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Commons Chamber

Volume 144: debated on Tuesday 5 July 1921

House of Commons

Tuesday, July 5, 1921

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Private Bills [ Lords ] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:

Hastings Tramways (Extension) Bill [ Lords ].

Bill to be read a Second time.

Provisional Order Bills (No Standing Orders applicable),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:

Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 6) Bill.

Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 7) Bill.

Bills to be read a Second time Tomorrow.

Radcliffe and Little Lever Joint Gas Board Bill,

Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.

Preston's Divorce Bill [ Lords ],

Read the Third time, and passed, without Amendment.

Oral Answers to Questions

India

Civil Services (Pensions)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether his attention has been called to the widespread desire expressed in the Indian Press amongst the members of the Civil Services of India to take advantage of the proposals of the Government of India, in their letter of 5th March, 1919, regarding proportional pensions for those to whom service under the reform scheme is not congenial, but who cannot apply for permission to retire till they know the conditions of retirement that will be open to them; and will he, therefore, now inform the Government of India of the pensions considered by him to be suitable to the various periods of service, as recommended in Clause 36 of the Report of the Joint Select Committee of 17th November, 1919?

I am addressing the Government of India, and an announcement will be made as soon as possible after I have received and considered their opinion on certain points.

Legislative Assembly (Franchise)

asked the Secretary of State for India what steps have been taken to carry into effect the assurance given by Lord Sinha, when Undersecretary of State for India, on the 26th July, 1920, that the franchise for the Indian Legislative Assembly should be conferred on retired Indian officers of the Indian Army?

If the hon. Baronet will refer to the remarks of Lord Sinha in another place, as officially reported, he will see that what he said was that he was sure that this proposal would receive favourable consideration when the next revision of the franchise rules takes place. He also alluded to the recommendation of the Joint Select Committee on the Bill that "the franchise as settled by the rules should not be altered for the first ten years." In the circumstances, no steps have yet been taken to effect this alteration.

Export Credits Scheme

asked the Secretary of State for India whether the exclusion of India from the export credits scheme is intended to be permanent or temporary in character?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department to the hon. Member for the Weston-super-Mare Division of Somerset on the 17th June, of which I will send him a copy. He will see that the announcement dealt only with present circumstances.

Leave Pay (Sergeant-Major J. F. Callaghan)

asked the Secretary of State for India when the case of acting Sergeant-Major J. F. Callaghan will be settled, his furlough extended, and the money due to him paid; and is he aware that this man, who is a married man with a family, has received a sum of £35 only as advanced pay since November, 1920?

Sergeant-Major Callaghan's leave has been extended up to 11th June, 1921, and his discharge will be postdated accordingly. Owing to his having a heavy debit balance on leaving India, it seems improbable that any further amount will be payable to him, but I cannot give a final answer as the rate of leave pay admissible generally in this and similar cases is at the moment under discussion. I hope a final settlement will be possible shortly. In the meantime, Sergeant-Major Callaghan has no doubt been receiving his pension from the Chelsea Commissioners.

Railways, Covenanted Staff

asked the Secretary of State for India whether he has received a copy of the petition sent by members of the covenanted staff to the directors or general managers of the Indian State Railways concerning the uneconomic position in which they find themselves owing to the continuing increase in the cost of living in that country; and whether he will consider the advisability of recommending that the overseas allowances granted to other Government servants will be extended to them in accordance with their petition?

I am aware that a petition is being submitted by the covenanted subordinate staff of the Indian Railways to the superior authorities for certain concessions, including the grant of overseas allowance. It has not reached me officially from the Government of India.

Kumaun Forests (Destruction)

asked the Secretary of State for India if he can give any particulars of the alleged wholesale destruction of forests in Kumaun under the incitement of non-co-operators and revolutionary agitators as reported in the Press; and what steps have been taken to punish the offenders?

I have no more detailed information than that contained in telegraphic summaries of a communiqué issued by the United Provinces Government, which appeared in the Press on the 3rd and 4th July. According to this telegram, 19 arrests have been made.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether non-violent non-co-operation agrees with arson or not?

Islamic Deputation

asked the, Secretary of State for India what were the credentials of the Islamic Deputation to this country, and by whom was Mr. Kidwai selected; what was the cost of the hospitality afforded to this Deputation by His Majesty's Government; what subsidies they received; and whether the amount paid was that demanded?

I have been asked to reply. The gentlemen referred to came to this country under the auspices of the Government of India and, as representing the Moslems of India, to place before His Majesty's Government the views of their community on the Treaty of Sevres. Mr. Kidwai was not among the gentlemen invited by the Government of India to come as members of the Deputation; he was introduced by His Highness the Aga Khan, with the Deputation, when my right hon. Friend first received it. In accordance with the recommendation of the Government of India, the expenses of the Deputation will be met from Indian revenues. My right hon. Friend cannot at present state the precise amount involved. The statements submitted by the members of the Deputation have been referred to the Government of India for examination and settlement in India, as far as possible.

