House of Commons
Thursday, May 12, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:—
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (Water) Bill.
Bill to be read a Second time To-morrow.
Provisional Order Bills (No Standing Orders applicable),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:—
Marriages Provisional Order Bill.
Bill to be read a Second time To-morrow.
Bristol Water Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed with Amendments.
East Surrey Water Bill,
Sutton District Waterworks Bill,
To be read the Third time To-morrow.
Westgate and Birchington Water Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
Dundee Gas Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, without Amendment.
PILOTAGE PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 4) BILL,
"to confirm certain Pilotage Orders made by the Board of Trade under the Pilotage Act, 1913, relating to the Pilotage Districts of Ballina, Limerick, Tralee and Fenit, and Westport," presented by Sir WILLIAM MITCHELL-THOMSON; read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 112.]
Hamilton Water and Gas Provisional Order Bill,
"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Burgh Police (Scotland) Act, 1892, relating to Hamilton Water and Gas," presented by Mr. MUNRO; read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 113.]
Key Industries (Gas Mantles)
I beg to present a petition from several thousand electors of Wandsworth, Streatham, Mitcham, Battersea, Putney, Tooting, Westminster, Hornsey, Camberwell, St. Pancras and many other places, praying that gas mantles may again be included as a key industry under the Safeguarding of Key Industries Bill.
East India (Income and Expenditure)
Address for Return of the Net Income and Expenditure for British India, under certain specified heads, for the three years from 1917–18 to 1919–20 (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper No. 184, of Session 1920).—[ Mr. Montagu. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Naval and Military Pensions and Grants
Royal Army Medical Corps (F. H. Clarke)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been drawn to the case of F. H. Clarke, No. 111,127, late Royal Army Medical Corps, of Cwmbran, who injured his shoulder whilst in His Majesty's forces, at Great Yarmouth; whether he is aware that the Cardiff pensions tribunal refused to grant him a pension; and whether, in view of the fact that since his appearance before the board he has had to be operated on at Whitchurch military hospital, Cardiff, he will have inquiries made into the case?
The pensions appeal tribunal have decided that the disabilities from which this man suffered are neither attributable to nor aggravated by service. As decisions of the tribunal are declared by Act of Parliament to be final, I regret that no further action can be taken by my Department.
Seeing that we get so many of these cases brought to our notice where the onus of proof is put on the ex-service man, is it not possible to put the onus on the Ministry? There are several of these cases that have been aggravated by War service—tuberculosis and others—where the tribunals have decided against them; is it not possible that something should be done to shift the onus of proof?
I endeavour, and my Ministry endeavour, on every possible occasion to help the ex-service men who appeal, but I am precluded by Act of Parliament from doing what the hon. Member asks.
Scots Guards (James Nolan)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that James Nolan, late Scots Guards, No. 17,533, has been awarded a final weekly allowance of 12s. 6d. for 10 weeks, plus gratuity of £10 2s. 6d. in final compensation, this award including allowance for wife and four children; that this man was on treatment in George's Square Annex, Glasgow, for one year and seven months, being discharged on the 28th September, 1920; that he was only able to work three months, and then had to go back for further treatment; that this new course of treatment commenced on the 24th January, 1921, and this man is still undergoing it; and whether he can give the reason why a man still upon treatment, with no signs of this treat- ment ceasing, should be given a final award to end in 10 weeks from the 11th April?
I have not yet received all the necessary information with regard to this case. I will communicate with the hon. Member as early as possible.
Scots Guards (Lance-Corporal W. Rook)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been called to the case of Lance Corporal William Rook, No. 6,258, Scots Guards, whose address is 49, Gladstone Road, Bournemouth, who is anxious to obtain a reassessment of pension as he claims to be suffering from disability due to service during the Boer War; is he aware that no acknowledgments have been received from the Ministry of Pensions, Burton Court, in reply to the eight communications sent them from the Bournemouth local committee asking whether this non-commissioned officer can appear before a medical appeal board; and that this matter has been outstanding since 26th October, 1920; and will he take immediate steps to see that a decision is communicated to the Bournemouth local war pensions committee, Hotel Mont Dore?
No disability due to service in the Boer War has been found to exist in this case, and no addition to the man's service pension can, therefore, be made in respect to disablement. There is no right of appeal to a medical appeal board, but I am prepared to consider any further medical evidence. I am inquiring into the question of the neglect of correspondence.
Worcester Regiment (Private James Clines)
asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that Private James Clines, No. 3,188, Worcester Regiment, lost the use of two fingers of his left hand during the War; and will he say why a pension is not being paid for such disability?
Pension is only payable where the degree of disablement is at least 20 per cent. In this case the disablement was found to be slight, and a gratuity of £52 10s. was awarded under Article 1 (3) of the Royal Warrant. The finding of the Medical Board on which the award of gratuity was based has twice been reviewed and confirmed, the man being last medically examined on 20th February.
Dependent (Re-Marriage)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that repeated applications have been made to the Pension Issue Office, Regent's Park, to settle the claims of Mrs. Johnson, residing at Block 50, High Buller, Wednesbury, reference number D.C.C. 3800; and will he take such action as is necessary to expedite a settlement?
Mrs. Johnson, who previously drew pension as a dependent, re-married and thus became entitled to a gratuity in lieu of pension. The gratuity was paid to her on 31st January. It would appear, therefore, that she has no further claim on this Ministry, but if my hon. Friend has any further information, I shall be happy to consider it.
Disability Pensions (Income Tax)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether disability pensions granted to men who served in the last War are subject to deduction for Income Tax; whether disability pensions paid by the Canadian Government to men who fought in the last War now working in this country are also exempt from Income Tax deductions; and, if this is not so, can he see his way to make the same concession to Colonial ex-service men resident here as to British ex-service men?
I would refer the hon. Member to Section 16 of the Finance Act, 1919, under which exemption from Income Tax is allowed in respect of disability pensions as therein described. The relief extends to such pensions paid by the Canadian Government.
Ireland
"Enniscorthy Echo."
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he is aware that the "Enniscorthy Echo" newspaper was ordered by the officer in command of the military in Enniscorthy to publish two and a-quarter columns of extracts from the "Irish Times" newspaper in the issue of the "Echo" of 2nd April; that on 26th March the same paper was compelled to publish two columns of extracts from the "Irish Times" and the "Weekly Summary"; whether he is aware that the latter contained violent attacks and abuse of the Sinn Fein movement; whether these extracts from other publications are paid for as advertisements by His Majesty's Government; whether the whole of this paper is censored; what is the object of this censorship and forced printing of opinions; and whether Enniscorthy is in a martial law area?
I am informed by the Commander-in-Chief that the Military Governor of the martial law area reports that certain articles have been published by the editor of the "Enniscorhy Echo" at the request of the military authorities, and that the editor has also been required, as a condition of the continued publication of his paper, to refrain from the seditious and inflammatory propaganda which previously characterised its policy. The answer to the last part of the question is in the affirmative.
Are they to be forced to continue to publish extracts from the "Weekly Summary" containing attacks on the party that this paper after all represents?
No, I do not think it necessary. What has already been done has taught the editor a lesson.
Is it not a fact that this place is outside the martial law area?
No.
Military Operations
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is now aware that John O'Connor, of Gloundaeagh, Tarranfore, County Kerry, was arrested on 15th December last whilst on his way to church and driven away in a motor lorry; that he was beaten while in the lorry, thrown from the lorry into the road, fired on, and wounded; that civilians then carried him into the house of Thomas Brosnan, Threegneves, Currow, Tarranfore, where he was tended by the Rev. J. J. O'Sullivan, of Killentierna, Tarranfore; that four officers returned from Tarranfore, to which place the lorry had proceeded, in a motor-car, and on ascertaining from the Rev. J. J. O'Sullivan where O'Connor lay wounded, entered Brosnan's house and murdered O'Connor by firing three revolver bullets into his head; whether he is aware that the Rev. J. J. O'Sullivan, Mr. Brosnan, and other eye-witnesses are prepared to testify to the foregoing facts on oath; whether an inquiry has been held; whether these witnesses were called; what was the finding; what action, if any, has been taken; and whether any compensation is to be paid to the widow and seven children of the murdered man?
I am informed by the Commander-in-Chief that he has now received the report of the Court of Inquiry in this case but that he is unable to come to any decision therein until he has received the statements of two further witnesses whose evidence he regards as essential. Steps are being taken to obtain the statements of these witnesses without delay.
I will put the question down again.
Attack on Ambulance, Macroom
asked the Chief Secretary whether he can give any details as to the firing by rebels on the night of Friday, 29th April, on a military Red Cross ambulance conveying two wounded Royal Irish Constabulary cadets from Macroom to the hospital at Cork; and whether any arrests have been made in connection with this outrage?
asked the Chief Secretary whether he has received any further particulars, beyond those published in the Press, with respect to the attack made by Sinn Fein forces on the 29th April on a military Red Cross ambulance conveying wounded men from Macroom to Cork; and whether any arrests have been made in connection with this outrage?
The circumstances of this outrage are as follows: On the evening of 29th April two members of the Auxiliary Police while taking a walk on the outskirts of Macroom were fired at from behind a wall. About 12 shots were fired and both men were seriously wounded and are now in a critical condition. A few hours later shortly after midnight the military ambulance which was conveying these badly wounded men to Cork military hospital was fired on several times at Coolcomer about a mile from Macroom. The driver switched off his lights and firing ceased. About a mile further along the road when the driver switched on the lights again more shots were fired. He then completed the journey without lights. The ambulance was not hit. It seems clear that this road on which this incident occurred was being patrolled by the rebels in considerable force, and as they must have seen the ambulance proceeding to Macroom the dastardly and persistent attacks made upon it on the return journey may be regarded as deliberate attempts to murder wounded men. No arrests have been made at present.
Do I understand from the answer that the fact that it was an ambulance must have been clearly seen by the people who fired?
Yes, as far as I can gather
Raid, Rathmines
asked the Chief Secretary if he is aware that considerable offence has been given to the parishioners of St. Mary's Catholic Church, Rathmines, by the fact that the precincts of the church have been made a loitering place by soldiers and that while, in response to representations made to the military authority, a marked improvement has taken place, it is still possible to remove any cause for complaint; that, upon the night of Good Friday last, Mr. Philip Francis Little, residing at 30, Rathmines Road, Rathmines, County Dublin, was followed from his house to the sitting-room of the parish priest and was there covered with revolvers by five of his pursuers, who ordered him to accompany them; and that, leaving the room of the parish priest and accompanied by Father Mulderry, Mr. Little went out to the street and the parties concerned separated without further incident, but that Mr. Little found upon his return to his house that two plate-glass windows and his hall door had been smashed and that his watch, valued at £8, was missing; can he say with what object Mr. Little was raided; and whether he will be compensated for the resulting damage to and loss of property?
I am assured by the Commander-in-Chief that whatever cause of complaint may have existed in respect to the matter mentioned in the first part of the question has now been removed. In regard to the allegations made by Mr. Little, I am informed that a complaint was lodged by him to the military authorities, who have satisfied themselves as the result of very careful inquiry that there is no ground for suspecting that any members of the military forces were implicated in the raids on his house or in the theft stated to have been committed.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Mr. Little is a reputable man, the son of a deceased Colonial Judge, and that he is a constituent of mine?
I am sure that if he is a constituent of my hon. Friend he is a reputable man.
Compensation Claim
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that a boy named Michael Considine, aged 12 years, was shot by military or police on 23rd December at Cooraclare, County Clare, and severely wounded; that his father wrote to District Inspector May claiming compensation, and received the reply that the shooting was accidental; that this case was brought before County Court Judge Bodkin at his recent examination into compensation claims, but compensation could not be awarded owing to the injunction of the commander of the forces; and whether he proposes to allow this claim for admitted injury to be proceeded with?
I regret I have not yet received the information asked for in this case.
Mr. Erskine Childers
asked the Chief Secretary whether Mr. Erskine Childers has been arrested; and on what grounds?
Mr. Erskine Childers' house was visited on the afternoon of the 9th instant, and a large number of documents was found therein. Mr. Childers was detained during the preliminary examination of these documents, but he was permitted to return home later on the same afternoon.
Is it intended to charge him at all or bring him up for trial?
That will depend on the examination of the documents.
Is not this the Mr. Childers who has performed most distinguished services in the War?
I am not aware of his record, but I am quite prepared to accept the statement.
Is he not the author of "The Riddle of the Sands"?
Police Pensions
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that ex-Sergeant John Hobcroft, Royal Irish Constabulary, No. 51,641, who joined the Royal Irish Constabulary force on 29th December, 1885, was retired from the service upon 26th March, 1919, with the knowledge of the authorities that the 1st April, 1919, was a datum line for the fixing of pensions, and that the effect of his six days' earlier retirement would be to deprive him of £106 12s. per annum additional pension; and that he appealed to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and his appeal was referred to the inspector-general of the Royal Irish Constabulary, by whom he has been informed that as he was retired before 1st April, 1919, he is ineligible for the scale of pensions applicable to retirement on and after 1st April, 1919; and will he, in view of Hobcroft's long and faithful service, and of the extreme hardship of his case, see if he can be given subordinate employment or some other compensation?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the negative, as the decisions to increase pay and pension rates as from 1st April, 1919, was made long after that date, but with retrospective effect. There is no power to increase the pension of ex-Sergeant Hobcroft. I will see whether any employment can be found for him. He was incapacitated by chronic rheumatism.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the question on the Paper is not quite as it was handed in at the Table? I did not suggest that the authorities knew that that was the datum line; I asked "Did they know?"
Trade Union Officials (Arrests)
asked the Chief Secretary the result of the inquiries made into the raid on a hall in Blackball Place, Dublin, when several trade union officials were arrested and the branch books and cash seized, thus rendering it impossible to pay the members of the union concerned sick or unemployment benefit to which they are entitled?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. Three meetings were found to be in progress in the hall, of which only one, that of the National Union of Vehicle Builders, appeared to be of a lawful description. Four revolvers, one automatic pistol, and a quantity of ammunition and seditious literature were found in the hall, and in consequence of these discoveries all persons present in the hall were arrested pending further investigation. As a result of investigation the six officials of the National Union of Vehicle Builders were released four days after their arrest and the books and money of the union were returned to them.
Arrest, Mullingar
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that Patrick O'Reilly, of Mullingar, a member of the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union, was arrested by members of the Crown forces on 6th March, 1921; that he was kept in custody till 11th April without being brought to trial; that O'Reilly was charged with being in possession of a rifle bullet, which on investigation was proved to be a bullet-shaped lead pencil; that the witnesses for the prosecution were unable to produce the lead pencil at the trial, but produced in its place a new rifle bullet, which they swore was similar to the one found in O'Reilly's possession; that O'Reilly, after being acquitted on 13th April, was immediately re-arrested in the military barracks, Mullingar; and will he say why he has since been kept in detention without any charge having been preferred against him?
O'Reilly was acquitted as stated on the 13th instant, but was re-arrested with a view to his internment under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Regulation 14 B, on the ground that he was suspected of having acted and being about to act in a manner prejudicial to the maintenance and restoration of order in Ireland. I have not as yet any information as to the allegations in the question regarding the evidence at his trial, but I am making inquiry on this point.
Disturbance, Youghal
asked the Chief Secretary whether he can give any information with reference to the attack upon the ex-service men and women reported from Youghal within the last few days?
The circumstances of this crime as stated in the police report are as follow. On the morning of the 7th instant, about five o'clock, three ex-soldiers and two girls were returning from a military dance in Youghal Barracks, when they were suddenly fired upon by a number of masked men in North Main Street. One of the ex-soldiers, named Thomas Collins, was badly wounded, part of his leg being blown away, and he died a few hours later. Another of the ex-soldiers and one of the girls were also hit several times by slugs and revolver bullets. The girl has seven gaping wounds in her back, and her cure is considered to be almost hopeless. The two others had miraculous escapes, their clothes being perforated with bullets. A number of military were quickly on the scene, but the assassins, who had a motor car in readiness, succeeded in making good their escape. The only motive for this cowardly and dastardly crime was to murder these ex-service men for attending a military dance. All three were members of the Comrades' Band, and they were carrying their drums at the time of the attack. They were unarmed.
Have any further incidents occurred in the town of Youghal since this report was made?
No, Sir.
Castleconnell Inquiry
asked the Chief Secretary why no statement was invited from Mr. Cripps in the Castleconnell inquiry?
I regret I am not yet in a position to reply to this question.
Will the hon. Gentleman say on what day the information can be given? Can it be given to-morrow?
I will try to get it, but I cannot promise.
I will put down the question to-morrow.
Murders and Outrages
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to recent well substantiated reports from Ireland to the effect that organised attacks are being made by the rebels on the persons and property of peaceable and inoffensive individuals because they are Protestants and Nonconformists, and will he consider what steps can be taken to protect these people from persecution on account of their religion?
I have been asked to answer this question. I am aware that there has recently been a number of murders of Protestant farmers in the South of Ireland. The circumstances of these crimes are still under investigation. In regard to the latter part of the question, the Government are doing everything in their power to suppress outrages and to protect the lives and property of all persons irrespective of their religion.
What is a Nonconformist in Ireland?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the fact that within the last three months these murders of persons in the South of Ireland, principally farmers, who are in no way connected with the forces of the Crown, number something like 40?
Yes. There has been quite a considerable number of them.
In connection with the murder of Protestants in the South of Ireland, has the right hon. Gentleman received any letter expressing protest from the right hon. Member for Paisley? [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"]
( by Private Notice ) asked the Chief Secretary if he can give any details with regard to the alleged murder of two men in Galway by forces of the Crown, Christopher Folan, 18 years of age, and Hubert Tulley, and the wounding of a third person, Joseph Folan, at 1 a.m. on Tuesday morning?
I have called for an immediate report with regard to these murders, but pending its receipt I am not in a position to make any statement.
I will repeat the question to-morrow.
Questions
Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic)
asked the Prime Minister (1) when the proposed alterations and relaxations of the Regulations of the Liquor Control Board will be published; (2) whether he can state the decision of the Government with regard to placing the Liquor Control Board under parliamentary control pending its final abolition?
It has been decided that the Liquor Control Board shall be placed under the parliamentary control of the Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Home Office.
Will the right hon. Gentleman see that this matter is dealt with, as the delay is causing considerable dissatisfaction in the country?
I will ask my hon. Friend to go into the matter at once, but he has only been appointed to-day.
Could we have these suggested alterations of and relaxations of the Regulations put into a White Paper or somehow or other rendered accessible to Members of the House and the public?
Yes
Is the hon. Gentleman mentioned to be Chairman of the Board?
Yes.
Is the right hon. Gentleman confident that this improvement in the position of the Board will not conduce to its longer life?
asked the Prime Minister how many meetings of the Central Control Board there have been since 1st January, 1920, and how many of such meetings each member of the Board has attended; whether the decisions have been unanimous; and, if not, whether a bare majority is sufficient to effect sweeping changes?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. I am informed that the Board have held 16 meetings since the date mentioned. By the Regulations under which they were established, the Board may determine their quorum and regulate their procedure. It has been stated more than once that they are under no obligation to publish their minutes, and they have not authorised the publication of the attendances or views of individual members.
Secretary for Scotland (Status)
asked the Prime Minister whether any decision has yet been reached regarding the raising of the status of the Secretary for Scotland to that of Secretary of State for Scotland?
No, Sir. I am not yet in a position to make a statement on this subject.
Industrial Disputes
asked the Prime Minister if, having regard to the serious loss and suffering caused by industrial disputes to thousands of persons who have no voice or interest in such disputes, he will will appoint a special committee to inquire into the workings of the Industrial Arbitration Acts now in force in Australia, Canada, and New Zealand with a view to advising Parliament as to whether or not any, or a combination of all these Acts, could be usefully applied for the settlement of industrial disputes in this country?
Constant attention is given to the legislative action taken by other countries to minimise industrial disputes; and the experience which had been gained of the working of legislation in the Dominions was utilised in framing the provisions of the Industral Courts Act, which was introduced by the Government and passed in 1919.
asked the Prime Minister if he will consider the advisability of granting mandatory powers to those industrial councils that have agreed upon wages, hours, and conditions of employment, or any other matters, to make such agreements compulsory upon the whole of their respective industries, provided such industrial councils represent at least two-thirds of those engaged or employed in such industries?
I have been asked to reply. As my hon. Friend was informed by my predecessor on 8th March, 1920, and by myself on 28th October last, the concensus of opinion is at present against the compulsory enforcement of industrial agreements, and I do not think that the introduction of legislation necessary to secure such enforcement would be justified.
Russia (British Prisoners)
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that there are nearly 300 officers and men still prisoners in Russia; whether he is aware that they are suffering great privations and are able to get very little food or clothing; and whether there is any likelihood of their shortly being released?
As far as His Majesty's Government are aware, there are no British officers and men still prisoners in Russia. The second and third parts of the question do not therefore arise.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I have a letter from an officer in Russia to the effect I have suggested?
I should be glad if my hon. and gallant Friend will let me have any information he has.
Peace Treaties
Turkey
asked the Prime Minister if he can now make any statement with regard to the progress of the negotiations with Turkey and, in so doing, indicate what steps are being taken to expedite a settlements?
I would refer my hon. Friend to my reply to the first part of a question on this subject put by my hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle North on the 21st April. I regret that the situation has not materially changed since that date.
Upper Silesia
asked the Prime Minister what steps His Majesty's Government is taking in consultation, or co-operation, with the Allies, to enforce the terms of the Treaty of Versailles relating to the disposal of Upper Silesia, and whether the attitude of His Majesty's Government on this subject has been made clear to the Polish Government?
asked the Prime Minister whether he can make any statement as to the events reported and the gentral situation in Eastern Silesia?
I have at present nothing to add to the statement made in the House yesterday by my right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal.
Have we made it perfectly clear to the Polish Government that no fait accompli in Upper Silesia will be accepted. Have we been as firm with them as with the Bolshevic Government?
I think that was answered by my right hon. Friend. The Polish Government accepts no re- sponsibility for action taken by their compatriots in this regard.
Are His Majesty's Government getting any reports as to conditions in Upper Silesia?
Oh, yes; we are getting some reports.
I beg to give notice that I will raise this matter on the Adjournment to-morrow.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say anything as to the reported heavy fighting in Upper Silesia?
It is very difficult to know what is going on. The reports are conflicting. We hear one moment that heavy fighting is in progress, and then we get contradictions from the very neighbourhood where the other reports have come from.
Are British troops involved?
No.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps have been taken by the French troops in Upper Silesia to restore order?
I have at present nothing to add to the statement made yesterday in the House by the Lord Privy Seal, and by the Prime Minister to-day.
Have the French troops, as a matter of fact, taken any part in resisting the insurgents in Silesia?
I said I have nothing to add.
Palestine (British Subjects)
asked the Prime Minister when the Treaty of Sévres will be ratified; whether under Articles 125 and 129 of that Treaty British subjects resident in Palestine will have the option of electing to be Palestinian or of retaining their British nationality; whether as to that option a distinction is made between Jews and non-Jews who are British subjects; and, if so, whether he will take such steps as may be necessary before the ratification of the Treaty for the removal of such distinction from the terms of the Treaty?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the negative. With regard to the second part of the question, Article 129 of the Treaty will not affect the nationality of any British subjects in Palestine other than Jews who are " habitually resident" there, who will, under the Treaty become citizens of Palestine. Persons affected by the provisions of Article 129 will have the same right as other persons habitually resident in Palestine to opt in accordance with Article 125, but that Article gives no right to opt for either British or Palestinian nationality.
Why should a distinction be made with British subjects because of their religious faith?
German Reparation
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the announcement made in the French Press of Saturday to the effect that in case of occupation of the Ruhr His Majesty's Government was pledged to adopt a plan of naval sanctions, and that these sanctions include the appearance of an allied fleet with French troops on board off the German coast for the purpose of occupying the German coast fortifications, the seizure of Hamburg customs, and the levying of customs dues on board neutral ships; and will he make a statement on the subject?
In view of the reply of the German Government read to the House yesterday, it would be inadvisable to re-open the question.
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether it is intended to suspend the German Reparation (Recovery) Act, in view of the acceptance by the German Government of the Allied proposals for the payment of the indemnity?
This question was answered yesterday in reply to a supplementary question by the hon. Member for South Hackney.
Did not the right hon. Gentleman allow the House to understand that if the Germans fell in with our indemnity pro- posals, the Reparation Act would be suspended?
Is the German Reparation (Recovery) Act being continued for revenue or as a sanction?
That is a matter for debate.
Questions
Members of Parliament (Expenses)
asked the Prime Minister whether the changes with regard to Income Tax relief and travelling expenses of Members of Parliament can be postponed until the House has had an opportunity of discussing this question in all its bearings?
asked the Lord Privy Seal if the Supplementary Estimate for the payment of travelling expenses of Members of the House of Commons and exemption of their salaries from Income Tax will be taken at a convenient time when it can be debated at an early date after the Whitsuntide recess?
To postpone the allowance of travelling expenses would cause great inconvenience to Members, in view of the period of the year at which we have arrived, but I will postpone action in regard to exemption from Income Tax until the House has pronounced upon the matter, and will try to arrange that the Vote shall be put down on an early day after our return.
Can the right hon. Gentleman undertake that the Government Whips shall not be put on to tell in the Division taken on the Income Tax exemption?
Yes, Sir, certainly; I think that a proper course to adopt.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say what the facilities are that are to be given to Members?
I have an answer to that in another question.
asked the Lord Privy Seal if it is intended that the arrangement as to free travelling shall apply to all Members of Parliament or only to those who are entitled to salaries as Members?
The arrangement as to travelling applies to all Members; the arrangement as to Income Tax to those only who do not draw Ministerial salaries.
Is it intended that all Ministers on the Front Bench should have travelling expenses?
Yes, certainly; it is intended that all Members of Parliament should have equal rights in respect of travelling facilities, and within the limitations that I prescribed yesterday.
Are the allowances in force now, or when will they come into force?
To-morrow!
If my hon. Friend will wait for the replies to further questions, I think he will get all the information he requires.
Will private Members be entitled to motor cars?
Members of the Government are not entitled to motor cars.
asked the Lord Privy Seal if he is aware that many Members of this House doubt the advisability at the present juncture of increasing the pay of Members of Parliament and, before consenting thereto, would like to discuss the matter with their constituents; and will he, therefore, state the new proposals as to pay and travelling expenses, and their effect upon taxation, in sufficient detail to enable Members to lay the proposals in their entirety before their electors?
asked the Lord Privy Seal if he can state the probable cost to the Exchequer of the proposed free travelling for Members of Parliament?
( by Private Notice ) asked the Lord Privy Seal whether any, and, if so, what, arrangements have been made to give effect to the Government decision in respect of railway travel facilities for hon. Members of this House?
The printers have promised to deliver at the Vote Office to-day 500 books, each containing 12 vouchers for issue to Members. Each voucher will require signing by the Member, and will entitle him to receive a railway ticket for the desired journey. The railway companies will forward their accounts to the House of Commons Accounting Officer, who will be responsible for discharging the same, and the Estimate will appear upon the House of Commons Vote. It has been arranged that the vouchers shall normally be issued by the Vote Office, but special arrangements will be needed this week in the shape of a larger room and a better staff for dealing with the matter. These matters are being dealt with by the authorities of the House.
Should there be any failure of the arrangements, so that Members do not in fact receive their vouchers this week, a refund of any fare paid since my announcement on Monday last will be made. The question of unexpired season tickets will be dealt with in the following way: Members may surrender them to the Vote Office, who will forward them to the Railway Clearing House, and the appropriate repayment, calculated as from the 1st April to the expiry of the ticket, will be made by the railway company to the Member direct. Full detailed particulars of the arrangements which I have outlined will be placed in the No Lobby and elsewhere as soon as possible.
