House when questions come up affecting Ireland. I know that the Chief Secretary is a jolly good chap, and all that kind of thing, but he gets up at that Box, and, with a kind of gramophone accent, makes statements and presents reports that are lopsided. To not a single original thought or idea does he give expression. With regard to the Government itself, what semblance of statesmanship is there? I am absolutely astonished at the Prime Minister—a Celt, a man of vivid imagination, and, if you like, broad humanitarianism—adopting an attitude of mind that would put the most phlegmatic Prussian to the blush. What is the policy? Simply to meet crime and arson by similar crime and similar arson. The Archbishop of Tuam some time ago declared what every man who loves his fellow man in every part of the world will agree with, that that is no way to meet the position in Ireland. You cannot meet murder by murder, and slaughter by slaughter. Force never won anything. It never put a decent thought into people's hearts.
With regard to what the nation thinks about this, there are hon. Members In this House who can be said to be able to feel the pulse and know somewhat the opinions of a section of the nation, who are overwhelmingly the majority, in a sense that other Members cannot. I venture to say that within two weeks you would not get a single dissentient voice against a resolution of a trade union branch that asked the Government to put an end to this policy of force that is now being pursued in Ireland. I should have thought that the fact that what is happening is known among the peoples of the world would at least lead the Government to make some proposition that will ease the situation in Ireland. I have heard the Prime Minister, when appealing to the trade unions to take certain actions during the War, say that as a nation we ought to be proud that the leadership of the world had been given to the British people freely and willingly by every nation outside the Central Powers. I regret to say that that is not the situation now. What is the opinion of the French working people? Take the MacSwiney incident. The Prime Minister knows that the papers were full of the heroism of a man like that. And every case in which a man is convicted and executed, as these six men were last week, is held up as a scandal in the trade union branches throughout the whole of France. I have lately been, for reasons of health, down the Mediterranean, and the Prime Minister would be astonished to know how keenly the Egyptian people are watching the situation in Ireland. The other day a very important speech the Colonies. There were parts of that speech that were very unfortunate in the references to Ireland and Egypt. The conjunction of the two is very sinister to the Egyptians, who will, think that, if it does not mean annexation, it means that possibly they may be treated as the Irish people are being treated.
These things are talked about in the bazaars and elsewhere, at any rate in the places which I visited in the Mediterranean. They are the subject of conversation on the Continent, and they are talked about much more vigorously in our own self-governing Dominions. It is no use saying that they are initiated by Irishmen in those Dominions. They are talked about by the Australian who is not an Irishman, or the New Zealander who is not an Irishman, but it is in terms of contempt for the attitude of the British Government towards Ireland. Here is this story about Ireland—shooting and beating and torture, not merely of men but of women and children, and it is a story that is a shame to those and all freedom-loving peoples. The hon. Member below the Gangway said that in these Debates there has been an attack upon the military in Ireland. I do not think that there has ever been such an attack from these Benches. The military have been kept outside of all this controversy. Those who object to the action of the Government in Ireland have never blamed the military, but what the Government does not know is that a large number of men in these regiments hate the work that they are doing. I am wondering what the effect of that will be in the matter of recruiting for those regiments, or indeed for the Army generally. I am not aware that we have ever attacked the police as such. All the attack that I have heard is the attack I made myself upon that wretched corps which has developed, and which is nothing more or less than a corps of bullies, known as the Black and Tans. I am glad to understand from one quarter of the House that they have been absorbed into the ranks of the military. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]
The police.
6.0 P.M.
What is the condition of their absorption? I understand most of them are ex-military officers. What rank do they get in the absorption? The attack from these Benches is not on the police as such, not upon the military, but upon the Black and Tans. The raising of that force is one of the blackest blots in the so-called statesmanship of the present Government in dealing with Ireland. To the organisation and operations of that force we can trace much of the deep bitterness that now exists in Ireland. I know the Irish question is a difficult one, and it is a serious one, for this country. Unless you answer the riddle that has been propounded in Ireland the British Empire is going to be destroyed, and there has been no attempt to answer it yet except by the methods I have been complaining of. The only statesmanlike policy that holds the field to-day is the policy which has been propounded by the party to which I belong, and that is why I am very glad to hear the statement of the Noble Lord behind me. It might be asked whether that will satisfy the Irish people. At least this has happened, that the party to which I belong-is the only party which has had from a large body of Irishmen, North and South, East and West, Catholic and Protestant, an endorsement of the policy that it suggests. When the statement of that policy was made in this House by my right hon. Friend (Mr. Adamson), the Irish Labour party and the Irish Trade Union Congress met and considered the matter, and endorsed the policy. Quite definitely it asks for the withdrawal of the military from Ireland, because we feel assured that the responsibility for keeping order and, if you like, of suppressing crime should be left to the local authorities in Ireland. I know my hon. Friend and life-long colleague (Lieut.-Colonel J. Ward) ridiculed that idea, and he thinks the withdrawal of the military would be the worst thing that could happen. With all his broad knowledge he does not understand the Irish people. Again, at the bottom of that attitude is the idea that the Irish people revel in murder and in disorder. If you take them as they stand in the world to-day in other countries, there is no indication that their nature is such as he seems to imply. Our people love order and hate murder and crime. I am sure they would rise to their responsibilities and keep order.
The other point is as to whether it is wise to call an assembly and let them develop their own form of Government. Why should this right be denied them I We are the only white people under the British Flag who have been denied the God-given right of all white people to self-government. Moderate and, if you like, extreme opinion in Ireland, Catholic and Protestant, should be "allowed to come together with the understanding that they can evolve a constitution which will suit their own national life. Talking about self-determination, I have heard the' Prime Minister gird at the self-determination required by Sinn Feiners. They might choose a Monarchy as soon as a Republic. In doing that you would satisfy the desires of the Irish people that they should be given the right to determine their own Government. I hope I have not said anything controversial, but I cannot talk about this question calmly and coolly and without passion, and I am absolutely prejudiced and biassed. Here you have a country which has been denied civil government at least for the last five years. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] In 1918 I was engaged on recruiting work all over Ireland. I tried to keep away from politics, but I got a glimpse of it here and there. There was one outstanding thing I was face to face with every day, and that was there was no civil government, the military ruled the situation, and the Lord Lieutenant and the Chief Secretary had to do what the military said. The present Home Secretary, when Chief Secretary for Ireland, had to spend his time not in governing Ireland, but in developing schemes which would lead to the economic development of Ireland. There was no use for the Chief Secretary nor for the Lord Lieutenant. I declare again emphatically, that in 1918 my own ex- perience was that there was no civil rule at all in Ireland. I want to conclude in the same mood as most of the previous speakers. I appeal now to the Prime Minister after all these years of suffering and persecution in which men have been driven out of their country. If you could open up the Western Ocean for 3,000 miles, the sea bed would be strewn with the bones of people driven out of Ireland for lack of wisdom in government and refusing to let them govern themselves. Therefore I appeal to the Prime Minister and his Government at this time, Easter time, to make a statement which will be some salve, mental as well as physical, to the sores of people. He can touch the soul of Ireland now, if he likes, without in any way endangering the connection of Ireland with the Empire.
I am not quite so sanguine as my hon. Friend, who has made, I think, a cogent and a touching speech, in hoping that when I sit down I shall be entitled to say I have said nothing controversial. I have never known a speech made by anyone about Ireland in the past, with the most pacific intentions, to which that epithet could be in justice and in fullness applied. But undoubtedly no one can have listened to this Debate without being struck by the manifest and universal wish, expressed by almost every speaker, that a way may be found, and a speedy and effectual way, out of the terrible situation which at present confronts us. My right hon. Friend (Mr. Acland) initiated the Debate in a speech which was, I think, as forcible in statement of argument as it was admirable in tone and temper, and I not only associate myself both in spirit and in substance with what he said, but my agreement with him is so great that I am dispensed by his speech from the necessity of entering into some topics with which I should otherwise have felt it my duty to deal. The situation that confronts us in my opinion—I express it not now for the first time; I have expressed it outside this House and I express it on the Floor of the House to-day—has been seriously aggravated by the policy of the Executive Government during the last six months. There are two salient facts which seem to me to stand out and which to a large extent are responsible for the aggravated situation in which we now find ourselves. The first is that despite the assurances and the predictions which have been made freely and with confidence time after time from the Treasury Bench, the policy pursued has not succeeded in attaining its avowed, and I have no doubt its intended purpose of putting down crime and lawlessness in Ireland. Just look at what has happened within the last three or four days. There have been outrages and outbreaks of one kind and another which have resulted in the loss certainly of 50 lives. That is the toll that has been taken within a week. So far from it being the case, as we have been repeatedly told or led to think by the declarations of the Chief Secretary, that these crimes and those who perpetrate them have been driven out from the great centres of population and the organised conspiracy has been broken up and those who are still members of it have taken refuge in the hills and fastnesses and sequestered places, a very considerable proportion even of the latest of these casualties have taken place in the main towns and cities of Ireland, at railway stations and places of public resort. Your policy has not succeeded in the purpose for which we were told it was intended, and which from time to time we had been encouraged to believe it was on the eve of attaining. That is the first fact, and a very serious fact it is. The second fact, which in some ways, I think, is graver still, and which was adverted to by my right hon. Friend in his speech, is this, that the means and methods which have been adopted by the Executive have done everything they could in alienating popular sympathy and support from those who are engaged in enforcing the law, and of diverting and enlisting that popular support and sympathy, at any rate, to the extent of tacit acquiescence, for those who are engaged in violating it. Many persons engaged in these conspiracies and accused of participation in outrage on the Sinn Fein side have been tried, convicted, and punished. There are not a few cases where the extreme penalty of the law has been inflicted. Reference has been made more than once to the execution a little more than a week ago, by hanging, of six men in Dublin. The offence charged and proved against four of them was not the offence of murder, but the offence of taking part in an ambush which resulted in no loss of life.
Not among the forces of the Crown.
Not among the forces of the Crown. The Chief Secretary has said so. Of these four men, so convicted and executed, two were little more than boys. I do not think they were above the age of 19 years. In another case, I am not sure whether there has not been two cases, but certainly there has been one case, not in Dublin, but in the South of Ireland, a man suffered the extreme penalty of the law, against whom the offence charged and proved was that he was in possession of a loaded revolver and a revolutionary tract. [HON. MEMBERS: "Dum-dum bullets!"] What shocks the intelligence, and, I think, the conscience of the people of this country, is that they do not see any evidence of corresponding steps, with vigour and rigor, being taken to vindicate the law against those who have committed what I call the supreme outrage, and who, having been entrusted with its protection and its enforcement, have rivalled the criminals in crime. The facts are no longer in dispute. There has been case after case in which judgment has really gone by default. The demand which we have persistently presented from these Benches for a free, impartial, and open inquiry has been refused. There have been, we are told, I do not know how many, but I think between 100 and 150 inquiries by military tribunals. The reports of those inquiries are not produced. The evidence upon which the findings of the tribunals were arrived at is evidence upon which we are unable to pronounce any judgment. In the crucial and, perhaps, most extreme case, the case of the Strickland Report, we are left to bare conjecture and gossip as to what were its contents.
It is not my purpose to indulge in specific enumerations, but let me call to the attention of the Chief Secretary, or whoever is representing the Government, the case that was fully discussed in this House only a few weeks ago, one of the most shocking of all the cases, that of the two men Kennedy and Murphy in Dublin. These men after they had been discharged on the ground that there was no evidence against them were sent home from Dublin Castle, ostensibly under military protection, after the Curfew hour and were then, by the escort of auxiliary police in whose charge they were, taken to the outskirts of Dublin and shot in cold blood against the wall. We were promised that steps would be taken to inquire into that case and to vindicate the law. I hope those steps have been taken, because there can be no doubt as to the men who were responsible. They were the escort; they were the men who were in charge of the lorry on which these men were being taken home. I am sure it would be a very great satisfaction and relief to this House and to the people outside if we could be assured that these persons, whose identity cannot be a matter of doubt, have already been proceeded against, and proceeded against upon the only charge which adequately meets the facts of the case, the charge of wilful murder. So far as the House of Commons and the country knows we are not aware of anything of the kind having been done, and I shall be very glad to know that that has been done.
It is this apparent inequality, not only apparent but real inequality, in the measure of justice and punishment which is meted out against one class of offenders against the law and another class of offenders against the law which is largely responsible for the discredit into which the Executive in Ireland has fallen. There is a universal feeling which I find wherever I go in the country, and I know it is the case, from the information which reaches me, in our own Dominions, and in the United States of America, that the British Government has allowed its agents to resort to methods which are indefensible both in law and in morality, and has not taken active and vigorous steps to punish those who have committed these supreme offences against the law and against the Constitution. It is the almost universal belief, and the Government themselves are responsible for its creation, that they have failed to put down outrage and restore order against the Sinn Feiners; and they have covered themselves, and inferentially their country, in a cloud of discredit by the manner in which they have set about to prosecute the task. That is the charge which is made against them. That I believe to be, I have said it outside and I say it here, the thing that has aggravated more than anything else the situation with which we have to deal.
What now? Are we to wait while this daily tale of violence and outrage repeats itself? Are we to wait for some indefinite day in some remote future when peradventure the assurances of the Chief Secretary may ultimately be verified? I doubt whether the Government realises the intensity of the feeling that prevails in the country upon this subject. Only two nights ago I was present in succession at two meetings of very large dimensions, thronged, not by sentimentalists and not by partisans, but by some of the most hard-headed people in the population of Lancashire, and I have never seen anything in all my experience, more reluctant if you like, but more genuine and more prompt, than the response to the appeal that was made on this question. They think it is discreditable, not merely to the Government, but discreditable to the British people, and to the best traditions of our Empire, that these things should go on. I have felt it to be my duty to say that, because I do not believe you can adequately deal with the situation unless you have grasped and understood all the circumstances that prevail. I join with all my heart and soul in the appeal which has been made once more to the Government to-day to put a stop to all these things, so far as they can—of course, they are not omnipotent in the matter; I wish they were—at any rate, to take every step which is possible to put a stop to these things, and Call a real truce. I wish we could get back even to the atmosphere which prevailed in this House and to the declaration made by the Prime Minister when we were about to rise for our Christmas vacation. Easter is coming upon us now. If we could get back to that atmosphere and that attitude, I think we should have gone some steps at any rate towards a better state of things. Could not the Government through the Prime Minister—and no one knows better than I that there is no more skilful and dexterous hand in negotiations of this kind—get into touch with those who ostensibly, and I believe really, were the accredited representatives and the heads of the leading spirits of the Sinn Fein movement? Could not that be repeated?