Incitements to Violence

asked the Secretary of State for India what were the exact terms of the recantation of Mahomet Ali and Shankat Ali in; response to the threat of the Viceroy to arrest them; was a definite promise to desist from making revolutionary speeches given; if so, for how long; and have either of them made any speeches since?

My right hon. Friend will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT the text of the communiqué issued by the Government of India, which contains the exact terms of the apology and undertaking given by Messrs. Mahomet Ali and Shankat Ali, and which was communicated to the Press here on the 31st May. He believes that one of the brothers has spoken in public since.

" The attention of the public has doubtless teen drawn to the apology and undertaking issued to-day by Messrs. Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali to the Press. This document runs as follows:

'Friends have drawn our attention to certain speeches of ours which, in their opinion, have a tendency to incite to volence. We desire to state that we never intended to incite to violence, and we never imagined that any passages in our speeches were capable of bearing the interpretation put upon them, but we recognise the force of our friends' argument and interpretation. We sincerely feel sorry and express our regret for the unnecessary heat of some of the passages in these speeches, and we give our public assurance and promise to all who may require it, that so long as we are associated with the movement of non-co-operation, we shall not directly or indirectly advocate violence at present or in the future, nor create an atmosphere of preparedness for violence. Indeed, we hold it contrary to the spirit of non-violent non-co-operation to which we have pledged our word.'

In view of the publication of these expressions of regret and promise for the future, the Government of India desire to make it known generally that they had decided on the 6th of May to prosecute Messrs. Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali for certain speeches delivered in the United Provinces during the last few months. These speeches, in the opinion of the Government of India, were direct incitements to violence. The immediate object of the Government in determining to enforce the law on the present occasion was to prevent incitements to violence and to preserve order. After the decision to which reference was made was reached, it was urged upon the Government, that their immediate object could be attained without recourse to the Criminal Courts. The Government consequently suspended further action, and in view of the statements now issued over the signature of Messrs. Mahomed Ali and Shaukat Ali have decided to refrain from instituting criminal proceedings against them in respect of these speeches, so long as the solemn public undertaking contained in the statement issued to the Press is observed. Should the conditions of this undertaking not be performed, the Government of India will be at liberty to prosecute for these past speeches. It must not be inferred from the original determination for the Government to prosecute for speeches inciting to violence that promoting disaffection of a less violent character is not an offence against the law. The Government of India desire to make it plain, that they will enforce the law relating to offences against the State as and when they may think fit against any persons who have committed breaches of it."

Ireland

Military Commands

asked the Secretary of State for War if he is aware that the Cavalry Brigade, Royal Engineers, Royal Army Service Corps, Royal Veterinary Corps, Barrack Department, etc., at the Curragh, County Kildare, are not under the direct command of the General Officer Commanding, Troops, Curragh, or the General Officer Commanding Midland District, Ireland, who is the same officer, but directly under the general in charge of administration, Headquarters, Irish Command; and, seeing that this arrangement leads to much unnecessary correspondence, in view of the fact that the General Officer Commanding, Troops, Curragh, is continually corresponding with himself through his staff officers, and that much correspondence passes between the General Officer Commanding, Troops, Curragh, and the General Officer Commanding, the Midland District, and then is often passed on to the Headquarters, Irish Command, and dealt with by that office direct with the units concerned, and the General Officer Commanding, the Midland District, notified for the information of General Officer Commanding, Troops, Curragh, will he consider a more economic system of staff administration in this and other commands, and the reduction of a number of staff officers whose duties chiefly consist of inter-office correspondence?

I am informed that the troops mentioned are under the direct command of the General Officer Commanding, 5th Division. There is no General Officer Commanding, Troops, Curragh, and the appointment of the General Officer Commanding, Midland District, does not now exist, having been absorbed on 1st November last by the General Officer Commanding, 5th Division. No correspondence, therefore, passes between the General Officer Commanding, Troops, Curragh, and the General Officer Commanding, Midland District. The appointment of Major-General i/c Administration, Irish Command, is now in abeyance. I cannot accept my hon. and gallant Friend's suggestion that there are any staff officers serving in Ireland whose duties consist chiefly in dealing with inter-office correspondence.

Curfew Hours

The following question stood on the Paper in the name of Lieut-Commander KENWORTHY:

10. To ask the Secretary of State for War if he is aware that a martial law notice has been issued by Colonel-Commandant Higginson, C.B., D.S.O., dated 27th June, 1921, to the effect that in the country districts under his control civilians found out of doors between 10 p.m. and 5 a.m. will be fired on by the Crown forces without preliminary challenge, commencing on the 1st day of July, 1921; what is to be the position under this order of nurses, doctors, clergymen, midwives, and other permit holders called out to attend the sick at night, or of farmers attending sick cattle in their outhouses; and whether he will have this order rescinded?