As regards the cost of travelling facilities, no accurate estimate can be framed until experience is available to guide us since the expenditure must depend on the use made by the Members of these facilities and on the length of the Session. It is equally impossible to estimate the cost of the Income Tax relief for the following reason: Members are entitled to the ordinary reliefs granted by law to every citizen, that is to say, to claim individual relief in respect of that portion of the sum voted to them which is expended wholly, exclusively and necessarily in the performance of their duties.
I have no means of ascertaining what the difference would be between this relief and the relief suggested by the Government, but if Members generally exercised this common right of all citizens—and there are indications of a growing disposition on their part to do so—I think that the difference would not be very great.
Will the right hon. Gentleman indicate again under what circumstances these vouchers may or can be used?
The vouchers are admissible for a journey taken from London to any point in the Member's constituency, or from the Member's constituency to London, or from London to the Member's home, or from the Member's home to London. A Member's vouchers will be received without challenge by the railway authorities, and he will be given a ticket in exchange. If any question arise, it will be taken up by the accounting authorities. These arrangements are confined to the Session of Parliament, including the period of adjournments, but not to the Prorogation.
Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us what will happen in the event of the House not agreeing to the Estimate for these expenses? Will hon. Members have to refund the money to the Government?
I do not think my hon. and gallant Friend was in his place when I answered an earlier question on this point as to the postponement of facilities. What would happen would be in the hands of the House. What the Government would propose if the House decided against these proposals would be to ask the House to vote the expenditure already incurred.
Will the vouchers be available between the Member's home and his constituency as well?
No, Sir.
Upon the whole of this question, would my right hon. Friend consider the desirability of appointing a Select Committee of the House, representative of all sections, to consider the whole matter, and report to the Houses?
My hon. Friend's question seems to indicate that he is not aware that such a Committee has already sat, and reported. I invite him, and any other hon. Member who may be in the same position, to read the Report of the Committee, and refer to the evidence given, before we discuss it again.
Is it not a fact that any hon. Members who do not require these facilities need not avail themselves of them?
Have any arrangements been made with regard to Members like myself who have a season ticket over a very wide area which we cannot surrender? Have any arrangements been made for cases of that kind?
I cannot understand my hon. Friend's difficulty, but if he will communicate with my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport (Mr. Neal), he will consider the matter.
Will the Voucher Office to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred be open during the Recess, seeing that we cannot tell at this time what our appointments may be? Shall we have to get all the tickets tomorrow, or will the office be open during the Recess?
I cannot say. It is obvious that in introducing a new arrangement of this kind, which is necessarily of a somewhat complicated character, we cannot expect to meet every individual need at the first start. We will do our best to meet the convenience of hon. Members.
On what are we going to discuss and take a decision on the question of Income Tax? Will it be on a Motion, or on a Supplementary Estimate?
It will be on an Estimate, and the Estimate will be the House of Commons Estimate.
Will the pass be available to any point in the Member's constituency?
Yes, Sir. I have already stated so. May I respectfully invite hon. Members now to await the notice which will be sent to them, and which will make clear, I hope, what my words appear to have failed to convey.
Seeing that there is a strong feeling in the House on the subject of Income Tax, will it be possible to have a free vote upon it before the House rises?
Had the hon. Member been in the Chamber, he would be aware that that question has already been put to me and answered.
Not before the House rises?
Unemployment
Relief Schemes
asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the advisableness of suggesting to local authorities to employ on some useful but not necessarily immediately reproductive work the men who are drawing unemployment pay, such work, when available, being required to the extent of the value of the unemployment pay; and, seeing that unfortunately it is likely that there will be very serious unemployment for some time to come, would the Government consider the question of undertaking national schemes in suitable areas to provide that some work should be done in return for unemployment pay, such national schemes being planned in the first place to bring to productive use land areas which are, at present, unproductive?
There is already available substantial Exchequer assistance for local authorities who undertake relief works for the unemployed. I fear that schemes on the lines suggested in the question would not prove practicable, and would, in any case, involve too severe a strain on the financial resources of local authorities.
Moratorium
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the present abnormal situation, especially in purely industrial districts where a large percentage of the population are unemployed, and the local tradespeople are unable to obtain payment for their goods and meet their liabilities, he will consider the advisability of a moratorium to tide people over the present period of acute depression?
My right hon. Friend does not think that a moratorium is either practicable or desirable.
Benefit
asked the Minister of Labour when the funds available for payment of unemployment insurance benefit will become exhausted at the present rate of payment; and whether it is proposed to make any supplementary contribution from the State to these funds?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given by the Parliamentary Secretary to the right hon. Member for South Molton on the 3rd May, of which I am sending him a copy. I cannot say more at this moment than that the position of the Unemployment Insurance Fund is engaging my serious attention.
asked the Minister of Labour how many persons have exhausted their right to unemployment benefit since the passing of the last Unemployment Act?
The Unemployment Insurance Act, 1921, made provision for the payment of benefit, subject to certain conditions, for 16 weeks in the period between 3rd March and 2nd November, 1921. Accordingly, the earliest date at which the rights to benefit under the Act can be exhausted is 22nd June, in cases in which the conditions for the receipt of the full amount are satisfied. There are certain exceptional cases in which applicants who are not entitled to the full amount under the Act of 1921 have exhausted their rights. I am unable to state the number of such cases, but relatively to the whole number they are not numerous.
I asked how many have exhausted their right to claim as from November, when the eight weeks' period was extended to 16 weeks.
I imagine a great proportion of those persons came into the first 16 weeks' emergency benefit in March, 1921, and if they had been continuously in benefit they would have exhausted their claim in June, and the second 16 weeks would begin from November and run forward from that time.
Coal Industry Dispute
Settlement Negotiations
asked the Prime Minister when the parties to the coal dispute will meet again?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply which my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Mines gave to the same question on the 9th of May, and to which I regret I have nothing to add.
In view of the change of circumstances brought about by the speech of Mr. Herbert Smith reported yesterday, would it not be advisable to bring the parties together again at once?
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the widespread distress and unemployment caused by the coal strike, the Government will, instead of waiting on others to propose terms of settlement, itself take a leading part in terminating this disastrous dispute?
I regret that I have nothing to add to the answer which I gave on Monday last on this subject.
May I ask whether the interests of the community do not demand that the Government should devise some scheme whereby the friendly co-operation of the mineowners and the miners will not be impaired, and can the Prime Minister say how the interests of the community are to be served by a fight to the finish?
The Government, in the interests of the community, made certain suggestions and they were rejected by the Miners' Federation. It it through no fault of the Government.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the great dislocation of business and discontent in the country, and that the two main labour Departments, the Ministry of Labour and the Board of Trade, have taken no steps in this matter, under Regulation 13, whereby the mines may be taken over and worked?
Will the Prime Minister say how the interests of the community are to be served by allowing the mineowners and the miners to fight this question out to a finish?
Children (Feeding)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the privations of the children in the coal-mining districts, and their need of nourishing food, he can see his way to make financial grants to the local bodies in such districts to enable them to cater for the needs of the children?
Grants are already being made by the Board of Education in respect of expenditure of local education authorities on the feeding of school children, and my right hon. Friend is unable to authorise any further financial provision from the Exchequer.
Pit Ponies
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to a case which recently came before the Swadlincote (Derbyshire) magistrates when the manager, under-manager, and horse keepers of the Bretby colliery were convicted for causing cruelty to 33 pit ponies, it being stated that they were in a shocking condition when brought to the surface, owing to the stoppage of work, and that the defence was that the animals suffered from skin disease caused by mud; whether he will state what inspector is responsible for this district; and why this state of affairs was not discovered by the inspector before the ponies were brought to the surface?
I have been ask to reply. I have made inquiry into this case. I learn that the inspector of horses for the division inspected the horses at this colliery on the 20th January, and found that five were in poor condition owing to a skin eruption. He gave instructions to the manager as to their treatment, and made a check inspection on the 27th January, when he found that they were under veterinary treatment, and were being properly attended to. The conditions being satisfactory in all other respects, he turned his attention to other collieries. While I much regret this unfortunate occurrence, I am afraid that the staff at my disposal does not permit of repeated visits being made to particular collieries, when once an inspector has satisfied himself that any defect which he has pointed out is being remedied. The divisional inspector in question is Mr. Abbott, and the horse inspector who works under him is responsible for the inspection of some 6,000 horses in about 280 collieries.
Will the hon. Gentleman repeat part of the answer? Most of it was inaudible.
Will my hon. Friend repeat it?
I am sorry, but it was not my fault.
Coal and Coke Prices
asked the Secretary for Mines if he is aware that coal merchants are taking advantage of the present coal shortage to charge as much as 4s. 6d. and 4s. 9d. per cwt. for coal, 2s. 6d. per cwt. for slack, and 3s. 6d. per chaldron for coke in some working-class districts; and whether it is possible for local authorities to institute proceedings against these coal merchants under the Profiteering Act?
I am informed that the prices mentioned by the hon. Member are being charged in various districts in the Metropolitan area. But he will realise that, in the absence of ordinary sources of supply, it has been necessary to make special arrangements to meet the essential needs of consumers, and these arrangements often involve extra charges in respect of freight, demurrage and handling before the coal reaches the merchants' hands. It must not, therefore, be supposed that an increased charge to the consumer necessarily means an increased profit to the merchant. The position in London is being carefully watched by the London Coal Committee, who are fully alive to the necessity of keeping prices as low as possible, even at some sacrifice to the merchant of his normal profit, and advise merchants what is a reasonable price to charge having regard to the actual cost at the depot of each consignment.
Flooded Mines
asked the Minister of Labour the estimated number of miners who must, in any case and even after a settlement, remain unemployed for some time owing to the flooding of the collieries in which they usually work?
I have been asked to reply. I am afraid it is quite impossible to give even a rough estimate of the number of persons whose return to work will be delayed by the flooding of the collieries at which they usually work. It depends on so many factors which are quite incalculable, e.g., the number of pits wholly or partially flooded when the stoppage ends, the number of these that may be abandoned, the time it takes to unwater those which are not abandoned, the number of men employed in unwatering, and the facilities for getting work at neighbouring collieries.
Disturbances
asked the Prime Minister whether disorders among the miners on strike have only been reported from those districts where the liquor restrictions are most severe?
I have been asked to reply to this question. No, Sir. The liquor restrictions prevailing in the districts from which disturbances—few and sporadic, I am glad to say—have been reported are substantially identical with those in force in mining districts generally and, indeed, over the greater part of the whole country.
Is it not true that when you want men to fight you give them drink, but not when you want to keep them peaceful?
I am afraid I cannot discuss that.
What about rum?
Questions
Red Internationals (Propaganda)
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the propaganda work carried on in this country by a foreign organisation known as the Red Internationals of Moscow; and, if so, what steps the Government have taken, or propose taking, to circumvent their revolutionary doctrines?
I have been asked to reply to this question. The Government is well aware of the activities of this organisation, which aims at breaking up trades unions from within. We cannot in this country suppress any propaganda of opinions, however misleading and mischievous, but any public incitements to violent or revolutionary action are dealt with by the police as far as their powers extend.
Will the Government take immediate steps to order the arrest of all foreigners and all the British members of foreign revolutionary organisations who are openly inciting His Majesty's subjects to revolution?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the trade unions are well able to look after themselves, in spite of the Red Internationals?
I hope they are.
Why do they join them?
Corporation Profits Tax
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, inasmuch as the new Conversion Loan has been exempted from the Corporation Profits Tax, he will similarly encourage investment in other British Government securities by putting them on the same footing of exemption?
No, Sir. Freedom from liability to Corporation Profits Tax is a special inducement offered to subscribers to the Conversion Loan, and my right hon. Friend could not agree to extend the exemption to holders of existing Government issues.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the small return brought in by the Corporation Profits Tax last year and the injustice of its incidence and its detrimental effect upon trade, he will consider the abolition of the tax altogether?
My right hon. Friend is not prepared to adopt the suggestion of the right hon. Gentleman for the abolition of the Corporation Profits Tax, the estimated yield of which for the current year amounts to £30,000,000. The circumstances affecting the yield of this tax for last year were explained in the course of my speech on the Budget Resolutions on the 25th April.
Will not the Corporation Profits Tax fall practically entirely upon the Income Tax payers of the country?
That is obviously a matter for argument.
Entertainment Duty
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether clubs and societies are liable to the Entertain- ment Duty if they have informal singsongs amongst their members at which the performers are members and not paid; whether the fact of members watching a game of billiards renders the club or society liable to the tax; and, if so, was this the intention of the Government when the Entertainment Duty was imposed?
I am unable to say whether liability to duty arises in a particular case without a full knowledge of the facts, but, speaking generally, duty would not be charged in the circumstances mentioned if non-members are not admitted for payment.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that Customs and Excise officials are interpreting the duty in the manner indicated in the question, and are demanding information as to such singsongs, etc., as may have been held since the 1st January, 1919, in order that the arrears may be collected?
The reply, obviously, must depend upon the actual circumstances of the case. If the hon. Member will call my attention to any particular case that he has in mind, I will, of course, inquire into it.
Is there any reason why this Entertainment Duty should be charged in a case in which a person who is not a member of a club goes to a club, rather than in a private house when people are invited there?
I cannot accept that account of the working of the duty.
Nyasaland (Labour Recruitment)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies why recruiting of natives for the Beira-Zambesi Railway has been allowed in Nyasaland, in view of the strong protest of the Nyasaland Chamber of Agriculture and Commerce against the recruitment of natives to work in a foreign country, especially at a time when new British ex-soldiers in Nyasaland could not obtain sufficient labour?
Recruiting in Nyasaland for the Beira-Zambesi Railway was permitted on the ground of the great importance of the railway for the future development of Nyasaland, and of the fact that labour was urgently needed in order to complete construction over the low-lying part of the route before the rains began. It was understood that, if not allowed to recruit, the contractors would have offered wages so high that natives would have left Nyasaland in numbers much greater than those sought to be recruited, and without the benefit of Government control of the conditions of their employment. Care was taken to restrict recruiting to those districts in which it would interfere least with the demands of European settlers.
Is it the policy of the Government of Nyasaland to consider the interests of settlers in Nyasaland, and, if so, why, at a time when labour was extremely scarce, were these men taken away by a recruiter to work on a foreign railway?
In deciding whether natives shall be recruited or not, do they consider the interests of the natives, or those of the employers only?
Has the hon. Gentleman any reason to suppose that large numbers of natives have left Nyasaland, in order to be employed on the railway?
I am not aware that a large number have left. I am sure that in that case, as in every other case where recruiting has been allowed outside the territory, every care has been taken to safeguard the interests of the natives. As regards the supplementary question of my Noble Friend, that is entirely covered by the answer to the question.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the effect of taking these natives from Nyasaland to this very unhealthy district is to cause far greater mortality among them than when they are working in Nyasaland, and will he give an undertaking that in future they will not be recruited for work in an unhealthy country?
Is it the case that the objection to the recruitment of the natives of Nyasaland was that it has been discovered by experience that they lost their health in South Africa, and that no such experience has yet been acquired in regard to Beira?
Notice should be given of that question.
Egypt (Russian Cadet College)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the Russian military cadet college at Ismailia, in Egypt; whether there are 485 cadet officers receiving instruction from 30 masters; whether these people are being trained for military purposes; whether they are Russian officers; and whether, in view of the preamble to the trade agreement between Russia and Great Britain, he proposes to take any action in the matter?
I am unable at present to add anything to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for Barnard Castle on 10th May.
Does the hon. Gentleman think the time has come to stop this expenditure of public money on Russians and to expend a little of it on our own distressed population?
I have told the hon. and gallant Gentleman we are trying every means of ridding ourselves of this, charge.
Serbia
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that on 28th January two Serbian battalions, commanded by a major, went to the villages, of Clapi, near Pristina, Kicekolli, Prapashtisa, and Sharban, drove the male inhabitants above the age of 12 years on to the neighbouring mountain, massacred them with machine guns, proceeded to the villages, set fire to houses and massacred all the women and children, leaving only 14 survivors out of a population of 1,680 in 320 houses; and whether representations are being made to the Jugo-Slavo Government in this matter?
I have no information other than that indicated in my answer to the hon. Member's question on the 5th May, but I am making inquiries.
Is it not a very odd thing that the Foreign Office should have no information when a private Member like myself knows what has happened, and what is likely to happen?
The hon. Member is singularly well informed.
Basle and Strasburg Canal
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs the names of the seven members of the committee appointed by the Central Rhine Commission to consider the construction of the Basle and Strasburg canal; the name of the expert engineering adviser who has been appointed to assist the British delegation; what his qualifications are to advise on the construction of a canal of the magnitude of the proposed canal; and what remuneration he will receive for the appointment?
The committee consists of one representative of each of the seven countries represented on the Central Commission of the Rhine. The British member is Colonel J. G. Baldwin, C.B. I do not know the names of the other members. The expert engineering adviser appointed to assist the British representative on the Central Commission is Mr. G. A. Maunsell, Associate Member of the Institute of Civil Engineers. Mr. Maunsell, who has had much previous experience in hydroelectric installations on some of the French and Swiss rivers in the upper and lower Alps, was, until 31st March last, when his appointment terminated, Deputy-Chief Engineer for Special Studies in the Ministry of Transport. Before he was appointed to that post he was employed for several years by large contracting firms in Scotland and South Wales. He served with the Royal Engineers in France in 1916. Mr. Maunsell has received no remuneration, over and above his salary as an official of the Ministry of Transport, for the advice which he has given to the British representative.
Continuation Schools, London
asked the President of the Board of Education whether the points at issue between the London County Council and its education authority with regard to the further provision of continuation schools have now been adjusted; and, if so, can he inform the House of the settlement arrived at?
I do not understand the hon. and gallant Member's question. As I have already pointed out to him, the London County Council is the Local Education Authority for London.
What will be the resulting cost to the rates and taxes of this scheme in the current financial year?
I must ask for notice of that question.
Is the extra 4d. rate for 1921–2 due to these continuation schools?
Imperial Cabinet (Emigration)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether preparatory to the assembling of the forthcoming Imperial Cabinet, the Home Government will prepare a comprehensive statement showing the position as regards emigration, making clear in particular the fact that, owing to causes arising out of the great War, there has not been since 1914 the normal outflow of population from this country to the overseas Dominions and indicating the actual arreas so far as they can be calculated?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I will bear my hon. and gallant Friend's suggestions in mind. It is the case that the normal outflow of population from this country decreased greatly during the War. The total outflow to the British Empire during the whole of the four years 1915–1918 was only 87,487, as compared with a corresponding outflow of 285,046 for the year 1913. With my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, I will circulate the detailed figures for the years 1913–1920 in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following are the figures:
EMIGRATION from and Immigration into the United Kingdom. British Emigrants to British Immigrants from Balances Outwards or Inwards. * — British Empire. Foreign Countries. Total. British Empire. Foreign Countries. Total. British Empire. Foreign Countries. Total. 1913 … 285,046 104,348 389,394 61,525 24,184 85,709 223,521 80,164 303,685 1914 … 138,756 76,137 214,893 74,497 29,965 104,462 64,259 46,172 110,431 1915 … 44,231 32,683 76,914 68,629 23,331 91,960 24,398 9,352 15,046 1916 … 28,036 24,890 52,926 42,889 15,042 57,931 14,853 9,848 5,005 1917 … 6,955 3,049 10,004 8,379 3,875 12,254 1,424 826 2,250 1918 … 8,265 2,356 10,621 6,072 2,700 8,772 2,193 344 1,849 1919 … 115,369 31,566 146,935 67,018 25,005 93,023 48,351 5,561 53,912 1920 … 198,593 86,228 284,821 63,877 22,178 86,055 134,716 64,050 198,766 * Balances Inwards are in italics. Balances Inwards are in italics.
East Africa (Rupees)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the natives of East Africa are now being paid in rupees worth 2s. or in rupees at 1s. 3½d.; if the latter, when the change was made; and was it made with his approval?
The rupee of British India is still in use in East Africa, as the equivalent of the local florin at a value of 2s. sterling. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman has any information on the point, I shall be glad if he will communicate it to me, and I shall be pleased to make inquiry.
May I ask the Prime Minister whether if the Secretary of State cannot attend regularly at Question Time, he will fix certain days in the week when he will be present to answer questions?
Notice should be given of that question. It should appear on the Paper.
Political Demonstrations (Municipal Vehicles)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether it is permissible for municipal vehicles to be used at political demonstrations and for the purpose of advertising Communist or Bolshevik newspapers; and, if not, what steps can be taken to protect the ratepayers from this abuse?
I have been asked to reply. I am not aware of the circumstances which have given rise to this question, and I can only, say that when the accounts of a local authority are audited by a district auditor it is open to any ratepayer to attend the audit and to object to any item of expenditure in the accounts which he considers to be illegal or to have been incurred without proper authority.
Does the right hon. Baronet suggest that unless this matter appears as an increase in the rates it is a justifiable practice, and is he aware that on May Day no fewer than nine dust carts in Bethnal Green were used in order to convey the local Labour party in the dust carts to Hyde Park, and is he aware that these dust carts, decorated with placards from the "Daily Herald" and the "Communist" on each side—
The Minister could not be aware of those details.
May I ask the right hon. Baronet whether, in the opinion of the Government, it is right that municipal vehicles should be used for political and revolutionary propaganda?
I am afraid I missed the opportunity of seeing the decorated Bethnal Green dust carts figuring in the May Day procession, but I can scarcely imagine that they formed a very pleasant or convenient method of progress through the City. As far as the further supplementary question is concerned, I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman had better put a question down so that I can give it the consideration it deserves.
Is the right hon. Baronet aware that the local authorities have a right to do what they like with their own property?
United Methodist Schools, Wednesbury
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether the Ministry of Labour have taken over the Sunday school premises of the United Methodist Church, Ridding Lane, Wednesbury; and, if so, whether the Ministry have refused to pay the rent mutually agreed upon prior to possession?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, and to the second in the negative.
League of Nations (Opium Traffic Advisory Committee)
asked the Lord President of the Council the names of the international advisory committee appointed by the Council of the League of Nations to advise on the execution of the agreements in regard to the traffic in opium and other dangerous drugs, and also the names and qualifications of the three medical and technical experts appointed to assist the committee?
The composition of the Advisory Committee on the Traffic in Opium is as follows:—
Representatives of Governments.
Monsieur W. G. Van Wettum, ex-Director of the Opium Traffic Service in Dutch Indies. (Netherlands.)
Sir Malcolm Delevingne, of the Home Office. (Great Britain.)
Monsieur Kahn, formerly French Minister in Siam. (France.)
Mr. J. Campbell, of the India Office. (India.)
His Excellency A. Ariyoshi, Japanese Minister at Berne. (Japan.)
His Excellency Tang Tsai-Fou, Chinese Minister at Rome. (China.)
His Excellency Prince Charoon, Siamese Minister at Paris. (Siam.)
His Excellency Bartholomeu Ferreira, Portuguese Minister at Berne. (Portugal.)
Assessors.
Sir John Jordan, formerly British Minister at Peking.
Monsieur Brenier, French Delegate to the International Opium Conference at the Hague in 1912, and at present Director-General of the Services of the Chamber of Commerce at Marseilles.
Mrs. Hamilton Wright, widow of Dr. Hamilton Wright, American Delegate to the International Opium Conference at The Hague.
When the Council of the League of Nations has received this advice, and if it accept the advice, will it then become binding upon anybody and, if so, upon whom?
What will happen if and when the advice is accepted will be a matter for the consideration of the Council.
Ex-Service Men (Training)
asked the Minister of Labour "whether, in view of the fact that, owing to the coal strike, the industrial position is such that particular hardships would be inflicted on trainees who are now obliged to leave the Government instructional factories, he will further postpone the dates at which such trainees' course will terminate?
The arrangements proposed for terminating the training in institutions of men who have had long extensions of training have twice been postponed on account of the industrial situation. The arrangements now decided upon are that men who have had eight months or more in excess of their normal institutional period shall terminate institutional training by 31st May. The institutional training of other men who have had long extensions of their normal period will be terminated in relays during June, July, and August.
Bristol Clothing and Allied Trades (Wages)
asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been called to a resolution of the Bristol clothing and allied trades, workers protesting against his action in so long withholding his sanction, and finally referring back to the Trade Boards the increased rates alleged to be long overdue, and which had already been sanctioned by these Boards; whether he is aware that his action is regarded as illegal and unfair; and whether he now intends to let the increased rates already approved come into operation?
My attention has been called to the resolutions in question which refer to the rates varied by the Readymade and Wholesale Bespoke and the Wholesale Costume and Mantle Trade Boards. Difficult questions were raised by these rates, which it was my duty to consider under the statute, and I referred them back for further consideration by the Boards. After the Boards had reconsidered the matter and represented their views on the points raised by me, I decided to confirm the rates as from the 23rd May.
Political Agitations (Foreign Funds)
asked the Prime Minister whether he will introduce a Bill prohibiting the remission of subventions from organisations abroad for the purpose of fomenting political agitations in this country, such as communism and prohibition, on the ground that this is unfriendly interference in our internal affairs; and whether all such subventions can be forfeited to the Treasury?
The Prime Minister has asked me to reply. I do not think it would be practicable to propose legislation on the lines suggested in the question, but the Government is considering the possibility of introducing legislation to prohibit the receipt of foreign money in this country intended to promote revolutionary movements, or to sustain revolutionary propaganda.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say when he is going to give up considering it, and bring it before this House?
Which does the right hon. Gentleman consider most dangerous—Commission or Coalition?
That is more a question for the Lobby.
Business of the House
Can the right hon. Gentleman indicate what business will be taken when the House resumes after Whitsuntide?
We propose to take Supply—the Works Vote, Naval Estimates, on the Tuesday.
The Second Reading of the Railway Bill, on Wednesday.
The Second Reading of the Finance Bill, on Thursday.
I would prefer to postpone the announcement of the business for the Friday until we meet again.
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That the consideration of the Lords Amendments to the Public Health (Tuberculosis) Bill have precedence this day of the Business of Supply, but the precedence of such other business over Supply shall not prevent this day being an allotted day under Standing Order No. 15."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
The right hon. Gentleman has moved this Motion without any word of explanation. I think that the House is entitled to some statement as to the reasons for departing from what is the usual practice. To-day is the Supply Day. This Motion allots some part of the day to other business. What are the special reasons for arranging it in this manner, and is there any intention of trying to make this departure the practice?
I am glad to give the right hon. Gentleman the explanation for which he asks. This is an unusual course. I hope that it may not be necessary ever to recur to it. The business to be taken is, I understand, apart from its merits, entirely non-controversial. We are very anxious that the Royal Assent should be given to the Bill by the Royal Commission, which is to take place this afternoon. As the House probably knows, it was expected that we should be able to take the Lords Amendments yesterday, at an early hour after eleven o'clock. It was not my fault that those expectations, as I think legitimate expectations, were disappointed. I am sorry to interpose any business, even though it be non-contentious business which will take no time, and I hope that
the House will not think it improper of me to propose this Motion.
Question put,
"That the consideration of the Lords Amendments to the Public Health (Tuberculosis) Bill have precedence this day of the Business of Supply, but the precedence of such other business over Supply shall not prevent this day being an allotted day under Standing Order No. 15."
The House divided: Ayes, 179; Noes, 40.