It is no use laying down impossible conditions. We must accept the facts as they are. We can hardly expect people who are in a state of suspicion, of acute suspicion, and who are actually engaged at this moment in civil war, as a preliminary condition to the discussion of negotiations to lay down arms. That is not the course we adopted when we were dealing with the Boers. That is not the course that has ever been adopted in any negotiations from which you could expect a fruitful and lasting result. I confess that I am not one of those who believe that if you could get into an atmosphere where outrage had yielded to a truce accepted both on the one side and the other you could not freely and frankly exchange views. I do not believe that you would find that the conditions suggested would be such as would be fatal to the unity or the safety of our Empire. I have never thought, and I do not think now, that the Irish are bent on the establishment of a separate and independent republic. I do not think, and I have never thought, that they would make stipulations, even if those stipulations were of a kind that could ever be enforced, for establishing and maintaining military and naval forces which would be inimical or prejudicial to the safety of the United Kingdom. But let us explore by every means in our power the possibilities of the case and with good will and generosity upon our side see if we cannot provoke corresponding good will and readiness to believe in the honesty of our intentions on the other. Even now that is not a hopeless task. If the Government could give us the assurance that such an attempt would be made and prosecuted I believe. I am speaking the universal opinion of every section in this House—[HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]—at any rate of the vast majority of the English people both at home and beyond the seas when I say that they would carry with them the sympathy and good wishes of everyone.
Until my right hon. Friend (Mr. Asquith) got up to take part in the discussion the Debate as a whole had been conducted in a spirit of conciliation and with a very sincere desire not to say anything which would excite and embitter. I regret that my right hon. Friend did not think it necessary to pursue the same course. I was certainly prepared myself to pursue the lines which had been indicated by my hon. Friend below the Gangway and by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Acland) who introduced this discussion. But it is quite impossible for me to pass over two or three things which were said by my right hon. Friend and even at the risk of being considered controversial, as I have not the slightest desire to be, I must repudiate in the strongest possible manner two or three attacks which he made upon the forces of the Crown who are endeavouring to restore law and order in Ireland. [ Laughter. ] I do not see why the idea of enforcing law and order in Ireland should provoke a note of derision. [An HON. MEMBER: "The failure to enforce it."] My right hon. Friend said that we had not succeeded in our policy in the course of six months. Can he give any single illustration in the whole history of Ireland where in six months order has been restored where you had a rebellion? He was himself endeavouring to do so longer than that and he did not succeed although he took very severe measures including the deportation of thousands of Irishmen and executions which I am not criticising. But that did not restore order. Can he recall any case where there has been disorder in Ireland especially disorder after a period of war and distraction, when the people of this country had their attention diverted to bigger and more difficult tasks, where order has been restored by any policy in the course of six months? It is not fair to say that the policy undertaken by the Government has failed merely after a six months' experiment.
Further, the policy would have succeeded very much sooner if there had been less encouragement from him to these people in Ireland—I am not saying this as a controversial matter, I am going to quote something in a moment—to believe that if they held out long enough, if they conducted this policy of theirs, for a sufficiently long period, British public opinion would rally to their support and surrender. Last week the official organ of the Republican party called attention to the fact that whereas the Republicans in Ireland were quite united, there was division in the ranks of "our enemies," as they call us—I can assure my right hon. Friend that he is also one of "our enemies," in spite of his speeches—and that in England there were people who were getting tired of the action of the Government, and that all they had to do was to hold out a little longer and there would be a surrender. That is a direct incitement to go on.
My right hon. Friend in attacking the Government in Ireland quoted, I think, three cases as an illustration of the wickedness of the policy of the Government. The first was the case of six men who were hanged in Dublin last week. I took special trouble to go into their cases. My hon. Friend the Member for Belfast (Mr. Devlin) made a special appeal to me on behalf of two or three of them. Therefore I took the trouble to investigate all these cases. It is a horrible thing to have to put an end to six young lives in cold blood, but having gone into all the circumstances, not only do I say that no Government could interfere, but I say that if my right hon. Friend had been here and had gone into the circumstances as I did he would have come to exactly the same conclusion. Who were these men? Two of them were engaged in murder. The other four were engaged in an ambush to kill policemen who were crossing a bridge. They were armed with bombs. They threw some of the bombs. There were others in their possession. What was more, in their possession were found bullets, soft-nosed bullets, flat-nosed, hollow and some of them cut. Torture is the word for it. Is nothing to be said about torturing the people who are there representing this House of Commons in Ireland? Men with these weapons in their possession are out not merely to kill but to mutilate, not merely to destroy life, but to destroy it in the most horrible condition—that is the case which my right hon. Friend has quoted as the basis of the indictment of the Government of this country, which he says is bringing shame and disgrace upon us in the United States of America and in Australia. The reason why the United States of America is taking this line is because quotations from the speeches of my right hon. Friend are published there and the real facts are not published.
What about the Strickland Report?
The hon. Gentleman must sit and listen as I have sat and listened. In the papers in America the statements made by the right hon. Gentleman will be quoted. The facts which I have given will not be quoted.
What about the Strickland Report?
What has the Strickland Report got to do with this? Take the next case, the case of the man who was shot in Cork in the martial law area. Full notice was given that anybody found in possession of these deadly weapons after a certain time would be tried and executed. In his possession were found, not merely revolvers, but dum-dum bullets. Is that a case that can be put to the discredit of the Government of Ireland? What is the third case? He says, "If you are holding the balance evenly, if you are punishing murderers on both sides, what have you done in the cases of Murphy and Kennedy?" In the cases of Murphy and Kennedy three men are now awaiting trial on the charge of murder. They will be tried with exactly the same expedition as the four men who were executed last Monday week. There will be prosecution by the Crown with evidence. I am not going to say that they are guilty—the case is sub judice. They will be tried for their lives, they must get the same chance as anybody else, but all I can say is that everything that could have been done by the Government to bring to justice men guilty of an offence of that kind, if they are guilty, has been done, and these are the three cases on which we are being arraigned, not merely in this country, but in the United States of America. I regret that it should be necessary to enter into these controversial matters, but it is not my fault. I have done it at the invitation of my right hon. Friend, and I say that the answer is a perfectly complete one on the part of the Government.
Other points and suggestions were put to us in the course of the Debate with regard to the trial of prisoners and the unity of command. All those are suggestions which we shall bear in mind. With regard to one suggestion which was made by my hon. Friend the Member for the Bridgeton Division of Glasgow (Mr. MacCallum Scott) in a very able speech, that there should be publicity, I can assure him that there is the most complete publicity now in every trial for murder, and if the hon. Gentleman had taken the trouble to look he would have found columns in all the Irish papers of the evidence, the speeches of counsel, the cross-examination, and everything that transpired in all these trials where there has been a verdict either of acquittal or conviction—and 40 per cent., I understand, have been acquitted. There has been the most complete publicity. Cases receive exactly the same publicity as any trial for murder in this country, and I am glad to reassure my hon. Friend on that subject. I agree with him that it is desirable that there should be full publicity in all these capital cases. That, I think, deals with the specific cases which have been mentioned by my right hon. Friend. I do not think that I need refer to the rather incoherent and slightly excitable speech delivered by the Noble Lord the Member for South Nottingham (Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck), because he has sufficiently explicitly disclaimed any intention of making any appeal to me.
I do not make any appeal to you.
Therefore I have definitely ruled out any consideration of that speech. But when I heard the Noble Lord describe his speech as not being combative I wondered what he would have said if he had been really combative.
I wonder!
He said also that a Welshman could not give an opinion upon Ireland.
I did not say that. The right hon. Gentleman has no right to put into my mouth words which I did not use. What I said was that I doubted whether a Welshman was a better judge of Irish liberty than an Irishman.
I had never stated that. Now I come to what is a much more important matter for consideration, and that is whether there is any possibility of bringing an end to this distressing condition of things in Ireland. The first thing I say is this: You will not bring an end to it by a surrender to crime; you will not bring an end to it by saying that whatever Irishmen ask for must, without reference to the conditions of the United Kingdom as a whole and the interests of these islands, be conceded. My right hon. Friend, amongst others, said that if you are going to meet these people you must not make impossible conditions. I was rather interested to know what the impossible condition was. He said, "You must not ask them to surrender arms before they negotiate." The Government has never done so. I stated that most explicity in this House a short time ago. If they ask for a truce, which is a different thing—which means that you are not to take the action which has been taken, to raid, to sweep the country—if there is to be a truce for a specified period, it must be a truce upon the basis of the surrender of arms. That is a different thing. That is the only policy that can possibly be pursued. We have never said that we will not negotiate with responsible Irish leaders unless there is a previous surrender of arms on the part of everybody in Ireland. I have never done so. This has been stated so often in the House that I really despair of giving a contradiction, because, unfortunately, the statements which are made are published in Ireland and the contradictions never are. In spite of that fact I say so now. Times out of number I have at this box and outside the House said that if responsible leaders of Irish opinion—and of course the elected representatives of the Irish people, must be treated as the constitutional exponents of Irish opinion until there is a change—if elected representatives of the Irish people are desirous of discussing the future government of Ireland with the Government of this country, we are perfectly prepared to deal with them. The only exceptions we have ever made are the exceptions in respect of people who are changed with crime. Those are very few, and we are perfectly prepared to give the names. There are only three or four at the outside.
How is it that you have 30 of them in gaol?
I am quite willing to enter into that question, but I do not want to be drawn to issues of that kind, which are not helpful. I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman wants to be helpful; I do. Therefore, I would rather not at the present moment enter into that discussion. I could give a complete defence of that. That is the position at the present moment. What do we find, in spite of the fact that a measure has been carried which, whatever its defects, gives greater powers of self-government to the Irish people not only than they have ever had, but greater powers than have ever been proposed before in this House, and in spite of the additional fact that we have indicated our readiness to discuss with the responsible leaders of Irish opinion any measure for the government of Ireland? We have no response. Crime goes on, ambuscades, bombings, all these horrors go on, and who is held responsible? The persons who are willing to discuss or negotiate, the people who say, "We are willing to have a parley and talk things over." The people who are held responsible are those who are prepared to do that and the people not held responsible are the people who refuse. I have never heard words from the Opposition benches condemning those who refuse to come to a parley and, notwithstanding that fact, go on with the shooting and the murder. Does anyone imagine that we take any delight in it? This is not a bloodthirsty people. It never was in its whole history. It loathes it. It is only when it is driven for national honour to resort to it that it does it, and it does it then gallantly, bravely, steadily, but not with delight in the shedding of blood. The people of these islands would be glad to see an end of this killing and counter-killing in Ireland. You will never come to an understanding unless it is realised who is responsible for refusing to discuss this matter. There are certain things to which we cannot agree. Who is there in this House who will agree? We could not agree to a separate independent Irish republic. I am told that they do not want it. If they do not want it, can they not say so?
You would beat them down further then.
Why do not they come and say so? It is not a question of there being no safe conducts. There is no difficulty of that kind. They know it. I am sorry to say that although the Irish have great courage they do not always display moral courage, and I fear that there is no Irish leader who has the moral courage to face his people, and say, "I am going to abandon this and abandon that; for the sake of Ireland, I am going to accept this." That is the real difficulty, and it is no use concealing the fact. You will never settle a trouble like that of Ireland until you understand the fundamental facts and difficulties. My hon. Friend opposite, in a very appealing speech, said that the Irish question is a very old one. That is quite true. It is treated as if it had arisen with the advent of my right hon. Friend the present Chief Secretary. It is a very old story. There have been very big men in the past who attempted to settle it and failed. Therefore, I make no shame that I have failed up to the present, and so have my colleagues. Some of the greatest men in English history have tried and tried genuinely, tried their best, but there has always been some breakdown before coming to an understanding between the two islands. Until you get one man in Ireland or two men who have the courage to tell their people—
How did you treat them when they had the courage?
The hon. Member is not entitled to interrupt. He can ask that question later. He is not entitled to put his questions in the middle of a speech.
On a point of Order—
The hon. Member should not rise when I have risen. I request him to remain silent, and if he wishes to put any question at the conclusion of the Prime Minister's speech, I shall be very happy to call him.
You betrayed his father when he trusted you.
I should have thought, when I was labouring my best to keep the doors of peace open and to make conciliation possible, that every Irishman ought to assist. I come back again to the position which I was endeavouring to state. You will not get peace in Ireland until someone on behalf of the Irish people accepts the same responsibility as the present Government are prepared to accept on behalf of the people of England and Scotland and Wales. We cannot settle, but we can recommend to Parliament. It is for Parliament to decide. All we can ask is that the leaders of the Irish people should say: "We are not plenipotentiaries, but we are prepared to accept the responsibility of going to the representatives of Ireland and recommending this course to them." That is all we can ask. We have not been able to secure one man who will accept that responsibility up to the present—not one man. Until we do so, it is idle to discuss here in the House of Commons the desirability of conciliation. Everybody admits that. We propose to put into operation the Act of Parliament which was carried last year. We propose, and are making arrangements for the holding of the Elections in May of this year.
In the South?
7.0 P.M.
In the South and in the North. It will be for the people of Ireland to decide whether they choose representatives; it will be for them to decide whether they intend to carry out the Act, and the responsibility for their refusal will be entirely theirs. If they choose representatives, their Parliament and the Parliament of the North constitute themselves a constituent Assembly with full powers under the Act that was carried last year to consider and recommend changes. There is a provision in the Act that enables the Council of Ireland, elected under that Act, to consider and recommend changes. If they refuse to choose men for that purpose, if they choose, though they elect men, to give instructions that they shall take no part in that machine, not even to discuss further improvements, then we shall have to fall back upon other measures for the government of Ireland. But the responsibility will be theirs. I want the Irish people and the people of this country to know that. It is very easy, when you have unpleasant incidents like these which have happened in Ireland, to weary public opinion. Stories are told which upon investigation may be found to be unreliable, but the stories have gone, and it is very difficult to call them back. I remember that when I spoke on the first day of the Session I gave an explanation of the Mallow incident. My explanation which I had from the police force was that firing took place and that in the course of firing and cross firing two or three people were killed. It was in the dark. There was undoubtedly cross firing. A policeman was shot, two policemen were hit, and a policeman's wife was killed in the course of the cross-firing. Two or three men were killed in the station from which firing was proceeding. My right hon. Friend the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) got up and disconcerted me by saying that firing took place the following day. I felt that if that was true that I had been completely mislead, but I said, "If that is the case, I will inquire." Inquiry was made—a public inquiry. Counsel—Mr. Healy—represented the railwaymen, and there was not a word of truth in the story—not a word of truth, but that story was told by the leader of the railwaymen. It would have gone through Ireland, would have gone through the United States of America, it would have gone to France, and it probably has gone to Australia, and I am not sure that my poor contradictions to-day will ever appear, or whether those papers that have published this story broadcast will ever take the trouble to put it right. The policemen in Ireland—these men who are fighting for their lives there—will be maligned, will be slandered, and all these attacks will be circulated throughout the whole world. It is almost idle to appeal for fairplay for these men.
What I want to say is this. The best way of settling is that we should bring Ireland and Great Britain together into a real partnership. I believe that once it begins all the distress in the past will be forgotten. It will be realised that there have been great misunderstandings between two peoples of very different character who do not easily understand each other. But I also say that until Irish opinion takes its courage into both hands and decides to accept the possible, and the practicable, and the only thing that Great Britain can possibly allow for an island which is in a strategic position and which may be fatal if it gets into the hands of an enemy—I must ask the House of Commons and the British public to support us in enforcing, not the law of this country, but the law of civilised lands everywhere. I must ask also that all that happens there should be viewed with patience.