I have been asked, and I am quite willing, to postpone this question, but as it is a matter of very great urgency, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman if it is receiving his attention?

I shall be glad if the hon. and gallant Gentleman will postpone the question, as I have not yet got the information. I will get it as quickly as I can.

This is a matter of life and death to these country districts, and is the right hon. Gentleman taking any steps to have the Order delayed, or anything of the sort?

lam taking steps to get an answer to the question of the hon. and gallant Gentleman as quickly as I can.

Ex-Lord Chancellor Campbell

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer for how long a period has ex-Lord Chancellor Campbell occupied an office qualifying him for a pension; what is the amount of the pension; and whether it will be a charge on, British or Irish revenues?

Sir James Campbell was Lord Chief Justice of Ireland from the 10th January, 1917, to the 7th June, 1918, and Lord Chancellor from the 8th June, 1918, to the 26th June, 1921. His pension is £3,692 6s. Id. It is primarily chargeable on the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom, but as from the appointed day under the Government of Ireland Act the cost falls to be deducted from the Irish residuary share of reserved taxes.

Does the Treasury have any voice in the settlement of these offices, which involve such large pensionable rights?

It is not a function of my office to be concerned with appointments which are under other Departments.

Have inquiries been made as to the savings of these individuals before allocating their pensions, with a view to reductions being made?

What reason had the Government for removing this Gentleman and burdening the country with an additional pension?

National Union of Vehicle Builders (Raid)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether, in connection with the raid on a hall in Blackhall Place, Dublin, on the 29th May last, where a meeting of a branch of the National Union of Vehicle Builders was in progress, he is aware that a sum of £25 0s. 4d., branch funds, was taken from the table and only £22 17s. was returned; that the five officials who were arrested and subsequently released lost about five days' work; that two men lost two days' work in endeavouring to secure the return of the property taken from the hall; that the branch secretary's bicycle was taken; that damage was done to the branch box and a society emblem and frame destroyed; and whether, in view of the fact that nothing incriminating was found on the branch premises, and that the men arrested were released without any charge being brought against them, it is proposed to compensate the union for the damage sustained, details of which have been submitted to him.

A claim has been submitted in this case, and is at present under consideration by the military authorities.

Ballymacelligot Court-Martial

asked the Chief Secretary whether he is prepared to lay upon the Table of the House a copy of evidence given at the Ballymacelligott court-martial?

No, Sir. I do not see that any useful purpose would be served by adopting so unusual a course in this particular case.

Is it suggested that the Irish Office is too ashamed to allow it to be published?

Is it not a fact that the evidence of this inquiry clearly shows that there never was an ambush, as stated by the Chief Secretary, that the burning of the creamery was pure arson, and that the men who were killed were murdered; and is not the Irish Office prepared to make a clean breast of this, to end it once for all?

Special Constables (Newry)

( by Private Notice )asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that the special constables in Newry broke out again last night, and engaged in another orgy of looting and robbery, that women were dragged out of their houses in night attire and fired on, and that one lady was shot dead, and whether he will undertake that steps will be immediately taken to give military protection to the Catholic citizens of Newry?

The hon. and learned Gentleman has given notice of a question which is not exactly similar in its terms to that which he has just asked. The question was only received at ten minutes past two. No information has yet been received on the matter. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will be so kind as to postpone the question.

Will my right hon. Friend say whether it will be convenient to make a statement on the subject on the Motion for the Adjournment tonight?

If I receive information before, then I will let the hon. Gentleman know.

Is it not customary for the malefactors in those cases to send' reports of their malefactions?

Have any arrests been made in connection with the murder of a constable of the police force in Newry four days ago?

British Army

Portsmouth Headquarters

asked the Secretary of State for War if he can give the reason why, and state on whose advice, head- quarters, High Street, Portsmouth, was closed; what it is proposed to do with the building; why headquarters have been transferred to the house of the general officer commanding; can he give an estimate of the cost of transforming this fine house, situated in beautiful and large grounds, into offices; why this was done, seeing that it would have been more economical to have retained the old offices, which served before the War, and during the War when there were many troops in Portsmouth, and have sold the house of the general officer commanding there instead of turning this large house into offices at a time when there are very few troops in Portsmouth; and has it been found necessary to build a new house for the officer commanding troops?

The headquarter offices at High Street, Portsmouth, have not yet been closed, but it is proposed to do so and sell the building. As the command has been reduced to that of a colonel commandant, for whom a residence already exists, Government House has become vacant, and by utilising it as offices the present offices, and also certain hirings for which a rent of £100 a year, is paid, will be released. The cost of adapting Government House as headquarter offices is approximately £380, and the house will still be available if required at some future date as a residence for a high commander. It is not necessary to build a new house for the officer commanding troops, and the arrangements made will effect a saving to the State.