Division No. 117.] AYES. [3.57 p.m. Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Ganzoni, Sir John Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) Allen, Lieut.-Colonel William James George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Murray, John (Leeds, West) Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Nall, Major Joseph Astor, Viscountess Gilbert, James Daniel Neal, Arthur Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City of Lon.) Goff, Sir R. Park Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Green, Albert (Derby) Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Barker, Major Robert H. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Barnett, Major Richard W. Greenwood, William (Stockport) Nield, Sir Herbert Barnston, Major Harry Greig, Colonel James William Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Barrand, A. R. Gretton, Colonel John Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Gritten, W. G. Howard Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Gwynne, Rupert S. Pennefather, De Fonblanque Betterton, Henry B. Hailwood, Augustine Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Hall, Captain Sir Douglas Bernard Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Pratt, John William Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Raeburn, Sir William H. Blair, Sir Reginald Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Renwick, George Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Rodger, A. K. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Rose, Frank H. Brittain, Sir Harry Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Broad, Thomas Tucker Hopkins, John W. W. Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Norwood) Bruton, Sir James Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hurd, Percy A. Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Jellett, William Morgan Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Butcher, Sir John George Jephcott, A. R. Seager, Sir William Casey, T. W. Jesson, C. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Cautley, Henry Strother Johnstone, Joseph Simm, M. T. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Cheyne, Sir William Watson Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender King, Captain Henry Douglas Steel, Major S. Strang Cobb, Sir Cyril Larmor, Sir Joseph Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Cohen, Major J. Brunel Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Stewart, Gershom Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lindsay, William Arthur Sugden, W. H. Cope, Major William Lloyd, George Butler Sutherland, Sir William Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Lonsdale, James Rolston Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Curzon, Captain Viscount Lowther, Col. Claude (Lancaster) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Lyle, C. E. Leonard Townshend, Sir Charles V. F. Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh) Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray Wallace, J. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Warren, Sir Alfred H. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) McMicking, Major Gilbert Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Dockrell, Sir Maurice Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Doyle, N. Grattan Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Mallalieu, Frederick William Williams, C. (Tavistock) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S. Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Evans, Ernest Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Wilson, Daniel M. (Down, West) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Mason, Robert Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Farquharson, Major A. C. Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B. Wilson-Fox, Henry Fell, Sir Arthur Molson, Major John Elsdale Winterton, Earl Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Fitz Roy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C Young, E. H. (Norwich) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. France, Gerald Ashburner Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Murchison, C. K. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy. Galbraith, Samuel Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen)
NOES. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Cape, Thomas Gillis, William Hayday, Arthur Hayward, Evan Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Mills, John Edmund Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Hogge, James Myles Morgan, Major D. Watts Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Holmes, J. Stanley Myers, Thomas White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Irving, Dan O'Connor, Thomas P. Wilson, James (Dudley) John, William (Rhondda, West) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Wintringham, Thomas Kennedy, Thomas Robertson, John Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Sexton, James Lawson, John James Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Major Barnes and Dr. Murray.
Bill Presented
Protection of Women and Young Persons, &C. Bill,
"to make further provision for the protection of women and of young persons of both sexes from sexual immorality, and from conduct akin thereto or connected therewith, and with respect to prostitution and brothels, and to amend Sections fifty-eight and fifty-nine of the Children Act, 1908, and for purposes relating to the matters aforesaid," presented by Mr. WIGNALL; supported by Mr. Arthur Henderson, Mr. Myers, and Mr. Robert Richardson; to be read a Second time upon Friday, 3rd June, and to be printed. [Bill 114.]
Public Health (Tuberculosis) Bill
Lords Amendments to be considered this day, and to be printed. [Bill 111.]
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,
Mr. Speaker's Retirement Bill, without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill intituled, "An Act to confer powers on the Lymington Rural District Council with reference to the borrowing of money; and for other purposes." [Lymington Rural District Council Bill [ Lords ].
And also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to extend the powers of the County of London Electric Supply Company, Limited, with reference to the user of certain lands, and the payment of interest out of capital; and for other purposes." [County of London Electric Supply Company Bill [ Lords ].
Lymington Rural District Council Bill [ Lords ],
County of London Electric Supply Company Bill [ Lords ],
Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Wigan Corporation Bill
Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee [Title amended]; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Orders of the Day
Public Health (Tuberculosis) Bill
Order read for Consideration of Lords Amendments.
Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendments be now considered," put, and agreed to."—[ Sir A. Mond. ]
Lords Amendments considered accordingly.
CLAUSE 1.—(Further provision with respect to arrangements for treatment.)
(1) Where the council of any county or county borough has, before the passing of this Act, made arrangements for the treatment of persons suffering from tuberculosis (including persons insured under the National Health Insurance Acts, 1911 to 1920) at or in dispensaries, sanatoria, and other institutions in accordance with a scheme aproved by the Local Government Board or the Minister of Health, or, in the case of Wales, under an agreement made with the King Edward the Seventh Welsh National Memorial Association and approved by the Welsh Insurance Commissioners or the Minister of Health, that council shall, for the purposes of this Act, be deemed to have made adequate arrangements for the treatment of tuberculosis so long as such scheme or agreement, with such modifications, if any, as the Minister may on the application of the council from time to time approve, continues in operation. For the purpose of the foregoing provisions an application made by the King Edward the Seventh Welsh National Memorial Association with the approval of a council shall be deemed to be an application of the council.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1) leave out the words
"or, in the case of Wales, under an agreement made with the King Edward the Seventh Welsh National Memorial Association and approved by the Welsh Insurance Commissioners or the Minister of Health."
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
Would it not be for the convenience of the House if my right, hon. Friend said whether these Amendments involve any question of principle, or whether they are simply drafting Amendments?
The first two of these Amendments are drafting Amendments dealing with the position of the Welsh National Insurance Commissioners and the Welsh National Memorial Association, and merely making some points clearer than they were when the Bill passed the Report stage in this House. The only Amendment of any real substance is the new Clause with respect to the institutional treatment of seamen. Hon. Members interested in the Bill may remember that this question was discussed at some length in Committee, and that I then undertook to try and introduce a Clause which would meet the difficulty with regard to the institutional treatment of seamen. The question was settled in consultation with those who have for a long time taken a great interest in the matter and are connected with the society dealing with the question, and, as it was too late to insert the Clause before the Bill left this House, it was inserted in the other Chamber. I am glad to say that we have come to a satisfactory arrangement which will be of great benefit to the seamen of this country in the future.
Question, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment," put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendments:
In Sub-section (1): Leave out the words "or agreement."
Leave out the words
"For the purpose of the foregoing provisions"
and insert
"In the application of this Sub-section to Wales an agreement made with the King Edward the Seventh Welsh National Memorial Association, and approved by the Welsh Insurance Commissioners or the Minister of Health shall be treated as equivalent to a scheme approved by the Minister of Health, and".
Leave out the words, "the King Edward the Seventh Welsh National Memorial," and insert "that."
Agreed to.
CLAUSE 2.—(After-care by councils of counties and county boroughs.)
Without prejudice and in addition to any other power, whether under this or any other Act, every council of a county or county borough shall have power to make such arrangements as they may think desirable for the after-care of persons who have suffered from tuberculosis (including persons for the time being insured under the National Health Insurance Act, 1911, as amended or extended by any past or future enactment), and the provisions of this Act relating to committees and joint committees shall extend accordingly as though in those provisions the expression "treatment of tuberculosis" included such after-care.
Lords Amendment:
Leave out the word "Health."
Agreed to.
CLAUSE 5.—(Joint Committees.)
(1) For the purpose of facilitating cooperation between county councils and county borough councils, in the exercise of the powers conferred upon them by any enactment to make arrangements for the treatment of tuberculosis, the Minister may, by order, with the consent of the councils concerned, make such provision as appears to him necessary or expedient, by the constitution of joint committees or otherwise, for the joint exercise by such Councils of their powers in relation thereto, and any such order may provide how, in what proportions, and out of what funds or rates, the expenses incurred by such councils are to be defrayed, and may contain such consequential, incidental, and supplemental provisions as may appear necessary for the purposes of the order.
Lords Amendment:
In Sub-section (1), after the word "of" ["such councils of their powers"], insert "all or any of."
Agreed to.
Lords Amendment:
After Clause 6, insert the following new Clause:
NEW CLAUSE.—(Further provision with respect to treatment of seamen.)
(1) The Minister may by Order constitute a committee for the purpose of assisting the council of any county or county borough in making arrangements for the treatment of any persons suffering from tuberculosis who are masters, seamen, or apprentices to the sea service or the sea-fishing service.
(2) An Order under this Section may provide—
( a ) For the representation on the said committee of any society approved under the National Health Insurance Acts, 1911 to 1920, more than three-fourths of whose members are such masters, seamen and apprentices as aforesaid, and of the council of any county or county borough having a substantial number of such masters, seamen and apprentices resident within their area, and may contain such other provisions as may appear necessary to the Minister for giving effect to the Order; and
( b ) If the governing body constituted under Sub-section (6) of Section forty-eight of the National Insurance Act, 1911, as amended by Section twenty-seven of the National Health Insurance Act, 1918, agree to contribute, out of the special fund referred to in the said Sub-section (6), towards the expenses of the said committee, for the representatives of insured persons on the governing body aforesaid acting as the representatives on the said committee of all such societies as aforesaid.
(3) An Order made under this Section may be revoked or varied by another Order so made.
Agreed to.
Supply [10th Allotted Day]
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1921–22, Progress
Class VII
Ministry of Health
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £15,245,098, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1922, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Ministry of Health; including Grants and other Expenses in connection with Housing, Grants to Local Authorities, etc., sundry Contributions and Grants in respect of Benefits and Expenses of Administration under the National Health Insurance Acts, 1911 to 1920, certain Grants in Aid, and certain Special Services arising out of the War."—[ Note. —£9,000,000 has been voted on account.]
For the first time, I have the privilege of introducing the Estimates for the very important Department over which I have the honour to preside, and I hope that the Committee will bear with me if I take a little time in covering a good deal of the ground and work on which the Department has been engaged and the many large and difficult questions so vitally affecting the health and welfare of the community upon which we have embarked. The Ministry of Health was established by this House only as recently as the year 1919. Therefore it is naturally, to some extent, in an embryonic condition. A great deal of the criticism which I have seen launched at it seems to overlook the newness of the Ministry, the difficulties of its task, and the difficult times on which it has fallen. We took over the already heavy burdens of the Local Government Board, National Insurance, and Development of Health, and the Ministry has also had placed on its shoulders one of the most difficult and perplexing problems of all times, the question of housing. Its activities, therefore, spread over a wide field, and dealing with very novel propostions under difficult conditions, it naturally affords room for criticism and legitimate criticism.
A great deal of the criticism, however, has neither been constructive nor well-informed, nor has it made any endeavour to deal with the difficulties of the situation with which my predecessor and I have been faced. I am very glad that I, at any rate, have the advantage of presenting these Estimates to Members of this Committee conversant with Parliamentary affairs, and with the history of the Ministry and its Estimates, because I am not called upon to deal with that kind of criticism which to my amazement I observed this morning in that which is considered one of the leading newspapers of the country. I refer to the "Times," which actually imagined that a comparison of the Estimates of the old Local Government Board in 1914 with those of the Ministry of Health for 1921–22 could be made that would be of the slightest utility to any human being. Members of this House are only too well aware that there is a vast difference between the functions and position of the Ministry of Health, with its combinations, its huge National Health Insurance, which in itself is a very large Department of its activities, and all the work which follows on them. They are well aware of the large amount of work involved in the housing scheme, of the work involved in maternity and infant welfare centres, tuberculosis sanatoria, venereal diseases clinics, and all the rest of it. It is unnecessary to assure them that attempted comparisons of that character are not merely misleading, but so far wide of the mark that they cannot mislead any except the most ignorant as to the true state of affairs and as to the true position. Reasonable and rational criticism is always useful. The attempt to distort facts and to create prejudice of an unreasoning character cannot be helpful to the Minister, to the Department, or to the country. In spite of our difficulties we have succeeded in making a substantial reduction in the Estimates this year compared with the Estimates of last year. There is a reduction of over £3,000,000. This reduction, although substantial, may not be the end of all possible reductions that can be made. I am applying myself to an examination of the aspects of the various problems in the various Departments in order to see whether economy, with due regard to reasonable efficiency and good administration, can be effected.
The decrease is on war services only.
That is not accurate. There are increases and decreases on other services.
In the statement on page 2 the decrease is £4,976,500 on war services. On others there is an increase. The right hon. Gentleman says there is a decrease of £3,300,000 on the Ministry's Estimates, but, obviously, if you take out the war services, which will not recur, the right hon. Gentleman is wrong, and there is an increase on the Estimates.
I was treating the Estimates as a whole, including the war services. My hon. Friend says we must take out the war services. I was not taking out the war services; I was including them. I was including the whole of the Estimates as they appear on the Paper, including the war services. I do not differ from my hon. Friend in his statement that there is a large decrease on the war services and an increase on other services, but I will deal with that point in a moment, if he will allow me to do so. As far as the Exchequer and the taxpayer are concerned, the total figure for the year 1921–22, which is, after all, the figure in which the Committee and the country have some interest, shows a reduction of £3,300,000. There are considerable increases and also considerable decreases in detailed Estimates. For instance, if you compare the Estimates of this year with those of last year, you will find that there is an increase on administration of £594,000, an increase in housing grants of £251,000, an increase on miscellaneous health services of £970,000, a decrease in insurance grants of a considerable sum, and a decrease on special services arising out of the War of £7,000,000. That is why I said it was not correct to state that all decreases had been for special services. The thing to bear in mind is that a great deal of this is really money resulting from the National Health Insurance Acts passed by this House from time to time. The increases and decreases in the grants are not really under the control of the Minister of the Department, but they result automatically from the legislation passed by the House.
In some ways it is unfortunate that in our Civil Service Estimates so much is not really Departmental finance, but is, what might be called, legislative finance. It is apt to give an entirely misleading impression as to the position of the finances of the Department. If hon. Members will turn to page 6 of the; Estimate, they will see that something like £8,000,000 represents Grants in Aid, which are payable under the National Health Insurance Act of 1911 to 1920. The amount is fixed by legislation, and is not subject to administrative change by the Minister, who is acting merely in the capacity of a conduit pipe. Housing grants and subsidies to private builders are affected by legislation passed by this House. A point on which a certain amount of criticism has been, made is the increase in the cost of administration, and it is only right that I should give a few words of explanation. The increase in the cost of administration is £594,000. This includes £403,000, due to the increase of war bonus, and £125,000 representing addition to the housing temporary staff; and assimilation under the Whitley Council Scheme is also a factor in the increase. The question of war bonus is one that was settled by the Treasury, and it applies to all Departments. It is an expenditure on which there will be a reduction as the cost of living goes down.
On the question of the general establishment there are numbers of temporary staff whose existence is entirely due to war services. Owing to the War the work of important services connected with the Insurance Acts fell into arrears. For instance, there was valuation of approved societies, and work in connection with the Navy and Army insurance funds. These employ a temporary staff of 1,540 people at a cost of £260,000. That staff will be rapidly reduced as this extraordinary work comes to en end. We also employ a housing staff of 1,000 at a cost of £310,000. That expenditure will come to an end as the housing schemes are gradually completed. In dealing with the figures of the Establishment it is important to remember that there are large numbers of temporary services which are legacies from the War and which must be considered in that light when comparisons are made between the pre-War and post-War Establishments. I am already investigating and taking steps, as far as housing is concerned, to reduce the total of officers. I have a scheme under consideration for a considerable reduction of the Regional Commissioners and their staffs as the work becomes more concentrated. I hope that in that way we shall effect economy and that a saving will be possible in other directions. I have not yet had a long time to go into these questions, but I am going into them.
Can the right hon. Gentleman state roughly the annual cost now of these temporary services which he is hoping to reduce?
May I respectfully ask whether it is possible to send an intimation to the Minister without Portfolio that his presence here would enable us to elucidate several problems which at present are rather obscure?
I think my right hon. Friend is coming in as soon as a Cabinet Council, which is now sitting, is over.
Has the right hon. Gentleman received any representations from those who are interested in the patients in connection with the Regional medical officers?
I have not yet begun to speak about the health services. I will deal with that when I come to it if the hon. Member will have a little patience. The total cost of these temporary staffs is about £570,000, but to what extent and how soon this can be reduced I would not like to state at the moment. It will probably interest the Committee if I deal first with the position and future of the great housing problem. I have noticed statements in the Press and even in this House which give the impression that I am personally unsympathetic on this question of housing. I can assure Members of the Committee that that is an entire fallacy. The problem has been with us for many years, and there is no one who has studied the conditions of modern life and health and development who is not firmly convinced that there is a very large field of work to be done. There is no one who does not know that long before the War our supply of houses and the conditions of over-crowding in our large cities were most deplorable, and that steps had to be taken to improve matters if our race was to develop. That is common ground between all parties. Where we are more apt to differ is as to the time at which and the rapidity with which we are able, under extraordinarily difficult circumstances, to proceed.
The position reminds me rather of that occupied by some remote ancestors of mine in the land of the Pharaohs a few thousand years ago, who were asked to make bricks without straw. I think they went on strike owing to the overtime they had to work. Why I make that parallel is, that any Minister in charge of a Department like mine who feels that his primary duty is to improve social conditions, finds himself in a very difficult position at a time when national finance is in a critical state, and money is so dear that he has to cut down expenditure to an extent far beyond his own wishes. Therefore, while I intend to indicate the economies which we are bound to make, and which the Commit tee, I think, feel that we have got to make, it does not follow that I would not much sooner announce an overflowing Exchequer and a bountiful Chancellor providing me with untold millions to carry out all the dreams of our hearts. It is only commonsense to realise that improvements obtained by taxation so heavy as to depress the whole standard of living and prevent the revival of industry are bound to do more harm than good. It is on those lines that we have to examine our position to-day.
When we come to the question of housing, I am very glad to say that considerable progress has been made. A great deal of the criticism, which has been launched at the Department and at my right hon. Friend the Minister without Portfolio, seems to overlook one fact which is very patent to me. I remember a time when my right hon. Friend was asked almost every half-hour how many houses he had constructed, when the first one was going to be occupied, why he was not pushing on, why more was not being done, and so on. No one asked about the cost at that time. No one troubled then whether it would be an economic loss or not. The House of Commons, the Press, and, the public were all enthusiastic in pressing for greater speed, and were chafing under delay. It is not fair to turn round now, when the bill has been presented and the cost, which everybody knew would be high, turns out to be even higher than was expected, and denounce the efforts made under abnormal difficulties to carry out some of the wishes expressed by the House of Commons and the country. Times have changed. A realisation of the position of finance, both national and personal, has come over the country. Perhaps it would have been better if it had come earlier, but it has come, and we have to consider matters in its cold light. The situation at present is, that we have, on the 1st of May, 1921, 176,000 houses in approved tenders. We have 160,000 in signed contracts. We have 102,000 commenced and we have altogether, including subsidy built houses, 45,000 houses practically completed. The amount of our skilled and unskilled labour has risen from 59,000 men on the 1st October to nearly 130,000 men on the 1st May. We completed nearly 6,000 houses in April and nearly 7,000 will be completed in May.
The fruits of a great deal of the effort to which I have referred are now being seen, and month by month more and more of these houses are coming into occupation. It has been a subject of controversy in connection with the housing scheme from the very beginning as to what is the total figure of the house shortage in this country. A great many figures have been mentioned and a great many estimates made, but it is a difficult subject on which to make estimates, and there is very little real actuarial basis to work upon. A certain amount of the supposed demand for houses rests to some extent upon the enthusiasm of the particular people dealing with particular schemes. One curious and striking fact has supervened since the early days of the housing scheme. Local authorities themselves have come to the conclusion, in a very large number of cases, that the figures they first put in are enormously beyond the demand existing to-day, with the result that some local authorities who proposed schemes, say, for 5,000 houses now say they will not proceed with more than 500. That is happening all over the country. Indeed, I am not sure that some of them may not now be rather under-estimating the real need just as formerly they over-estimated that need. The fact remains, however, and I think it is due to a considerable number of causes, but particularly to the great change in economic conditions. Many young people who came back from the War, when wages were high and the future looked rosy, were prepared to settle down. Each was prepared to take unto himself a wife and a house and was not very particular about the rent. They were going to launch forth on the stormy seas of life—or perhaps I should say the happy seas of matrimony—and to acquire new Government houses. Unfortunately a dark cloud of depression has appeared. Many of them are out of work. The engagements have had to be prolonged. The fatal day has had to be postponed and the house is not required at present. That has happened in a good many cases. In other cases people who were preparing to move to better houses feel they are not able to do so in present circumstances. We are faced with what we may call something of a slump in the housing demand, and naturally local authorities are desirous of moving cautiously. They have no desire to build large numbers of houses which they cannot let at an economic or even an uneconomic rent, and leave them on the hands of the ratepayers and the State. It is extraordinarily difficult for even the most acute observer of social and commercial events to prophesy at the present moment when the cloud will pass or whether many of these people who asked for houses a year or two ago may not be seeking homes in other countries.
The Prime Minister's advice.
That is the feeling, I think, of a certain number of people—I am not expressing my own opinion—who are anxious for the welfare of men of character and gallantry for whom we wish to see the best possible future in any part of the British Empire where they may find a home. Before I took over the administration of this Department my predecessor, in consultation with the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, came to a provisional arrangement by which the housing position was reviewed. The commitments were more strictly denned, and that is the position which I have inherited and on which I wish to say a few words. On the best possible estimate, which must necessarily be a rough one, as far as we can make out, there will be a loss to the State of somewhere in the neighbourhood of £60 a year on each of the houses which are being erected by the local authorities under the present housing scheme. If you translate that into terms of 200,000 or 300,000 houses it means a net loss to the State and a burden on the taxpayer of between £12,000,000 and £18,000,000 a year. Besides the grant for municipal houses there is the grant of £15,000,000 which has been voted for the private builders subsidy. These are heavy obligations. Never in the history of this country has the State intervened to such an extent or incurred such heavy burdens to deal with the housing emergency.
Everyone will agree that it is a large contribution, but everyone will also agree that it is impossible to make it an unlimited contribution. It would be financially ruinous to proceed with a scheme showing such a heavy loss without any tangible limitation. I am glad to say that the price of houses is coming down. Tenders for the averaged size house, have come down from £950 in August to £855 and they are still coming down. I think the policy pursued by the Department which refused to approve tenders of a very high and extravagant character has reduced houses to a more reasonable price and at the same time diminished the burden on the taxpayer. If I may for a moment deflect to the Department which I had the honour of presiding over a short time ago, I will not hesitate to say that the work which I did as First Commissioner of Works has had a very substantial effect in enabling local authorities to obtain lower tenders. In order to arrive at a figure, in consideration of all the circumstances I have mentioned, 300,000 houses approximately, was agreed on between my predecessor and the late Chancellor of the Exchequer as a kind of limit in regard to commitments on schemes of all characters. I do not think it would be wise for me to attempt to recite exactly the divisions of this large figure. In that division the question of replacing slum areas and also the demands of local authorities have been considered. We have carefully studied the problem, and as we are more limited now than was anticipated, my own idea of policy is to endeavour to cut off—if it is found necessary—much more in outlying districts where the housing need apparently is not so great, and where more difficulty is found in letting the houses already built, and to concentrate on those great industrial centres in which we know the housing need is greatest. It is a delicate and difficult question, and requires detailed investigation, which it is now receiving. I have mentioned this because I think it is only right to put the Committee and the local authorities of the country in possession of the actual position. I think there is nothing to be gained by endeavouring to disguise the fact, or deal with it in a round-about way. If we have to cut down, and the local authorities have to cut down their commitments, the sooner we set about it the better, and the more reasonable and better arrangements can be made. I do not say that any of us can really imagine that this can possibly be the end of either our housing difficulties or the question of dealing with them. I am not speaking with any authority, but only from my own personal knowledge and feeling on the matter.
What we are trying to do now is to limit the present scheme, which was put into operation as an emergency scheme, but which, to my mind, places much too great a burden on the State, and too little responsibility on those who are building and owning houses, but which I think will meet the purpose for which it was designed, which was the difficulty of congestion, and, while limiting the present scheme, will give us time to consider the necessities of the future, which will have to be solved. I am giving 300,000 as a rough figure. Of course, if we find the commitments do not necessitate it, we certainly would not build up to any definite figure. It is one of the questions we are investigating now. In many cases schemes have been sent up for approval a long time ago. Some are dead and some want revision. A great deal of that kind of work needs to be done, and I mention 300,000 as the gross figure of houses of different classes. If, of course, it is found that fewer can be done with at the present time, I shall be prepared to cut it down to the minimum requirements.
Is that for England and Wales?
Yes, it does not include Scotland. The idea is generally to have a limitation of numbers and a limitation of money. You want to get to some definite limit of the burden on the Exchequer—something between, say, £12,000,000 and £15,000,000 a year and in our present circumstances you certainly do not want to go beyond that but, if possible, to reduce it. That is the position in which we stand. Local authorities, I am glad to say, have been extremely successful in the financing of housing. In this connection, I would like to refer to the invaluable assistance rendered by the Committee appointed by my predecessor and the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, under the Chairmanship of Sir Harry Goschen, to assist the local authorities in financing houses, and to the help given by the Governor of the Bank of England. It prevented unnecessary competition between local authorities in the raising of their finance, and in that way housing finance has been very largely helped along.
I would like to emphasise the fact that we have a very large number of houses building. There is enough work to keep local authorities going ahead if no new commitments are made. I have mentioned that because I do not wish to create the impression that, at a time when master builders are intending to train ex-service men in the industry, anything we are doing is likely to cause any diminution of employment in the building industry. We are still short of labour. With regard to plumbers, bricklayers, plasterers and in one or two other directions there is ample work to be done for a very considerable time, with the present houses already contracted for and the houses which are being built. I am anxious to emphasise that fact so that there shall be no misunderstanding on that point. I should also like to repeat a statement I made to a deputation of master builders, as I think it interests labour generally, and that is, although there may be cancellation of contracts by local authorities in individual cases, the total number of houses will hot thereby be diminished, because they will be replaced in other localities by extensions which are urgently required. But, generally, we think our commitments are sufficient to carry through, and we do not wish to rush into fresh commitments, unless we know more certainly how our present commitments stand. We consider it necessary for the safety of financial stability, and the real regulation of national finance, to know what our annual commitments are likely to be.
I have referred so recently to the question of the building subsidy in the Housing Bill I introduced the other day that I do not think it necessary for me to deal with it at any length this afternoon. I am investigating the Regulations which were drawn up with regard to the subsidy. Some criticisms have been made at different times as to whether unfair advantage has not been taken by speculators in order to obtain money from the State and undue sums from private individuals. I am looking into that to see whether, without discouraging private enterprise, we can ensure that no undue advantage is taken. The point has been raised as to whether it is not possible to diminish the amount of subsidy on a sliding scale. Another point which has been brought to my notice is that advantage has been taken of the subsidy by wealthy individuals to provide luxury cottages at the expense of the taxpayer. So far as the subsidy is concerned. I do not think it is the intention of the House that luxury cottages for the servants of the rich should be paid for out of general taxation. I think the idea was that we should provide for the working men of this country in the normal acceptation of that term. I am going to see whether we can find methods, without stopping the work, to prevent the abuse of the subsidy.
I would like to deal for a few moments with what is really the work of my Department, because housing is really a kind of cuckoo's egg which has been put in the nest of the Ministry of Health, and the little chicks of health have been pushed out of the nest. Because we are really a Ministry of Health. A subject which has aroused a good deal of criticism and comment in the Press is the medical establishment of the Ministry. There is a considerable amount of misunderstanding on this point, which has arisen, to some extent, from this fact. Whereas the old Insurance Commission had a relatively small medical staff, and relatively little to do in the way of medical duties, the Local Government Board had a much larger staff, and when the two were joined together that, naturally, automatically increased the staff of the Ministry of Health. On the 1st April, 1919, the number of pensionable medical men in the Local Government Board and the Insurance Commission of England and Wales was 46. The number in the Ministry of Health at present is 59, that is, a difference of 13, distributed as follows: Maternity and Child Welfare, 2; Tuberculosis, 2; Venereal Disease, 2; Port Isolation Hospitals, 3; Sanitary Surveys and Intelligence Work, 3; and work for the Home Office, 1. These are additional functions which are being looked after by the medical staff of the Ministry of Health, apart, of course, from the newly-established regional officers, with whom I am going to deal at a later stage.