It is not the first time that these conditions have arisen in Ireland. Every time this country has been in trouble after a great war, or when there were civil convulsions here, as in the days of Charles I., the great war, the Napoleonic war when England and Scotland and Wales had their hands full, there has been trouble. We have always had rebellions in Ireland, always had these disturbances in Ireland, and the British Government has not been able to deal with them because its energies had to be concentrated on greater difficulties. So rebellion has always gathered head, rebellion has consolidated its position, rebellion has got what is most important for rebellion, confidence, and it has always therefore taken longer after a great war to restore order than before. All I ask is this. If conciliation is impossible—and it is no fault of ours that it should be—I must on behalf of the Government appeal to the House of Commons and to the people of this country to assist us in taking steps, the only steps which are available, in order to establish authority in Ireland and to establish it to such an extent that the real mind of Ireland shall have an opportunity of declaring itself.
I apologise for interrupting the right hon. Gentleman, but I could not contain myself when he made the statement that the one condition of peace in Ireland was that Irish leaders should have the moral courage to negotiate with him and to trust his word after the manner in which the late Leader of the Irish party was betrayed by him.
I wish I could say I regard the speech of the Prime Minister as a serious contribution to the restoration of peace in Ireland. I waited with anxiety—I will not say with hope, but certainly with interest—to hear what the Prime Minister had to suggest. In my opinion his speech does not make a contribution to peace. He asked, first, where is the Irish leader who is ready to take his courage in both hands and to negotiate with the Government? I am not, if I may venture to say so, an Irish leader, because the party I belong to has been wrecked with the assistance of the right hon. Gentleman. Is that the way to approach this question? He says, if the two Parliaments come together—apparently he is determined to give them an opportunity of being elected—that they can make themselves into a Constituent Assembly. I know the right hon. Gentleman knows—everybody knows—that the Sinn Feiners will not meet; they have said so. The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head, but I ask him to be patient. He knows a very important body of opinion in Ireland has declared that they will not have a Southern Parliament, but the right hon. Gentleman proposes to bring into existence a Southern Parliament which the opinion of Ireland declares it will not have. I am not astonished that the right hon. Gentleman can confuse the House of Commons, but I am astonished that he can confuse himself. Now he says under this Act—this great, generous Act which no Irishman wants—the two Parliaments have a right to come together and make a Constituent Assembly. Is that a correct statement of fact? Does not the hon. Gentleman know—no one knows it better—that though it is quite true the two Parliaments can come together and make a Constituent Assembly, it is also true that that Constituent Assembly, however great the majority on one side may be, cannot take a single step without the assent of the minority of the Irish people? That is what he calls a generous measure of self-government, where the minority of the Irish people can control the destiny and the national liberties of the people. The right hon. Gentleman is not serious when he makes such a proposal as that.
I take the next point of his policy, and we see how constructive his mind is about this. He says, if the Southern Parliament does not meet and is not constituted and if they will not agree to a Constituent Assembly—
I think it is important that the hon. Member should not forget one very important point—the invitation to the leaders of Irish opinion to discuss the matter with the Government.
I will come to that, Honestly, I am not anxious to say a word which will delay peace for an hour, and if some of my language appears controversial it is not intentional. I wish hon. Members for the North of Ireland were here, because I would like to ask them if they had these Parliaments constituted and they were asked to go into the Southern Parliament and create a Constituent Parliament, is there any likelihood on their part of doing so? I do not think there is; therefore this talk of a Constituent Assembly in the future, where one-fourth of the population can control three-fourths of the population, is no contribution towards bringing about peace in Ireland. If the Southern Parliament does not come into existence if there be no Constituent Assembly because there will be no two Parliaments, then, said the right hon. Gentleman, the responsibility is Ireland's, and they must have another policy. Does the right hon. Gentleman realise what that means? Does not that mean that instead of having peace in Ireland and instead of adopting a policy of conciliation and a policy of reconciliation we are to have two, three, or four years more of the present horrors in Ireland? How the right hon. Gentleman can face a situation like that without quailing is beyond the capacity of my understanding.
The next suggestion of the right hon. Gentleman is that the Government is open to negotiation. I cannot say that their efforts in that direction have been successful, and the reason they have not been successful is that they have been conducted on the wrong lines. When he asks somebody to come forward and negotiate with him, I ask him, who can? I cannot; I do not see how any Sinn Feiner can; I do not see how any man in Ireland can, until you have changed the conditions. Here you have a country on which have been let loose a number of ill-disciplined and ill-conducted soldiers, or I will not call them soldiers, for they do not deserve that title. These men have looted, have insulted our women, have admittedly been guilty of cold-blooded murder, yet in all his speeches the right hon. Gentleman has never uttered one word of condemnation of that. Really, this is my complaint at the manner in which the right hon. Gentleman treats this whole problem, that he has only told one side of the case. The charge is made against us that because we denounce the action of the Black-and-Tans we have no words of condemnation for the murders committed on the other side. I have never made a speech in which I have not expressed, my condemnation, and I do not believe anybody who has attacked the Government—and they have been attacked from all sides of the House—has started without expressing condemnation of these murders. Does anybody suppose the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) is going to condone murders by Sinn Fein? The difference between the right hon. Gentleman and us, the difference between the right hon. Gentleman and the Chief Secretary in his more chastened mood of the last two or three weeks, is this, that while the Chief Secretary has expressed his horror and condemnation of some of these cold-blooded murders and has admitted that they occur, not one such syllable has ever passed the lips of the Prime Minister. I do not want to make a personal attack on him or anybody, and I say it with regret, and I say also that as long as the right hon. Gentleman maintains that position of absolute reticence in regard to any word of condemnation or of any determination to put these reprisals down, so long no man can have the moral courage, and any man that would approach the right hon. Gentleman to negotiate with him as long as he maintains that attitude would be guilty, in my opinion, of moral cowardice.
There was a Debate a little while ago in which my hon. Friend (Mr. A. Williams), who has taken such a profound interest in the Armenian question, was talking of something that had occurred in Armenia, and the right hon. Gentleman replied with what my hon. Friend called a sneer at the Armenians. The suggestion was that the Armenians could be attacked, their men murdered, their women outraged, their homes destroyed, that they made no resistance, that it was a people that had not got the courage to resist the butchery or the rape of the Turk, and -that it was not therefore a nation that was deserving of liberty. If the right hon. Gentleman were in Opposition instead of at the head of the Government, I would like to know what he would say of the Irish people when it was proved that their men were assassinated in cold blood before their wives, their sisters, and their daughters, that their women had their chemises torn by brutal and drunken soldiers in the middle of the night—the right hon. Gentleman need not shake his head, it is true—when their towns were burned, almost for a while with the approval of the Government—I would like to know what he would say, if he were leader of the Opposition, of the Irish people if they lay down under it. The right hon. Gentleman would say that the people that could lie down under such things was not the people that had the great virile virtues that entitle a country to freedom.
I remember the time when I had the honour of sitting behind the right hon. Gentleman—I have seen strange changes in my day—and I remember the time when I almost trembled while the right hon. Gentleman was denouncing the Boer War. He spoke with a violence against the proceedings of his own countrymen, his own soldiers, in a way that I, as an Irishman, could not have ventured to do, but I want to bring back the right hon. Gentleman, if I can, to his attitude in those days, and then there will be some hope of peace. When things like this were occurring in South Africa—yet not like this, for nothing ever was done in South Africa comparable to the things that have been done in Ireland—I do not remember, though I was in the middle of all those times, a single charge substantiated, or even made, of a man who had the honour of wearing the British uniform murdering a prisoner of war. If there was such a case, I never heard of it. There were other things that I thought were worthy of reprobation, and so did the right hon. Gentleman. I have looked up some of his speeches in those days, and when there were reprisals in South Africa—not reprisals in the shape of cold-blooded assassinations, but reprisals in burning down houses—we got the real doctrine, which the right hon. Gentleman has repudiated now, of all true British order and justice and civilisation. He said: can, is this, that the policy which the right hon. Gentleman advocated in South Africa, at the risk of his life, against the howls of a majority in this House—I have seen the right hon. Gentleman almost hooted down in the course of that controversy, and, as we know, his life was attempted in Birmingham—the policy that the right hon. Gentleman recommended in South Africa, and which he repudiates in Ireland, was as much a success in South Africa as the opposite policy has been a failure in Ireland. Is that not true? If the militarists, who then were his enemies, and who now are his friends, if the Prussian militarists whose methods have been adopted in Ireland and approved in this House—
indicated dissent.
The right hon. Gentleman denies the statement that Prussian militarism is rampant in Ireland, and I will prove it presently, but if the policy of the Prussian militarists had been adopted in South Africa, either during the Boer War or during the De Wet rebeltion, South Africa to-day, instead of being one of the defences of this Empire, would be one of its dangers and would have been a danger during the recent War, and a very serious danger, too. It would have lost us the War, and just as much as I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on his wisdom and his courage in recommending a sound policy in South Africa, and on its success, just as much I condemn and deplore the opposite policy that he has adopted in Ireland. The right hon. Gentleman by a shake of his head objected to the term "Prussian militarism" as applied to the conduct of policy in Ireland, but what has happened in Ireland? It is a great disadvantage to us that we are not favoured with the presence of the right hon. Gentleman in this House a little more, because I do not believe the right hon. Gentleman knows anything of what is going on in Ireland except when his attention is specially called to it. I assure him that one of the causes of the troubles in Ireland to-day is, if I may use the phrase, that, like Budyard Kipling's soldier, he was "an absent-minded beggar" while Ireland was standing at the gate. If he had been here and had heard story after story of all these cold-blooded crimes and incidents in Ireland, when actually the House of Commons voted that a man could be an English officer and a gentleman and yet be a thief—for such a decision was given by the majority which he controls in this House—I think he would regard the term "Prussian militarism," as applied to the condition of affairs in Ireland, as erring on the side of charity. Four boys were hanged in Dublin last Monday week, and on the previous Monday, I think, six were shot in Cork. I think the youngest of these boys was 19 and the oldest 28. Everybody knows what happened. Round the gaols there were thousands of people in prayer. These boys will be remembered centuries after we are all dead, and I must say I do not envy the right hon. Gentleman—
They had dum-dum bullets in their possession. Surely Ireland will not be proud of that.
I accept the statement of the right hon. Gentleman, but it does not alter the fact that not a single human being was killed in the ambush for which they were executed. If the right hon. Gentleman lays down the gospel that you have a right to hang youths because they are in an ambush, where no lives are lost and no one is wounded—
That was not their fault.
Does the hon. Member mean that there is no difference between an attempted murder and an executed murder? If he says so, I cannot understand his point of view.
Does the hon. Gentleman suggest that the dum-dum bullets would not have been used on the police on that occasion if these men had got a chance to use them?
They did not get a chance because they were arrested. They could have been sent to penal servitude for life. Some hon. Member to-night laid emphasis on the fact that these men did not wear uniform. Fortunately, I was able to find a statement bearing on this point in the language of the right hon. Gentleman. The subject was the greatness of little nations. He spoke about Czecho-Slovakia, about Wales, naturally, and about several other small countries, and, curiously enough, in the list of small countries whose heroism and whose great- ness had excited his imagination, was Ireland. This is what he said:
"It is enough for me to have the story which the Germans themselves avow, admit, defend, proclaim—the burning and massacring, the shooting down of harmless people—why? Because all the Germans, I find, are German soldiers. What business had German soldiers there at all?"
What business have English soldiers in Ireland? Ireland was a nation long before England, and she has a right to her liberty. He proceeded:
"Belgium was acting in pursuance of a most sacred right—the right to defend your own home. But you were not in uniform when I shot. If a burglar broke into the Kaiser's palace at Potsdam, destroyed his furniture, shot down his servants, ruined his art treasures, especially those he made himself"—[ Laughter and cheers ]—
Evidently, quite a gay gathering—
"burned his precious manuscripts, do you think he would wait until he got into uniform before he shot him down?"
That is laid down for the Belgians defending their homes against the Germans. English soldiers may burn down the villages and towns of Ireland and assassinate her people in cold blood, but, unlike the Belgians defending themselves from the Germans, the Irish soldiers must be in uniform. These legalities do not count in this great human tragedy. I have a telegram, and I dare say the right hon. Gentleman has, too, about three young men who are to be executed next Monday, also, I suppose, because of an ambush, and I assume the right hon. Gentleman is going to carry out the sentence. I hope not. I put this to him. What is the use of talking about any men in Ireland having the moral courage to come forward and negotiate with the Government that is dipping its hands in blood week after week? What men could do it, or ought to do it? These things must be stopped before any prospect of peace comes along. I want to say this word of warning to the Government. I know it is useless. I have been warning this House for years. All my warnings have been realised, though disregarded, but I warn the Government that every man they hang on such grounds as those for which they have hanged puts further away the prospect of peace. The right hon. Gentleman talks about dum-dum bullets. Do you think 20,000 people praying for those boys, the priesthood in all the chapels offering their prayers for the salvation of their, souls, were thinking that they were common, vulgar murderers? There is no use your trying to lay down these ridiculous legal formulas. The more hangings and reprisals the more crime. It is a vicious circle. You must stop the whole thing. You must offer an unconditional truce, and you must do something more. I want to give this final word of warning to the Prime Minister. He talks of what he might be prepared to do. Well, he has receded a little from his position on previous occasions.
No.
He talked to-day of a constituent assembly. I understood his previous declarations to mean that, before a constituent assembly could come together, he was ready to offer terms to Ireland larger, and more generous, than those in the present Bill, always subject to three conditions, which I think every sane Irishman would accept.
I have not receded in the slightest degree from the position I have always taken on behalf of the Government, that I am willing to discuss with leading Irishmen any question relating to the future government of Ireland, subject to three conditions. I have never withdrawn from that position, and I stand by it now.
The right hon. Gentleman is willing to discuss with any body of Irishmen who are able to negotiate, any proposals with regard to Irish self-government, subject to certain conditions. Now, in the first place, I think I can prove that it is impossible to get anybody to negotiate so long as the present state of things in Ireland goes on. If the Government will persist in a policy which drives Ireland to the insanity of exasperation that they will not negotiate, it is the Government, and not the Irish people, who are responsible. The Irish people have been more sinned against than sinning. As my hon. and gallant Friend has reminded my right hon. Friend, we had a man who was willing to negotiate, who did negotiate, who kept his word even unto death, and who brought down the Irish demand to what he regarded as the minimum, and to a large extent lost the confidence of his countrymen. We have had, over and over again, from the right hon. Gentleman himself, not merely as a Member of the Ministry, but since he has been head of the Ministry, what I would regard as definite promises of a form of self-government in Ireland. I do not want to dwell on that letter which he addressed to the Dublin Convention, but he spoke of a united Parliament for all Ireland. Nothing happened. Finally, in introducing the Conscription Bill for Ireland, he definitely stated that he was going to carry a measure for self-government, and to put the Act, with certain modifications, into operation. He went the length of saying that the one measure was absolutely independent of the other; that is to say, whether conscription was carried or not, he would carry Home Rule. That was in 1918, and it has not been carried yet. I do not want to say that the Irish people have more suspicion of the right hon. Gentleman than of other English Ministers, but I do say they are suspicious, and they have a right to be suspicious of all English Ministers. If you want really to show your sincerity in the form of negotiating with Ireland, you must lay all your cards on the table. We have had enough of this manœuvring, of this playing for position. The situation is too tragic. I invite the right hon. Gentleman to take his courage in both hands, and tell the Irish people, subject to the conditions we all know, "I will consent to the absolute self-government; of Ireland "—without any coercion of Ulster, naturally, as one of the conditions—"and I am willing to stake my existence as a Minister that it shall be given to Ireland." When the right hon. Gentleman leaves this vague region of vague promises, and comes down to a solid fact like that, then, and not till then, do I see any prospect of peace.