Would it not be better to sell this beautiful house for some thousands of pounds, so that it might be made into a palace for the new bishop?

That is practically the hon. and gallant Gentleman's question in other words. Headquarters office, Portsmouth, is to be sold, and, on the whole, the arrangement is an economical one.

Defence Force

asked the Secretary of State for War what arrangements have been made for the demobilisation of the Defence Force; what is the number of officers and men of this force in the various camps on this day; and what is the cost per diem to the Treasury?

As regards the first part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given yesterday to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull. The strength of the Defence Force on 1st July was approximately 78,000 all ranks; and the cost per diem was about £50,000.

West African Colonies (Economic Conditions)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies, whether, having regard to the economic depression in our West African Colonies and Protectorates, and having regard to the fact that before the War approximately 250,000 tons of an aggregate quantity of 350,000 tons of palm kernels were exported to European countries, and whereas owing to the differential export duty now imposed upon palm kernels in the exporting Colonies and Protectorates those European countries are now importing palm kernels from foreign colonies, and in addition are procuring and using substitutes, he will consider the desirability of arranging to terminate at once this export duty in the various West African Colonies and Protectorates instead of allowing it to run its full term of five years?

I am already taking steps to appoint a representative Committee to consider various questions connected with the economic situation of the West African Colonies and this Committee which, it is hoped, will report in November will advise on this particular question also. I propose to await the report of this Committee before deciding in the matter.

Is it not almost time that this policy in West Africa was reversed?

My hon. Friend will see that the matter has been receiving my careful consideration, and he will also have gathered from my answer that there will be no undue delay in dealing with it.

Are these differential duties imposed on exports from mandated territories?

I should like notice of that question, but my impression is that they are not.

Is not November rather a long time to wait for this question, which is an urgent one: could not the Committee be asked to report upon this question first of all, apart from the other points which they will have to consider?

I entirely appreciate the importance of an early Report, but the reason this Report cannot be given before November is that the Committee is constituted under the Chairmanship of Sir Hugh Clifford, and he has engagements which will prevent him undertaking this work immediately, and it will not be possible, if the Committee is to have the advantage of his Chairmanship, to get an earlier Report.

Does the hon. Gentleman appreciate the fact that we may lose the markets owing to this action of his predeceseors?

That point has not been lost sight of. I do not think the delay will have that effect.

Lagos (Customs Warehouse)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware of the exorbitant tariff for warehousing goods charged by the Customs Department at Lagos; whether he is aware that the effect of such tariff is that in cases where a local buyer has defaulted or gone into liquidation the Customs charges normally exceed the total value of the goods by the time that fresh instructions can be received from England; and whether he is aware that the Governor of Lagos has admitted that these charges often constitute a legitimate grievance; and whether he will take action in the matter?

The tariff referred to has been in force since the 6th of December, 1919, and I am not prepared to admit that it is exorbitant. I have just received a return which shows that the chief importing firms in Lagos pay very little warehouse rent as they clear their consignments in the free period allowed. The Customs warehouses are not intended to be used for the storage of goods, and where a consignee has defaulted the banks or other business houses through which the goods are normally consigned can clear the consignments through the Customs. The matter has recently been fully investigated and I am satisfied that there is no legitimate grievance.

Will my hon. Friend go further into the matter if I send him some correspondence?

Ceylon (Railway Workers)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been called to the correspondence between the Ceylon Workers' Federation and the Ceylon Colonial Secretary respecting the railway workers who were deprived of their posts in connection with the Ceylon riots of 1915; and whether, in view of the Governor's action recently respecting Europeans censured in connection with the same riots and in view of the desirability of general appeasement, he will order an inquiry into these 28 cases with a view to amnesty and reinstatement wherever possible?

This correspondence has not yet been forwarded to me by the Governor, but I will ask him to send it, with his observations.

If the hon. Gentleman is going to re-open this matter of 1915, will he also consider the propriety of reopening the case of Governor Eyre?

Government Staffs and Offices

Home Office (Holidays)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department the approximate numbers in his Department who are entitled to the following annual holidays, exclusive of bank and other public holidays: four weeks' annual holiday and over 28 working days' leave?

The numbers of officers of the Home Office who are entitled to four weeks', that is 24 working days, leave is 185; the number entitled to 28 working days' leave or over is 287. In addition, there are about 400 officers whose annual leave is less than 24 working days.

Air Ministry

asked the Secretary of State for Air why it is essential for the public service that officials of his Department should be employed as a press information section; and what is the estimated cost of this work for 1921–22?