5.0 P.M.
I do not think it is quite realised how very big the sanitary work is which we are supposed to supervise. There are no less than 1,800 sanitary authorities which look to the Minister of Health for guidance, 114 Port authorities, 646 Poor-law unions, 1,029 isolation hospitals for infectious diseases, 4,220 public vaccination districts, which have got to be inspected. There are a vast number of maternity centres and tubercular sanatoria, to which we give large grants and which all require inspection. There are various ways of looking at a question of this kind. It might be considered cheaper to hand out money without seeing how it is spent, in order to save a little administration, but if this money which the taxpayer hands over to these various institutions is spent badly, you may lose a great deal more than the cost of the few inspectors who go round to see that the money is properly spent. In ordinary private life when you are giving large amounts to institutions, a private charity organisation would certainly insist upon having competent people to see that the money was not thrown away.
Whereupon, the GENTLEMAN USHER OF THE BLACK ROD having come with a Message, the Chairman left the Chair.
Mr. SPEAKER resumed the Chair.
Royal Assent
Message to attend the Lords Commissioners.
The House went; and, having returned,
Mr. SPEAKER reported the Royal Assent to—
1. Mr. Speaker's Retirement Act, 1921.
2. Treaty of Peace (Hungary) Act, 1921.
3. Public Health (Tuberculosis) Act, 1921.
4. Forth Conservancy Order Confirmation Act, 1921.
5. Pilotage Orders Confirmation (No.1) Act, 1921.
6. North British Railway Order Confirmation Act, 1921.
7. Ionian Bank Act, 1921.
8. Oxford Motor Services Act, 1921.
9. Borough of Portsmouth Waterworks Act, 1921.
10. Bristol Waterworks Act, 1921.
Supply. [10th Allotted Day.]
Again considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
Question again proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £15,245,098, be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1922, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Ministry of Health; including Grants and other Expenses in connection with Housing, Grants to Local Authorities, etc., sundry Contributions and Grants in respect of Benefits and Expenses of Administration under the National Health Insurance Acts, 1911 to 1920, certain Grants in Aid, and certain Special Services arising out of the War."
I was dealing a moment ago with the medical staff. I had pointed out that the medical staff at the Ministry numbered 59, an increase of 13 over two years ago, and I have stated the reason why the increase had taken place. We are not up to our full establishment on the Medical Services; there are two vacancies, but I do not intend to fill them up at the present time. There are also some six temporary appointments the work of which has lapsed and which it is intended to discontinue for the present. I also understand that there will be the possibility of a reduction of two more of the permanent established staff, so there will be a reduction altogether, on establishment and non-establishment, of between nine and ten. I think that is as far as we can wisely go at the moment in the direction of economy on this very important service on which so very much depends and on which so very much more will depend in the future. Fortunately, I am glad to be able to say that the health of the country is good, that the birthrate is rising and the death-rate declining. Particularly marked and very important is the continued steady decline of infantile mortality. All of us who have taken an interest in social welfare work will know the enormous importance to be attached to the maternity and infant welfare work, and no one who has ever seen it at work can possibly doubt the invaluable service which is rendered to the family and to the State. The mere production of infants to die in a holocaust before 12 months old, exhausting the lives of their mothers and the health of the female population of this country, the terrible and wicked amount of waste that has been going on, must have filled any man with any heart of feeling with a burning desire to see the great improvements which we all know are possible in this direction; and the work at the maternity welfare centres, with its concomitants, which will require development, of pre-natal and post-natal care of mothers is one of the most beneficent reforms that any country can undertake. The first 12 months of a human being's life are, the more we go into it and learn about the matter, the most important which he ever lives through, and the whole foundation of health, of bone structure and even brain structure, is enormously affected in this first 12 months, and therefore it is most important from all points of view, from the point of view of the future of the country and of the family, to see that the first 12 months are assisted. So often the trouble is not neglect, because the devotion under the most difficult circumstances of poor mothers is wonderful. Very often it is not merely want of means, but sheer want of knowledge and a little want of instruction and that assistance which enables so much to be done.
I remember perhaps the first centre or home of this kind started in Wales, which was started many years ago by my wife in my constituency. I have seen it working at close quarters, and I am glad to say it has now been taken over by the local authority, as I think it is a good thing to see local authorities assisting mothers in this kind of work. If anyone has seen how much good a relatively small institution wisely guided can do, he will certainly wish to see the work extending more and more all over the country, and assisted by people who will not merely take an interest in the centre, but also in the home, and will see that the influence is continued and that somebody is there to whom people can turn in difficulties. It is a beneficent work, which brings all humanity in contact, quite' apart from class, because, after all, in the presence of a baby we are all equally helpless, whatever baby it happens to be. It is some of the very best work that can possibly be undertaken, and I am glad to think that in the last two years we have had and are having a very considerable increase in this direction. The number of health visitors has gone up from 1,400 to 1,700, the number of non-resident centres has risen from 1,400 to 1,900, the number of maternity homes has gone up from 740 to 1,200, and the infant hospitals for children under five years have risen from 50 to 367. Whatever economies we may be forced to make, I hope we shall not economise on the infant life of the country. That is the poorest and the most miserable economy we could make, and I think we would all gladly do much in order to spare one penny for this extraordinarily beneficent and useful work, in which we all can join in taking a sincere interest.
We are making very good progress with tuberculosis. The work that has been done is beginning to bear fruit, and these are the first-fruits of the work done by the Ministry of Health and the first results obtained from the enthusiasm and zeal of my predecessor in office, who gave so much care and attention and had so much special knowledge of this subject. We cannot build up perhaps in a day, and we may achieve relatively little at a time, but we can be confident that with all the difficulties and all the scepticism that one encounters, if we proceed on sound lines of sanitation and on reasonable lines of care and treatment, if we proceed on the lines of teaching people more about hygiene and how to avoid the disease rather than dealing with it only when contracted, we can produce a great improvement still in the standard, physical and therefore moral and mental, of the people of this country. It is a very good investment, the best investment the country can make, for the actual loss of time, of energy, of working capacity of the population through illness is enormous, and must run into very many millions. After all, the greatest curse and unhappiness is ill-health. The poorest man with a good digestion is much better off than the millionaire with dyspepsia. Therefore I am glad to say that that work is going on well.
I am also glad to say that the venereal disease work as far as it has gone is making good progress. That, of course, is a very difficult but a very important piece of work. It is an unpleasant subject, and therefore, perhaps, it has been unduly neglected, and it is one we do not care to talk about more than we can help; but it is there, and it is one of the greatest sources of danger to the people of this country; it is one of the greatest sources of danger to the women of this country and it is one of the greatest curses to the children of this country. Therefore, although I do not myself believe in exaggerating, although I do not believe in covering the country with nothing but posters drawing attention to this matter and over-emphasising it, I am quite convinced that we must steadily proceed both with propaganda and with treatment. I am considering now the issue of a new circular explaining the policy of the Department, which consists in a sane and moderate view of this very complex and difficult problem, which has a moral and a social as well as a medical side. The moral and social side should never be overlooked, because it is more important in some respects even than the medical. Without wishing in the least to pose either as a prude or moralist, no decent person can ever doubt the great moral and social bearing of this matter, and whilst we are quite prepared to assist to have the health of the nation protected against this very dangerous illness and this very terrible disease, I am not prepared to accede to the demand of those who seem to me to regard the question, with perfect sincerity and great enthusiasm, merely from the aspect of what I might call the medical case, without taking the wider view.
I will now say a word in regard to medical referees, because I am certain the Committee will wish to hear a few words on that subject. The appointment of some 33 medical referees, whose duties are largely connected with the examination of members of approved societies for national health insurance, has received very considerable notice in the Press and a very considerable amount of criticism, and I would like to point out that these appointments were really made as long ago as 1914 by this House. It is therefore no new, fantastic idea which has suddenly been elaborated; it is really an old pledge which has been fulfilled. What are the functions and objects of these referees? Their object in the main is this, that approved societies can have an independent and carefully chosen man in each area to whom they can submit cases in regard to which they are doubtful as to whether or not such cases ought to remain on the books of the societies, or whether they are fit to go back to their ordinary occupation. That is a very difficult subject, as all of us who have had any experience of friendly society work or sick work in connection with factories know. It is very difficult sometimes to determine whether a man is malingering or whether he is not fit to go back to his work. There is always a danger, I will not say of a bias, on the part of his own medical attendant to give him the benefit of a doubt, but it is in the interest of the approved societies, of the State, of the community, and really of the man himself that he should get back to his normal life as quickly as possible.
That is what the medical referees are largely occupied in doing. I had some doubts as to the utility of these medical referees when I came to my office, and not being in the habit of merely accepting statements presented to me by other people, I thought I would go into the question myself. I asked over four medical referees in different parts of the country to come and gee me and have a talk with me, and I was very much impressed with the value of their work and the way in which their work is being appreciated, both by approved societies and by the most intelligent of the ordinary general practitioners in the districts in which they work. They act also to a considerable extent as consultants and are ready to act as consultants to the panel doctors when they have more than ordinary difficulty. Their time is very fully occupied, and their work is very much appreciated, and I do not believe it is a fact, as has been stated, that their presence is resented by members of the general medical profession. As far as I can ascertain, on the whole it is welcome. They have not been acting very long, and they are only engaged as an experiment for a certain number of years, but as far as I can see at present they are doing good and useful work, and I think it would be a very great mistake, under the pressure of clamour or prejudice, now to do away with a very fruitful source of development of this work by men very carefully chosen and very able, before anyone has had any time to judge how far the work is really going to be of utility to our people.
I believe there is a great future before the Ministry of Health, which is only in its infancy. I regret very much that what I think is one of its most important sections, namely, research, has been detached. I hope some day it will once more be joined on again, for that, I think, is going to be one of the most fruitful of developments. There are very many other questions of which I might speak, questions of the use of Poor Law infirmaries, many large and difficult questions. What, however, I would say to the Committee is this; that I hope I shall have their general support in trying, not hastily, but quietly and soundly, to extend those activities which will bear most fruit, at the least expense, and will show the greatest amount of good.
Health is a great asset. We all recognise that. It may cost money, but it is a great asset. I should deplore beginning my economies at the wrong end. It reminds me so much of people we know who, when they do not feel well, instead of going to a doctor and paying him, take some patent medicine and so get thoroughly bad, and then probably have to spend months under the doctor and pay a much bigger bill than if they had started with him. There are so many false economies practised every day. A friend of mine broke his leg in running after a motor-bus: it would have been much cheaper for him to have taken a taxi. Do not let us carry that policy into our national life, because we must make progress in sanitary administration; we must have a wide vision of the future. It is in this sense and in this spirit that I hope for the support of the Committee, and in this sense and spirit I hope to carry on the very difficult, the very great, the very honourable burden that has been placed upon my shoulders by the acceptance of this Office.
I can assure hon. Members that I feel very greatly the responsibility of the position in which I am placed. I feel there is a great work to be done, and if we can assist to put up a few small stones of the great building of national wealth and national health and so endeavour to make disease a thing of the past, it will be well—when illness will be a forgotten tradition, when people will wonder how we endured the present sanitary surroundings, and will consider them as extraordinary as we now consider the cave-dwellings of the Neolithic age. If, I say, we can do anything to lift life to a higher thing than it has been in the past then we will be able to allow that the time given has not been given in vain, and that all those who have laboured for that have laboured in a noble and a good cause.
While with much of what the right hon. Gentleman has said we find ourselves in cordial agreement, we cannot help thinking that the housing policy of the present Cabinet compared with the first one is very restricted. I have complained of the extraordinary difference between the present and the late Ministers. The former has taken steps to cancel work, not considering it necessary, that the late Minister laid considerable stress upon. I therefore find myself, as do other hon. Members, not in full agreement with the present position. In some things we agree, but I want to speak on two or three points to-day, and points of complaint not against the present Minister but against the late one. The first of these complaints is the restrictions put upon the Guild building schemes. I think they have been restricted to about 20—why, I do not know—because our experience up till now proves that the Guild scheme is the best scheme we have yet found for building houses, quicker, better, more cheaply than any other scheme, or at least any other contract scheme. We contend in this matter there should be absolute freedom for the local authorities.
We agree that from the standpoint of the Government, if they find part of the money, they are entitled to say what the prices of the houses could be in deciding what the price for the article should be. I think the Government are quite right in that. But when the Government have decided that point, then I do not consider it is their business to tell the local authorities under what scheme they should build. Some of the authorities will naturally claim to build under the old contracting schemes. They say they have let the contracts and have very little care in respect to them: "We leave them to go on without our supervision and we get the houses." Others will say that they prefer the Guild system, that the men work better together, and that more is got out of them under all the circumstances. That, I say, is the experience of certain local authorities up till now. Others appear to prefer to work by direct labour. Why the Government should interfere with any of these schemes, I do not understand, once they have satisfied themselves as to the prices.
Not so very long ago we had a deputation to the authorities and asked that houses might be put up by direct labour? The Ministry would not permit that—why, I do not know. Of course, the Guild system has been an experiment in co-operative working that we have not been used to, but I think we have had sufficient experience up till now to show us that we can get houses under that scheme better than any other. We were yesterday morning discussing the question of certain restrictions as to rents to be charged on subsidised houses. We were also dealing with luxury building. We were claiming the widest freedom in the building industry. I do not know that there is much to be said against that. We believe that the widest liberty should be given to the local authorities, provided the Government are sure that the price is right. That is the contention I am putting forward. I think that) experience shows that houses can be put up cheaper under this system than any other. There have been a lot of questions put on this matter, and I have felt more than once that the Minister would have been glad to have given a more unfavourable reply. When building under the Guild system the men realise they are building for the community. They work together. They are able to get on quicker, and as co-operative workers are interested in their work. If there is any truth in what I am saying, that they are building better houses, well, then, the cost to the ratepayers in the future will be so much less, and the community will benefit in that respect.
There has been no talk about the community lately, but I think the Prime Minister said some time ago he was speaking about the community, "the poor old community." During the coal dispute—which, I am sure, all of us would be very glad to see over—the Prime Minister has gone out of his way to tell the nation that it is the community that he is concerned about. Of course, our charge was that he was representing the coalowners better than they could represent themselves. My point is he has gone to some trouble to prove that the community is the real point at issue that he is interested in, and I think on that point he is right. We are claiming the same thing here, that the welfare of the community ought to be the first consideration, and if it is, then you can approve of any system that gives cheaper and better houses and houses more quickly put up than under other schemes.
The first two houses, we were told, have been completed. I was rather surprised at that announcement a week or so ago. The hon. Member has better information than I have. I think, however, I would be safe in saying that I know another six houses are completed under the Guild system at the present time, but the, reports have not yet come in. Let me just read an extract which will give some information on the point:
From what is the hon. Gentleman reading that extract?
From the Labour News Service. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Well, let me read a question put by the hon. Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. T. Thomson), and the reply of the Minister of Health to that question. It is as follows: ask the Minister of Health to withdraw these restrictions, and give the local authorities absolute freedom as to the sys tern they will build houses under, provided they are sure that the price is right. If we get the houses built more cheaply and more quickly it is better for the community. I think this is a very important point, and the Ministry at least should withdraw the restriction of which I have complained, and which I thought was senseless from the beginning.
With regard to the Consultative Councils set up under one of the Health Bills, the Standing Joint Committee of the Industrial Women's Organisation were asked to submit names for membership of that Council. They submitted six names, four of them were accepted and for a time they served on those Councils. They dealt with various matters and brought up reports, but only one of their reports was accepted. They reported on many matters which were not accepted, and no notice has been taken of them. They were so dissatisfied with the way they were being treated and because they were not being called together that they resigned. It was understood that they should meet at least once a quarter. I know they met in November last, and they have not met again unless it was last week, and the whole of that period has gone by without a meeting. They were not allowed to consult the organisation which put forward their names, and unless they could do that they could not be truly representative of public opinion. They were not consulted upon the legislation which was required. They felt that they were an advisory board, and they thought they should be called in with regard to anything done under the particular section of the Ministry with which they were dealing. Orders have been issued by the Ministry without the Consultative Councils having a word to say upon them. A number of circulars and regulations were issued, and the Health Ministry, I think, has sent out more circulars and regulations than any other Ministry that has ever existed, but these people had no voice whatsoever in regard to any of these matters.
One of these circulars was of a very great concern to the women of the country, and it dealt with the milk question. Under one circular the local autho- rities were empowered to give milk, either free or at a lower cost, to mothers and small children. A circular was sent out on this subject, and these Councils have nothing whatsoever to do with it. Formerly they could supply milk to a child up to 5 years of age, but this circular reduced the supply to children under 3 years of age. There were restrictions as to the people to be supplied, and the persons serving on these Councils, especially the women, were so disgusted with the way they were being treated that they sent in their resignation.
Another circular dealt with the question of maternity and child welfare. If that circular is carried out in the spirit in which the Minister has spoken to-day those restrictions will be withdrawn, and the fullest latitude will be given in maternity and child welfare schemes. The women representatives on these Councils felt that above all things these were the questions upon which they ought to have been consulted, but that particular circular was also issued without any reference to them. There was an advisory council on housing appointed in January, 1919, and they have not met since November last. I want to say that it was thought proper that two women should be put on that council. If there is any question where women are concerned more than anyone else it is in regard to this matter, because the women have to live in the houses, and spend their whole lifetime there, and they ought to know what is most convenient, and they were not consulted in matters of this kind. The result was that these women resigned, and there is no woman representative at the present time upon this particular council. I think we are entitled to an explanation as to why these people, after being properly appointed, were not consulted upon these various matters which are of such vital importance to the women and children of this country.
I want to deal with a matter that happened in London, and here again is a case in which the community comes in. This refers to a scheme started under the Fulham Borough Council. They started a scheme for the mechanical washing of clothes. They set up certain machinery for this purpose, because they felt that the laundries were charging far more than they ought to charge, and because of that many people could not afford to have their washing done, and it would be true to say that in Fulham there were hundreds of families who live and sleep in one room and who have to do their washing and drying in that room. If any scheme could be found to relieve those people in regard to their washing surely it is a thing which ought to be encouraged, and the health of the community would be so much better if that had been done.
The scheme was to cost £1,400, not a big bill at all. The money was to be found out of the surplus on the baths and wash-houses account of that municipality. I have a lot of information here about it, but I will content myself with giving briefly the facts. The first part cost £1,400. They proposed to do the washing of a family on the average at about 2s. per week, and they were going to collect the articles and deliver them in the same way as the laundries had done up to a distance of 500 yards from the wash-houses. Outside that area the people were to bring their clothes and take them away themselves. The scheme was put into operation in November last and the report is that from the very beginning it was a success.
In December of that year a certain laundry proprietor sought an injunction against this Council, and I have the report here of the decision in that case. An injunction was granted against the Council doing this kind of work. Meetings were afterwards held. There was a town's meeting which endorsed what the Council had done, and they thought that it was in the interests of the people of the locality that they should be allowed to go on with the work. They protested against the decision of the umpire, and decided to call a conference of the local authorities of Greater London. They met and agreed that the Borough Council of Fulham had been trying to do a very useful and necessary work, and they asked that the Minister of Health should meet a deputation, but he refused, and that is a thing which I do not quite understand. I know the whole time of the Ministry cannot be taken up meeting deputations, but it is very wonderful how you can ease the situation by meeting a deputation, but this was refused by the Minister of Health who said the cost was too high. They wanted to prove to the right hon. Gentleman that it was a paying concern, but he refused to hear them. I am now asking that a deputation should be heard. They are asking that legislation should be passed making it possible for this, and any other council who desire to do so, to adopt schemes of this kind, and I think they ought to be so empowered. Surely the health of the community as a whole is of much more importance than the interests of a few laundry proprietors. I do not think there is any excuse whatever for the Government refusing to meet a deputation of this sort.
Was the injunction to restrain the borough council from erecting that class of wash-house?
If this is referring to an injunction from the Court, surely it is out of Order to discuss it, because legislation will be required to alter it.
Yes, I think it is by order of the Court.
Then I suggest, Mr. Deputy-Chairman, that it is out of Order on these Estimates to discuss a matter which obviously requires legislation to remedy it.
I think the Noble Lord is quite right. The hon. Member will not be entitled to discuss, a matter with which the Ministry itself has no power to deal. He can only discuss the action of the Ministry.
Does that prevent the hon. Member from reading his quotation?
It depends what it is. So far as it deals with any administrative action of the Ministry it is in Order, but the hon. Member was going far beyond that, because he was arguing that legislation should be enacted to deal with the matter, and that is out of Order on the Estimates.
Inasmuch as the Department has power already to present proposals for legislation in connection with housing, is it not possible to criticise their absence of activity in that direction?
No, it would not be in Order to do that.
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I accept that, and I do not propose to go on, although I thought I was well within the bounds of Order when I was dealing with a complaint against the late Minister for refusing to receive a deputation, and simply gave the history of the matter. I would ask the present Minister now to receive this deputation, and I hope that out of it legislation will come which will permit local authorities to do this work.
Perhaps I may be allowed to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman upon the lucidity and ability with which he has expounded the position in connection with these Estimates. We all sympathise thoroughly with his difficulties, and especially with the difficulties which he has described to us in regard to housing. I sympathise with him the more, in view of the enormous prospective difficulties in connection with the finance of housing in the far future, largely due to the fact that houses are being let at uneconomic rents. I do not know where that is going to lead us, and I will not pursue it further. The right hon. Gentleman traversed an extensive field, but he did not allude to a matter in which I take the very greatest interest, namely, the position of the voluntary hospitals at this moment. I want him to realise that I speak in no spirit of criticism of his Department in this connection. Ever since the omnibus Bill which was introduced by the Minister of Health last autumn, nothing could have been more sympathetic and helpful than the attitude of the late Minister of Health—the present Minister without Portfolio; and I am persuaded that his successor is similarly well disposed toward voluntary hospitals, and that he is anxious to help them to keep on their legs and to establish them upon such a secure financial basis that they will be able to do as good work in the future as they have in the past.
It will be within the recollection of the Committee that the Bill to which I have alluded originally provided for rate aid to voluntary hospitals, and after its introduction a meeting was held upstairs of Members of both Houses of Parliament who were keenly interested in hospital management and who wished to discuss the whole matter. They came to certain conclusions. They prayed the Minister to withdraw the Clause in the Bill relating to rate aid to voluntary hospitals, and they appealed to him to appoint a strong Committee to investigate the financial requirements of hospitals as regards their future. At the same time, it was hoped that, concurrently with the setting up of such a Committee, the hospitals would take advantage of the moment to set up regional committees which would enable them to arrive at a consensus of opinion as to what was necessary in the future. Previous to that time, voluntary hospitals had never tried to work together; they had never consulted each other. At the same time it was realised by those who took part in that meeting, and it was recognised also at the Ministry of Health, that the committee of investigation would have to get to work at once, that they would have to work without ceasing, and would have to report in the near future, because several of the great hospitals were practically in extremis as far as finances were concerned. To cut a long story short, the Ministry appointed an admirable Committee, presided over by Lord Cave, every member of which commanded the confidence of those who were seriously concerned. They laboured unceasingly, and they have issued an interim report; and their final report is, I believe, to be expected de die in diem now.
The action of the Ministry could not have been more energetic in this connection, nor could the exertions of Lord Cave's Committee have been more assiduous. But the trouble is that the financial crises are already upon many of these principal hospitals in London, and, as is related in the "Times" to-day by Lord Knutsford, the London Hospital is absolutely driven to close 200 beds at once, with 761 poor people waiting for admission, who are suffering from ills which can only be cured by in-patient treatment at such a hospital. This is no window-dressing move on the part of Lord Knutsford, in order to influence potential subscribers and to wake them up; he simply cannot go on. I have had a lot of talk with him on the subject. The London Hospital would have had to close on the 1st January last but for the grants from the King's Fund and the Red Cross. The London Hospital, Lord Knutsford tells me, is getting further into debt at the rate of £2,000 a week. Lord Hambleden spoke in the same strain in the "Times" this morning in connection with King's College Hospital. I think I am right in saying that King's College Hospital is forced to close 150 beds, St. Thomas's Hospital is forced to close 100 beds, and so on. I cannot speak from personal experience of these particular hospitals, but I am intimately connected with the management of the Middlesex Hospital. At the Middlesex Hospital we have an overdraft of £15,000, against which our securities are pledged; and, supposing that legacies are maintained in the coming year at the normal height—and it is rather a strong thing to be certain of that—even then we are adding to our debt at the rate of £3,500 a quarter, so that by the end of the year we shall have exhausted all our credit.
The point that I wish to put to the right hon. Gentleman is this: Can the Ministry of Health give us words of comfort with regard to the immediate future? I quite agree that the right hon. Gentleman cannot anticipate the Report of Lord Cave's Committee. I am not complaining of inaction on his part, because the circumstances are such that he is almost bound to hold his hand for the moment. I see only one direction in which he could make a helpful move. Our very serious position is brought about mainly by our actual treatment of naval and military patients during the War. They occupied three-fourths of our beds during the War, and the cost to the Middlesex Hospital was £32,000 more than the Government paid for that treatment. Surely we can claim that this is in the position of an ordinary debt. The figures have been checked by the hospital accountants, and also by the auditors of the King's Fund. If this sum is repaid to us, our hospital is freed of debt, and we shall have breathing space, and shall be able to start afresh. If it cannot be liquidated without delay and without inquiry, let the debt at least be acknowledged, and then we shall be able to borrow money against the acknowledgment of that debt. Lord Hambleden has expressed himself in exactly the same sense, and other hospitals are in the same position.
I want to make it quite plain that we are not asking for a subsidy, but are really asking for payment for services rendered. It is the immediate difficulties of this moment which are daunting us in a financial sense. I look upon the financial future of hospitals as fairly hopeful. The system of payment by patients has been introduced by many of them, particularly the Middlesex Hospital, and is promising really well. It has been accepted by the patients, and recognised by them as just, and we are very pleased indeed with the way in which, it has been taken up. Again, the generous decision of the National Deposit Friendly Society to devote one-third of their surplus, over £125,000, to the payment of the cost of hospital and nursing services to members is a splendid sign, to be imitated, I am confident, by all other approved societies.
Would the right hon. Gentleman allow me to interrupt him for a moment? I happen to be interested in the negotiations that are going on now between the London hospitals and the Council of Approved Societies in London. Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a possibility of getting a very much larger sum than he has mentioned from the Council of Approved Societies—something, approximately, between £200,000 and £300,000? That would tide us over the immediate difficulties which we are facing, and to which the right hon. Gentleman has been referring. These negotiations are nearly complete.
That bears out what I was saying, that this particular amount voted to hospital and nursing services was only a beginning, which I hope and believe, from what I have heard, will be followed elsewhere, and will result in a very considerable increase in the funds at the disposal of hospitals. That is all I wish to say to the Committee, but again I would say to the Minister of Health, give us the immediate assistance which is due to us, enabling us to face the immediate difficulties of the moment. I am confident that all will be well with the future of hospitals when we get Lord Cave's Report, which, I am sure, will be accepted with unanimity by all those concerned.