Those Members of the House who are anxious to see reconciliation between Ireland and this country—and I believe they sit on both sides of the House—have a feeling of disappointment at the speech that has been made on behalf of the Government during this Debate. I think the yearning for peace is so universal in the House, that it was expected on all hands that the Prime Minister would have gone considerably further than he has gone to-day. This is not the first time the question of peace has been raised this Session. It was also raised more than once last Session, and an atmosphere was created in this House and in Ireland during December that led to considerable hope that we were on the way to opening negotiations which might prove successful in bringing about a settlement. We have never been told by the Government why that atmosphere was destroyed, nor why some of the negotiations terminated. In the last Debate, in the early part of this Session, I submitted questions as to the negotiations just before the Session opened with the Australian Archbishop and asked if the House might be informed why they terminated, if the failure was because of the conditions of the Government or because of the conditions of those for whom the Archbishop was carrying on the negotiations—
I answered that.
And I have never heard and I have never received any answer.
I answered it.
The right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary was present when I put those questions, and the ex-Leader of the House replied at the close of the Debate, and not a single word was said as to these negotiations. In view of the emphasis that the Prime Minister to-day put upon the unwillingness of the other side to come forward and negotiate, or to state the terms upon which they are prepared to negotiate, it is only proper that the House should be told fully why the negotiations with the Archbishop terminated at the time when, from statements in the Press, there was a great deal of expectancy of fruitful result.
The Prime Minister suggested that there was no one on the Sinn Fein side with sufficient moral courage to come forward and handle the position as it ought to be handled. Whatever we may think of the Sinn Fein people, however much we may disagree with, and even abhor, much of the policy for which they have made themselves responsible, I do not think anyone can substantiate the charge that they lack moral courage. I do not think it can be maintained for a single moment.
May I interrupt my right hon. Friend for a moment? He will find that on the 15th February I made a very long statement about the negotiations with the Archbishop of Perth.
I cannot have been present then, and the Chief Secretary did not remind me of the "fact when I submitted my question. I accept the statement of the right hon. Gentleman. But the point I was making was that we could not seriously charge Sinn Fein leaders with lack of moral courage. It would have been quite impossible for anyone to carry on the campaign they have carried on during the last year or two without displaying an unusual amount of moral courage. It may be misused.
Physical courage.
Yes, and moral courage. You cannot be hounded about night and day, as we found they were being hounded about, and as it is admitted that they are being hounded about, without having a considerable amount of moral courage and a deep conviction that the cause is a cause in which you thoroughly believe. I think one of the reasons why there is an indisposition to come forward is the experience they have suffered, the experience that the whole of the Irish people have been subjected to, and no one has more eloquently stated the position than the right hon. Gentleman himself. Here is a quotation which brings the thing right up to the last minute— value of the Convention but, what is more, would have the effect of destroying the constitutional party, and at the conclusion of 1918 it had, more than any of us expected, absolutely destroyed the constitutional party which for 30 or 40 years had been striving in this House to obtain a measure of self-government within the British Empire.
I am going to come a little nearer even than 1918 in order to show that all blame does not rest with the leaders of the Sinn Fein movement. The right hon. Gentleman will remember that some of us on these Benches went over to Ireland, with his knowledge and with the knowledge of the Chief Secretary, and endeavoured to find out whether there was any possibility of negotiations being entered upon that might lead to a satisfactory settlement of the question. We were told before we went, in answer to a question about the great Labour Conference having decided to support the policy that we had made ourselves responsible for putting forward, that they were not the political and constitutional representatives, that they were the industrial representatives. So we made it our business to get into touch, as far as we could, with what the Prime Minister has to-day called the constitutional representatives of the Irish people, the elected representatives of the Irish people and we came back and reported that there was everywhere, even among the Sinn Fein leaders with whom we spoke, including Mr. Arthur Griffith, a desire that the atmosphere that then existed should be exploited for all it was worth in the interests of what we hoped would be a permanent settlement. We came back to this country, the right hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Adamson) and myself, and we saw the Prime Minister. We told him what we had found in Ireland, and that amongst all sections of the Irish people, professional people, business people, the Sinn Fein leaders, the organised workers, and everywhere we went, we found the same desire that negotiations should be opened up and peace established. We had hoped, as he will remember, to have another interview with him, but that interview did not come off. Within three days of our first interview with the right hon. Gentleman the Government announced again its policy. What was that policy? It was a policy of martial law for considerable parts of Ireland and a policy of intensified repression. Is it to be wondered at, having regard to the long past, having regard to more recent incidents to which I have referred, that there should be a feeling of suspicion on the part of the leaders of Sinn Fein that these negotiations that the Prime Minister has been referring to are not intended seriously?
I should like to tell my right hon. Friend—he must have overlooked this—that at that time negotiations were conducted through Archbishop Clune—the negotiations he referred to—and those failed. Therefore there was no possibility of conducting any further discussions at that time.
I do not wish to misunderstand, but unless I am very much mistaken, at the time I was referring to, when we returned to London, the negotiations with Archbishop Clune had not been entered upon. They were subsequent to that.
indicated dissent.
At any rate, I can only say this, and I think it is very pertinent to the point, that at the time we saw the Prime Minister, as we also saw the Leader of the House, no single word was said to us that negotiations were then going on with Archbishop Clune.
No; I certainly had no right to give away to the right hon. Gentleman or anybody else the fact that Archbishop Clune was in touch with the Sinn Fein leaders; certainly not.
No; I did not want the right hon. Gentleman to give away to the right hon. Member for West Fife or myself the name of any person with whom negotiations were being conducted, but I think it would have been just as well if we had been told that negotiations were going on.
indicated dissent.
Well, after all, there is an old adage that "too many cooks may spoil the broth."
I quite agree.
8.0 P.M.
Neither the right hon. Gentleman nor the Chief Secretary, with whom we were in constant touch before we went to Ireland, hinted for a single moment that negotiations were going on, and that it would be better for us to leave the thing entirely alone. I think the fact that so many people have been negotiating only strengthens my point, that before the Sinn Fein leaders respond to the Prime Minister's suggestion and enter into negotiations they must have some very very definite assurance that there is a possibility of those negotiations leading to definite business. I think the Prime Minister will agree with me that if you enter into negotiations, and they break down, it often leaves the position worse than if the negotiations had never been entered into at all. All I want to try to establish is that it seems to me the Prime Minister this afternoon, having regard to the appalling situation in Ireland, did not go as far as he might have gone in the direction of peace. If he thinks that the Sinn Fein leaders are going to come in and make some offer, my opinion is this question will never be settled in this way. He is a very old negotiator; in fact we know, some of us from long experience in industrial disputes, that there is no Member of the Government, and no Member of this House, who has handled so many disputes as he has done. But he knows quite well that when these disputes run on for too long a time they are not settled by the one side directly approaching the other. Disputes have been more often settled by himself coming in as a third party, and quietly finding out how the two parties stand in relation to each other. If that be so in industrial disputes that might go on for a few weeks, or at most for a few months, what must be the position with regard to a dispute that has gone on for ages as it were between these two countries, especially having regard to the destruction of the constitutional parties that sat here for so many years, and clamoured for a measure of self-government within the Empire? Sinn Fein leaders know full well that they put forward a much larger demand, and we may depend upon it they have so publicly committed themselves to this demand, just as the Prime Minister to-day has once more committed himself to the policy of the Government, that neither is going to come to the other and say, "Can we talk, can we get into proper businesslike negotiations?" I do not think that the charge that they are not coming forward indicates either a lack of moral courage or an indisposition to reach a settlement.
I have one further criticism to offer of the Prime Minister's speech. I do not think he dealt with those of us on this side of the House quite fairly. He said that the Government's policy would have succeeded better but for the encouragement that has been given to the other side by some of the occupants of this Front Bench in the speeches they have delivered. I do not think he quite specified whose speeches he was referring to, but I do disclaim any responsibility for having encouraged the other side in any speeches that have been delivered by myself or by my colleagues with whom I act on these Benches. I will venture to say that no one has condemned murder, and no one has abhorred more strongly much of the policy associated with Sinn Fein, and many of the deeds done in the name of Sinn Fein, than have the leaders of the Labour party in this country. We have done it in this House, and we have done it in the great campaign that we conducted only a few weeks ago—one of the greatest campaigns we have ever had since the party came into being. Right throughout that campaign, not only in our resolutions, but in our speeches, we expressed our condemnation of many of the foul deeds done in the name of Sinn Fein. I think this idea of encouraging the enemy is being carried a little too far. Last week we had it that we were encouraging the Germans. For a long time we have had it that we were encouraging the Bolsheviks; now we are told we are encouraging the Sinn Feiners in their resistance. It seems to me very remarkable that whenever we on the Opposition Benches follow the lead that we have been given by the Prime Minister, and declare our convictions, whether it be in connection with reprisals—because as the hon. Member for the Scotland Division (Mr. O'Connor) has reminded the House, no one more eloquently condemned reprisals in connection with the Transvaal War than did the Prime Minister, and furthermore, I am going to give a quotation from the Prime Minister which, I think, justifies us up to the very hilt in carrying on our propaganda, if we believe that we are right against the policy of the Govern- ment, which we consider to be wrong—whenever we do that we are told we are encouraging the enemy:
The last point I wish to make is that those of us who have followed very closely the Debates in connection with the Irish question over the last two or three years are bound to note to-day a very, very great contrast in the tone. We are bound to note the absence of that dominant optimistic tone about the success of this policy for which the Government have made themselves responsible which was so manifest in all the speeches, and if the Chief Secretary will permit me to say so, in no one's speeches more than in his. I remember him saying in the course of the Debate at the beginning of the Autumn Session that he had this murder gang by the throat and was going to crush it, and that he had them on the run. Six months have gone by, and no one can read the distressing accounts that appear in the papers day by day and the appalling tragedies of the past two or three days without feeling that there is a danger of our having to go a considerable distance before these words of the Chief Secretary, spoken, I believe, in all sincerity, are going to be fulfilled. No, Sir, this policy, in my judgment, never can succeed. This policy of meeting force by force never can succeed. I believe that the policy of reprisals is an absolute failure. I believe it is the most important factor in bringing us to the increasingly appalling situation that now obtains from one end of Ireland to the other. What is more, I am strongly convinced that the military methods of the Government never can succeed in accomplishing the very object we have in view. I was very much surprised, when I heard the Prime Minister say, if conciliation is impossible, we must ask support to establish the law. If conciliation is not possible, then I think the position is lost, because I am convinced that if we are only going on to use force, we shall only succeed in damaging our national prestige. I cannot imagine that one of our Allies approves of the Government's handling of the Irish situation. I cannot imagine any country in the world looks on with favour, as I pointed out in the last Debate, especially remembering, as they must, the high idealism that we endeavoured to persuade ourselves and the world we had in view in connection with the recent great world War. No, those of us on these Benches feel we ought to assist to the very best of our ability to get recreated an atmosphere similar to that which obtained in December. We are prepared to assist, by all and every means in our power, to advance conciliation. We are convinced that, if conciliation does not succeed, the policy which the Government is now pursuing will only still further damage our position in the world, and is assisting to bring up in Ireland a new generation whose bitterness will lead them to any extreme in order that they may try to secure the freedom of their country.
The Prime Minister this afternoon appealed to the House of Commons to support the Government in the policy which they are carrying on in Ireland. I am perfectly willing to do so on certain conditions, for, however strong my objections may be to certain aspects of that policy, I have always realised that the alternative suggestions that have come from the other side have been, to use a hard word, a little futile. May I refer to the argument brought forward by one hon. Member, namely, the proposal for military withdrawal and the setting up of an all Ireland Congress? There appears to me to be a fatal objection to that policy. If, when next the House is rather fuller than it is at present, the hon. Member will cast his eye to the second Bench below the Gangway on the Government side, he will see 16 grim- faced gentlemen sitting in a row. It seems to me that this proposal would mean that there would be civil war in Ireland between the North and the South, and I for one cannot see the Sanity and reason of substituting a civil war between the North and the South for a war between Ireland and this country. It seems to me that this problem falls largely into two parts. There is the political issue, and in dealing with the political issue, I must confess I had a great deal of sympathy with the Prime Minister when he referred to what appears to me to be the crux of the whole question. He said, "We have not had a single representative Sinn Feiner who has come forward and said, 'We will accept anything less than an Irish Republic'" I have been told by Irishmen and Englishmen that the Sinn Feiners will accept less than a Republic. What am I asked to believe? I am asked to believe, on the one hand, that the Sinn Fein leaders are national leaders, and, on the other hand, that they are liars, because they have repeatedly declared that they will accept nothing less than a complete and independent Republic. That does seem to me to be a very great bar, and it inclines me to the belief that all questions of conferences and negotiations must wait until we do get some advance upon that irreconcilable attitude.
Has the hon. and gallant Gentleman never bargained for a horse, and especially with an Irishman.
Yes, I have bargained for a horse and with an Irishman; but, really, one cannot bargain for many months on end without one side or the other abating some part of the price. On our side there have been numerous modifications of our original attitude. There has been no response. I am quite ready to admit that upon the other side, that of Sinn Fein, there is the fact, at any rate, that every Englishman is mistrusted and the Government is mistrusted. The Prime Minister's plan, upon the political side, as he announced this afternoon, is to hold the elections under the Government of Ireland Bill in May. As I understood him, if those elections are held it is hoped to bring the representatives of the two Parliaments together in council in negotiation. I sug- gest that he is putting off a little too long the further attempts to get peace in Ireland. I should like to make one or two suggestions, if I may, whereby in the meanwhile—because it does not rule out the question of negotiations—some further effort may be made. Really, the situation is so grave that we should not lightly abandon any chance, however small.
Assuming, then, this complete mistrust between Irishmen and Englishmen at the present day, how can we remove it? I have been told, and I am ready to take the chance, and I believe it, that if the Prime Minister will put down on paper what he means when he makes his three reservations—Ulster, the ports, and the Republic—if he will put down on paper what modifications, if suggested by these Councils, he will be prepared on behalf of the Government to accept, then that will be the basis for the start of negotiations. As I said, it is hard to believe in the few declarations of the Sinn Fein leaders, but the thing, I think, is worth trying. Really, a hard-and-fast attitude of "no surrender" upon any account is, it seems to me, quite unjustifiable in the present grave situation in Ireland. I would make the further suggestion: One of the wings of the Coalition in the House has recently elected as head a gentleman who is universally recognised as being at the very height of honesty and sincerity as a politician. I do not think that, except in a passing sense, he has been implicated in the Irish embroglio to a very great extent. Could not the Prime Minister ask his colleague to go as his ambassador with these proposals written down? If he does not feel inclined to go now to the present Dail Eirrean, under one of the suggestions made by the Prime Minister, let him go if and when the new Council proposed to represent the two Parliaments get together.