One official of the Department is responsible for the issue of information to the Press. Recent examples of the kind of information issued are the notices in connection with the Government offer of airships and airship stores to any commercial syndicate, and that stating the conditions under which subsidies will be paid to approved cross-Channel aeroplane transport companies. A great deal of work also was done by this official in connection with the Air Conference, which was held at the Guildhall last October. His other duties include the editing and frequent issue of notices to airmen with regard to such subjects, amongst others, as the opening and closing of aerodromes, both at home and abroad; alterations in the lighting of obstructions on these aerodromes; the lighting of aerial routes for night flying, and information as to the state of emergency landing grounds at all seasons. He is also charged with the issue of information relating to wireless telegraphy installations, and with the communication to ground engineers on civil aerodromes of any amendments to existing instructions. The inclusive salary of this official is £900 per annum. Clerical assistance costs about £850 a year, but only a proportion of this amount can be regarded as expenditure on Press information work, and the advantages of having a single channel of communication for Press inquirers is considered amply to justify this expenditure.

I should like to have notice of that question; I am not quite certain.

asked the Secretary of State for Air why the estimated cost in his Department of newspapers, press cuttings, washing of towels and dusters, and miscellaneous has risen from £3,567 in 1920–21, to £4,221 in 1921–22?

The increase of £654 in Air Vote 5, Sub-head F, in current Estimates over those for 1920–21 is not due to any increased expenditure on the items mentioned in the question, but to the provision under this Sub-head in 1921–22 for certain miscellaneous items, such as fees to examiners for marking examination papers, and fees for attendance on advisory boards, for which no provision was made in 1920–21.

Will the right hon. Gentleman in future please instruct his Department to make these things clear in the Estimates, so as to avoid the necessity for putting questions in the House?

The moment I saw the question I gave instructions that the sub-heads should in future be put more accurately.

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether any person or persons are employed at the Air Ministry in responsible positions who have not had any air experience on service in the late War?

Yes, Sir. The hon. and gallant Member may have some particular person, or persons, in mind, and, if so, it would be convenient if he framed a question in more specific terms.

Government Office, 30, Belgrave Square

asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, if he will state when 30, Belgrave Square will cease to be used as a Government office?

Arrangements are being made by which it is hoped that 30, Belgrave Square will be vacated by the end of this month.

War Office

asked the Secretary of State for War the approximate numbers employed in his Department who are entitled to four weeks' annual holiday and over 28 working days' annual holiday exclusive of bank and other holidays?

The number entitled to four weeks' (24 working days) annual holiday is 676, and to over 28 working days is 561. These figures include, in addition to the War Office, the staffs of the Local Audit Offices and the clerical staffs at Chelsea Hospital and the Royal Army Clothing Department.

Arrests and Raids

asked the Home Secretary how many persons were arrested in Great Britain under the Emergency Powers Act, the Defence of the Realm Act, and the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act, respectively, during the quarter ending 30th June, 1921; how many of those persons have been tried and how many convicted; what was the total length of sentences of imprisonment inflicted; and how many private buildings have been raided by police or military during the quarter ending 30th June under the above three Acts?

My right hon. Friend is not in possession of any of the figures asked for, and he does not feel justified in specially collecting them from the numerous authorities concerned. I may point out that neither the police nor the military are required to consult the Home Secretary before making an arrest or entering a private building.

Surely the matter of the number of arrests under these Acts has a bearing on whether they are to be continued or not? May I ask if the Home Office are watching the effect of these Acts in the country? Is it a matter of no importance what the number is of people who are arrested under what are really Emergency Acts?

Will the right hon. and gallant Gentleman be prepared to recommend the setting free of all these prisoners who have been arrested under these particular Acts?

Do I understand that the Home Secretary will not give the House of Commons the number of persons arrested under these special Emergency Acts?

The hon. and gallant Member will see, if he refers to the reply I have given, that my right hon. Friend is not in possession of the figures, and to collect them would entail a reference to a very large number of authorities and he does not feel justified in doing that.

Then the Home Secretary declines to tell the House how many have been arrested?

The Home Secretary does nothing of the kind, as will be seen from the answer I have already given.

Is not the whole of this information in the possession of a special branch at Scotland Yard, and could quite easily be produced?

No, that is not so. If it had been in their possession it would have been produced.

Now that the emergency is over, will the Home Secretary consider the propriety of releasing these people who have been arrested under the Emergency Acts?

Conviction (Edith May Roberts)

asked the Home Secretary if he is aware that the sentence of death was passed upon the girl, Edith May Roberts, at the recent Leicester Assizes, which sentence has since been commuted to penal servitude for life; and if, in view of the whole of the circumstances, he will review the case with the object of a further reduction of the sentence?

The case will be reviewed and the sentence reduced later. It is too soon at present to advise a further reduction.

In view of the fact that this girl was the innocent victim of some other person surely something more might be done?

We are following the normal course which is usually taken in these cases.