I should like to join with the previous speaker in congratulating the Minister of Health on the way in which he brought forward these Estimates, disarming criticism and making matters very clear. I agree entirely with what the right hon. Gentleman (Colonel Mildmay) has said as to the difficulties of the hospitals, due to their having had to exceed their income in meeting the expenses of the war services. I rise to try and get some information from the Minister on two matters. The first is one which exercises me a good deal, and which exercises the medical profession a good deal, namely, what, if any, alteration is to be made in the medical services. I presume that something will be done, because we know that the panel service can be improved, and it will lie between improving it and introducing some new service—a form of State medical service. Can the Minister give us some information as regards the future in that respect? Personally, I should be in favour of finding out what the defects of the panel service are, and trying to improve it, rather than scrapping it and introducing a new service, which certainly would not be at all favourable to the medical profession.
Various things are required to bring the panel service more into the condition in which it ought to be. Much assistance is required in helping the medical men to diagnose their cases, and also in regard to certain other matters. W know that various accusations have been made against panel doctors—chiefly accusations of negligence, imperfect diagnosis, and so forth. So far as I am concerned, my practice has been almost entirely in consultation with other doctors, and I have never come across any evidence of the kind in private practice. At the same time, I know that those things are raised, and I can quite believe that it may be possible in a few cases that the statements may be more or less justified. When the Insurance Act was first under consideration I was always very doubtful about the question of medical benefit. I quite welcomed the idea of insuring against sickness, so as to provide money to tide over the sickness, and so forth; but I very much questioned the advisability of the panel system as regards the services of doctors. My belief is that the panel service can be very much improved in various ways. Having been four years in Parliament I have noticed that when one suggests criticisms one never says how to remedy matters, and I shall not attempt to inflict upon the House any scheme of remedying matters, but my belief is that the one thing wanted to put things right is to increase the free choice of doctors. I believe if that were done the other changes would follow quite readily. If you come to think of it, at present the patient does not have free choice of doctors. He can change his panel once a year.
By consent at any time and automatically every six months.
At any rate, it is not a very easy matter to change doctors, and there are many patients who would rather sacrifice the medical benefit and pay a doctor of their own than go through the process of changing. The advantage, to my mind, of having a greater choice of doctors would be that you would reintroduce competition to a very marked degree. As regards a State medical service, it is very much objected to.
On a point of Order, a State medical service must of necessity be a matter of legislation. Is it in order to introduce an element into the discussion which can only arise out of legislation?
I do not know how far the hon. Baronet intends to carry his argument. I will listen a little longer, and see how he applies his point.
I only mention it because there are certain points in the administration which I thought might be leading that way, and I was simply expressing the reasons why I do not desire a State medical service. One reason is patent to everyone. We have had during the War control of all sorts of industries, and everyone is satisfied now that, with regard to most of those industries, the sooner they can be decontrolled the better. That is the chief example. I do not want to pursue the argument further in case I am out of order. At any rate, I should like to hear if there are any lines on which the Minister of Health proposes to advance in this matter.
I should like to call attention to the question of research. At the time the Ministry of Health Bill was introduced we had the Medical Research Committee acting in conjunction with the Insurance Commissioners. Then when we came to study the Bill we found, much to my astonishment, that measures were taken for transferring this Medical Research Committee to the Privy Council. It is a very important and most valuable Committee which is doing splendid work, and I cannot for the life of me understand how it was that those who were responsible for the Ministry of Health Bill did not fight tooth and nail to keep it. However, we could not persuade them to alter the Bill. They mentioned that there was a certain amount of research going on in connection with the old Local Government Board, and that that might be developed. The absence of research from the Ministry of Health Bill is a very serious matter, because, after all, if any body requires information, it is the Ministry of Health, because matters connected with life, disease, and death are so implicated that they are still more or less in the melting pot, and there are questions which must constantly arise which require investigation. I understand that at present the Medical Research Committee is ready and willing to assist the Ministry of Health in any way it can. One of the great attractions for scientific men is to have an opportunity of investigation and gaining a little kudos in that way, and it is up to the Ministry of Health to help any of their staff who wish to do research, and not to have to go to another body and ask leave. The existence of a proper research department is extremely necessary for the future of the Ministry of Health. At present there are some remarks in the Estimate about research, but apparently there is not very much being done. There is a laboratory assistant at £200 a year. What can you get for £200 a year? That is enough to condemn the whole thing. The whole expenditure on the eyes of the Ministry of Health in laboratory form is £700. There is a second heading under which some expenditure comes, and there are two special inquiries. I quite excuse them at present. I am not making these remarks in the way of criticism, or saying they have done too little, because they have been only two years in existence, and I recognise the tremendous amount of work they have had to do, especially in houses. I mention it in the hope of hearing the Minister say that something is contemplated in this direction.
I should like to join in congratulating the right hon. Gentleman on the statement he has made, and we can all feel sure that we have in him a trusty and capable guide. It therefore seems a little ungracious that I should put down an Amendment to reduce his salary. I have not the slightest wish to reduce it, but I wish to draw his attention to a peculiar matter which affects my constituency and a great number of citizens and to a certain extent the whole of the community. A very peculiar thing has arisen in my constituency. A caravan city has grown up as it were in the night. It began in the ordinary way as a summer health resort for young people a good many years ago at a place under an embankment which protects that part of the country from the inroads of the Irish Sea. It is below the sea level, and if that embankment were broken in—and it has been very nearly broken in on more than one occasion—the whole country for miles would be submerged. Therefore these settlers are in a very perilous position. The position of the parish authorities is a most difficult one. It is a small rural parish with a parish council of about six members, mostly farmers. They are faced with an invasion of 10,000 people who disregard their authority in every possibly way. The parish council has no means of protecting itself by law, because it has no money to go to law. It went once and lost the case. There are 1,000 or more caravans there, stated to be on wheels. In a week or two there will be very many tents, and there is this congregation of people without a single piece of sanitary equipment. If it did not exist in England I am certain no one would realise that such a thing is possible. Here are 10,000 people who have to carry on the natural necessities of life in the open fields, and my rural people ask me to implore the Minister of Health to exercise his powers to help them. I have no animosity to the caravaners. I like their desire for open life, but I wish to protect them from the possibilities of disease and epidemic. I should like to read a short extract from the report of the medical officer of the district—
The residents in these camps escape rates. The local authority dare not rate them because they would nave to supply them with sanitary equipment. There is a certain risk for boroughs generally in this condition of things. I know of a certain man, in a town which I will not mention by name, who quarrelled with the corporation because they would not buy a piece of land, and as a result he has put up a large number of huts on wheels, and the residents are not rated, although they enjoy the privileges of lighting and police. I do not think they can claim sanitary protection, etc., but I presume that they carry on in the way that is common in the camp I have mentioned. This is not a case of the homeless poor. The owners of the caravans are very often fairly well-to-do people, and they are assisted in their policy of living in this wild and improper way by the farmers and owners of land, who come forward and say, "Give me £1, and I will give you a pitch on my field." The consequence is that some people are receiving enormous rents for these particular pieces of land. There seems to be no limit to overcrowding, and on behalf of the campers themselves and on behalf of humanity in general I implore the assistance and protection of the right hon. Gentleman. I thank him very much for the way in which he has received representations I have made to him. He has sent down one medical inspector, and I think a legal gentleman, but something more has to be done to effect a remedy. All the refuse and garbage, remnants of food, and so forth, are not properly dealt with. When there is rain the place is water-logged, and when the weather is dry there is no possibility of getting away any of the sewage. Flies alight on all these collected things, and perhaps immediately afterwards go and feed on something which is food for some young baby, whose future may be impaired for ever.
I join with the previous speakers in congratulating the Minister of Health on his speech. I agree with that speech in so far as it praises the work of his Department, and I am also encouraged to hope in regard to that part of his speech which seemed to portray a very much wider sphere of activity for the Minister of Health in future than in the past. Judging from my own experience, I do not find that the idealistic speeches of Ministers are ever realised to any very great extent. There is nothing new in the points of view presented by the Minister in his speech to-day, that I have not heard presented for public attention during the last 50 years. One thing that strikes me as curious is that this House, as an Assembly concerned with the welfare of the whole nation, should have allowed centuries to elapse before it established a Ministry of Public Health. One would have thought that men who were interested in the well-being of their country would have established such a Ministry 100 years ago.
I rose particularly to call attention to one of the circulars issued by the right hon. Gentleman's Department, Circular 185. I fail to recognise in this circular anything in support of the Minister's speech, and I go further and say that the whole tenor of the circular, which is an official declaration of policy as regards the Ministry's activities in dealing with maternity and child welfare, is in direct antagonism to the speech to which we have just listened. I am puzzled to understand, and it is not the first problem of the kind I have had to face, why Ministers should make fine speeches and then in their capacity as executive officers should not carry out the policy contained in their speeches. Perhaps the present Minister is not responsible for this circular; but, at any rate, he is responsible for the continuation of it, and if there is any truth in the magnificent peroration which we have just heard, it ought to be speedily withdrawn. I want to speak about the poor, miserable, wretched policy of economising in respect to child welfare, even economising to the extent of niggardliness. This circular is an attempt to save money, but if any money can be saved along these pettifogging lines, it will be quite infinitesimal, while at the same time you will be restricting the area of useful service, and the inevitable result will be that you will be damaging infant life and infant welfare.
The first part of the circular complains of the expense in administration and other services, and says that the expenditure has greatly exceeded what was necessary or desirable. One would naturally have thought that that statement would have been supported by some evidence, but you will not find one single charge of mal-administration in the circular, or any proof of extravagant administration. What you will find is a suggestion, from start to finish, that the particular administration, which consists of the distribution of milk, has been too free in its distribution, or, in other words, it has widened the service rendered to the community by that Department to a greater extent than the Ministry is prepared to pay for. There is no effort to show that there is any expensive administration. If that is what we call expensive administration, why not abolish the whole thing by ceasing to supply milk? This service was set up for this specific purpose. Obviously, the particular Department administering it can say that the expenditure on administration should be kept as low as possible, but they should in no sense seek to restrict the service of the Department at the expense of a service which ministers to human life. Another part of the circular does away with what previously had been the custom before the Order which this circular revokes came into force. It was the practice that milk should be supplied to children between the ages of 3 and 5, We cannot imagine that that practice grew up on any other basis than a recognition of the fact by men of importance in the nation, trained medical men, that to administer this service for children from 3 to 5 years was necessary and beneficial. If that is the case, and you cannot imagine that it was ever started on any other basis, the restriction of the service, seeing that it is no longer possible, except under special medical certificate to administer the Act to children between 3 and 5, will, obviously, injure some of those who yesterday you were trying to benefit. You cannot square that with the speech to which I listened a moment ago.
Again, I find a paragraph in this circular which quite properly deals with inquiries as to the necessity of the families who are applying for milk for their children or for expectant nursing mothers. I know authorities which previously, realising the urgency of cases of this sort, have been in the habit of granting the request upon the prima facie evidence offered for perhaps a week or a fortnight, during which stricter and closer inquiry was made into the truth or otherwise of the statements made in the application, but during that time the infant had always been fed. Now this marvellous Department, with the magnificent vista of what is going to happen in the future, makes the inquiries compulsory first before the child can be fed at all. That is a ridiculous proceeding. Fifty years ago the French Government were dealing with children in the schools and feeding necessitous children at the expense of the State, and 50 years ago their practice was to feed the child first and make inquiries afterwards, and if the inquiries proved the genuineness of the case the feeding was continued, and if, on the other hand, false statements had been made, then the persons making the false statement were dealt with, as they ought to be, as guilty of a criminal offence.
I have also complaints that the stringency of the circular in many respects acts as a deterrent. That is not what we want in a matter of this sort. Saving money by starving the applicant is a disastrous point. Anything that acts as a deterrent of applications coming freely from the people who really stand in need of this State service is inimical to the best interests of the State in the development of human life and strength. Previously the child from three months to eighteen months has been entitled on request to 1½ pints of milk a day. Now, with the expanding work of the Department, that has been cut down to a pint a day, which does not justify the speech to which I have referred. But not only that, but a special medical certificate has to be sought before the things which hitherto have prevailed can be allowed in the future. That special certificate is supplementary to the testimony, both as to the need which exists in the case and from the point of view of health, supplementary to the certificate which has to be given in the first place by the medical officer of health or the medical officer of the welfare centre, and the duplication of these things has no other effect but to deter applicants from coming forward and taking advantage of that which the State has provided, not merely in the interests of the individual, but in the interests of the State itself. Listening to many speeches in this House one would imagine that money spent on social welfare organisation was money spent solely in the interests of the individuals who are the recipients. Why, the great bulk of it is given altogether apart from the concern of any individual for the interest and good of the community; and the money is not spent in any real sense on behalf of the individual, but on behalf of the State which recognises that the refusal to spend in that direction to any great extent would by and by bring about its downfall.
Then the inquisitorial methods adopted are all too stringent. The local authorities who administer know quite easily through their various officers and with very little inquisition as to the genuineness of the applicants who apply for help. In my own town of Burnley we have—what I suppose every authority has which has control of its education—our school visitors, as well as our officials. And these persons with their knowledge of the people to whom this circular would apply could in 999 cases out of 1,000 inform the authorities as to the conditions prevailing in the various homes without any inquisition of this sort. I was born among the working classes. I have always lived among them, and, except that I am not engaged in manual labour to-day, I am one of the working classes to-day, and as I read this circular I am convinced that my feelings are the same as those of most other people, and I feel bitterly resentful about these things. Believe me, we are not all wastrels. Proportionately to our number we are probably quite as honest and as sincere as any other class in the community, but whenever the other classes are legislating for us if you look into the spirit of their legislation you find their proposals tainted with the suspicion that we are wrong ones every time. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]. That is so. This circular is full of it.
Were I in the position of having a young child of my own needing milk today, if I could by hook or by crook get it in any other way I would not tolerate the inquisitorial questions put to me in this way, especially living among men who know me, and know practically whether I am in need of that help or not. You should recognise that all these things act as a deterrent, and you should also recognise the point of view that the house in the lane has its value. Ruskin says that there is no strength but life. If you agree with that you do not want weakly life or ailing life. You want life to be strong and vigorous, and it is an obvious duty, in so far as the little children of the community or any part of it stand in need of assistance, to give the necessary help to build up their physique on which future manhood and womanhood and worthy citizenship can operate in life. We ought not to stint that in any degree whatsoever, but to spread those services over a wide area. This circular, in so far as it is successful, although it is successful in saving money only to a small, petty-fogging, peddling amount, is damaging infant life, and through that infant life the men and women of the future, and so is doing harm to the community.
It might be convenient at this stage to deal with a few of the questions that have been raised. I will deal first with the circular of the hon. Member for Burnley (Mr. Irving), with which I have considerable sympathy. He referred to Circular 185 in reference to milk supply to nursing and expectant mothers. The hon. Member was very indignant with the niggardly way in which this circular dealt with the question. He said that this method of dealing with these persons is entirely opposed to the speech which I made when introducing the Estimate. I assure the hon. Member and the Committee that that is not at all the case. We have introduced experimentally what is a new medical service in providing milk for expectant mothers and infants. The experience has been after very careful investigation that in certain areas this medical service has been grossly misused, and instead of expectant mothers and babies getting this milk everybody who wanted milk for nothing in the local area has been getting the milk.
I never heard of it in our area.
The hon. Member may not have heard of it, but we have found that that is so, and I personally on this question consulted most sympathetic and competent lady doctors who are quite as much interested in children welfare as the hon. Member, and who tell me that it is at the present time being done in various localities so as to amount to a gross scandal. We do not advance social life by this work, by allowing those who are opposed to it to be able to point to those scandals. The fact is, that nothing is likely to do more harm. All this circular does is to require strict control of milk supplied to nursing and expectant mothers and place under medical supervision the distribution of this milk which is merely given as a medicine, so that mothers who want it should get it and that all these people who are not entitled to it should not obtain it. There is nothing contradictory of my speech in that policy.
I do not read the circular so. I have no objection to that point of view.
That is the object. The hon. Member reads a great deal more into the circular than ever was intended.
I know what those who administer it read into it.
It must be interpreted with reasonable intelligence. The money is being needlessly wasted by being spent not for the purpose for which it was intended. We cannot give grants without supervision. The hon. Member has no objection to the point of view which I have explained, but he says that there is an insult to the working classes.
That is my opinion.
7.0 P.M.
That may be the hon. Member's opinion, but he has no right to attribute these motives to other people. I think that the hon. Member is wrong. I am telling the hon. Gentleman the object and the reason why. If there had been no abuse no circular would have been issued, but there has been great abuse. We have had more than one case which shows that there has been entirely loose administration under the municipalities. We have found—and the hon. Member, who has had a very large experience of public affairs and local administration, will agree with me—that in certain places there is a tendency to administer loosely. This circular is a warning in such cases.
The hon. Member for Wirral (Mr. Gershom Stewart) referred to the question of the Wirral caravans. The hon. Member is faced with a difficulty which is apparently almost unique, and the hon. Member gave the House a terrible picture of a place I know very well. It was a very different picture from one I could give of the owner of a caravan who is carrying on most important work, so far as I can make out. He is doing Y.M.C.A. work and all kinds of good work. Caravans look charming things, and I feel tempted to ask the hon. Member to invite me to go out for the week-end in his caravan.
I do so with pleasure. I hope you will come.
It is quite true, however, that there are certain difficulties. These caravans at present number about 1,100, of which 25 per cent. are occupied through out the year. This matter is not unknown to us, because the Department has made two medical inspections of them during the past 10 years. Where I take issue with the hon. Member is in this, that it is the duty of every local authority to attend to this matter. They are the only people who have any power in the matter.
That is very difficult. I have had a lot of complaints about this sort of thing.
It may be difficult, but we can call on the local authorities to take the steps which they ought. The need to make a special by-law allowing the erection of wooden buildings subject to conditions and a series of by-laws regulating the use of tents, vans, sheds, and similar structures has been urged on the council, who have not yet made the special by-law, and only recently made the by-laws as to tents, etc. The hon. Member asks me to override this district council, but I have no power to do that under the present law. A further medical inspection, made this year, shows that conditions were bad, but that the council had never made full use of their powers to remedy the serious factors in the situation. Apparently they do not even yet know what their powers are. I do not know who is the clerk to that council. Perhaps the hon. Member will become a member of that council, and so give his very useful help in making them exercise their powers.
Apparently all that we can do at present we are doing. In conference with the council we have arranged that the owners of the caravans should be invited to a conference to discuss the whole question. I hope that conference will lead to useful results, and that the local authority will realise fully their important functions and their duty. With regard to the matter of rating, it could be suggested to the council that if land is occupied by tents and caravans instead of being used for agricultural purposes it might be open to them to assess that land at a considerably higher value than as agricultural land. Thus a good deal of pressure might be brought to bear on the farmers who are permitting their land to be used in this manner. The subject is not altogether free from difficulty, and I have not had full time to study what legislation may be required to deal with it. Owners of caravans and temporary dwellings are growing. Naturally the War has had some effect in making people like to camp out. Apparently so long as there is no epidemic my powers of intervention are rather small. If the hon. Member produces a first-class epidemic I will produce a first-class remedy.
I want prevention rather than cure.
If, in the meantime, serious steps are taken by the local authorities and proper measures are brought to bear, I am quite sure that a great advance can be made. I shall be very glad to hear from the hon. Gentleman what the result is in this case. It may be necessary to extend the powers for dealing with these problems.
One or two other medical questions were raised by hon. Members. The hon. Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir W. Cheyne) raised the question of the medical service. He referred to the fear which had been expressed in some quarters of a great extension of State medical service. I can set at rest very quickly any fear he may have had. There is no intention—I do not think there ever has been, except in the imagination of some people who seem to belong to the psycho-analyst school, and who discover quite non-existent intentions in the minds of other people—of starting a vast system of State service. We are working on the lines of endeavouring to improve the panel system where it is capable of improvement, and steps are being taken in that direction. The panel has been lessened. The number of persons on a panel, which in many cases was large, has been limited and reduced generally to 2,000. That is a great improvement. There have been too many people on some panels for the medical practitioners to give them the attention they ought to receive. An insured person who is not satisfied with his doctor can now leave him at any time by mutual consent, or after six months, whereas formerly he could not do it under two years. That is an improvement. We are making improved Regulations in regard to surgeries. We are bringing them into harmony with the best of the practitioners on the panel system. The system may be subject to some criticism, but I think, on the whole, it has not worked so badly, and that the medical profession have a great desire to do their best. You will always find in all professions a cer- tain number of people, here and there, who are not so careful and conscientious as others. Taking the panel service all round, however, I think it is working very fairly, and that the patients, on the whole, are satisfied with the service they obtain. Of course, some people prefer their own doctors, but you will always have that. Seeing that it is a great experiment, taking into consideration the large area it covers, and the large number of medical men employed, I do not think anybody can really find very serious fault.
The question of medical research was referred to by the hon. Member. I was very glad to get his valuable opinion and very large experience on the important question of associating the Ministry with medical research in a more direct manner. Personally, I think there is a good deal to be said for that, because, after all, the Department responsible, better than anyone else, must know what research is being done. The question of voluntary hospitals has been giving me very grave anxiety, and I know it has given anxiety for some time past to the right hon. Gentleman who preceded me. Unfortunately the Cave Committee, dealing with that question, which has been very expeditious, has not yet been able to present its report. I expect it towards the end of this month. I am extremely sorry that certain of the large hospitals have considered it necessary, in view of the fact that the Report of this Committee is very closely impending and that the Government are bound to take action on that Report speedily, to close these large numbers of beds, whereas, perhaps in a few weeks' time, the crisis may be past. I cannot, and I do not think anybody in the present situation can reasonably ask me or the Cabinet to bring forward a scheme during the next few days. On the other hand, the approved societies have already set aside £250,000, to be paid during five years, out of their surplus.
I should have thought it would have been possible for the hospitals to have got their bankers who, during these many years have been working with them and advancing them money, to continue to advance the relatively small sum that might be necessary to carry them over the last few weeks. I should have thought that the naturally philanthropic hearts of the bankers would have helped to get over this difficulty, and I still wonder whether something cannot be done in that direction, even at this stage, before final steps are taken. Most of the changes are heartbreaking to men who have devoted years of their life, work and time to carry on these voluntary hospitals, showing the greatest devotion, and who now find themselves in this unfortunate position. We all feel that something will have to be done; the country feels it, we all know it, and just as we are on the brink of being able to do so, it does seem a pity that overdrafts cannot be a little extended. After all, if you are once in debt you may just as well owe a little more, and when a bank has once begun lending money to institutions of that kind, which it knows very well will be repaid later, they will not be running any very serious risk in extending the loans. I hope the directors of the hospitals will consider this, and that for the credit of ourselves and for the sake of these suffering people, that they will be able to hold on a little time longer until the Government have had an opportunity of studying the Cave Report and acting upon it.
Questions have been asked about the guild system for constructing houses. This is a very interesting and useful experiment in building, but the Minister is entitled to say, "Let us see how these schemes turn out before we embark public money on any new schemes." I believe the scheme can be made a great success, and if so it would be a solution of many of our problems. We are watching it carefully. I have asked for a report both as regards quality and price, and if the results are satisfactory there can be no objection to proceeding in a reasonable way. I must, however, be cautious in dealing with public funds.
We shall all be united in congratulating the Minister of Health, not only on his presentation of his case this afternoon, but also on the reply he has just made, which has enabled us to get into touch still more and to make the discussion a living discussion. I am glad also to note that the right hon. Gentleman has associated himself so largely with his predecessor in office, and to say that many of the points on which he is to be congratulated are points which redound to the credit of his Department and of his predecessor as well as of himself. I can say from my own personal experience that quite early this year and also last year we of the London County Council were being held up by the late Minister of Health on the question of the extravagance of our housing proposals. It was not that there was necessarily anything wrong in the proposals themselves, but in view of the direction in which they were leading we were instructed by him to take a further stock of the situation—he was working out economies that have now been brought into action to a certain extent—and he also suggested methods by which we could limit the total loss there would be to the community over the housing scheme. Those of us who have had a practical dealing with this question are glad to recognise the dual side of the right hon. Gentleman—the dual side which he showed so well in his presentment of his case. In the first place, although the right hon. Gentleman entirely disclaimed his enthusiasm, he showed a real keenness for a steady and business-like progress of public health. At the same time he showed very strongly the necessity for cutting our coat according to our cloth. That is a point which we must drive home, and none less than those of us who have experience in the administration of our public health system. There are constant temptations to suggest one or the other expenditure which in itself may seem to be advisable and almost certainly hopeful of success, yet if we limit ourselves simply to our professional enthusiasms, or those who help us as lay members of the councils who feel themselves enthusiastic do so if they look at it only from that point of view, they do a great deal of harm to the cause of public health. On the other hand, those who look only at the side of economy do a great deal of harm. You want to get a satisfactory blend between the two.
I will give one instance where I think the zeal for economy has become a craze and gone too far. I see some of my friends around me here preparing their darts for the Ministry of Health. They are going to speak, probably, from the point of view of economy, and I do not wish to restrain them in any way. But I do ask them to realise that you can go too far, even at the present time, and that a general advocacy of economy, regardless of the ideals of public health and of the administration of the Ministry of Health and of local authorities, is liable to spread itself concentrically through the public, to have a great vogue, and to create an impression which is bitterly regretted by those who started the original ball rolling. It may result in the loss of a very large amount of life. The particular instance to which I shall refer I shall not mention by name, but it deals with a very well-known industrial town with a very large working-class population, where the mortality at different times has been extremely high, and where iii past years there has been a considerable extension of work for maternity and infant welfare. The centres were doing extremely good work. The officials who had been appointed were making, strong headway in the prevention of diseases and in the improvement of the conditions associated with the centres. There was a general reduction of the estimates, and I am afraid that the reduction was made somewhat blindly. It resulted in the dismissal of something like one-third of the large staff of health visitors and tuberculosis visiting nurses, the omission of grants to centres, and for the provision of home helps, and a heavy cut in the estimate for medical service at the welfare centre. Then the infectious hospital was affected, and a part of it was closed down. That must result in the cutting down of the staff which is vital on the occasions for which an isolation hospital exists, that is to say, for the emergency which arises through the spread of epidemic disease. If it is right to keep up such a hospital at all it must be kept up efficiently as an insurance against the spread of disease. It is easy enough to close part of a hospital when the beds are vacant, but—
I do not quite follow the hon. Member's argument. It seems to me that he is criticising local authorities. How does he connect that with the administration of the Ministry of Health?
I was getting off the rail because of the criticism that is made, or which, if fear, may be made as a result of this discussion. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the housing question briefly. His pronouncement was very important. It was not only that the expenses are great and must be curtailed, but he gave a definite and succinct figure as the probable limit of the commitments of the Government. To all of us who have to take a part in the administration of these housing schemes, it is most important to have that limit, because it gives us some definite thing to work to, and as far as we can to look beyond. The limit suggested is a definite limit of 300,000 houses. A great deal will depend on the distribution of those 300,000. It will be extremely difficult to ration the districts. If that is to be the definite limit we shall be able to have a definite balance-sheet, and from the point of view of the Exchequer it gives a definite limit to our commitments. People may be inclined to say, "Thank heaven, here is an end of our housing commitments!" I wish we could think so. That will not be the end of our commitments. It will be an end of the commitments on the present scheme, but we shall have just as great difficulties in devising further schemes. The right hon. Gentleman suggested that there had been great exaggeration of the requirements of houses in the surveys made by local authorities. It is not necessary to pledge oneself to State building of houses or uneconomic building of houses. I think it is quite possible that we may refuse to give expensive State aid to housing in future. But do not let that blind us to the fact that there are needs, and that they have to be met. They can be met in only one of two ways—either by State aid or by bringing private enterprise back to the work to a very much larger extent. That will want very elaborate working out, and now is the time to begin to do it. I believe the definite limit which has been put to the present scheme will be reached in a very much shorter space of time than is generally expected, and we must be prepared to go on with the work. The requirements in the matter of housing at the present time are appalling, and it is absurd to say otherwise. It is quite certain that the general requirements—without taking into account any question as to improvement of status or condition—represent a total of something like 1,000,000 houses throughout the United Kingdom. This is increasing at the rate of from 70,000 to 80,000 houses a year, and we have not even got to the stage of keeping pace with that requirement, still less of making up the arrears. We have an enormous balance to make up, and let us do it by private enterprise if we can bring private enterprise back. Meantime we are keeping the people housed in a most insanitary and overcrowded condition. This situation will not be met by simply saying that the present scheme is uneconomical. We know it is, but you must have an alternative. A scheme was devised of public utility societies, and, if the Government can proceed with the development of that, it will be very useful and may meet a certain amount of the demand, but I do not believe it will go anywhere near tackling the whole problem. You will yet have to go back to private enterprise, which is now being killed by various causes. I must prepare hon. Members on the Labour Benches for a shock. I say you must go back to one who has always been considered the particular enemy of the working classes, but who under proper conditions is very often a philanthropist in the matter of housing, and that is the speculative builder.