I put the suggestion forward because I think it is one which might be accepted, and because I believe no effort on the part of the heads of the Government is too great to be made at the present time. I do not think that we have had enough attention to the Irish problem up to the present from the heads of the Government. I have some sympathy with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Widnes (Mr. Henderson) when he complained of the Prime Minister's accusation that he and his friends were en- couraging rebels in Ireland. May I just try to give the House the reason why I conceive it to be the duty of the House of Commons to devote their attention to reprisals, not indeed neglecting the murders, but to devote their attention to the question of reprisals. Simply for this reason: whereas we are not responsible for the murders we are responsible for the reprisals, seeing the reprisals are committed by servants of this House, while the murders are committed by the enemies of this House. There is thus a direct responsibility. I do not think therefore it is quite fair to say that every hon. Member who rises raises the question of reprisals in this House is necessarily doing it for party or other ends. I myself feel that this is a question which should be stressed because my own personal support of the policy of the Government, for one thing, does rather depend on the military side upon the restoration of a rigid discipline amongst the servants of the Crown.
I object to reprisals, not only because it is bad morality, but because they do not pay—for two reasons advanced by the Prime Minister as a cogent argument in support of his observations the other day. So let me for a moment direct my attention to the question of reprisals. There are four kinds of reprisals. There are the reprisals which are committed by the servants of the Crown under stress of great provocation. There are those committed by the forces of the Crown suffering, as I believe, from a high-spirited break-out, sometimes under the influence of drink. There are reprisals which are committed under the order of the commander-in-chief. Lastly, there are the reprisals which exist only in the imagination of Sinn Feiners, and they are a high percentage, as I believe, of the total number of reprisals. For example, we have had the Mallow case to-day, and the cases of Murphy and Kennedy also to-day.
All these, I believe, ought to be stopped. Why should the authorised reprisals be stopped? Simply because sooner or later it is the British taxpayer, provided we succeed in pacifying Ireland, who will have to pay for all this destruction of property. Why, I ask, should the other reprisals be stopped? That point has been boldly expressed throughout to-day's Debate by hon. Members, and I, for one, do not need to follow up that argument. But there is a new factor on the military side which, it appears to me, has become more and more prominent in the recent past. That is what we are up against in Ireland. It is no longer a mere murder gang, but it is a disciplined revolutionary army. We must face the military facts. It appears to me absolutely certain by this time that what we are up against is not merely a number of small bands flying for their lives, but rather flying columns up against the outposts of the enemy, namely, ourselves. If that is a fact it very much increases the difficulty of our task. It is also becoming increasingly clear that this army is continuing its operations relying, possibly upon the friendly attitude of the mass of the population. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Chelsea this afternoon made an appeal to the Government to conciliate the loyal element in the South and West of Ireland. I have asked before, and I ask again, where are they? It is true that you have isolated individuals now and then coming forward to help the forces of the Crown. I am afraid—and I am sorry to say it—that their end has almost invariably been to be found dead with a label "convicted spy" around their necks.
Therefore it seems to me that you are up against a hostile army backed by the population which as a whole is friendly to it. That means that two armies which are facing each other are almost equal in morale, if not in resources. That seems to me to imply that in the end you will have to face the prospect, providing political negotiations do not succeed, of continuing to face the present situation in Ireland for two or three years if not longer. That is a very appalling outlook. It is why I for one am very insistent that if martial law is to be administered it should be done in a proper and efficient manner. Where it has been properly done the population has never groused about it. An hon. and gallant Member of this House administered martial law in South Africa for two years, I believe, and he assures me he conducted it to the entire satisfaction of the civilian population.
If we are to contemplate a continuance of this military régime for a considerable further period of time what are the principles upon which we ought to proceed? One of my hon. Friends suggested unification of command. I think that is an exceedingly unfortunate suggestion. It in of no value unless you extend martial law to the whole country. Have the Government that in contemplation? The effective administration of martial law depends entirely on the personality of the; officers entrusted with it, and I suggest that most particular care should be taken to appoint officers whose force of character and power to preserve discipline are beyond all question, and that, with regard to the rank and file, it ought to foe impressed on every man who is a servant of the Crown in Ireland that he has a rigid responsibility for his own good behaviour. More than that, he should be made to realise that his responsibility to the Crown is greater than his responsibility to his comrades. There have been cases where men have shielded their comrades through a mistaken sense of loyalty, and the idea that that is a praiseworthy thing to do should be got out of their minds. The stricter your discipline the more severe your military law, the sooner will you get peace in Ireland. If negotiations break down, you cannot afford to waste time in this business of administering martial law. Let hon. Members for one moment think what the military situation in Ireland is. We have 60,000 troops and from 10,000 to 15,000 police. In fact the whole general reserve of the British Empire is mortgaged in Ireland.
What are the Government going to do if next spring they get a big Bolshevik invasion in Mesopotamia? Have they any idea what they are going to do if they are compelled to withdraw troops from Ireland? It may seem impertinent for one who has been an ordinary infantry officer to suggest strategical considerations, but this is a question which troubles the minds very deeply of many of my hon. and gallant Friends, and it is really worth while for the Government to consider it. I have little more to say on the military side of the situation, except to suggest that if the Government have no alternative to their present dispositions in Ireland then I would ask them if they have considered how grossly unfair it is in many instances to expose their servants to the dangers they are now undergoing. I cannot imagine a more inefficient military formation than for troops to be cooped up in railway trains or in motor lorries. It seems to be asking for trouble thus to send people into a country in which the population is hostile and where they never get warning of ambushes. It is exposing them to a perfectly unwarrantable danger. The Government should institute some such system as they had in South Africa of blockhouses and drives, or, at any rate, they should alter their strategical dispositions altogether, concentrate their troops, and send out strong flying columns, thereby preventing these gallant men being exposed to the dangers which now confront them. If we do not take some of these measures upon both the military and political sides we shall never rid ourselves of the possibility, which has proved more than a possibility in the past, of being fools in the military sense and guilty in a moral sense. Then, and only then, can we, when the world comes to' us and asks, "Why is Ireland dying?" reply," She may be dying, but it is not murder; it is suicide."
I do not intend to follow the hon. and gallant Member in his dissertation on the disposition of the army in Ireland, but I should like to say this, and I am sure the House will agree with me, that he has spoken from his heart and in a most unbiassed way as a Member of this House with regard to this serious question. I only wish other hon. Members would look at the Irish question, not so much from the party point of view as from the point of view of the people of this land and of Ireland itself. Here we are at the close of the first portion of the Session. It is now six weeks since the Chief Secretary for Ireland came down to this House, and, in his at one time, though not so much now, flambuoyant manner and optimistic strain, informed the House of Commons, and the country at large, that he had the situation well in hand in Ireland, that the rebels were on the run, and that the great measure of generosity and reconciliation which he and his Government had thrust down the throats of the people was to come into operation and bring about the millenium. Six weeks have elapsed. During that period, I am afraid, the right hon. Gentleman's prophesies have not been fulfilled. Everybody must know in this House that there is no section of the House more anxious to bring about a happier state of affairs in Ireland than the small section which we the Nationalist Members now compose. We live in Ireland. It is all very well for hon. Members to sit smugly on these Benches and talk as if it were no concern of ours that peace and prosperity should be brought to our country. It is intimately our concern as our whole future in our own land is bound up with it. We at any rate have done nothing in spite of the insults that have been hurled at us from the Government Benches to frustrate any good intentions, whatever they may have been on the part of the Government.
We were told that law and order was being maintained in Ireland. I do not know what the Chief Secretary meant by law and order, but I think he has probably found out by this time what is the Irish meaning—that is to say, the Dublin Castle meaning—of that phrase. But where is the law and order in Ireland, and how far has the Chief Secretary succeeded in his purpose? Where is the protection in Ireland at the present time? The great bulk of the Irish people are the innocent and non combatants, but it is that very section of the people who are not protected. The scandals which have been brought to light during these six short weeks in this House have shown that in almost every instance it is not the culprits that are brought to justice, as we all desire that they should be, but it is the innocent who have been made to suffer. I am not going to weary the House by reiterating the circumstances surrounding the episode of the burning of Cork and the recent episode known as the Crozier case; but there is one point upon which I should like to say that I agree with the hon. and gallant Member in what he has just said. The hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) made a proposal recently which I humbly beg to remind the House that I made myself about six months ago, and have been persistently making ever since. That is, that if you are to have martial law in Ireland, it should be properly controlled and disciplined martial law, and that this force known as the Auxiliaries, if it need be in existence at all, should be put under proper military discipline and control. Personally, I think that its very existence is an insult to the disciplined forces of the Crown in Ireland. I do not know what it is wanted for. I do not know why the military and police could not have carried out their duties in a properly controlled and disciplined manner. However, this irregular force, as usual, was brought into Ireland to deal with Ireland in an irregular way, and well it has done so. I say that this force should be im- mediately disbanded. If the Government will not go as far as that, it will be tantamount to disbandment if they will put it under proper military discipline and control.
The opinion of this House does not change very much in course of time, but within the last six weeks a great difference of opinion has come over the minds of Members of all sections of this House with regard to this Auxiliary force and its future in Ireland. Surely the Chief Secretary, although he is Secretary for Ireland, might have some regard, if not to Irish opinion, at any rate to the opinion of non-Irish Members of this House who rise in their places to support the opinion expressed by Irishmen like myself. The Chief Secretary, however, presents his usual brazen non possumus. I do not like to praise him in his absence, but I will say this, that as Chief Secretary no one could possibly have the chest and breast of a bully and the noble deportment of a dancing master better than he has when he comes down here to that Box to perform in the unctuous way that he does the delightful duties that he has to perform and consequently no one more suited for the job. I do not think it very much matters who is Chief Secretary for Ireland, provided that he has a good gramophone voice and that the needle does not run off the record. What has he done? Consistently he has gone out of his way to avoid and evade questions and inquiries regarding the conduct of all sections of the Crown forces in Ireland. He has said that he will set up courts of inquiry and that he will look into the matter. After another week or two, another hon. Member asks a question, and is informed that, perhaps, the court of inquiry has been set up. After another week or two, a Member, in answer to another question, is told that the court of inquiry is at present sitting, and that maybe the result may come in at any moment. But in how many cases, after weeks have elapsed, when a court of inquiry has been set up and Members have asked for its report, has the right hon. Gentleman had the brazen audacity to stand at that Box and inform the House that in the public interests of the country the report of this inquiry should not be made known to the public at large?
The right hon. Gentleman has treated this House and the people of this country with nothing but the sheerest contempt. He has indulged in one persistent method, and that is the method of force. Force has been his remedy right through. I am not going into the details of the horrible atrocities that have been mentioned during this Debate, notably the case of the two young men who were given safe conduct home from a military barracks in a motor lorry, and were found next morning lying dead, pierced by bullet wounds. I wish, however, that the Chief Secretary were present, because this is an Irish Debate, and I really think it might not do any harm, even though he is only a gramophone, if he would pay some courtesy to the House of Commons, and to Irish Members in particular, by being present when they put questions to him regarding the territory that is supposed to be under his jurisdiction. However, in his absence, I will ask him this question concerning what is known as the Drumcondra case. Is it a fact, as I have been told that it is—and I am now seeking information—that a certain Captain Hardy, who was Intelligence Officer in the Auxiliaries at Dublin Castle, was arrested in connection with the murder of the men Murphy and Kennedy? And is it a further fact that, after being under arrest for a week, he was released? These rumours are going the rounds in Dublin in particular and in Ireland in general. It may seem extravagant for a Member to want to know facts like these while the matter is sub judice , but, after all, if this is a fact, and if this court of inquiry comes to its decision and these men do not receive the full penalty, and if this man at any rate is let go scot-free, it is most important that at the present juncture we should have instant information as to the facts about which I am asking. I have said that the Chief Secretary's remedy is force. I do not think that that is any subject for jest; it is too serious, because the Chief Secretary, when he stands at that Box, looks force all over. At the same time even he at one time was not a great advocate of force. I have here a statement which was made by the present Chief Secretary for Ireland at York in October, 1908, and it reads as follows: That was a statement made by the right hon. Gentleman when he was not Chief Secretary for Ireland. I wonder if he has changed his opinion since. I wonder if he would now say that when he is dealing with Irishmen force is a remedy, but that force is no remedy when dealing with Englishmen or with Zulus. Quotations have been made to night on this side of the House from the Prime Minister's previous speeches, showing the change of attitude in that right hon. Gentleman's mind also. I suppose the order of the day in British politics is that one need not mind what one has said when in Opposition, but when one gets on the Government Bench one can scatter one's past to the winds and take up an entirely new governmental attitude.
What was the second proposition made by the Chief Secretary? That this great and glorious Act of full self government for Ireland was to come into operation and to bring about the peace and the happiness and the reconciliation of that land. This great Act which had not the support of a single Irish Member of the House of Commons, which even the Irish Law Officers of the Crown did not see fit to walk through the Lobbies in support of, this great Act that not a solitary soul in Ireland dare support on the platform throughout the country—this is the great Act we were told six weeks ago is now about to come into operation. We have not got very much nearer to its coming into operation. We warned the Prime Minister and we warned the Government at the time they made these proposals that this Act, on the face of it, was nothing but worthless trickery and deep rooted treachery. It was trickery because the Government never had the slightest intention of its being put into operation, and they know today that in nine tenths of Ireland it will not. It was treachery because the only portion of the Act that was seriously meant by the Government was the repeal of the Home Rule Act of 1914. Proposals have been made as to the settlement of this question now. I say in all seriousness, that if the Government wants to settle this question they can settle it, and if they do not settle it, it proves that they do not want to. "Where there is a will there is a way" is an old adage, and where there is a proper will, even in regard to a settlement of the Irish question, there is a proper way to do it. It is all very well for hon. Members to spend hours palavering about atmospheres and negotiations. We have had enough atmospheres and negotiations in Ireland. The time has gone in the minds of the Irish people for anything in the nature of offers from any political party in this country. The Irish people are distrustful of any political party in this country because of what has occurred in the past. It has been said that if the Prime Minister would come forward with some show of earnestness and generosity and put his cards upon the table and make his last definite offer instead of always, so to speak, keeping something up his sleeve, and having it suggested in his Press that, of course, he has really something more to offer and may do it if the other side completely cave in and put him in the position of a beneficent giver and father, that might do something. But I want to say on my own behalf, speaking as an Irishman, with 11 years' experience of this House, with a long experience of Irish politics, and with a considerable knowledge of Irish history, that, in my opinion, the Irish people will not listen to offers to-day and will not tolerate negotiations—they may be right or they may be wrong—and that what is at the bottom of the difficulty in regard to Ireland is the deep-rooted and, I am sorry to say, well-founded distrust in the words and the pledges and the deeds of British Ministers in regard to their country.