Motor Omnibuses

asked the Home Secretary whether the attention of the police has been called to the increasing practice of motor omnibuses not pulling to the side of the road to set down and take up passengers; whether any action is to be taken to prevent this practice, which results in danger to the passengers and obstruction to traffic; and whether his attention has been drawn to the practice of omnibuses starting before the passengers have had time to get to their seats?

I am informed by the Commissioner of Police that his attention has been drawn by the Noble Lord to the practice of omnibuses not stopping close to the kerb and the necessary instructions have been issued to the police; the attention of the omnibus company has also been drawn to the requirements of the law. There have been a few complaints of omnibuses starting before passengers have properly entered, and, as far as possible, the police endeavour to secure the safety of passengers; but this obviously is a very difficult matter for them to control.

Is it not a fact that if a conductor gives the command to the driver to proceed before a passenger has got on board the company are liable to a prosecution?

I could not answer that question off-hand, but I know that cases have been forwarded on the representation of my hon. Friend to the companies, and I hope there will be some improvement.

Scottish Universities (Professors' Salaries)

asked the Secretary for Scotland what is the total number of salaries exceeding £1,000 a year paid to professors in each of the Scottish universities; whether these salaries include bonus or the value of official residences; and what is the average salary paid to the professors in the theological faculties in each of the Scottish universities?

The answer to the first part of the question is 62. Thirty of the 62 include bonus, but the value of official residences is not included. The average salaries paid in the theological faculties are St. Andrews, £850; Glasgow, £1,075; Aberdeen, £750; Edinburgh, £900. These averages do not take into account the value of the manses provided in the case of Aberdeen, or of the three official residences provided in the case of Glasgow.

Has my right hon. Friend got the figures for each of the universities with regard to the first part of the question?

No. If my hon. Friend will be good enough to give me a little longer notice on the next occasion I will endeavour to get the figures for him.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give any reason why the salaries of the theological professors in one university are practically double what they are in the other university? Is it not the case that the conditions of the Statute which provide that money out of national funds should not be used for that purpose has been infringed?

Post Office

Shetland Islands, Mail Service

asked the Postmaster-General whether it is his intention to enter into a contract for the conveyance of mails to and from Shetland; and, if so, whether he will agree to consult the County Council of Zetland and the Town Council of Lerwick regarding the terms of any proposed contract for their information before such contract is concluded?

The present arrangements for the conveyance of mails to and from the Shetland Islands rest upon correspondence, and it is not considered necessary at present to enter into a formal contract. The Town Council of Lerwick have already submitted their views in detail to the Post Office upon the mail service.

In the event of a change being contemplated with regard to the Shetland mail service, will the Postmaster-General be good enough to communicate with the local authorities?

Skilled Workmen

asked the Postmaster-General how many men are employed by him who are graded as electrical wiremen and assistants, and what number of those graded as electrical wire-men are fully-skilled electricians; and what is the reason for grading them as wiremen?

There is no recognised grading as wireman or electrician in the Post Office service. The men to whom the hon. Member is presumably referring are graded as "skilled workmen."

Savings Bank Department (Overtime)

asked the Postmaster-General on what grounds have officers returning from leave on a Friday been instructed in the Savings Bank Department of the Post Office to perform 3½ hours' overtime on that evening without pay?

The female staff of the Savings Bank have during the past few months been performing 3½ hours of overtime per week to meet arrears of work. The officers in question have simply been required to bear the same burden as their colleagues. No overtime is being at present performed.

No. It is one of the conditions of the service that all the employés are required to give this 3½ hours' overtime when necessary. It is part of the agreement with the trade unions.

Wireless Communication (Canada)

asked the Postmaster-General if he can state the general nature of his conversations with the Canadian Government regarding wireless communications with this country; how long these conversations have been in progress; and what has been their practical result?

The Report of the Imperial Wireless Telegraph Committee was transmitted to the Canadian Government who have expressed their readiness to discuss the question of the erection of a station in Canada with the Imperial authorities. My right hon. Friend hopes to find an opportunity of conferring with the Prime Minister of Canada on the subject during his visit to this country.

Has the Post Office any knowledge of the remarkable developments that are now taking place in the United States with a view to making the United States the world centre of wireless news, and what steps are the Post Office taking in view of that?

My hon. Friend can hardly expect me to answer that question further than to say that the Post Office have full knowledge of these developments in the United States at the present time.

As I stated in my reply, my right hon. Friend hopes to find opportunities of conferring with the Prime Minister of Canada with regard to this question, and if my hon. Friend will put down another question probably I can get the information he requires.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not know that this matter has been the subject of conversations with the Canadian Government for many months past, and that nothing has been done?