I wish to make a few remarks on the subject of public health administration. Criticisms have been made in regard to economy of administration. I know the Ministry, and I knew its predecessor, the Local Government Board, and I can read a good deal into the Estimates which perhaps others cannot read into them. I am bound to say I hope that the Minister of Health, with his fresh eye and businesslike mind, will review not only the, medical staff—as already he appears to have done very thoroughly—but also the administrative staff at his office. I should like him in his final reply to give the Committee some explanation of the enormous size of the administrative and clerical staffs. I do not say it is necessarily excessive, but when we see a general clerical staff which numbers 1,593, including 477 assistant clerks, 301 women clerks, 276 writing assistants, with quite an unusual proportion of senior officers on the administrative side, one is bound to gain a certain impression—especially one who has had some experience of the local administration of public health. The only strong criticism against the Ministry is that there is too much red tape, too much letter writing, and too much clerical and filing work. There are instances of communications being sent to the Ministry which have had to pass through six or seven different offices before being finally replied to. The reply has often been delayed three or four weeks, and has not been any clearer in consequence. We know that is a natural development in administration, but it is one which can be checked, and which should be checked. It is there that economy can be effected—not the kind of economy from which you can get drastic and immediate results which appeal to the general public, but economy which involves real hard work on the part of the individuals all the way through the official machine. These offices get into a rut or groove of working and exercise an excessive amount of caution with resultant red tape for which we in this House are largely responsible. Members of this House are constantly putting down questions on every conceivable little complaint brought up by their constituents, and they expect to get back from the Department concerned an answer which not alone deals with the particular query made, but has a bearing on all analogous points.
That brings me to a suggestion which I make as the result of long experience in different departments of life, namely, that there should be a checking committee in each office composed of members of the existing staff, whose duty should be to decide the particular returns which are absolutely necessary. That should be revised periodically, and if any question came in which was outside the scope of those returns, the reply should be: "These returns are not kept and no answer can be given." In those circumstances this House would be taking its share in bearing the burden of economy by being content with fewer answers to questions. Some of the questions put in this House seek to obtain information which may be useful and interesting, but is really not worth the trouble necessitated in keeping returns and otherwise providing for replies. The organisation under the Ministry has been attacked. I cannot understand the canard that is going around the Press, that the Ministry of Health inherits from the Local Government Board a staff of only four medical officers. "The Local Government Board"—I read this morning—"was content with four medical officers." I cannot understand that, but it has been restated again and again. During the 15 years that I was a county medical officer of health I had frequently to go to the Local Government Board and they had to inspect my doings and possibly my misdoings, and I was aware of at least 15 different medical officers.
( Minister without Portfolio ): May I say in 1918 there were 46–38 in the Local Government Board and eight in the Insurance Department—not four, as stated.
I am very glad to have that statement, and I think my own figures are very similar to that. The increase, as I understand, has actually been only eight or nine.
The increase is 13.
And there have been several fresh developments in the work. I have looked into the extra work which is being done since the Ministry of Health took over this Department, and it is extraordinary. I do not think hon. Members sufficiently realise how this work divides itself under many different heads, or how it is organised. We have heard on the Estimates of the different medical officers who are at the heads of these different Departments. One Department deals with the question of food, and this includes laboratory work which, curiously enough, the hon. Baronet the Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir W. Cheyne) seemed to think was not being done. That work includes special investigation which has been extremely useful in exploring various problems with which we are confronted in regard to sanitation. Several medical officers are engaged in that laboratory work, and the suggestion has been made, that the head man was only earning £200 a year. As a matter of fact—
I am sorry to interrupt the hon. Member, but in the absence of the hon. Baronet, might I ask if these figures to which he is referring are confined solely to the laboratory which deals with ordinary analyses under the Food and Drugs Act?
I think that is a question which the Minister might more justly deal with. They do, of course.
You will admit this is not the research work to which the hon. Baronet was referring.
The work in the Ministry of Health as far as I am conversant with it has been to a great extent what the hon. Baronet was referring to, as not being done. That is the ad hoc work in regard to sanitation generally. It is only where the research is of a more general nature that it is done by the Medical Research Department under the Privy Council. My friend will remember the allocation of the research work, and that what I term the ad hoc work, the research work tending to a definite object, was to be done in this way and the other work done under the Privy Council. I should like when the right hon. Gentleman comes to reply to know if it is the case that the Director of the Medical Research Department under the Privy Council is in close touch with the right hon. Gentleman's Department or not. If he is not, it seems to me it is something not far short of a scandal which should be looked into at once. The Medical Officer of the Ministry of Health should be in close touch with the Privy Council Medical Research Department. If he is not, the matter should be put right, but if he is it surely, to a large extent, meets the criticisms raised. I do not agree with the statement made, that research must point to a special object. There are two kinds of research, but if you were to refer to the Royal Society and ask them how research should be carried on they would probably say that research must never be directed at a special object, but that you must seek for truth for its own sake. That is the general principle. As a matter of fact, that can be carried too far, but it was for that object, to a certain extent, that the Government of the day—many of us were serving abroad, and have only second-hand information—justified putting this research under the Privy Council, so that it should be independent of administration. If that be so, I do not think there is any difficulty, except that we must clear up this question as to whether the Research Department of the Privy Council is in touch with the Medical Staff of the Ministry of Health. If it is not, I say it is a scandal. There is the difficulty, of which we have to beware, that where the work is in different Government Departments, there is grave danger of their not working properly together, just as in the War there was danger of different parts of the fighting forces not working properly together. They must be made to work properly together, and it is very likely the Minister may be able to take some part in seeing that they do work together. In the same way, there is an officer at the head of the Maternity and Child Welfare Department, who is doing excellent work, and that accounts for some figures in the Estimate, and I hope they will not be repressed.
Just to show what is the value of the work that has been done in the actual vital statistics of the year, it is apposite to mention these figures, because although the improvement in vital statistics is due to a very large number of causes, which you cannot describe definitely as part of the health administration, there is no question that they are all centred round and stimulated by, if not actually initiated and carried through, by the work of the whole organisation which has its pivot and centre in the Ministry of Health. Therefore it is not out of place to point out that we are in a winning battle; we are engaged in a winning cause. The death rate itself has been reduced very largely since the Ministry of Health came into operation. Whereas it was about 13 or 14 per 1,000 before the War, it went up during the War to about 15 per 1,000, and it has gone down in the last two years to 13·8 and 12·4, the figure for last year. Still more, the infantile mortality figures must be very largely attributed to the work of these maternity and child welfare centres. Whereas in the beginning of this century we had to lament the fact that out of every thousand children born every year 154 died within one year. The mortality kept up like that for some years, till the Midwives Act was brought in and reduced it to 120, and in 1912 we managed to get down to 95. It went up again before the War, and now it has got down to 80 per 1,000. Credit must be taken for that reduction by the administration, which, I say, has been continuous through the Local Government Board and the Ministry of Health, and it has been largely accelerated by the improvement of services under the Ministry of Health. I hope that will continue, and I do hope that in the matter of those services we shall enlist on our side all patriotic members who will look into this question from a broad point of view, and realise that we are saving life to an infinitely greater extent than by any other means. We can justify our fighting Services mainly, if not only, because we are going to save life in the future, by preparing for war and preventing it. Yet we are spending in the Ministry of Health only about one-tenth of what is spent every year in the fighting Services, and a larger expenditure if necessary is abundantly justified. We are fighting a winning battle, and I wish to inspire everyone to help us to fight that winning battle, which the right hon. Gentleman is doing.
The sense of hostility with which I came into the Committee to-day has been considerably dispelled by what the Minister of Health has said. I find myself in antagonism to the enormous public money represented in these Estimates under the heading of "Housing Department." Those figures give a total of £300,000 to be spent in the year in connection with the housing scheme, and I had a sense of dismay. I am very glad, however, that the Minister of Health told us, following the precedent set the other day by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that we might regard this as having a very short expectation of life. I am particularly pleased with that, and with all deference to the very eloquent and very enthusiastic remarks of my hon. and gallant Friend (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle), while his eloquent appeal impressed me, I failed to appreciate his facts. He suggested that a 1,000,000 houses were wanted. He is a public health expert, and he must know that on the ordinary basis of calculation that represents at least 5,000,000 people. Does he really suggest to the Committee that at the present time one-eighth of the total population of this country is housed under conditions absolutely deleterious to the health of the people?
May I say that I did not make any such suggestion?
I am very glad to hear it. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman has any objection to my arithmetic, he might say so. Almost in the same breath he gave us some most delightful and heartening statistics as to the drop in the death-rate, and particularly the drop in infantile mortality. If you search all the reports of the medical officers of health up and down the country for a number of years, you will find in the forefront of the causes of infantile mortality overcrowding. In the same argument we had the paradox presented of an enormous drop in infantile mortality, and side by side extraordinary overcrowding. The two things are not reconcilable. My candid opinion is—and I have maintained a perfectly neutral attitude during the the last two years with regard to these housing schemes—is that the housing notion was overdone from the first. It was greatly due to a mixture of politics and sentiment. In spite of the continued absence of numerous houses, we still have the nation getting healthier and stronger, and revealing that health and strength in its reduced death-rate and its reduced infantile mortality. However, it was not for this purpose that I rose. My sense of alarm about these housing figures was greatly dispelled, and, if it had remained dispelled, I would not have addressed the Committee now. But, almost as the Minister of Health relieved me of one fear he set up another, and the other arose from the statement which he made that he proposed still further to reduce the medical staff of the Ministry of Health.
8.0 P.M.
My great objection to the housing business has been that it has acted as a shroud almost to the right and proper function of the Ministry of Health. It is one of the most unfortunate positions that housing schemes should have been part of the work of the Ministry of Health. For example, £300,000 appears in these Estimates for 1921–22, and what is the sum total of the whole medical staff of the Ministry of Health? It is £99,571. The medical staff of the Ministry of Health, doing expert, scientific work, men of trained experience and sound education, many of whom have given their lives to the work, are getting collectively a sum rather less than one-third of what is being paid to this mushroom growth in connection with housing. Further, the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite referred to the payment to the medical staff as in some extent accounting for the increase. As a matter of fact, instead of the medical staff being paid more money for 1921–22, it is actually getting less. The medical staff were paid last year £106,907, and it is proposed to pay the medical staff for 1921–22 £99,571. So that instead of an increase in the payment of the medical staff we actually have it here that there is a diminution of something like £7,336, and then on the top of that we are also told that it is proposed to reduce the staff in the near future. We have heard talk about the relative figures of the Local Government Board, and so on. I do not fear that. I wish to take this problem entirely upon its merits. There 80 or 90 medical officers who have recently been appointed in fact to supervise, to superintend, and to see that the services are rendered in connection with something like 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 of insured people. They have to bring themselves in liaison with something like 12,000 or 13,000 doctors. Apart from the merits of the professional character of these gentlemen, we have to consider the nature of the work which is set before them. They have to place themselves in touch with the work of 12,000 doctors in the panel service. They have to put themselves in the position of uniting the work of approved societies and professional men; they have, in fact, if you express it in terms of finance, the spending of something like £9,000,000 per annum. They have the medical concern of some millions of insured persons, the professional help and assistance of some 12,000 doctors, and the control and expenditure of something like £9,000,000 of State money, and yet a paltry sum of something like £100,000 is being spent on the whole medical staff of the Ministry of Health, while a sum of £300,000 is spent on this excrescent mushroom growth in connection with the housing scheme. I appeal to the Minister without Portfolio, who I see in his place, not to seek to cheesepare in the direction of cutting down the medical staff of the Ministry. These men are very eminent men, who had acquired a reputation in their profession before they entered the portals of the Ministry of Health. They are men who will give good service to the State, and to propose to cut them down or turn any of them out is the most short-sighted policy I can think of.
There are one or two minor points which I cannot allow to pass without drawing the attention of the House to them, though there is rather a hiatus between what I have said and what I am going to say. On page 12 of these Estimates you will find that the gentlemen described as assistant general inspectors are paid £500 to £600, and a little below that women inspectors, who I presume do the same work, are shown to receive only £250. I want to know on what grounds a male assistant general inspector, who, I suppose, is on the same grade as the woman inspector, should receive £250 more for doing the same work. If they are doing the same work they ought to receive the same pay. I just want to emphasise the point made by my hon. Friend the Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir W. Cheyne), because the Minister without Portfolio will remember that I was responsible for the Amendment, which he accepted, to the Public Health Act, which placed the responsibility on the Ministry of Health for the direction and initiation of research. It is a point that some of us felt very concerned about at the time, and it is a point we feel concerned about still. The hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite (Lieut.-Colonel Fremantle) told us this was a matter for the Privy Council. He gave us a little life history of the Research Committee, but the point I wish to bring home is this, that, unless the Ministry of Health have a properly equipped laboratory and properly trained scientists, their function which is laid upon them by statute in Section 1 of the Ministry of Health Act must remain dormant. That is precisely what I do not want to happen.
If you take the figures for these Estimates, which indicate the degree of energy that the Ministry is putting into this matter of research, the whole sum that I can total up, including laboratory attendants, special inquiries into disease, pathological laboratory expenses, and everything on the lines of research, is £2,444. If you compare that figure with the sums that some of the Continental nations have been devoting to research, the whole thing is perfectly ludicrous. If this country spent on the investigation of disease one hundred times as much as we are spending, we would not spend one penny overmuch. The fact of the matter is that this country is so steeped in traditional ideas that it refuses to see the importance of scientific research, and here we have the Ministry of Health, which many of us looked forward to with the greatest and rosiest of hopes, from the very first revealing its feet of clay in the direction of research. One word of congratulation I am going to offer, and that is in connection with maternity and child welfare. I see there we have an increase on the year of £330,000. The Estimates have gone up from £770,000 to £1,100,000. I would like to offer a word of congratulation to the Ministry for not seeking to economise in this direction. I think that no line of public health effort offers a greater hope of magnificent and early results than this matter of infant welfare and maternity.
With all respect, the same cannot be said of the next item on page 16: "G2—Treatment of Tuberculosis." I notice there is an increase of rather more than £500,000 of money for this object. The whole question of tuberculosis is entirely an uncertain one. It is entirely experimental and there is nothing final about it. I venture to say that the whole question of sanatorium treatment has broken down. It has failed, and I wish to appeal to the Minister of Health to introduce a limit in this connection also. He has given a promise of a limit in regard to housing. I would like him to extend the same principle of limitation of expenditure on schemes which are sufficiently tried to be pronounced upon as more or less failures. There is a great deal of sentiment around the politics of tuberculosis, and if there is one person more dangerous than another in respect of these matters it is the platitudinous politician who mixes his politics with sentimental notions with regard to sanitary matters and scientific matters. The most recent scientific inquiries go to show that in this country at all events it would be absolutely impossible for us to have what you might call a tubercular-free population. If that be so, if tuberculosis is so indigenous to this country, if it is so rife, if it prevails in both human beings and beats, does it never occur to one that you may have this very incidence of disease in certain times of life actually acting as part of nature's equipment for life? Nature's mysteries are very wonderful, and there is nothing more wonderful than the suggestion which has been born out by a very high scientific authority lately that the disease of tuberculosis in our infancy and in certain stages of the early periods of life actually provides us with a physical equipment, or what scientists call an immunisation, against more severe, more disastrous, and more killing attacks at a later period of life. These are some of the newest and most up-to-date suggestions of very eminent scientific men. These are gaming ground, they are moat interesting, I believe myself they are very true. The Spartan mothers hung their children out on the roofs to see whether they were fit to live or not, and in the same way Nature has given a protective something to the little creatures in the forest to help them in self-preservation. I believe that the trend of thought, the trend of experiment, the trend of scientific inquiry, is how far tuberculosis, instead of being the horrible scourge that many people regard it, is in essence part of our equipment to withstand the severity of our climate. These things are too uncertain and experimental. There is one thing certain, there has been a tremendous amount of disappointment, a tremendous amount of sorrow, created by the high notions and wonderful hopes held out by sanatorium treatment. I am convinced that sanatorium treatment is more or less a failure.
There is just one other point. Under the heading of Treatment of Venereal Diseases I notice there is a considerable increase in the Estimates for next year. I see a little paragraph: viâ the Ministry of Health to pay £10,000 for a dissemination of information over which they have not the slightest degree of control. It is simply handed them in bulk, and they are left to deal with it as they please, and I think some explanation is required about that. Finally, I appeal to the Minister of Health not to cut down the medical staff. He can do with a good many more medical officers and invest the money in their salaries to the good of the State. I want to know the difference between women and men in the way of pay, and I encourage expenditure on child welfare. I deprecate expenditure unduly on tuberculosis, and I want to know about the grant in regard to venereal disease.
I quite expected, from the criticism that one can see in the Press and that one has heard in other quarters, that this Committee would be very full, and that every one would have been very desirous of making a severe attack upon the Minister without Portfolio, but up to the present I think the right hon. Gentleman can congratulate himself that he has received more verbal bouquets that verbal brickbats. I think it is only right and fair that those of us who have been associated with London public life for a good many years should say a word with regard to the observations that came from the Labour Benches concerning that experiment that was tried by the Fulham Borough Council with regard to a municipal laundry. It is true that it would require an amendment of the present Act to establish a municipal laundry, but I do not think the hon. Member was altogether fair to the present position and to those who have done so much in the past with regard to baths and wash-houses. There is a Baths and Wash-houses Act, and that has been put into operation by a large number of borough councils in London, and on the outskirts of London as well. I deplore the fact very much that there are hundreds of families in London each living in one room; and particularly in the constituency I represented for a number of years on the London County Council. Most borough councils have provided facilities for these people to take their washing to the wash-houses, where they can be supplied with unlimited hot water, soda, soap, and all those things at a very cheap rate, where their washing can be done for them by machinery, and it can be dried much in the same way. All they have to do is to take their washing there, get it done, and take it to their own homes. Granted there is a difficulty in drying it at home, but to give the impression that nothing has been done in the past with regard to the public authorities providing facilities for these people doing their washing efficiently and with the least possible trouble to themselves is very misleading, and I think it is due to those who have done so much in the past in establishing the Baths and Wash-houses Act that that fact should be made known.
I want now to come to the question of the appointment of regional medical referees. A good deal of criticism has been levelled against those officers, and I was very pleased to hear the Minister of Health defend their appointment. I hope he is going to stick to that position, because some of us who have been connected with insurance work in the past know very well the difficulties that arise with regard to referee work and malingering. The Minister dealt with malingering from the point of view of the patient, and although I am not going to defend that—I know there is malingering carried on—it is not the only kind of malingering that takes place. Those of us who have served on insurance committees know that we have had to establish special committees to investigate complaints of doctors not doing their duty, and malingering from their point of view, and I would like to read an extract from a letter that I have received from a secretary of one of the largest approved societies that we have at the present time. This is what he says:
Another point I want to raise is a complaint in regard to the obstacles the Department is placing in the way of certain public authorities around London who are applying for Charters of Incorporation. I do not think anyone knows better than the right hon. Gentleman himself the enormous improvement that has taken place in London public life since the establishment of the London County Council and the present borough councils. Before these bodies came into existence, it will be remembered, there was the old Metropolitan Board of Works, which was superseded by the London County Council, and there were also the old Vestries. The difference in public life and in the public bodies since the abolition of these older bodies, and the establishment of the newer, no one would credit except they knew something of the facts. It has raised the tone of public life enormously in London.
Here we have on the outskirts of London a number of urban district coun- cils, with populations of anything between 150,000 and 200,000. These bodies are called urban district councils. Granted that there is nothing much in a name, yet these authorities are trying hard to obtain Charters of Incorporation. For some reason or another the Minister of Health, or his Department, have thought it necessary to put obstacles in the way of these bodies obtaining what they desire. This, I understand, is because there is to be an inquiry into the whole question of London government. I do not, however, think that that need interfere with this matter at all, because what all these people are working for is a change of name. It does not make the slightest difference with respect to the existence of these bodies or the functions they will be called upon to carry out. On the other hand, in the particular district in which I am interested, a large number of people have subscribed to the necessary expenses to carry through the requirements involved to obtain a Charter of Incorporation. So far, a large number of these people, working men and working women, who could ill afford their subscriptions, have seen their efforts frustrated; all this money seems to have been thrown away, and the whole thing hung up for the reason that the Minister of Health, or his Department, think it is inadvisable to proceed at the present time. That is a very serious thing from this point of view: The difficulty we have had in the past, particularly in regard to the local elections, has been the apathy and indifference of the electors themselves. It is the usual thing not to get more than 20 per cent. of the electors to take an interest in the affairs of the district. Here we have an instance where the people themselves have subscribed to get this Charter, which will cost no-one anything. It is merely a change of name, and the change will raise the whole tone of the public life of Walthamstow. They are being debarred from this privilege. I do suggest that the Minister for Health would do well to let these authorities who desire it have their Charters, seeing that it will make not the slightest difference to anything that may happen in regard to the local government of the Metropolis in the future, but will encourage these people to extend that interest which they are taking in their public affairs. Unless that is done, a great injustice will be inflicted upon these people, and it will discourage them going forward and taking a greater interest in public life. I trust my right hon. Friend will go into this matter and give it his very serious consideration, having regard to the great dissatisfaction that has been caused.
Many of us spent the whole night, or most of it, in discussing key industries. There is no doubt, I think, that whatever we may think about key industries, the Ministry of, Health is the key Ministry, upon which the other Ministries are absolutely dependent. There is no doubt that we waste annually a very large sum of money to educate children quite unfitted to receive that education. That money might be saved by the Ministry of Health and is indeed being saved by the Ministry of Health every year. The same consideration applies to the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force. Here, again, large sums are spent in keeping unfit men up to the mark. The Ministry of Health can provide fit soldiers, sailors, and airmen. Hence we might say that the Ministry of Health is the, key Ministry.
Personally, I regret any attempt unduly to curtail expenditure upon the key Ministry. We are spending a sum of nearly £31,000,000 this year in our Estimates upon the Ministry of Health, an enormous expenditure, but we are spending £210,000,000 upon the armed forces of the Crown. I would rather see large slices of expenditure cut from the armed forces of the Crown and put on to the Ministry of Health, because I feel convinced that expenditure by the Ministry of Health at the present time is more to the advantage of the country than expenditure upon the armed forces of the Crown. There is one matter to which I would wish to refer, and that is something which has occurred this last week in connection with the expenditure upon hospitals. Everyone knows the extraordinary difficulty which hospitals are labouring under in relation to finance. A few days ago a very large friendly society of which I have been a benefit member for over 20 years—I refer to the National Deposit Friendly Society—has decided out of its surplus funds to give one-third, amounting to £127,000, towards the hospital and nursing services which are carried out upon its members. I venture to think that that is a magnifi- cent example on the part of the National Deposit Friendly Society, managed by and for working men. If only that example could be followed by other societies all over the country, I believe that the problem of hospital finance, if not solved, would be very materially benefited.
I urge the Ministry to take any steps it can to bring this fact to the notice of every friendly society in the country, urging them to follow the example of the National Deposit Friendly Society. I am well aware that other societies which decentralise their funds may have a difficulty in making a contribution in the same way as the National Deposit Friendly Society. But there are societies, such as the Hearts of Oak and others, who centralise their funds, and might be very well asked to make a contribution towards the services which their members receive from voluntary hospitals.
Reference has been made to the expenditure upon child welfare and maternity. Here, again, I want to congratulate the Minister upon what has been done and upon what he is doing. I hope that there will be more power to his elbow. It is very difficult to exaggerate the importance of the monies spent upon that particular work. Anyone who has had the privilege of watching—perhaps a mere man is out of place at such functions—the active work of babies' welfare and seen the children brought in as soon as they are born and carefully weighed and watched until they are five years—children who would naturally be unhealthy who are made healthy—and see that being done year after year and encouraged now by the Ministry of Health, as I have myself, consider it as an emphatically encouraging sign of the times. I desire to say this because one or two hon. Members to-night have spoken about inspection and given their objections against it, notably an hon. Member on the Labour Benches. My experience of inspection in connection with this particular work of child welfare and maternity is that it is essentially a human inspection, a helpful inspection, and on no account should it be objected to. So long as the inspection is carried out in the way I have described, it is, I claim, beneficial and ought to be encouraged.
Finally, few hon. Members realise what a power lies with the Minister of Health, from a social point of view. We hear a great deal about the redistribution of wealth, and a very desirable thing it is, but, unfortunately, wealth is limited in quantity, and until it is produced it cannot be distributed. If we heard a little more about the redistribution of health, which is unlimited and can be distributed everywhere, it would be a better thing. The more we spend on this question in matters of health, and the more we can afford better attention to the people in illness, we shall do more to break down those barriers by making more efficient the health services than in any other way. Although I voted against the Estimates on several occasions of other Ministers, I am going to support the Minister of Health to-night.
The right hon. Gentleman referred to the homely illustration of a cuckoo in another bird's nest, and he said that he regarded housing as of the same character as a cuckoo's egg in a hedge-sparrow's nest. The danger of the cuckoo in the hedge-sparrow's nest is that the sparrow does not recognise that it is a cuckoo, and I am not sure whether the predecessor of the right hon. Gentleman realised that it was a cuckoo. The present Minister recognises the danger, and I hope he will see that that cuckoo is not allowed to grow up strong, but will be carefully watched and not allowed to grow out of bounds. Anyone who has any knowledge of the housing conditions of the country must look with considerable misgivings upon the future.
We do not know at the moment what our liabilities are, and I trust the right hon. Gentleman will look forward. He brings to his work something of very great value, and that is very great business and financial acumen. Housing is a financial question, and I hope the Minister of Health will bring to bear the whole of his business ability on this problem and see to it that in six or seven years' time the local authorities are not completely weighed down by the burden of this new housing policy.
There is one thing in connection with that policy which I should like to mention, and it is the curious and disconcerting differences there are in connection with the rents of cottages in agricultural districts. Some of the new cottages are let at 12s. 6d. a week, and others with practically the same accommodation are let at 6s. per week. I regret that difference. I do not know whether the Minister can do much to remedy that, but I merely draw his attention to it. With the greatest pleasure I shall support the Estimates which the right hon. Gentleman has laid before the House.
I take this opportunity to address the Committee for the first time, and I could not devote my efforts to a more important question than the housing question. I quite agree with the hon. Member who has just spoken that the Health Minister is the key Minister of the whole Government, and the future prosperity and wealth and happiness of the nation depends upon the health of the nation. In spite of all the other great questions that we might disagree upon, I think we can all agree that the housing of the nation is the all-important question. The War taught us that lesson in connection with the health and the physique of our population as it was at that time. In great speeches by the Prime Minister and other important people they said that after the War we should go in for a Class 1 population and not a Class 3, and we can only do that by improving the health of the people.