It may be said "This is very nice and it is very destructive. What proposals has he to make in regard to this matter?" I do not know whether it is generally understood that we in Ireland at one time had a constitution composed of the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland. It came into existence in 1783, it is known as 23rd George III, cap. 28. I may be accused of going back a few years in this regard, but even if that is the case the important point is that that Act was never repealed. Here is an extract from it: That is the bedrock of Ireland's demands for the recognition of her nationhood today. A person reading the above Act will see that it is the most solemn acknowledgement of the right of the Irish people through the King, Lords and Commons to determine the future destiny of Ireland. The Act did not deal with the powers and the constitution of the Irish Parliament. That is not the main point. The main point is that it is the right of the Irish people, and according to this a right which shall at no time hereafter be questioned or questionable, that their matters shall be determined solely by the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland. It may be said that is a thing of the past and it would not be acceptable to the Irish people to-day. I am an Irishman and I am convinced that as worded in that Act it would be acceptable to the majority of the Irish people.
On this question of what would be acceptable and how to bring about a settlement I should like to say a word, though perhaps I may be considered a little personal in doing so, on the statement the Prime Minister made to-day.
The Prime Minister, towards the end of his speech, laid it down that until any Irish leader had the moral courage, as he called it, to come forward and to pledge his people or to act for his people in negotiations with him or with the Government on terms which they would afterwards stand by, no settlement was attainable. I do not think we can accuse the Prime Minister of having a short memory, but let me in a few words, and, I hope, as dispassionately as possible, trace the current of events in Ireland since the year 1914 in that regard, in 1914 there were leaders in Ireland who had the moral courage to accept the word of the British Government and of an Act of Parliament. An Act of Parliament was put upon the Statute Book in 1914. That Act of Parliament has since been repealed, and the Irish people have been cheated. Fact No. 1. Fact No. 2: An unfortunate rebellion, which nobody more deeply deplored than myself and those associated with me, took place in the city of Dublin. The Prime Minister was appointed as a negotiator. Negotiations took place. I was at the front at the time, and I got a telegram from one intimately concerned with the negotiations saying that everything was settled, and that I was to come back to a peaceable and contented Ireland. I came back. What did I find? I came back to an Ireland that had been betrayed by the Prime Minister, when he went back upon his word to the late hon. Member for Waterford. A letter was written to the present right hon. Member for Duncairn (Sir E. Carson), and another letter was written to the late Member for Waterford. They were both asked to go to their supporters in Ireland, and both of them were asked to make sacrifices. They both went to their supporters, and both did make sacrifices. Both had the moral courage, which the Prime Minister demanded to-day, to deal with the British Prime Minister by negotiation, and when they came back to this House one of them was thrown over. The present Prime Minister himself recognised that so strongly that he tentatively offered his resignation to the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), who was then Prime Minister, who refused to accept it. Fact No. 2 in regard to the moral courage of Irish leaders.
9.0.P.M.
Let me come down to a matter of more recent date. Most hon. Members remember the Convention that was called in Ireland in 1917. In the first place, the present Prime Minister informed the Convention that if a substantial majority was found—he is very fond of safeguarding himself with loose phrases—in favour of a solution, he would put that solution into effect. A substantial majority was found in that Convention in favour of a Report. True, it was a majority Report and did not include the hon. Members from the North East of Ulster, who had stoically, stubbornly, and pig-headedly sat down from the start to the finish and refused to negotiate or to have a word to say to their fellow countrymen on the question of the future government of their land. At any rate, it was a substantial majority. There were Members from Ulster who were in favour of it, Labour Members. A letter was written to the Convention by the Prime Minister during the proceedings of the Convention urging them to a settlement and promising that if it resulted in a substantial majority in favour of a solution he would put it into operation. What took place? The usual result. British pledges were broken. That was the third instance of Irishmen having the moral courage to negotiate with and trust the word of British Ministers. Only in 1918 we had another instance of broken pledges, when the Prime Minister came to this House and said he was going to pass a great measure of Home Rule simultaneously with, but have nothing to do with the Act of Conscription which he was asking the Irish people to swallow. The Act of Conscription was passed, but the Home Rule Act was erased from the Statute Book by the partition Act. Here we have three instances, and I challenge contradiction by the Prime Minister or any Member of this House upon any one of them, where Irish leaders have had the moral courage to go into negotiation with British Ministers, and where in every instance the Irish leader has kept his word, and the British Minister has broken his pledge and let him down. Therefore, how can anyone expect, and how can the Prime Minister expect when he talks so glibly—really he does not expect—any Irish leader to come forward to day and go to to the Irish people and say, "I am going to negotiate in your name and trust the pledge of a British Minister," after the history of at least the last five years in Ireland. It would be expecting too much of human nature to ask them to do it. The Prime Minister knows that as well as I do, and without being offensive I think that was the reason why he suggested it.
So much for his preliminary canter before the suggestion about the Constituent Assembly. I was very interested in his proposal with regard to the Constituent Assembly. Personally I am in favour of a Constituent Assembly, but I am not in favour of asking the Irish people to swallow an Act of Parliament which none of them will have, and to set up a Constituent Assembly framed upon and conditioned by the terms of that Act. That seems to be the idea of the Prime Minister today. Let the North elect their members, let the South elect their members, and let the North join the South in a general council, and that would be the Constituent Assembly. It comes to this, that the Irish people are asked to recognise this partition Act, which they hate, loathe, and detest, which they have denounced up hill and down dale, and for which not a single Irish Member voted, and that when they have recognised it, they can have their Constituent Assembly. The Irish people are gullible, but I do not think they will be taken in by that little arrière-pensée of the Constituent Assembly put forward by the Prime Minister. There is one form of settlement that I have great faith in, and which I have advocated for at least the last two years. It is this. No offers, no negotiations, no promises, no pledges. The Irish people have had eonugh of them. Not that I would not favour them if they would lead anywhere. Let the Prime Minister pass an Act of Parliament setting up a Constituent Assembly. Do not ask the Irish people about it at all. The prospect of the Irish people going into an Assembly of that kind would be very different from that of the farce, to which the Prime Minister refers so often, of the suggested Assembly under the partition Act. Let this Assembly be elected by proportional representation if you wish, and let its decisions be mandatory, so that they would not have to come back to this Parliament to be ratified.
There were two great defects in the Irish Convention. One was it was not an elected assembly, and the other was that its decision was not worth the scrap of paper on which it was written, for it was treated as a scrap of paper by the Prime Minister. Such an assembly as I propose would be irresistible to the Irish people. Its decisions should be mandatory, subject only to two conditions—first, that the form of constitution which it shall draw up shall be similar to but not necessarily on the same lines as a constitution within the great commonwealth of nations to which we belong, and, second, that proper safeguards will be made, as they should be, for the minority of the people in Ulster. That proposal would be irresistible. It would clear the Prime Minister of the cloud of distrust that hangs between him and the vision of the Irish people to-day. It would be for the Irish people to refuse, and there is no reason to suppose that they will prove to be such bad patriots or such foolish politicians as to refuse, not a proposal, but an Act like that. It would be the best thing ever done for this country and for Ireland, and the Prime Minister's name and that of his Government would go down in history, not as they appear to be likely to go down to-day, but as those of honest British politicians and statesmen who have at last put forward a tangible, proper, patriotic, democratic and acceptable solution of the Irish problem.
I approach this question as one who has had considerable experience of Ireland through residing there. Ever since I have been in political life I have always been in favour of the fullest measure of Home Rule for Ireland that is compatible with the safety of this country, and I sympathise heartily with the last speaker in his aspirations for Ireland but it does seem to me that we are quarrelling over something which is very much like a shadow. The present Home Rule Act gives Ireland everything which it can reasonably expect. There is a Parliament for the South and a Parliament for the North and there is provision for the two Parliaments to come together to form a Parliament for the whole of Ireland provided they chose to do it and form their own constitution in their own way. What more than that they can want I do not know. It does seem to me from my reading of Irish history that the greatest trouble which an Irishman could have would be to remove any grievance which he might have, particularly with regard to Home Rule. But I want now to say a word of sympathy for the men who are carrying out the instructions of this House in trying to restore order in Ireland.
My mind goes back nearly forty years with regard to the question, when as a lad I was serving in the Army in Ireland, and I had to take my part in going round at night patrolling, looking for the moonlighters as they were called at that particular time. To-day they are Sinn Feiners. They are mostly the same type of individual. The trouble was not that we were afraid, but it was the uncertainty of the thing. When you went out at night it was pitch dark, and you never knew whether you were coming back or not, and you had not a dog's chance of defending yourself against attack from behind a stone wall, a hedge, or a building. You never knew but that somebody was going to pot at you without your having a chance to defend yourself, or knowing who it was that was attacking you. It was that uncertainty that made the men restive. I remember on one occasion the whole regiment got out of hand and went into the town and had a bit of a row, and it had a very marked effect upon the situation. We were very much up against the same class of individuals who are now responsible for all the trouble in Ireland. They were only a handful. It is not the Irish people themselves. That was what we found in those days.
What they used to do was this. They used to waylay an individual Tommy on Ms own in some quiet place and lay him out before he could have half a chance. That was another cause of irritation and discontent because the individual Tommies might be set upon by about 20 of these Sinn Feiners. That is the kind of thing going on in Ireland to-day, so far as I can see, only in a more aggravated form. When I was in Ireland the sympathy between the soldiers and the population generally was of a most cordial character, and one of the most extraordinary things in my regiment was the number of soldiers who married Irish wives, and it was interesting thing that this fraternity between the Irish people and the soldiers was so marked. It seems to me that if we can once get rid of this murder gang who are doing all this damage and creating all this friction we can bring about some measure of quiet and content in Ireland. I believe the Irish people will then be satisfied with the present Act. I hope our friends in the Irish party will not place obstacles in the way of this being effected. What is wanted now is a clear lead in Ireland. Above all, what is most detestable from my point of view is that men connected with political parties in this House and in this country should use the Irish situation for political purposes.
I have listened to most of the speakers to day, and I have been wondering why the Debate was inaugurated. Two of the speeches, which might reach the end of the world, would prove to the Irish people in those parts of the world that it was not the intention to have any settlement of this question at all. I listened with great pleasure to the speech of my hon. and gallant Friend (Captain Redmond). It was a moderate speech, and if we had more speeches of that type I have no doubt they would do a great deal of good. There were parts of it I did not understand. At one time the hon. and gallant Member said "Come out and make a generous offer," but at another time he said, "It is no use making any offer, for the people of Ireland are not prepared to accept it." I am only a private member of the Ulster party. I cannot speak for my leader, and I do not profess to speak for my entire party, but I at once say that as an Ulsterman, in face of the facts and the events of the last few years and what has happened since the rebellion of 1916, I, as an individual, cannot place myself, nor could I recommend anyone else to place themselves, under the control of men with the mentality that has been described. We have been told recently by a very important section of the British Press that in these particular instances the killing of His Majesty's forces is no murder. The people who are doing this thing believe that. We were told by the hon. Member for Trinity College the other day that they believed it was not murder. As an Ulsterman I cannot consent to be governed by people of that mentality.
The right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) made a speech to day. If he makes many more of the kind he will drive us further and further apart. I am sorry to say that he has been making such speeches all over the country. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the speech he made recently at Blackburn and the great crowd of people that attended, and the feeling with regard to the Irish question. From the way the right hon. Gentleman delivers his speeches and the appalling things he probably told that audience, I am quite satisfied that he made them feel very deeply on the subject. I wish the right hon. Gentleman would spend more of his time, when speaking on the Irish question, in defending the forces of the Crown. He does say, as he said to-day, "I say not one syllable in palliation of the atrocities of Sinn Fein." That is all he said. Unfortunately, as a rule, about two lines are all we can find in his speeches in that respect, while there are columns devoted to the description of atrocities by the forces of the Crown. Will that settle the Irish question? Will that enable the English people to take a right view of the question? Does the right hon. Gentleman not remember the great position that he formerly held here and the weight which that position must give his words? I have no doubt that his speeches are reported at the ends of the earth. All we can read into the speeches of the right hon. Gentleman is a reference to the misgovernment of Ireland and the atrocities that are being committed by His Majesty's Forces. Again I say, I have been wondering why this Debate was inaugurated to-day. There is one sentence in the speech at Blackburn which gives a little light on the subject. The right hon. Gentleman said: a good thing to bring a measure into this House in order that he might keep his party together. In 1915 the late Mr. Redmond made one of the most extraordinary speeches of his life, I think, and I should like to read parts of it to the House. It was delivered at an Australian banquet in 1915. He said: known in the memory of any living man. There is another thing for which I condemn the right hon. Gentleman. That is the insistence with which he continues to describe the affairs in Ireland since June, 1920, and never for a moment does he refer to what happened previously to that time. During the rebellion, and until June, 1920, matters have been seething in Ireland.
Which rebellion?
To which does the right hon. Gentleman refer?
1913.
I am not aware that there was a rebellion then. If the hon. Member refers to the Ulster Volunteer Force, then I am proud of that, because, as far as I know, in connection with that there was not so much as a fly killed.
They were too fly to be killed, you mean.
There is nothing to be ashamed of, and when the time came to fight for the honour of the country, that force volunteered for its country to a man. No, we have nothing to be ashamed of so far as we are concerned tonight, and although long past military age I went to that force myself. I remember the time when the force was opposite St. Quentin, and when on a 40 mile front the British force were driven back. For some miles they had to go back. Many of those brave fellows never lived to tell the tale, but the time came when we started to push in the other direction, and when we came back to that spot there was a little wooden cross, and on that cross in German were these words: "Here lie the bodies of eighteen British soldiers." This cross was put there by the hands of the enemy. Just a little way in front was another little wooden cross, and in German were these words: "Here lie the bodies of 35 German soldiers who died for their Fatherland." It is a little bit of history that speaks for itself. On that terrible morning this little band of brave British soldiers had held that little post. Some of the Germans had gone down, others no doubt were carried back to their casualty clearing station, but there were none of the 18 brave fellows carried back to the casualty clearing station. That little post consisted of an officer and 17 men, and those brave British soldiers were part of the rebels of whom the hon. Member opposite has spoken. That is the type of the men that left Ulster, and I am proud to have belonged to that force.
I was speaking of what happened in the rebellion of 1916, when our men were engaged out there, and these things were happening in the streets of Dublin. Is it any wonder that I, as an Ulsterman, hesitate to place myself under the control of men with a mentality of that kind? When hon. and right hon. Gentlemen speak of the acts of the Auxiliary Force, of these reprisals, I wish they would tell the country and this House that these reprisals started somewhere about June, 1920, and that up to that time many murders of policemen and soldiers had taken place. I wish they would remind their audiences of all that happened up to that time and that it was only because of exasperation of the most desperate kind that anything of the sort was done and because it was more than flesh and blood could stand. I doubt very much if this Debate was inaugurated for the purpose of settling the Irish Question. My hon. Friend the Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool said that, so far as the South was concerned, certainly the Southern Unionists would not work the Parliament. I do not know, under proportional representation, where the Southern Unionists will find themselves in the new Parliament if there is a Southern Parliament at all. When I think of the fact that over 70 per cent, of Irish representatives who are supposed to be members of this House belong to Sinn Fein, how it is intended that the Southern Unionists under proportional representation shall have any representation in the Southern Parliament is a mystery to me.