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Welsh Regiment (W. D. Evans)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether his attention has been called to the case of William David Evans, No. 202831, late private, the Welsh Regiment, of Wesley House, Machynlleth, who, on discharge from the Army, was awarded a final weekly allowance in respect of a disability which the Ministry regarded as neither attributable to nor aggravated by military service; whether, on appeal, aggravation of the disability was conceded but that it was alleged to have then passed away; whether, by an oversight, a further appeal against this decision was heard and resulted in the award of a pension; whether it has subsequently been decided that the latter appeal was invalid, and the award cancelled; and, notwithstanding the irregularity of this procedure, can this soldier be denied the disability award which the appeal tribunal found he was entitled to?

My right hon. Friend proposes to review the whole of the circumstances of this case, and will communicate with my hon. Friend at an early date.

Orphans

asked the Minister of Pensions how many of the orphans of soldiers killed in the War are in orphanages and similar institutions and how many are in Poor Law schools; and if the Ministry is undertaking the complete financial responsibility for all the children thus placed?

I regret that I am unable to state the number of orphan children of men killed in the War who are in orphanages and similar institutions not under the Poor Law. As regards children in Poor Law schools, there are approximately 140 orphans in the care of the Poor Law, and according to the information at my disposal some 110 of these are in cottage homes or Poor Law schools. Pension at the motherless rate is paid in respect of orphans in Poor Law schools or in other institutions, and where children who have been taken under the care of my right hon. Friend under Section 9 of the War Pensions (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1918, are, for any special reason, placed temporarily or otherwise in an institution, the full cost of maintenance is paid.

Landowners (Profits)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether any statistics or accounts in the possession of his Department are available to refute published accounts showing that, after deducting charges of management, maintenance, repairs, rates, and taxes, 5d. in the £ remain for the landowner?

I have been asked to reply. No, Sir, the Ministry has no statistics bearing on the question to which my hon. Friend refers. The matter is one which comes within the jurisdiction of the Board of Inland Revenue rather than of the Ministry of Agriculture.

Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman realise that this particular class of landlord is being expropriated by process of taxation, and it is a class that will do anything for its tenants except raise their rents?

Farmers (State Assistance)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware of the Government scheme in operation in Australia for the payment of advances to farmers through the banks on account of sums due in respect of wheat produced; and whether he will consider the adoption of a similar system in relation to the payments in respect of the 1921 acreage of British wheat and oats, having regard to the embarrassed position of many farmers resulting from the financial commitments entered into in the belief that the Agriculture Act represented the Government's settled policy?

I have been asked to reply. I am aware that a scheme is in operation in Australia whereby growers of wheat receive advances on wheat delivered to the State which carries out the sale of the crop either on its own account or through a Board representative of all the Australian States. A similar scheme could not be adopted for this country without instituting a measure of State control, which would be inconsistent with the policy of the Government. Under the proposals of the Corn Production Acts (Repeal) Bill the payments due to growers of wheat and oats this year will be made on the 1st January next, which will be four or five months earlier than would have been the case if the procedure under the Corn Production Acts remained in force.

Royal Air Force

Airships

asked the Secretary of State for Air what is the Air Ministry's present policy with regard to developing rigid, semi-rigid, and non-rigid airships, respectively?

I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the statements made in Committee on the Air Estimates, and to the public offer of airships and airship material to any organisation prepared to develop them for commercial purposes. The policy, which is governed by the paramount need for economy, is, briefly, to discontinue the use and construction of all types of airships for fighting purposes, and to throw up existing material for disposal if no scheme of commercial use materialises by the end of this month.

I would refer the hon. Member to the statement made in Committee on the Air Estimates.

May we take it that the Air Ministry are not to be stampeded by a Press agitation into reversing this decision?

No, Sir. The Government have been slow in arriving at the decision, and they mean to adhere to it.

Will not the development of ships of varying degrees of rigidity lead to more and more expenditure?

44 and 64.

asked the Secretary of State for Air (1) what has happened to Zeppelin L.64;

(2) what is the exact nature of the damage incurred by R. 36 at Pulham, and how the same occurred?

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether any damage has occurred to R.36; and if he can make any statement as to the cause?

The damage to R.36 consists of: with the temporary winch gear in use, it was not possible to prevent the ship being brought up suddenly on the mooring wire. Such accidents are avoidable by the use of reversible winch gear, but, owing to the limitations both of time and money necessarily imposed upon the present series of experiments, a cheaper form of winding gear was employed. Further damage occurred owing to certain guys carrying away when the ship was subsequently being housed. The hull of L.64 has been dismantled owing to the necessity of housing R.36 in the shed without delay. There was no empty shed at Pulham when the accident occurred. A special inquiry is being carried out into all the circumstances of the case. A report will be made, and I will send copies to the hon. and gallant Members.

Was L.64 fitted with nose tackle, so that if her gas bags had been inflated she could have been attached to the mooring mast instead of scrapped?

I do not think that L.64—an ex-German ship—has ever been out of the shed since she was put in, owing to the fact that her gas bags has never been in a proper condition.

Will the comparatively small damage to R.36 be made good, having regard to the splendid air-going capacity of that vessel?