The root of the health question is largely in the housing problem of the people. I congratulate the Minister upon his very able and sympathetic efforts in every direction to improve the health of the people. I am sure I am very grateful to him, and the nation will be, when they read his speech in connection with what he has attempted in regard to infantile mortality and the rest of it. Everyone in the country will support him while he makes these great efforts to improve the health of the people. The housing question is at the root of the whole problem. You can have your infantile mortality remedies and the rest of it, but the great remedy is the housing question, and that to me was the one disappointing feature of the Minister of Health's speech. I may be mistaken. I am the junior Member of the House, and I am sure everybody will excuse me if I am mistaken, but I think on the housing question the right hon. Gentleman is taking a rather backward move compared with his predecessor. Seeing that the housing question is at the root of the health of the country, that is the object which the Minister of Health should put his whole soul into.
We have overcrowding even in the urban districts. In my own district there are many cases in which there are two or three families in a house—from 17 to 21 human beings huddled up in four-roomed houses. You can have all the remedies you like, you can spend all the money you care to spend, tout it is impossible, by medical or any other means, to have a healthy nation under those conditions. You are bound to have tuberculosis; you are bound to have infantile mortality. The Minister of Health can do what he likes in other directions, but until we get this great question solved in a practical way, we shall never have a healthy England. I am sure the Minister of Health will excuse me if I make one or two complaints on the housing question. Firstly, public bodies are grumbling that they cannot get hold of the money. Money is said to be the root of all evil. I wish the Minister of Health had a few more roots, he would be able to move more quickly. Some of these bodies want £10,000 or £20,000 a month to get on with housing schemes, and I hope it will be explained in the Government reply how it is that they cannot get the money. My other complaint, like that of a previous speaker, is that when deputations want to meet the Ministers on these questions, they do not seem to be able to get an appointment with him. Like the hon. Member (Mr. Charles Edwards), I believe you can do more in five minutes by a deputation getting round a table and talking these, matters over than you can do with half a hundredweight of correspondence. I hope the Minister will consider that important point.
My next point is the serious cutting down of these houses. We were to have three classes of houses, but the Minister of Health, to reduce the cost of these houses, is advising that, for parlour houses, non-parlour houses shall be substituted, omitting all dressers, cupboards, etc., reducing the size of rooms, omitting upstairs bathrooms and lavatory basins, and placing baths in sculleries to be fed from the washing copper, thus doing away with all hot water service. I have put this question to the Minister of Health, and he will probably think that he has given me a full answer, but I think it is only a partial one. He says that the modifications in design have been advised where necessary to secure economy. If for the purpose of securing economy we are going to put up as bad a type of house, or even worse, in the future, for these people to live in, as that which they are living in to-day, to my mind it is false economy. Working people have as much right to a parlour as anyone else that I know of. If the worker is not considered worthy of a parlour to which he can retire at night, or which he can use to study in, out of the way of the family for the moment, the Minister of Health and the Government will miss the whole object of reconstructing England and making it a country fit for heroes to live in. If they go on building and cutting down in this way to save money, they will make it a country that it will take a hero all his time to live in. I hope that the Minister of Health will not consider economy before efficiency in the public health of the nation, for upon this efficiency our future prosperity depends.
I should like to join in the congratulations which have been offered to the Minister of Health on the way in which he has put forward these Estimates and the way in which he is tackling the housing question. I have been on the Housing Committee, and I would like to make some little reply to my Labour friends on this question. I know that my point of view is rather different from theirs, but we both desire the same object, although, possibly, our methods may be different. The difficulty of housing is not a recent one. It began with the Finance Act of 1909–10, and the result of that Act was very different from what was intended. It really stopped building by the speculative builder. I know that he is not a popular man, but I think that every trade ought to be able to earn a living, and the building that was done by the speculative builder was for the good of the whole nation. Arrears in the way of building increased very much until the beginning of the War, and of course during the War building practically stopped. I sympathise very deeply both with the former Minister of Health and with the present Minister in having to tackle this very difficult question at a very difficult time. It really is, as the right hon. Gentleman said, a cuckoo's egg that has got into their nest. I do not think that housing ought to be tacked on to a Ministry of Health. That is really a scientific Ministry, and building is a most practical and difficult matter.
When the Bill first came forward I suggested that subsidies should be given to building societies. I am not at all in favour of subsidies in the ordinary way, but I thought it was the cheapest and most practical way of getting over this difficulty. The late Minister was not able to carry it out, and I am very sorry that it was not carried out. I understand, also, from the Surveyors' Institution, that they were advised as long ago as 1916 of this approaching housing difficulty, and that they were then advised that subsidies ought to be given in order to avoid the approaching difficulty. It was not done, because, I understand, the Cabinet at that time were very much against subsidies, and thought that it was not the right and scarcely the honest way of dealing with the difficulty. After the War, however, I think it was the cheapest and best way of dealing with it. My friends upstairs were very anxious that we should have in regard to these questions of housing a great many regulations to prevent any taking of money by wrong processes. I am very much in favour of avoiding any speculation or any advantage that a speculative builder could get through these grants, but it is not an unavoidable difficulty, and there ought not to be too many restrictions. As the Minister is trying to do, we ought to try to get housing back merely to the question of supply and demand. I am thoroughly in favour of providing good houses, but the great difficulty is in making it an economic question. The cost of building is very heavy, and I do not think it is the right thing even to supply heroes with houses to live in at the cost of the ratepayers. [ Interruption. ] I wish to get the best houses for them, but I do not think the right way is to interfere with the profits of the building trade. Before the War we were having about 100,000 cottages built. Regulations and restrictions took away the builders' profits, and it became an unremunerative trade, and that is really what has caused the great difficulty in the housing of the population at present. A short time ago some owners of cottage property in my constituency spoke to me on the matter. They complained that they were not allowed to raise rents, and so they were being put in a very difficult position. I also know the case of a working man who had invested his savings in cottage property, and he is now practically destitute. He is being called upon to pay the rates on the property and can scarcely find the money to do so. It is really taxing one section of the community to provide housing for the rest. The owner of cottage property is being very severely taxed and is feeling the stress of the times. I know perfectly well that the Regulations which were passed during the War were perfectly right. I know people ought not to be turned out of cottages, and I think the right hon. Gentleman is proceeding in the right way in trying to build as many houses as possible. They cannot be built at an economic rent, but the sooner we can get back to supply and demand, allowing the building trade to make their due and fair profit, the better it will be for the nation.
There are two other matters I should like to refer to. I should like to be quite clear whether the 30 regional medical officers are what the right hon. Gentleman referred to as referees.
Yes.
I am glad to hear that. I think they are very useful and necessary for panel practice. It is perfectly right that medical officers and panel doctors should have the advantage of the advice of these referees. I think it is a very economical expenditure. I should like to ask also with reference to special inquiries into diseases. There is an amount of £1,200 allotted to that. If that is all that is allowed for research I would urge very strongly that much more ought to be spent. When the Bill was first brought in, I and certain other medical men advocated that the Research Department ought to be left under the control of the Ministry of Health. I think it was a mistake that it was put under the control of the Privy Council. I daresay the right. hon. Gentleman had certain reasons for it, but we doctors thought it was a mistake. We think it would be to the advantage of the whole nation if a great deal more research is carried on Epidemics could be kept in hand and strangled at the start, and the health of the community would be very greatly improved. I am wholly in sympathy with the views of the hon. Member (Mr. C. Edwards), though possibly our methods of achieving the same object might be slightly different.
9.0 P.M.
I have an Amendment on the Paper to reduce the Vote by £100, but after my right hon. Friend's speech, and his insistence upon the necessity of doing what he can to administer his office economically and at the same time really efficiently from the point of view of the public good, I fee] that it would be very ungracious of me to go to a Division, because I agree with, the hon. Member (Mr. Gillis)—and I congratulate him on his maiden speech; he is a very admirable recruit to our numbers—that the worst possible thing in the world is to economise in the sort of houses you are going to put up. But I feel that we ought to do our utmost to economise in the actual administration of the housing question. I hope I shall not come into conflict with my hon. Friends above the Gangway in what I am going to say. I am just as keen as they are upon the Ministry of Health, and I very much want to see my right hon. Friend make a great success of the office he has now undertaken. I want to deal with one question only, and that is the question of salaries. It seems to me that we are presented with a very serious Estimate indeed. We are face to face with a very large increase of salaries of highly-paid people at what seems to me a most unsuitable time to increase already very substantial salaries. My right hon. Friend said it was not the slightest good comparing the Department to-day with the Department when it was called the Local Government Board and had many fewer duties. I agree with him. It would be ridiculous to compare the two Departments, and I am not going to do so, but I want to point out that there has been a very large increase since last year in the salaries of his Department, and after having read the papers from the Department very carefully, I do say that there is no justification for the increases which have taken place. We find that the salaries have increased by over £500,000 over last year. The staff has increased by 27; but the serious thing to consider is that apparently the increase in numbers has taken place among the more highly-paid officers, and it is their salaries which have been more increased than in any other case.
The salary of the First Secretary has been increased from £2,000 last year to £3,000 this year. The salary of the Second Secretary has gone up from £1,700 to £2,200. In each case I am not taking into account war bonus. If we take the administrative staff we find that it has increased by three, but the salaries of the staff have gone up by over £4,000, plus bonus. In the Insurance Department the number of health insurance officers has been largely reduced, but the number of inspectors has been just as heavily increased, and the Committee will find that low-salaried officers have been replaced by high-salaried officers. Therefore you get increases under this heading of £11,000 this year quite apart from the bonus. In the Insurance Department in spite of the fact that there are two members of the staff less, we have to pay £20,000 more this year apart from the bonus. Ninety-five of these gentlemen have gone through the process of what is called assimilation. Under the heading of salaries these gentlemen rise according to a certain grade by sometimes £10, sometimes £20, and sometimes £50 a year; but the Committee will find that the scale increases this year have been disregarded. There is one more assistant secretary, and the salaries of the assistant secretaries have gone up by £2,500. According to the scale increases the figure should be £1,450, but instead it is £2,590. That is to say, that according to the scale increases these gentlemen are getting £1,442 more than they ought to get.
What really is at the bottom of all this? The reason is that the whole of the Civil Service, this Department included, has recently been what is called assimilated. The whole of the members of this Department have not only been getting their war bonus, which probably is amply justified, owing to the increase in the cost of living, but over and above that they are getting what is called assimilation pay That is a very serious question at the present time. We are asking the miners to take less pay owing, on the one hand, I suppose, to a feeling that the cost of living is gradually coming down, and owing very largely to the fact that you have to turn out coal at a certain price if you want to sell it in the markets of the world. You are practically asking every section of the population to be poorer after the War. Why in that case should you select one section of the community which is not to suffer in their income on account of the War? I do not think that is at all fair. I have the greatest admiration for the Civil Service, they are a splendid body of men, but they have pensions and security of tenure. A great many of them, on account of their duties, did not go abroad during the War, so that you may say they are a very privileged class. Taking that into consideration, they ought, like every section of the community, to bear their share of the cost of the War, so far as their income is concerned.
This assimilation pay is a very important matter. The cost of living is going down, and the war bonus will go down with the cost of living, but owing to the assimilation pay which has been given to the civil servants during the last few weeks they will not suffer at all in their pay owing to the decrease in the cost of living. Although I am not going to a Division on the subject, I do think that the Minister ought to take this into consideration. It is not fair to the rest of the community. It is very liable to cause bad blood. I go to my constituency very often, and I am met by the questions: "Why is it that while wages are being reduced throughout the community and are likely to be further reduced the salaries of the civil servants are put up?" I hope the Government will give this matter serious consideration. A question of this kind creates a good deal of discontent. It is extravagant in the position of our present national finances, and it is unfair to the other workers who have to earn their bread in the same way as civil servants.
Since I have been in the Committee this afternoon, I have received the following telegram from the secretary of the Joint Committee of Approved Societies, with a membership comprising something over 6,000,000: That telegram is signed by Rockliffe, whom I know personally, and who is secretary of the Joint Committee of Approved Societies. I am a member of a very large friendly society, and have been secretary of it ever since its inception, nearly 32 years ago. That society, in contradistinction to many societies, consists almost entirely of agriculturists who number, men and women, something like 20,000. The thing to which this telegram particularly calls attention is the improvement that has been set afoot by the Ministry of Health, in a small, tentative manner, and I want to point out that, while we as an approved society heartily approve of the referee doctors, we do complain that the referee doctors are planted in very large centres of population, and we who live in country districts have not an opportunity, in any shape or form, of receiving the benefit of their advice, which very often is extremely valuable. There is no chance of asking a member of whom we may have a suspicion to go before an independent man.
I do not think that 1 per cent. of our members who go on our sick list malinger, but every now and then we do hear that there is a certain amount of malingering in friendly societies by people who will not do any work as long as they can get their fellows to keep them. As far as the agricultural district in which I am interested is concerned, there is not one in a thousand who would malinger, but many of our young fellows, when they grow up to manhood, tired of the low wages and long hours, and thirsting for some of the amenities, as they think, of cinema shows and things of that sort, leave our country districts and go into our large towns. Their morals get corrupted. I do not mean their ordinary morals, but their morals so far as benefit and friendly societies are concerned. The doctors in these large towns are not so attentive to the panel patient as in the country districts, and for several reasons. They have got far too many to look after properly, and I am glad that the numbers are being reduced. Then they have not got public opinion brought to bear on them closely. These men who go into large towns do not know their fellow-members, and both doctors and members get very slack.
I may give three cases which I have in mind. One of our members went to live in a large town outside our district. We had repeated sick certificates, certifying apparently week by week that this man was suffering from a certain complaint and could not go to work. Now he went to work every day of the whole four weeks for which he claimed benefit. I wrote to the doctor and asked: When societies are penalised like that we should have some cheap and rapid means by which, when we have got the slightest suspicion, we could refer anything like that to a referee doctor. If you were to have referee doctors all over the country you must incur vast expense, but you can do that without costing the country anything. You could have a peripatetic doctor going through country districts, giving part of his time only. He could come to a particular district once in three weeks. That would be quite enough. It would be known that on a certain day, at a certain hour, he would be at a certain town or village, and he could there see, if necessary, the members of approved societies and also private members of societies like the Hearts of Oak, the Foresters, and so on, who could get the advantage of his advice. If the Ministry of Health could send such a doctor once in three weeks to the district which my society covers we are prepared to pay £200 straight away for his services, and we should be repaid fifty-fold for doing so, because we find very often that the local doctor, good fellow as he is, never seeks to put a man off unless he asks to go off, and if you say to that doctor, "Why did you not put So-and-so off?" he will say, "Well, I have attended him and his family all their lives. If I put him off before he wants to go off I shall lose his custom and the custom of his wife and family and their relations to the fourth generation."
That is putting the doctor in an impossible position. He ought to be able to do his duty uninfluenced by any fear of that sort. It does seem to me that if there were a doctor travelling through the country districts in such a way, and he was paid a fee of 10s. 6d., say, for each case, or given an annual fee, I am certain that the Ministry of Health would get a very much improved service and that the friendly societies themselves, whether on the approved side or the paying side, would be able to pay the whole of the expense and there would be a saving to the State in the amount of sick pay, because a lot of this sick pay is preventable in this way. You get a man suffering from some obscure disease, and the doctor hardly knows what is the matter with him. Quite recently I have had a case in which the doctor has certified for seven different diseases in seven weeks. I corresponded with the doctor, and he said, "It is hard to say what was the matter with this particular patient." You can hardly expect a general practitioner to know all that there is to know about diseases. As a rule the general practitioner who is a panel doctor in country districts does give of his best. If you had another doctor who really did know a little more than the general practioner, then this particular patient, who had been under his doctor for seven weeks and had seven different ailments marked on his certificate, would be able to consult him. His local doctor could say to him, "Well, I do not know whether there is anything the matter with you or not. The best thing you can do is to go to the medical referee, when he comes along in two or three weeks' time." I guarantee the referee would find out what was the matter with the man very quickly, and get him off the sick list, and there would be a great saving in that way.
I want to add a word in conclusion regard to what has been so well said by the hon. Member for Wood Green (Mr. G. Locker-Lampson). I am an economist, and I protest most vehemently against some of the better class men in the Civil Service being paid the salaries which they receive. Mine is an agricultural district, and in the very first speech I made in this House I gave the wages of an agricultural labourer and the statement which his wife made to me as to the way in which they had to live. I believe that that made a certain impression on the House at the time. If a man has been in business during the last two years he has had a pretty rough time, whatever that business may have been. He has had his ups and downs, and practically he has not known from week to week what his income was going to be, whether he could keep his shop or his manufactory or his mill open. If he has been a grocer or so on, then, in many districts, he has not even known how his custom was coming in and if he could afford to give credit. If a man gets into the Civil Service who has ever known him to be discharged. I have never known a man in the Civil Service to be discharged. Once there he seems to have a freehold of his position, be he good, bad or indifferent, and it is astonishing that every one seems to be good enough and no one seems to be bad. He is exempt from the ups and downs of ordinary business risks, he gets his salary never mind what the weather is like. If he were a builder he might be unable to do his work owing to frost for six weeks or two months, and if he were in any other trade or profession the same thing might happen. In the Civil Service, however, his salary goes on, and at the end he has a pension, towards which he has not to provide.
These benefits being such as they are, I object to a privileged class like that being paid higher salaries than men in corresponding positions receive, who have to get their own living and pay for their own pensions. This is becoming almost a crying scandal. That is rather a strong remark to make, but every class in the community, either artisans or those who work with their hands, have to put up with a reduction in wages. It is not only a question of the miners, every other class of the community who work with their hands have to suffer a reduction. Professional men are ceasing to go to them, and the doctor or the lawyer is very shy of going to them now because they cannot afford to pay, and so their fees would suffer. I object very much to so much pay and allowance being given to a privileged class the members of which in private life would never receive so much because they would have to stand on their own merits, and to-day many of them have no merits. I referred just now to the case of the local doctor who did not wish to push out their patients. Who ever knew a man to leave the Civil Service unless he were pushed out? And he is never pushed out; he must go of his own accord.
One thing more with regard to doctors. The Minister of Health is the head of the National Insurance Commission. I will put a question to him. It has always puzzled me, perhaps he can answer it. A man may meet with an accident or fall ill on any day of the week. Why is it that he always gets well on Monday morning? He never gets well on any other day, or clears off his club at any other time save a Monday morning. If someone will say what is the particular reason, whether the air is better, or if he has been fed better, I shall be glad. Personally, I cannot understand it, but perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will answer my question.
I appreciated very much the speech of the Minister of Health, and I sincerely hope he will live up to the pledges he gave. I know he will endeavour to do so, but I am not quite certain whether he will be permitted to do it. I wish to draw his attention to a matter, which I do not think has been mentioned before to-night. In many parts of the country, and particularly in the industrial centres, there are a large number of women and children who are practically starving. Boards of guardians are finding it almost impossible to continue the relief which they have been paying to these people. I have letters from several places in the country, and there is one here from South Wales, where the workers in the iron and steel and tin plate industries were out before the miners came out. Many of the families are practically in a state of starvation. The guardians have overdrawn their accounts at the banks, and do not know where to look for money to relieve the distress in their districts. They now propose considerably to reduce the amount of relief they have been giving to these people. I sincerely hope that in the abnormal circumstances the Minister of Health will find a way of financing these boards of guardians who are short of money at the present time. It is not the fault of these women and children that their husbands or fathers are out of work. That being so, we ought to recognise that if we wish to keep these people in a state of physical efficiency we must provide the wherewithal for them to obtain the necessities of life.
I am going to touch on a matter which is to some extent the same as that referred to by the hon. Member for Wood Green (Mr. G. Locker-Lampson), but I will not enlarge on what he said of the staff. I want to refer to the staff of the Ministry of Health in one or two of its sections. I find the right hon. Gentleman has got 105 architects and surveyors in one section of his Ministry, and a total staff in that section of 538. I am going to make a suggestion to which I believe the right hon. Gentleman would have agreed three months ago, but which he probably will not accept now. I would suggest that the housing question would be far better dealt with if it were referred to the Office of Works in the first instance to deal with. I say that because, at the Office of Works, they have a staff of competent technical and practical men, whilst at the Ministry of Health they have had to build up that kind of staff. I feel certain that as the right hon. Gentleman goes into the details of his new Department, he will find there is overlapping between his staff in the Housing Section and that of the Office of Works. Twelve months ago or more I was informed that inspectors from the two Departments visiting housing schemes at the same time, and reporting on the same thing, but not being satisfied with the same salary. The right hon. Gentleman might, with advantage to the community, make some inquiries with regard to this overlapping. The cost of the housing staff at the Ministry of Health is nearly £206,000. I am not certain whether or not we are getting full value for our money in connection with the staff in the Material Department and the Housing Section of the Ministry of Health. I am very doubtful about it. I think he might inquire into the matter with advantage. In connection with the Building Materials Department he has a staff of 290, and the salaries reach a total of £66,430. I am certain that for the number of houses there is not the necessity for such a staff. If the housing question was being dealt with by a building firm it would have nothing like that staff. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will go into the whole question with the object of reducing the staff. I say that, speaking as a practical man with some knowledge of the technical details of the building trade. In addition to the staff mentioned, there is the staff of the Office of Works, and where a local authority has a building scheme in progress it has its own technical staff, its architects, its clerk of the works, and what not. Therefore, there are really three staffs.
I wish to refer briefly to the attitude taken up by the Ministry in connection with the tenders sent to the Heywood Corporation for the building of houses. The lowest tender was that sent in by the Building Guild. It has been proved that the direct employment of labour by a local authority is cheaper than the letting of the work to a contractor, and it has been proved also that the work done by the guild is cheaper than the work done directly by the local authorities. If it is found that houses can be erected more cheaply and better by the guild than by direct labour or by contractors, every encouragement should be given by the Minister to guilds. It is easy to account for the work done by the guilds being done more quickly and better. The men employed by the guilds have full confidence in the foreman and the manager. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to refer to what I said in December, 1919, to his predecessor. I suggested to the then Minister of Health that when the workmen on these building schemes found that their employers were making a good thing out of the erection of cottages with the aid of the subsidy, they would consider that they were entitled to some part of it. The men employed by the guild know that any better work done by them, or work done more quickly, is to the advantage of the community, and not in the interests of the employer. In connection with the letting of contracts, all things being equal, preference should be given to the guilds. As to the Heywood tender, I put a question to the late Minister of Health. I asked him whether he had received a resolution from the Heywood Housing Committee protesting against the decision of the Housing Commissioner not to accept the tender of the guild for the erection of houses, and by such refusal compelling the Committee to accept higher tenders.
Would the hon. Gentleman tell me whether that was a binding tender or an estimate?
If you give an estimate for a job, and the estimate is accepted, it becomes a contract. The answer given by the late Minister of Health to my question was:
"I have felt it necessary to limit the number of guild contracts until further experience is gained of the results of building by this method; but, in the particular case mentioned by the hon. Member, no tenders have in fact been accepted from any builders, and I can assure him that none will be approved unless the price is strictly reasonable."
I want to quote a statement on the subject made by the Mayor of Heywood to his Housing Committee. He said:
"The official who drafted that reply and made Sir Alfred Mond the mouthpiece knew perfectly well that the closing part of the answer, which states that the tender of the guild in this particular case was so high that it would not have been approved in any event, is the first time that such a point has ever been raised either by the Ministry or the Housing Commissioner with the Housing Committee, and it is now put forward merely to get the Ministry out of a position which they otherwise cannot justify. The fact is, and it cannot be controverted, that in the first place the guild tender was £26,000 below that of the Heywood Master Builders and £16,000 less than that of the other contractor, and assuming that it was too high the same procedure could have been adopted by the Housing Commissioner to go into the figures for the purpose of a reduction, just as he does with all tenders submitted by master builders."
By refusing to consider a tender of that kind the Ministry of Health is not encouraging the building of houses.
We are not quite clear on this point. The hon. Member spoke of estimates of the guilds and then of tenders. A tender is essentially a contract. Are these estimates contracts?
If the hon. Gentleman will read "The Builder" or "The Building News" he will find that firms are asked to give an estimate or a tender for certain work.
An estimate or tender—which?
If you send in a tender, you must estimate the cost of that for which you are tendering. I thought the hon. Gentleman had some business acumen.
A tender is essentially a contract under which a person undertakes to do certain work for a certain sum of money. An estimate is not a contract.
A firm sends in an estimate for, say, £10,000. The firm has to estimate before the tender can go in.
Do these estimates of the guilds constitute undertakings on behalf of responsible people that they will do certain work for a certain sum of money, or do they not?
If the estimate is accepted the contract is signed and becomes binding. In connection with the building guilds they have given security in some instances, and if the Ministry of Health had approved of the tenders for the building of the houses at Heywood the contract would have been signed by the Housing Committee of Heywood and by the building guild. There is no information given to people who are anxious to erect cottages.
I do not want to interrupt the hon. Member, but has he ever seen a tender or estimate for building such as he is speaking of?
My information is that the Ministry of Health has approved or confirmed tenders or estimates from some of the building guilds. I am assuming that the tender is a bonâ fide one and that the assurances given for the carrying out of the work are sufficient. If the right hon. Gentleman will submit some of these tenders to me, I may be of assistance to him, because I am in close touch with some of the guilds and I know that the trade unions to which the members belong are backing them up and will see to it that the contracts are carried out. With regard to building by direct labour, we find an interesting example in the case of Camberwell, which the right hon. Gentleman knows something about, because the scheme there was carried out by the Office of Works, or, at least, they gave considerable assistance to the local authority. I quote the following from an official report in regard to it:
"There can be no question that by execution of this work by direct administration with sympathetic help from labour, the progress is excellent, and the scheme will be economical and rapid in execution. The standard of building is very good throughout, but it must always be recognised that direct labour work requires the closest knowledge or organisation and the most careful supervision and control. This is now recognised by labour in the borough, and in no case is that supervision or control resented by them."
That shows they are prepared to accept the closest supervision and control from those interested in these housing schemes. Rightly or wrongly, some people who have planned the construction of houses think they are being discriminated against by the Department. I had the opportunity of examining a method of construction which I am told has stood the test of 25 years. The builder who has this method offered it to the Department or asked them to sanction houses built under it, but, up to now I am not aware that this sanction has been given. On the other hand I understand that certain houses at Kingsbury have been sanctioned and a subsidy paid in connection with them and that the construction of them is a disgrace to the trade. The district council refused to pass the building and eventually the Ministry of Health made an appeal to the council to pass the houses. I have a communication in regard to this matter which states:
"The Kingsbury Council would not pass the plans or have anything to do with the houses, and now the Ministry have written to the Council and asked them to pass the houses as fit for habitation so that they can pay over the subsidy to Mr. X, and the Council refused unless the Ministry gave them a letter of indemnification against anything which might happen; this the Ministry has done."
That council was fully aware of what was going on in connection with the erection of those houses, and they refused to pass them. This does not apply to these houses alone, but to other houses. I have here a piece of the stuff that is put into some of these houses now being built. It is of the thickness of three sheets of brown paper. Some of these houses have outer walls which are about four inches from outside to inside, and between the inside and outside boarding there are sheets of this material, just about the same as one sheet of stiff brown paper, and that is supposed to make the walls weatherproof. Houses like this will, within 10 years, become slum property, and in connection with the erection of houses for the working classes, or any other classes, we ought to have the best work and the best material. If the right hon. Gentleman wishes to make a reputation for himself as the Minister of Health, and reduce the cost of building, he ought to appeal to the Government to take steps to break down the rings and trusts which control building material.