Why did you desert them then?
As far as we in Ulster are concerned, the hon. Member knows very well that it is our desire, and always has been, and the right hon. Member for Duncairn (Sir E. Carson) has always told this House that we want only to be part and parcel of the British Empire and that, so far as we were concerned, there could be no question of desertion.
That is not an answer.
It may not satisfy the hon. Member. The hon. Member condemned the Government in very general terms, and he also said that he never, or very rarely, made a speech without condemning murder by Sinn Feiners. That is as a rule all he says about it. I have listened to several speeches of the hon. Member, and about a couple of lines would contain all the con demnation of murder by Sinn Feiners, but he is an adept at describing to the House the terrors and the horrors of murders by the Auxiliary Force, and, in pictures which he alone in the House, I believe, can paint of the awful scenes that take place outside gaols with the people at prayer, but we never yet have heard of the heart-broken wives of men like Mr. Alan Bell, dragged from a tramcar in broad daylight and murdered in the streets of Dublin, and I wish the hon. Member, when he is castigating the Prime Minister for how little he says on the one side would think of how little he himself says on the other. We want the truth from all sides, but these stories connected with either side will never settle the Irish Question, and in my opinion it was not the intention of those who inaugurated the Debate this evening that they should come to any settlement of the Irish Question.
That is not fair.
I believe it, and I intend to say it. I want to be straightforward and to give out my thoughts, and I believe sincerely that it was inaugurated for the purpose of dragging the Government down from its position, of smashing up the Coalition, and of portraying the Government before the eyes of the world as the most degraded thing on the face of the earth. I believe that was the idea. There has not been a suggestion of any kind that would lead to peace in my unhappy country. Everyone is at his wits' end to know what is to be done there, and if I could give a solution I would give it, but I am a bankrupt, like the rest of the Members of this House, in regard to a solution of the Irish Question. It is an extraordinary thing, as I have pointed out, that in 1915, as the late Mr. Redmond said, all this happiness had come as the result of the beneficent legislation of this country, and yet in a few short years all that happiness was turned into misery and almost into despair. There is one thing certain, and that is, that we shall never settle the Irish Question by going about this country telling tales of horror, such as in the speeches that have been made by the right hon. Member for Paisley, and I hope he will in future use his great power and his great influence to try and bring about some solution of this question, rather than merely to stretch out his hands and appeal to his former flock on this side to come back into the fold of Liberalism.
Small Holdings, Scotland
I had no intention of following my hon. and gallant Friend who has just sat down in his speech, which was the most hopeless Jeremiad of despair ever heard in this or in any other assembly, and I was very sorry to hear it, because when he began I thought he was going to give us a little bit of silver lining to his cloud. I do not apologise for asking the attention of the House to a subject which a short time ago occupied perhaps the foremost place in the minds of the people of this country. The most prominent pledge given by the Government, by this House, and by the country to our returned ex-service men was that of the provision of smallholdings. I wish to draw attention to certain aspects of that problem, especially as it affects, perhaps, that part of the country where smallholdings obtain as an essential element in the life of the people more than any other part of the country. I wish to give credit to the Government for doing by legislation almost as much, perhaps, as any Government could be expected to do, and to give them credit for an honest attempt to fulfil the pledges given on this subject at the General Election. What I have to complain of is that in certain areas, and in certain directions, administration has been slow. It moves "with stately steps and slow." There has been a great deal said to-day about ant waste, and there was one disquieting feature I noticed in one of the organs which associate themselves with what is called the "Anti-waste Campaign," and that is, that among the subjects of waste, was land settlement for ex-service men. I am afraid there is a tendency in the country now to forget the pledges which were given to these men that one of the first things that would be done would be to offer to those who would be willing to profit thereby a settlement upon the land, and I was very sorry to see it even suggested that this form of redeeming the pledges of every type of politician in the land should be regarded as a subject for the Anti waste Campaign. I am very glad to say that the hon. Member for Dover (Sir T. Poison), in his very able speech yesterday, did not include it. It is not only in the interest of the men themselves that we plead for their settlement upon the land, but in the interest of the country as a whole.
The Prime Minister finds' time to attend a number of dinners and luncheons in these times and to make speeches, in one of which he said that the way to stem the rising tide of Bolshevism in this country was for the Unionist party to sink its identity and come under the flag of the Coalition. One of the best ways of stemming the tide of Bolshevism, if there is such a murky tide beginning to flow on this land, would be the settling of as many men on the land as possible. There is nothing that will add more to the stability of this country, and there is no administrative act which the Government can put in force that is more calculated to maintain the stability of this country than to put as many men as possible on the land. There is some element in men working for themselves upon the land that makes them love their country, because, after all, it was one of the great objects of thousands of men who were fighting for the country, and one of the great hopes when they returned was that they would get a bit of land to till for themselves. Therefore, I hope that in the Anti-waste Campaign, I his, at any rate, will not be put down as a wasteful sort of expenditure. It is the best anti-toxin for Bolshevism that I know. I am not making these remarks for the benefit of my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland, but because I see a tendency in certain quarters to decry the expenditure of money in settling ex-service men upon the land. I do not suggest for a moment that my right hon. Friend is imbued with any such idea. On the contrary, there is no man to whom more credit is due for placing men upon the land than my right hon. Friend. But even Homer is credited with nodding occasionally, and I think I may draw the right hon. Gentleman's attention to cases and areas where, I think, the Board of Agriculture for Scotland may be more keenly alert than they have been showing themselves for the last few months in placing ex-service men upon the land, and bringing the Land Settlement Act into operation.
I am not going to deal with land settlement in Scotland generally. I know my right hon. Friend has done a good deal to settle these men upon the land, and I know that at certain times during the past year the reason for delay in settling men here and there in the Highlands and Islands was probably due to the fact that the financial resources of my right hon. Friend had become a little bit thinned out, and therefore it was not perhaps so easy for him to initiate; I understand that defect has been remedied. I believe the Treasury has placed more money at my right hon. Friend's disposal. I desire to direct my right hon. Friend's attention to an island of considerable size—North Uist on the west coast of Scotland. On this island the chief business, as on most of the islands, is the working of smallholdings. The men there did great service for the country, so far as they could, in the War, and hundreds of them, when they came back from the War, expected that in a very short time after their return they would be provided, where land was available, with smallholdings. The highest ambition—and it is not a very big one—of these men is to be allowed to till a few acres of land for themselves. I cannot give the number of applications for smallholdings from this island of North Uist, but there has been a great number, and, so far as I know, not a new holding has been granted there since the year 1912, and certainly not one since the Land Settlement Act was passed last year. There are scores of applicants for smallholdings on that island, and there is a considerable amount of land for them to cultivate. This is not a case of having to train men for smallholdings. I should not like to discourage men being trained for smallholdings, but I have my doubts whether men who have been brought up in towns can really be trained to smallholdings. My belief is that smallholders are born, not made. These men have been born on smallholdings and worked on smallholdings all their lives, and now these young fellows, finding that the paternal smallholdings are too small, want smallholdings cut out of the bigger farms. Not only are they ready-trained, but they have some stock to put on the holdings. My view is that the landlords are willing to treat and the only delay comes from the Board of Agriculture. I am quite willing to acknowledge that Highland landlords have been very badly hit of recent years, and that it is difficult to press them too hardly in these matters, but in this case they are all ready to treat, and I do not see why, long before now, the Board of Agriculture should not have settled these men upon the estates that are ready to welcome them and why the dozens of men ready to occupy the land should not be provided with the smallholdings promised them by the Government, the House of Commons, and the country, and I do plead with my right hon. Friend, if these negotiations are going on, to complete them before another spring passes away. If the spring passes away another year has gone.
I wish also to refer to the Island of South Uist. There the question is a little different. There a farm has already been cut up into small holdings since the Land Settlement Act was passed, and I acknowledge that my right hon. Friend has been trying to do something, but there are a good many more men on that island trying to get small holdings, and there is land for them there, and the only difficulty in the way that I see is that the Board of Agriculture has not been able to come to some agreement with the landlords. The reason, the Lord Advocate told me in answer to a question, is that there has been illegal action on that island, that is to say, men have raided a farm there, and, therefore, the Board of Agriculture have ceased to negotiate. I admit that is a difficult question, but the Board of Agriculture might rise above the pettifogging question of law and order in a matter of this sort. There is not a more law-abiding set of people in the United Kingdom, and their action in raiding a farm is only the equivalent of a strike here in the South. I am not justifying their action, I am explaining it. The reason they raided the farm is because of these delays making their hearts sick, and they have thought that the only way to force the Board into action is to take forcible possession of the farm. There is a good deal of justification for that feeling. I could read to the House communications in which they express regret at the delay of the Board of Agriculture compelling them to take this action in order to draw the attention of the country to their case. The Board of Agriculture delays action for years and years, and then because these men take a little action, the Government say, "Because you are taking illegal action, therefore we do nothing." My right hon. Friend has been a long time away from Parliament House in Edinburgh, where a strictly legal and technical view is taken of questions of that sort. You have not gone that way about things in Ireland; notwithstanding all their law-breaking, they have been given Land Purchase, and all that sort of thing.
10.0.P.M.
In Mesopotamia the Arabs have pulled up the railway and burned millions' worth of motor cars—an officer told me that two or three million pounds' worth of motor cars were burnt in one place—and they have massacred your men, and yet you are willing to spend £28,000,000 a year on them. What have the Arabs done for you in the War? Absolutely nothing; and yet you will deal with that way with the dwellers of Mesopotamia. When, however, these people in the North take a little illegal action because of the Government's delays, and they regard it much the same as poaching salmon, the Government puts on these very superior airs of virtue and say, "No, because you have broken the law we stop negotiations, and until you are good boys we will never have anything to do with you again." I would expect my right hon. Friend to take a higher view than that, and I hope he will get as many of these men settled on the land as speedily as possible, because there is no other work for them. The only work they have got is to get a few acres and eke out a living on it, and that is not too much to give these ex-service men. When these lands are allotted I hope the provisions of the Land Act giving preference to ex-service men will be put into operation. On one farm which was recently cut up in South Uist one ex-service man failed to get a croft, while men who did not serve in the War got one. I do hope that the ex-service men will get a preference in all such cases, and I hope my right hon. Friend will get the Board of Agriculture to speed up the negotiations so that the ambitions of these men may as far as they can be legitimately realised.
My hon. Friend with his usual courtesy has raised a question in which he and I are vitally interested, the question of land settlement in Scotland, and I subscribe whole-heartedly to a great deal of what he has said in the course of his interesting speech. At the same time I do not feel that it is my duty to appear here to-night in a white sheet. My hon. Friend, with less than his usual fairness, said that this Government had done almost as much, he thought, as any other Government for land settlement.
As much as could be expected from any Government.
I venture to put it a great deal higher. I venture to say without fear of contradiction by my hon. Friend that this Government has done more for land settlement in Scotland than any other Government which he and I can remember. Last year a large grant was made for expediting land settlement in Scotland. A Cabinet Committee sat upon the matter, and in accordance with their recommendations a grant of a very large amount was made to Scotland without any corresponding grant to England, because the Cabinet Committee and the Cabinet recognised that the problem of land settlement in Scotland is a much more urgent problem than it is in England today. But my hon. Friend (Dr. Murray) will appreciate that the task of administering that grant with reference to the various and numerous claims made in Scotland is by no means an easy task. There are, after all, in spite of the recent grant, very limited funds at my disposal for the purpose of effecting land settlement in Scotland, and at the same time there is a very large demand on the part of would be small holders in all parts of the country, Highland and Lowland, for a share in that grant. All I can say is that the Board of Agriculture and I are doing our best to administer the grant that has been made, with due regard to the interests of all parties concerned. I know my hon. Friend desires to be helpful in this matter and not to be injurious. He has always been moderate in his criticism, and he wants, as I do, to prevent anything like an Irish situation arising in Scotland in connection with small holdings or in any other connection. In anything I shall say to night in the short time during which I shall occupy the attention of the House, I am most anxious to say nothing which will exacerbate a very difficult situation in Scotland, but rather to say something which will ameliorate it. My hon. Friend has referred to the anti-waste campaign. I am in entire agreement with what he said on that subject. While economy is greatly to be desired, I think one of the falsest forms of economy would be economy in what I might term the reproductive services, of which I might give two illustrations. The one is education; the other is the settlement of smallholders on the land. Therefore, as far as that is concerned, I think my hon. Friend and I are in agreement.
I am not going to discuss Mesopotamia. I am going to discuss land settlement in North and South Uist, which is the only issue my hon. Friend has raised. He referred to South Uist, and when one is discussing South Uist, as he and I know, one is chiefly concerned with Lady Gordon Cathcart's estate. My hon. Friend seems to think very little has been done in South Uist in the direction of land settlement. Let me remind him of the fact that a great deal was done in that matter in South Uist long before we in this House had the advantage of his cheery presence among us. I would like to tell him, if I may, in a sentence or two what has already been accomplished, and what is now being accomplished in that island. So long ago as 1906 there were 56 holdings created in South Uist on Lady Gordon Cathcart's estate. In 1912 there were 77 new holdings formed, 38 vacated holdings were used for enlargements, and 35 enlargements in addition were granted elsewhere. In 1919 there were 22 holdings set up, and in 1920 the scheme to which he has referred, the scheme for the provision of 11 new holdings, was in progress, and seven enlargements were in progress. With regard to the only remaining farms upon that island, negotiations are pending at this moment for the acquisition of these farms between the Board of Agriculture on the one hand and Lady Gordon Cathcart on the other. I hope these negotiations will come to a fruitful conclusion, but my hon. Friend, who knows the subject so well, knows that he cannot purchase small holdings or an estate for small holdings with the same facility as you can purchase a pound of tea. These negotiations which are proceeding will no doubt take a little time, but my hon. Friend may rest assured that, so far as South Uist is concerned, the negotiations for the acquirement of further land—for the only remaining land—are proceeding with the utmost expedition which the Board of Agriculture and I can compass. So far as North Uist is concerned, I agree with him in several observations he made. I agree with him—and I do not think North and South Uist differ in this particular—as to the splendid war service rendered by the men who inhabit these islands—service beyond all praise—and I also agree with him that these men are fitted to occupy their small holdings without training, and to that extent they have a great advantage over many others who aspire to small holdings, and whom it would be cruel to settle on small holdings without preliminary and effective training.
What is the position in North Uist today? There are two estates concerned. One Sir Arthur Orde's estate. My hon. Friend (Dr. Murray) said there has been no holding created in this island since 1912. If he will allow me to say so, he is quite wrong. In 1901 there were 59 holdings created in North Uist on that estate. In 1914 two years later than the date to which he referred there were more holdings, I think four or five, created. So that he is not quite correct when he said nothing has been done since 1912. But what is more to the point, negotiations are in progress today for the acquisition of a number of farms the names of which will not convey anything to the House. There are about 65 holdings which we hope to create there, and the negotiations now in progress are proceeding without avoidable delay. There is no doubt a hitch, said my hon. Friend. I can assure him there is no hitch. He may rest assured that the Board of Agriculture, which in this matter I am bound to say is deeply indebted to the Director of Small Holdings, Sir Arthur Rose—who has done more for the West of Scotland than any other man whose name I could mention in this matter—and who has spent last week—a very stormy week, as my hon. Friend knows—on the West Coast about Loch maddy and other places—is proceeding with these negotiations without any avoidable delay whatever. There is another observation I should like to make about North Uist, and another farm with which my hon. Friend is familiar, that of Balranald. With regard to that particular farm, the negotiations are at present going on, and I hope they will reach a fruitful stage.
There has been some difficulty in regard to raids. I want to make it perfectly clear to my hon. Friend and to the House what is the attitude of the Board of Agriculture with regard to raiding. The Board of Agriculture, under my direction, issued a notice with regard to land settlement in North Uist which was published in the Scottish Press. I will only delay the House by reading two short paragraphs, indicating the attitude which the Board take up in regard to the raids, and I hope it will secure the assent of the House. It lays down the condition that any person in unlawful possession of any part of the farm on or after 10th March will be struck off their list of applicants, and will be thereafter ineligible for any holding on any land settlement scheme with which the Board may proceed. Secondly, that none of the raiders who have been interdicted will be eligible unless, besides withdrawing from the land before the 10th instant, he complies with the law by appearing in Court to answer the charge for breach of interdict and by making such amends as the Court may require. I am sorry to have to lay down these conditions, but I think the House will, on reflection, agree that I had no option. The hon. Gentleman (Dr. Murray) has put raiding on the same footing as strikes. I am afraid the analogy is not a close one. I want to make it perfectly clear that no person in any part of Scotland will secure any advantage whatever by raiding land, but on the other hand he will be disqualified from consideration if he takes that course. The Board of Agriculture will do everything in their power to secure for the men who patiently and constitutionally have waited until land holdings have been made available for them preference in the settlement on the land of Scotland. I trust my hon. Friend will not regard my reply as disappointing. I am endeavouring to meet his wishes and the wishes of those whom he so well represents in this House to the best of my ability. He may rest assured that there is no hitch, and that any difficulty which may occur in the settlement of these men is due to two causes and two only; first of all, the limited amount of money which is at my disposal, and, secondly, the very large number of applicants who desire to secure smallholdings.
Cannot the hon. Gentleman say something about land settlement in other parts of Scotland?
St. Kilda!
With the permission of the House, I should have been most glad to do so, but I had no notice that the question of land settlement in Scotland generally was to be raised. The only question I have been asked to answer was that relating to North and South Uist by my hon. Friend opposite, who was dissatisfied with an answer which I gave to a question of his. If my hon. and gallant Friend had given me notice I should have been most happy to deal with the whole subject. If he will put down a question after the Easter Recess in regard to the progress of land settlement in Scotland, I shall be glad to give him a reply.
National Expenditure
We have had tonight a large dose of Ireland, and also a moderate dose of Scotland, and now, almost at the eleventh hour, I want very briefly to make a few observations on behalf of my own oppressed country. It is desirable before we separate for the Easter Recess that the House should learn what has become of the National Expenditure Committee which it was promised should be set up several months ago. I need not dilate on the debt which the House acknowledges it owes to the series of Reports which for the last four Sessions the Committee has presented to it. That Committee affords to the private Member, whom I represent in some sense, one of the very few opportunities he has of getting to close grips with the details of public expenditure. I may be allowed, as chairman of one of the National Expenditure Committees, to say I am certain the very last thing which that Committee desires is in any way to harass or embarrass the Executive. All we desire to do is to help the Government in the work of retrenchment. We have been very much hampered in doing our work during this last two or three Sessions by the late date at which the Committee has been reappointed. In the Sessions of 1919 and 1920 we were not set up until just on the Easter Recess and we were unable to get to work until after the Recess, when, in fact, almost the most important part of the Session, in a financial sense, had already gone by. It was because of that that at the very beginning of this Session I put a question to the Leader of the House asking if it was proposed to reappoint the Select Committee on National Expenditure and, if so, would it be at an early date, in order that the Committee might consider and report on some of the Estimates for the coming year. I was informed, in reply, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that it was proposed to reappoint the Select Committee, but nothing was said either as to the terms of reference or the date of appointment. Several hon. Members in the subsequent Debate pressed that point, and were assured that it was the intention of the Government to set up the Committee at once. That was on the 22nd February. Three days later there came an incident on a certain Friday afternoon which, I think, will be within the recollection of the House. In the course of the Debate on that Friday afternoon, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said:
"It is the general feeling that the House has not sufficient control of finance, and that the Government, which ought to exercise that control on behalf of the House, and subject to the House, is itself not sufficiently alive to the necessity for economy, or not successful in securing the economies which are possible, and which therefore ought to be secured. I want the Government and the House to be partners. I want, and the Government want, all the help that we can get. My only difficulty is to secure the help of the House, or to convince myself how that help can best be afforded."—[OFFICIAL REPOKT, 25th February, 1921; col. 1372, Vol. 138.]
During the last Parliament, which came to an end in November, 1918, the Select Committee on National Expenditure went very carefully into the question of the setting up of an Estimates Committee. It circulated a questionnaire among the officers of the House and other high authorities, and, almost without an exception, in the answers to those ques- tions, it was admitted that the only way in which this House could attempt to exercise a real control over national expenditure was by setting up one or more Estimates Committees. That proposal was, I will not say frustrated, but very strongly opposed by the present Leader of the House, for reasons which I think everyone will appreciate, but into which it is not necessary for me now to enter. It was very strongly opposed by him, not only one one occasion, but on several occasions, and that Committee has not been set up. But on the Friday afternoon to which I allude, the Chancellor of the Exchequer appears to have been converted, for he said:
"I suggest that the Government should set up a Committee comparable in its character to that which dealt at the end of last Session with the precautions to be taken to watch over private Bills and money Bills, to consider what form this Committee should take and how it could be made most effective. If that meets the general approval of hon. Members I will consult different sections of the House as to the terms of reference and instead of moving the reappointment of the National Expenditure Commitee I would move for a Committee of this kind, which would in itself be in some form a Commitee on Estimates."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 25th February, 1921; col. 1375, Vol. 138.].
Now we are on the eve of the Easter recess, and we have got neither our National Expenditure Committee, which we were promised, nor the Estimates Committee, which was to be set up. Therefore, I think the House will forgive me if, as we are about to disperse, I venture to ask the Government in what position this matter now rests. To those of us who are really interested in obtaining for the House of Commons a recontrol over national expenditure, this is a matter which we think ought not to be trifled with. The National Expenditure Committee has not been set up, and the Estimates Committee, for which we were led to hope, has not been set up. I believe that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has appointed a small Committee to consult with him as to the terms of reference, but as far as I have been able to ascertain that Committee has not yet had an opportunity of meeting. All that I desire now is to discover from my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what is the position in which the matter at present stands.
I should like to join with the hon. Member for Oxford University (Mr. Marriott) in pressing for this inquiry. The Committee on National Expenditure has done extraordinarily valuable work during the last year or two, and we have now come to one of the most difficult of all years, when, thanks to the awakening sense of the public, we are determined to get more economy out of this Government, whether they like it or not. At this moment, when the agitation for limiting expenditure has converted the whole people, and has more or less converted the Government, even the small defence that we had against wasteful expenditure has been taken away from us; and, further, instead of getting a substitute for it, we have nothing at all. Hon. Members who support the Government with such enthusiasm at all times, whether it is in the right or in the wrong, of course treat this matter with complete complacency.
Hear, hear!
The hon. Member for Montrose Burghs does not care whether this Committee is appointed or not. He is quite content that the expenditure shall go up or down at the whim of the Chancellor of the Exchequer or any other Minister who likes to spend money, either wisely or unwisely. Those of us, however, who have a better sense of conscience in these matters feel that the Government is not treating the House and the country fairly. It is true that there must be some improvement la regard to the formation of a National Expenditure Committee. I quite agree that the suggestion of an Estimates Committee is certainly a very good one. But what has happened. Apparently the Chancellor of the Exchequer, not too happy with his own power of reducing expenditure and having had a very difficult task in trying to curtail the expenditure of the various Departments—I do not like to say with a lack of bona fides , but it looks almost like that—has said these Committees are so excellent that we must have something better than we have ever had before. Practically he says, "These Ministries are all so extravagant and so incompetent, we will economise." I quite agree, and we must get the help of Members of the House of Commons for the purpose of looking over these Estimates more carefully and seeing if they cannot be cut down." He has set up a Committee composed, I believe, of five Members of various parties for the purpose of advising him as to what sort of National Estimates Committee should be set up. To show the enthusiasm that this Government has got for any Committee which will study economy and obtain it, this Committee we now have has not yet met. Here we are on 23rd March. We come back on 4th April and it is quite unlikely that this Committee, which is to advise the Government as to how the Members of the House of Commons are to be taken into partnership, will sacrifice its Easter holidays for the purpose of considering this problem, so that we shall meet on April 4th, nearly two months after the Session commenced, with no Committee established as a substitute for the old National Expenditure Committee, and with merely the hope that this Advisory Committee will eventually elucidate the whole matter, and will recommend something or other. It is not likely that they will recommend anything until the end of April. It is not likely, therefore, that we shall get any new Committee substituted for the Expenditure Committee till probably the end of May.
I ask hon. Members if they think that is fair treatment of the House of Commons by the Government? It seems to me unfair treatment. It seems to me that the only object one can see the Government trying to obtain is an object which can only be described in very unflattering terms, the object being that there shall not be a Committee for so long a time that they will be prescribed very much as to time and as to the possibility of dealing with the various Estimates. We are not going to get what we had last Session. We are not going to get anything until very late this Session, and probably when we do get it it will be too late for the Committee to do it work efficiently. I unfortunately was on one National Expenditure Committee, and I listened to the speeches made about it, and I read the Report that they issued, and we all know that that Committee and its Sub-Committees did a vast amount of work. That Committee got before it the various heads of Departments, and most thoroughly analysed expenditure, and was a means of a great deal of unnecessary expenditure being stopped.
All the advantages that we got last year when the national conscience on matters of economy was not so much aroused, we are not going to get this year. That is a shame. It is discreditable to the Government and discreditable to the House of Commons that we have not before now succeeded in forcing the Government to do what it promised to do. I hope very much for the sake of the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, who will probably not hold his present post long, that he has come with some clear expression of opinion, not his own opinion, but a clear expression of the Government's view, as to what is going to happen; as to whether this Advisory Committee is going to be set up, and, if so, upon what date its first meeting will be held. The House is not being treated seriously upon a matter of vital importance. Perhaps he will be able to tell us that the Committee will meet, that the Government have not appointed the Committee merely for the object of putting us off and preventing any other Committee being appointed, but that it is determined that we shall not only get the Committee, but that it will be a Committee vested with great powers to help the House to preserve economy throughout the State.
As a member of the late National Expenditure Committee, I do not want to extol what that Committee has done. It is for the House itself to judge, and if it thinks that that Committee could do further work for the benefit of the House it is for the House to say so, and to press the matter upon the Government. Meanwhile, the House is without a Committee of any kind. The Estimates for the year are before the House, and there is no possibility of criticism except in the ordinary course of Debate, because we have no Committee now in existence. The Estimates for the next financial year are not yet in prospect or preparation, so that it is premature to appoint an Estimates Committee to consider them, because the various Ministries are not dealing with them at all. I suggest, if the House does desire a Committee to be set up, that the sensible and businesslike course is to set up the old National Expenditure Committee, and to allow it to go on looking into national expenditure until something better takes its place. That Committee has done a great deal of hard work, and if it is set up it will give the House a great deal of information on financial matters. If the House does require the National Expenditure Committee to be set up again, it might be varied in its functions and be given a little more power to inquire into the reasons of the policy of the Government which governs expenditure.
My right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer has asked me to reply to this question which my hon. Friend the Member for Oxford City (Mr. Marriott) was good enough to tell me he intended to raise. He and all those who have worked with him have long taken a very keen interest in this subject, and I am sure the House will agree with me when I say that they have rendered very valuable service in the work they have done on the National Expenditure Committee. I sympathise sincerely with the remarks that have just fallen from my hon. Friend (Colonel Gretton). To lose the National Expenditure Committee owing to a delay in setting up the Estimates Committee, I think would be a pity, and I will call the attention of my right hon. Friend to what the hon. Member said on that point. With reference to what the hon. Member for the City of Oxford said, that we must keep some sense of proportion, my right hon. Friend regrets the delay that has occurred, but after all it is less than a month ago since the matter of the Estimates Committee was first mooted, and without delay a Committee consisting of representatives for the various parties in this House was at once appointed to go into this question of the setting up of an Estimates Committee. We suffered from one or two misfortunes which could not have been foreseen. Three times in the last fortnight the Committee was summoned, but each time the engagement had to be broken; twice unexpectedly the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was hoping to be present, had to attend an international conference that was summoned at a specified hour at short notice, and that prevented him taking a part, and on the third occasion that this Committee were summoned it was found that some of the members of the Com- mittee were unable to attend themselves. That is extremely regrettable. No one regrets it more that he. I am sure that the House will realise that during the last eight days, owing to events that have happened, it has been quite impossible for him to take any part in this matter, but he wishes me to give this assurance: he hopes it may be possible to summon the Committee as soon as the House reassembles after Easter. So I think I may assure the House that either under his aegis or that of his successor no delay will take place; and I will report what my hon. Friend below the Gangway has said about the continuation of the Committee on National Expenditure until we have fixed the exact form in which the Estimates Committee will do its work.
Key Industries
This is a question which I would like to have answered not in the interests of any party or section, but of the House as a whole. The House is aware that the new measure preventing the dumping of foreign goods involves the previous passing through Committee of Ways and Means of a Financial Resolution. That Financial Resolution must be of an elaborate and complicated kind in order to confer on the Bill all the necessary powers. The Noble Lord (Lord E. Talbot) was good enough to say that the Resolution would be debated in Committee of Ways and Means on 5th April. Can he see his way to circulate before the House separates a copy of the Resolution so that we may have an opportunity of examining it?
Hear, hear.
I am not asking the hon. Member for Montrose. When. his talents have been fully recognised by the conferring of high office, which we all hope will not be unduly delayed, I will address him. In the meantime I am bound to address the Noble Lord.
I appreciate the spirit in which my hon. and gallant Friend has put his request. It is desired that information should be supplied before we discuss the Financial Resolution. It is fairly common knowledge in all sections of the House what kind of measure we are to discuss.
No.
My hon. and gallant Friend does less than justice to his characteristic prescience when he denies that knowledge. As to the terms of the Resolution I cannot give him definite information tonight, but if he will raise the question again tomorrow I hope to be able to inform him.
Thank you.
Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.
Bill read the Third time, and passed.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Adjournment
Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Sir B. Sanders. ]
Adjourned accordingly at Thirteen Minutes before Eleven O'Clock till tomorrow (Thursday) at Twelve O'Clock.