The hon. Member who has just spoken has undoubtedly spoken with two voices. He had a long and somewhat complicated argument on the subject of tenders and estimates, and then he was certainly speaking with the voice of the ordinary Labour party leader. But in the beginning of his speech he made a most interesting and instructive statement. If he looks at it to-morrow I am certain he will realise that there is yet hope even for the Labour party. He suddenly sloughed off the skin of the Labour Member and spoke—as he undoubtedly can speak—as a practical man, and he told us as a practical man that he believed in building houses by private firms rather than by the State.
No, no.
I will not dispute it with him, but I think the hon. Member will find that he gave a very strong certificate to private building enterprise.
What I said was that experience proved that the houses were erected quicker and better by direct labour, and also that they were built better and quicker by giving the work to building guilds.
I quite agree that he said that about the building guilds. I do not wish to contradict him, but I think that he will find in a previous part of his speech he gave, as I say, a very direct certificate of merit to the private individual builder, or to the private company, if you like, in preference to the State. I will leave that as it is and take his word for it, but I shall look it up to-morrow. I would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman who is in charge of this Estimate one or two questions. He told us in his first speech to-day that the net annual loss, I think, per house was somewhere in the neighbourhood of £60, and that there would be a total loss of possibly approaching £18,000,000 on the houses which are now being constructed. The point on which I would like to get a clear answer is, How long is this total loss going on? Is it going to be for the seven years under the Act? Is there any prospect that when those seven years are ended, this sum will be largely increased? As I understand it, at the end of that time the local authorities will hand in their estimates, and the Government will bear the loss beyond the penny rate. The point I would like him to make quite clear—I do not think the country quite realises it—is whether there is going to be at the end a vastly increased sum beyond the annual loss? That is certainly important.
Then I would like to join in the view that there is no good in putting up houses unless they are the very best that can be constructed at the present time. I do not mean by the "very best," extravagantly constructed, but constructed with a view to lasting. Although it may be rather more expensive to build a house to last for a long time, at the same time, if you are going to sink your capital in it, you should erect buildings which are permanent and really good habitations. I think that is a principle which ought to be laid down, and I simply emphasise it because there is a tendency at the present time to reduce prices in the cost of building. The right hon. Gentleman gave very considerable reductions in the cost of building, and I would like to get his assurance that these reductions are the natural reductions following the drop in prices.
There is another point with regard to these Estimates. I am not at the moment quarrelling with the enormously increased expenditure on wages for the staff, that follows the Treasury ruling, which is very difficult to get over, although I do think it comes at a very unfortunate time, that there should be one section of the community, even if it is Members of Parliament, whose salaries are going up when the general tendency is to go lower. But I would like to draw the right hon. Gentleman's attention to the figure at the bottom of page 14, where not only are the salaries going up, but the number of officials in his Department is going up.
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It is small, it is true, but still it is rising at a time when we are faced with an increasing depression in trade, and although it is essential to spend money where you can do it wisely, and be certain of increasing the health of the people as a whole, yet you are faced at the present time with the fact that every additional burden you place on the taxpayers is casting more people out of work and taking more people away from a state of reasonable prosperity. I say that, unless the Minister can next year reduce, not only the cost of the staff, but also reduce very severely the numbers of his staff, he will certainly be doing more to injure, by the additional burdens on the people, the health of the people than by all he may do in other directions.
We all welcomed the ring in the latter part of the speech of the Minister of Health in respect of the inclination he displayed in the direction of progressive health legislation and administration. There were those of us who probably would come within the category of being somewhat unsympathetic towards the new administration, because we felt that we had detected some measure of reservation and hesitation in that form of work, but, having regard to the announcement of the right hon. Gentleman made in the latter part of his speech, we shall at least have to revise our estimate in that direction. He intimated to the Committee that an economy of expenditure was likely to be effected to the extent of something like £3,000,000, and I am wondering whether this £3,000,000 would really be saved if the public health service that is required was secured to the country, and those of us who are somewhat familiar with some of the attempts that are being made to effect some measure of economy in this direction are doubtful as to whether it is really sound policy. He gave us his impression as to what should be done in the direction of maternity and infant welfare administration, tuberculosis and venereal disease. Now one of the triumphs of public administration in this country during the last six years is the reduction of infantile mortality to 80 per 1,000. There are authorities in the country that have been somewhat backward in setting up the necessary department to deal with this work. I have a circular here sent out from the Ministry of Health, of February, 1921, indicating to local authorities what they must do in the direction of slackening their activity. Under the head of "Maternity and Infant Welfare" we read: sions in respect of the work his Department was attempting to do, and we on this side of the House gave him all the backing we could. We are only asking now that in his new office he should continue the good work that he embarked upon in his old Department. It is somewhat astounding to hear him say he has no reliable data to go upon in order to estimate the housing requirements of the country, and that the 300,000 houses which were spoken of as being needed were likely to be reduced to some extent. We at least could get no other impression from his observations. I want to offer to the Minister of Health a really good test in this direction. The standard of overcrowding which was submitted by the officers of the old local Government Board was when houses were occupied by more than two persons per room. Whatever conditions prevailed at the time the last census was taken in 1911, I think everybody is agreed the conditions are infinitely worse now owing to the increase in the population and the lack of the necessary houses being erected to meet that increase. According to the last Census returns, 9 per cent. of the entire population of England and Wales were living more than two persons per room, and 17·7 per cent. of the population of London. I do not desire to inflict upon the House the necessary details connected with this matter, but an examination of the facts would disclose to the Ministry of Health where the severity of this housing problem prevails. Seventeen per cent. of the population of St. Helens were overcrowded, as against 3 per cent. in Southport. If we take the whole of the county of Durham, 28 per cent. of the population were overcrowded, as against 3 per cent. in Sussex. The towns of Sunderland, South Shields, Gateshead, and Newcastle were overcrowded to the extent of 32 per cent., 33 per cent., and 31 per cent. respectively, and against that in the borough of Derby only 1 per cent. of the population was in an overcrowded condition. I repeat that, whatever those conditions were at that time, they are infinitely worse now, and with overcrowding to the extent that these figures disclose we need not hesitate and wonder as to whether our commitments on housing are adequate or not.
We gathered from the Minister of Health that the local authorities of the country were revising their estimates upon this matter, and that there was a slump taking place in our housing demands. There is a definite answer to that. The local authorities are realising the tremendous cost of materials and the inflated cost of the houses that are necessary. I have expressed this view to this House before, and I repeat it, that the local authorities of the country have not had the protection from the Government they were entitled to receive. The Profiteering Committee have issued quite a number of reports, and they have indicated, both to the House and to the country, the prices of building materials and the profiteering that has gone on in that connection. We read that from 1914 to the end of 1920 the price of sand increased 235 per cent., the price of lime 335 per cent., of slates 200 per cent., of tiles 170 per cent., of rainwater guttering 400 per cent., of turpentine (which is included in the making of paint) 494 per cent., and plaster and lathes 466 per cent. The local authorities have not had the protection from the monopolists in building materials they might have had, otherwise the cost of housing could have been very much reduced. If there is any doubt at all about the necessity for a forward movement in this matter of housing, I hope the suggestion of the Minister of Health will be carried out that he intends to have a review of the housing needs of the country. I hope that investigation will be thorough. I hope that it will start within a quarter of a mile of this House, and that it will go throughout the country and be well done, and when the investigation has been completed we might have some measure of self-satisfaction at the work we have accomplished during this last year or two, but we are infinitely more likely to be appalled at the magnitude of the problem with which the country even at the present time is confronted. If that forward policy is necessary we have got to utilise all agencies that are available to assist us, and I quite agree with the hon. Member for West Houghton (Mr. Tyson Wilson) that the employment of direct labour upon housing schemes of the country and the employment of the building guild have both left private enterprise building standing still. If you make any comparison between the three, private enterprise building is simply not in the running at all. We are entitled to ask at this point, why has the brake been applied in schemes of the building guild? We well remember the present Minister of Health, when he was at the head of the Office of Works, being challenged in this House by a certain interest. He proved beyond question the success of the work his Department was performing. It was the very success of his Department that brought upon it the condemnation of Members of this House, and in my judgment, it is the success of the building guild that has brought upon them the hostility of the Ministry of Health, and I would suggest behind the Ministry of Health the demands of those interests whose calling was threatened. I have here, and I am going to take the liberty of reading a few lines to the House, an official publication of the building guild. It is printed and posted up on every housing scheme which is being carried out by the guild. I will hand it to any hon. Member who cares to read it after I have made the quotation:
There are two more matters I would like to refer to, and one is the question of voluntary hospitals. Before the right hon. Gentleman has another opportunity to bring forward his Estimates, he might find a very serious situation arising in this matter. We are now being made familiar with the fact that the voluntary hospitals are taking in middle-class paying patients, and we have got to consider the extent to which our voluntary hospitals are sustained by the voluntary contributions of our industrial population. The more paying patients these voluntary hospitals take in, the more they are inclined to narrow down the accommodation that the working-class population have in the past been in the habit of receiving, and as soon as that accommodation is found to be restricted, contributions will fall off, and the evil will be much worse than before any paying patient was taken in, and rather than relieve the financial pressure on the voluntary hospitals, it will intensify the difficulty all along the line. There is another, and a very unpleasant factor in the arrangement, namely, that if paying patients are taken into our voluntary hospitals and our working-class population are in any measure kept outside, they are going to force the working-class population against their will into the Poor Law institutions. If there is one thing in the country that the working-class population desire to avoid, even though it brings certain advantages, it is the stigma of the Poor Law institution, and the adjustment of this matter as between voluntary hospitals, paying patients, and the beds in Poor Law institutions, is crying aloud for the immediate attention of the Ministry.
In regard to the question of the milk supply, some of the most important provisions of the Milk and Dairies Act, 1915, have not been put into operation. The whole of last year we were promised a new Milk and Dairies Bill, and it was on the Order Paper for a considerable time. We understand now from the Minister of Health that this new Bill has been abandoned, and that we cannot expect any new legislation on the question of the milk supply. The people are at present paying a good deal more for their milk than they ought to be called upon to pay, and they are not getting a good quality. The mechanical separators which are being used by farmers take the cream off the milk, and they send into our towns a milk which has all its feeding properties extracted from it. If we are going to preserve the child life of the nation and back up our activities in the child welfare department, this problem of the milk supply has got to be tackled, and I pass it on to the Minister that he should turn his attention in this direction.
All these problems of public health administration, ameliorative in their character, are desirable, but we have got to keep in mind the fact that the bedrock problem of the question is the housing problem. In the ameliorative measures that we apply we have always kept our eye upon the social and industrial conditions under which the people work and live, and we must do so if we are going to make progress in this matter of public health administration.
I have been very much interested in listening to the hon. Member for the Spen Valley, particularly as to the bill that he produced, and that is posted up in connection with the contract of the Guild of Labour. I am one of those who think that we want houses from every source from which we can get them; therefore I have no objection to the Guild provided they carry out their work efficiently and receive no favours. We have been given to understand that not sufficient work has been done to give us an idea of what actually is being done, or whether it is being done cheaply or costly. I want, however, to deal with this point, in connection with the Guild, that they are under a special contract, and that in that special contract there are provisions which would never be allowed to any private firm. I put a question to the Minister to know if any builder or any contractor would be allowed the same contract as the Building Guilds are working, under, and the answer was: "No, it is a special contract designed to meet very special difficulties."
What is one of the difficulties of the guild? This is one of the things that wants looking into very seriously. They have to have guarantors or guarantees for their building material, and there is the large co-operative societies who are backing these guilds and who have entered into a contract to. What do they get for it? Ten per cent. on the cost of the material for the special contract. In the old days there used to be speculative builders, and such a one, when first starting, used to follow the practice of being guaranteed certain of his materials. The people who guaranteed that speculative builder used to take 2½ per cent. or 3 per cent. from him, against this 10 per cent. The guilds are working under special conditions. They have not got to produce houses better than anybody, but as cheaply and as good. I am one of those people who say, "More power to their elbow; let them all come, because we want houses as cheaply as we can possibly get them." The sentiments in the Bill quoted by the hon. Member are of the best. Nobody would object to them at all. But supposing a private builder put them up at his works, what trouble would there be! He would have a strike immediately. The men would think he was insulting them. That is what you have to face. Therefore I do not think it is of the slightest use dealing with that at the present time.
The Member for Westhoughton has got into a little difficulty between an estimate, a tender, and a contract. An estimate is made by the contractor before he sends in his tender. His tender is the basis of everything, and the contract is based upon the tender.
I would now like to come to one or two practical points which arise out of the Debate. I heard the right hon. Gentleman's speech introducing these Estimates. I am delighted to think that we have got in the position of Minister of Health a business man, because it is a business man's job to carry on housing, and not an idealist. Housing has got into a very difficult position, because the rents you are demanding for the houses you are building are more than the people can pay. It has been stated here several times that certain councils are building houses for which they are demanding a net rent of 25s. a week. Rates to the extent of 7s. have to go on the top of that. But that is not all. After you have obtained the 32s. a week the community, that is, the ratepayers and the taxpayers, have to find between £70 and £90 per house. Can that go on? It cannot go on, because you are hanging something round your neck that is going to hurt the working classes of the country, and the time has come when we have to call a halt.
Many of these houses are being erected, and although them are a large number of applicants, immediately they know the rent and the rates they say that they cannot afford to pay that amount. Why have we got to this impasse ? I heard the hon. Member for Spen Valley (Mr. Myers) say that the Guilds have left private enterprise all behind, but have they? Private enterprise provided 95 per cent. of the houses before the War, and it will supply them again if you give them a fair chance, and have only fair competition and not the unfair competition of the subsidised local authorities. You have now practically given the local authorities a blank cheque. That is a matter which the Minister of Health will have to look into very closely. He will have to say to these local authorities, "I am prepared to allow you a subsidy of £400, £500, or £600 on your houses, but you must deal with them entirely your selves." It is certain you will have to limit the amount you are spending on these houses, and I cannot see how you can do it better than by giving a subsidy to local authorities and saying to them that that is the extent to which you are going. There has been a great deal of talk during the last few months about the cost of building having gone down. I am glad to see that it is going down. Why is it going down? Because labour has, to a large extent, seen the error of its ways, and is producing more for its wages. Why should they not do a little more when the result would be entirely to the advantage of the country and entirely to the advantage of themselves? Therefore I am glad to see that production has been increased; but there is room for a very much larger increase, particularly in the case of bricklayers and plain plasterers. In those two trades there is a great shortage of men, and because those two trades are hung up many others are out of work.
There are one or two points to which I want to call attention with regard to the figures of the Estimate. I see, on page 13, "Housing Department," and on page 14,"Housing Department— continued. " Then I come to the "Department of Building Materials Supply." While we have been discussing this matter I have been adding up these figures, and I find that if you take the figure for the Housing Department down to the first item on page 14, and add to it the figure for the Department of Building Materials Supply—which is an excrescence upon the cost of building, costing at the present time £66,000 for salaries alone, with an addition of 36 per cent. for bonus, and it ought to be done away with—all these items together come to £272,500, to which 36 per cent., or something like £98,000, has to be added for bonus, making £370,500. As the hon. Member (Mr. T. Wilson) has pointed out, these are largely overlapping departments. Every municipality that is doing any building has its architect or surveyor, and its building department—not necessarily a building department working by direct labour, but consisting of people for overlooking and a staff in the office. Therefore this amount of £370,500 is largely unnecessary—unnecessary to the tune of three-fourths of it.
There is another item which seems to me to be unfairly put in the Estimate, namely, F.2, Subsidy to Private Builders. We find that it shows a decrease of £4,000,000. Ten million pounds was provided in last year's Estimate, and £6,000,000 for this year, and it is claimed that this is a saving. But of course we know very well that nothing like this amount was paid up to March of this year to private builders, and it really is almost in the nature of a re-vote. Then there is the next item, "Purchase of Housing Materials (re-vote), £4,000,000." There a saving of £3,000,000 is claimed; but that figure of £7,000,000, in my opinion, is only misleading people who look at these Estimates. It is not a saving at all. It may be a saving on the approximate Estimate that was made, but they have just as much right to put in the £15,000,000 voted for the whole scheme of subsidy to private builders, as £7,000,000. That is one way in which we are misled.
I want to impress upon hon. Gentlemen who sit on the Labour Benches that many of us are as anxious as they are to obtain houses fit to live in. If these places are put up with bits of paper, as the hon. Member (Mr. T. Wilson) mentioned, I am sure the Minister of Health will look into it. But the Minister of Health has had this trouble. He has been trying to find new methods of building—cheaper methods; and, above all, he has been trying to find methods in which he could do away with the bricklayer. What is happening all over the country with regard to the bricklayer? The bricklayer has not been doing his fair share and has not produced the work he ought. Every architect and every builder is trying to find something to take his place, and he will suffer no doubt in the long run for the under-production that has been going on for so long. That is the natural effect it will have. If a thing is costing you too much you find some other method of dealing with it. I press upon hon. Members who think they speak for the Labour party to go to the bricklayers and other trades who are hanging up, and say, as it says in the circular: "Do your best. Produce as much as you can. Take care of the material." What do you find on a building job, as a rule? Does one tradesman take care of the material of the other? Not a bit of it. I appeal to them to try to get us out of this difficulty. This serious problem of housing has largely come about through under-production. You do not want to make men slaves. An hon. Member spoke about laying 900 bricks a day. There is no reason why they should not, and they need not work hard to do it. Before the War many of us got a bigger production than that—I will not say on very choice work or particular work, but on cottage building always. We are coming to the end of our resources. In these days we cannot afford to pay these very high salaries, or to spend the very large sums we are spending in building houses which are too costly to live in.
I must intervene in order to deal with some of the very many points which have been raised. It is impossible to deal with them all in the time at my disposal. A question was raised by an hon. Member who is interested in the incorporation of Waltham stow. Although he gathered that the Government is considering the appointment of a Royal Commission to deal with the whole of Greater London, he does not seem to appreciate that if that is going to be the case, the boundaries of all the authorities bordering on London are likely to be considerably affected, and obviously it will not be right and proper to set about creating a new corporation until such a Commission has reported. We have had some discussion on the question of salaries as a whole. I do not intend to spend much time on that, because the question has arisen on more than one Estimate. The questions of war bonuses, the salaries of high officials and assimilation are not questions for the Ministerial heads of any Department. They are questions which are settled and regulated by the Treasury, and hon. Members who are dissatisfied must take the opportunity of discussing the subject with the Treasury representatives who are really responsible for the regulations that affect the whole of the Civil Service. In that respect one Department alone cannot be brought under review. The question of the salaries of the high officials, to which reference has been made, was settled by a very important committee presided over by the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), and other members were Lord Colwyn and Sir Joseph Maclay. One of the Members knew all about the House of Commons, and the others are great business men. They came to a deliberate conclusion with respect to the basis on which the salaries should be fixed. The salaries were fixed on their recommendation, and although some hon. Members may think that the rate is too high, if they would take the rate over a number of years and compare it with the remuneration of men of equal capacity and intelligence in other ranks of life, they will find that it is by no means excessive.
The hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. Gillis)—whom I congratulate on his maiden speech, which was very interesting, and I hope we shall hear him frequently—raised the question of deputations. I am very ready to receive deputations whenever possible, but when he realises that we have 4,000 housing schemes in my Department, I would ask him to work out mathematically into how many portions I should have to be cut if I am to see deputations, from those concerned in all these schemes, on all kinds of questions of detail with which I am not personally familiar. It would be impossible for me to do any work of any value for the country under those circumstances. The hon. Member said there was no money for schemes. I cannot understand that. I know of no schemes of that kind. He complained about alteration in the standard of the houses and urged that if other types of houses were built it would be much better for the country. As I pointed out, the country has only a limited amount of money for houses, and everything else. Hon. Members must make up their minds whether it is more important to relieve overcrowding by getting up as many houses as possible of the types now adopted, or to build fewer houses, at much greater cost, with all kinds of pleasant amenities. It cannot be done both ways. On the one hand, there is the high cost of house building, and although complaint may be made about the standard of house, we must bear in mind the present high cost. Surely it is better for us to deal with our emergency in the way we are trying, to deal with it, even if we have to build some houses that will not last 100 years. The hon. Member for Westhoughton spoke of some type of house of which I have not heard, and he complained that this new standard of construction had not been accepted by the Ministry. We all have our fancies in housing stunts, and we all think that ours is the best.
I do not say that the scheme I mentioned is the best, but it is a scheme for providing houses quickly.
That is the other point. As to the building guilds, there seems to be a misunderstanding. I asked the hon. Member whether he had actually seen the tenders he spoke about, because I have, and I rather resent the suggestion that some official has misled me into giving an answer that was not proper. I assure the hon. Member that I went into the matter myself. I must be fair. This is an estimate, and not a tender. In the case of an estimate you have got to pay the excess cost, but in the case of a contract it is the contractor who has got to pay. The building guilds have never made a firm tender. They give you an estimate and say, "Pay us the cost of materials and certain overhead charges, and whatever the thing comes out, you pay." Compare that with the case of a tender. You can see whether a tender by one man is higher or lower than somebody else's, so that in the case of a contract you do know what the cost is going to be. That is why I want to see how this system works out, before I embark on it. In this particular case I would not have accepted the building guild's own estimate, even if it had been a firm estimate. It was higher than it ought to be for that class of house. It is not fair to compare it with another contract of a very different character. There is nothing more difficult than to make tenders of costs for work. Therefore the answer I gave was a genuine answer. Though I am quite willing to consider the building guilds, if they can demonstrate what has frequently been claimed on their behalf by their supporters, yet meantime I am not prepared to gamble with the taxpayers' and the ratepayers' money.
The hon. Member raised another question about overlapping of staffs, and the Materials Departments. I said in my opening remarks that I see my way to make a considerable reduction in regional staffs. The building materials department is now in a state of liquidation, but it may take a considerable time to liquidate, because the commitments are very great. I have had the good fortune to obtain the services of a very competent, able man, an architect, a man of very great tact and business experience, Sir Charles Ruthen, as director-general of housing for my Department. I know his work in the past. He is equally competent both in large questions and in practical questions and questions of economy, and I consider that I am extremely fortunate in being able to enlist his services to come to the assistance of myself and my Department. There again with all these questions of overlapping and reduction the Committee I think will trust me if I say that they are engaging my most serious personal attention, and whatever reasonable economies can be effected will be effected.
In reference to boards of guardians it is possible to finance boards of guardians. They have the security of the rates to raise loans. Of course I cannot guarantee whether or not they will always obtain loans, but I have sanctioned loans in certain cases on certain specified and defined lines. I should think that in most cases they would be successful in obtaining what they require.
I have already referred to the question of hospitals, but the hon. Member for Spen Valley (Mr. Myers) made a very interesting suggestion. In many places where the great workmen's organisations contribute to voluntary institutions they could very well combine and insist that their members should have a reasonable number of beds in proportion to their contributions. There is no doubt that a great many people take advantage of the hospitals who could pay, but who never contribute anything. I am not speaking of the working classes, but generally, and it is not unreasonable that they should pay. The question of voluntary hospitals and Poor Law infirmaries and the future of their complicated system is engaging the very earnest attention of my Department. It is extremely difficult. We do not want to destroy the voluntary hospitals and make them State-aided or rate-aided institutions. The voluntary system has been a very remarkable success, but, on the other hand, we have possibilities at a future date of developing Poor Law infirmaries. These are not questions for this moment, but we are considering them.
An hon. Member asked me a question about rents. A district in which the average rent of 12s. 6d. has been fixed by the local authority must be of an industrial character. The average rent in rural districts would be from 6s. to 7s. a week. You have to add the rent to the cost, and, as I pointed out in my opening speech, there is a very big deficit which is estimated all over the country at something like £60 per house. When the scheme was originally presented, the average estimate for a house was from £600 to £700, but it went up an average of about £300 a house. It is not a question of the material alone; a great deal of the increase is undoubtedly owing to the cost of labour, while a certain amount is due to the fact that we have not obtained all the energy and work that was given in the past. Many causes have contributed to this, and undoubtedly there has been a general reduction in work after the War. I am glad to say that these things are very much improving, and the costs are coming down. Therefore our policy in insisting on not sanctioning tenders except on more reasonable terms and rather holding back than pushing forward is really a perfectly sound one.
I thank the Committee for the very kind way in which they have received these Estimates, which I have presented here for the first time, and which I hope they will now allow me to take. The discussion has been very helpful and encouraging in detail. It will encourage me to endeavour to proceed on the lines on which I opened this Debate, and, if it be my fortune, at some future time, to present further Estimates for this Department, the Committee will find that I have taken note of and endeavoured to adopt as far as possible the very valuable suggestions that they have made.
Without taking up time or delaying the Vote, I hope I may be allowed to mention one question to the right hon. Gentleman, in the hope and expectation that he will be able to find some solution for it. As more than one hon. Member has said, it is most important that the housing question should be solved. I am happy, as I go about the country, to see houses springing up. Somehow or other they are being built, and whether by guild or direct labour I welcome anybody who will lend a hand at the job. What dismays me—I have made inquiries in my own constituency—is that I am very doubtful whether the right people are to occupy the houses. They were intended primarily for two sets of people. They were intended for the ex-service man, in the first place. He was generally the unskilled man or the semi-skilled man, who gave up his own house and put his wife and children in the house of relatives, and now that he has returned he requires a house to live in. The skilled man is the man who, generally speaking, was not taken for the War. He remains in the old house. Those houses are protected by the Rent (Restrictions) Acts. The rents are lower, and the rates are lower. The tenant is not inclined to move. The old houses are, therefore, not available for the ex-service men. The new houses are available for them, but on the top of the rent come the rates. What we find is that, having regard to the practice of rating, the best rent to be obtained for the house is the basis of the rating. We found that the rates, added to the rent charged, mean that the houses are impossible for workpeople. For instance, in Bristol, where houses have been built in most admirable positions and in the most admirable way, for a living room, parlour and three bedrooms the rent and rates amount to 21s. 2d. weekly. That was because the rating authorities assessed those houses on the principle, first of all, of considering what the rent of houses was for the working classes in that part of the district, and adding to that the additional rent which the Rent (Restric- tions) Acts allowed, and adding also something for the amenities of the district. As these houses are put up in the most beautiful situations along the Avon valley, and in similar places, it is found that the amenities, coupled with the newness of the houses and the rent, make the rates really a very heavy burden. There is a total charge of 21s. 2d. per week for the houses mentioned, 17s. 9d. for a house with a living-room and three bedrooms, and 16s. for a house with a living-room and two bedrooms, and that is more than the ex-service men can afford. These houses are rated at about 7s. or 7s. 6d., whereas the old pre-War house was rated at something like 2s. 6d. The result is that no one will leave the old houses, and the ex-service man is prevented from occupying them. The other class of persons for whom these houses were intended were the dwellers in slum property. For precisely the same reason they are not occupying them. What I ask the Minister of Health to do is to inquire whether or not it is possible to adopt some new principle of rating—it is adopted in some localities—which will ease their burdens, which will put them more on a level with pre-War houses, and will reduce the 21s. or 22s. per week house to something like 16s. or 17s., and so make it possible for ex-service men to occupy them.
Question put, and agreed to.
Resolution to be reported To-morrow.
Committee to sit again To-morrow.
National Insurance (Forces of the Crown) Bill
Order for Second Reading read, and discharged; Bill withdrawn.
Housing (Scotland) Bill
Order for Second Reading read, and discharged; Bill withdrawn.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Adjournment
Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Adjourned accordingly at Three Minutes after Eleven o'clock.