The necessary repairs would involve six or seven weeks' work, and possibly an expenditure of from £4,000 to £6,000, and, in view of the Government intention to close down all these matters, the Ministry did not feel inclined to proceed with the repairs.

Torpedo-Carrying Aircraft

asked the Secretary of State for Air what progress is being made in developing torpedo carrying aircraft?

Steady progress is being made in the development of torpedo-carrying aircraft. It is obviously undesirable that details of this work, which is still in the experimental stage, should be published.

Ex-German Airships

asked the Secretary of State for Air on what date the ex-German airships allotted to this country under the Peace Treaty were surrendered; and on how many occasions they have since been flown?

The ex-German airships L.71 and L.64 were surrendered on the 25th June, 1920, and 21st July, 1920, respectively. Neither has been flown since surrender, as the gasbags were found, on inspection, to be defective. Much valuable information has, however, been gained from a study of these craft.

How is it the hon. and gallant Gentleman said a few moments ago that L.64 was a total wreck, seeing that we saw it in the shed a few months ago?

The hon. Member did not listen to the answer. It had to be dismantled in the shed in order to make room for R.36.

Armaments (Limitation)

asked the Prime Minister what progress, if any, has been made towards understandings with the United States and Japan on the subject of a general limitation of armaments and with the Dominions and Possessions on the subject of a revised apportionment of the burden of Imperial defence?

It is not possible for me to make any further statement on these subjects at present.

When will this matter be explained to the House and some opportunity be given for debating it? Why is the House of Commons the only place where it is not allowed to be discussed?

Nationality Law

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that many British women during the War married aliens in this country, and by such action have lost their British nationality, and that a number of such persons have been left in this country totally deserted; and if he will consider favourably the giving back to them of their British nationality?

I have been asked to answer this question. I am aware of cases of the nature indicated; but the suggestion in the latter part of the question can be dealt with only as part of the general question of the nationality of married women, which is one of a number under consideration in consultation with the self-governing Dominions, with a view to legislation at an early opportunity. The Secretary of State has no power to do anything without legislation.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware of the fact that many women married refugees in this country during the period of War, and that since the Armistice they have been left totally deserted, their husbands being in some other portion of the British Empire or in Europe; and, seeing that they are left on the streets, cannot the hon. Gentleman consider the matter, with a view to giving them British nationality again?

We are precluded by Statute from doing that, and can do nothing more without further legislation.

Will the hon. Gentleman consider with a view to getting the necessary legislation?

Ministers' Salaries

asked the Prime Minister whether it is proposed to carry out the recommendation of the Committee on the Remuneration of Ministers that the office of Chancellor of the Duchy should be unpaid?

The Committee proposed a rearrangement of salaries which would leave the total charge on public funds unaltered, and their recom- mendations must be considered as a whole. The Prime Minister has not, so far, had leisure to consider them. I ought to add that the Chancellor of the Duchy controls the management of the Duchy estates and revenues, and exercises the patronage vested in him on behalf of His Majesty, jure ducatus. His salary is paid from the revenues of the Duchy, and is not a charge upon the Exchequer. If the salary ceased, the benefit would go to the Duchy and not to the Exchequer.

Is it not the fact that these revenues are public revenues, and that the evidence given before the Committee made it quite clear that the office was practically a sinecure, without any duties at all?

I have not read all the evidence, but I think the extent of the duties performed by the Chancellor depends very much upon the amount of time and attention which the Chancellor gives to his duties.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say what is the obstacle that stands in the way of making the reductions in salaries which the Committee recommended?

I have had very little time to give to the recommendations of the Committee, but, if I rightly apprehend their general purpose, they did not propose any reduction in the charge upon the funds. What they proposed was a redistribution of the total sum allocated to Ministerial salaries amongst the various ministerial recipients. That is a matter which must be considered as a whole. The Prime Minister, amidst the pressure of other and far more important matters, has not been able to find time for its consideration up to the present.

Is it not a fact that the Committee, after consideration, recommended that some Ministers' salaries should be reduced, and what is the reason why that cannot be done now?

Yes, Sir, the Committee recommended that some Ministers' salaries should be reduced, in order that other Ministers' salaries might be raised. They sought to provide what they considered to be adequate remuneration for the holders of certain posts, by reducing the salaries of the holders of other posts.

Is not that a pooling system? Why do you oppose one pooling system and favour another?

Anglo-American Oil Company

asked the Prime Minister whether the Anglo-American Oil Company, being the British branch of the Standard Oil Company, is issuing capital in this country; and, seeing that such issue will tend to increase the strength of that monopoly, and so tend to raise prices, whether His Majesty's Government can take any steps to check such issue or results?

As regards the first part of the question, I understand that the issue of additional capital has been authorised by the shareholders. For reasons of general financial policy, it was decided in November, 1919, to abandon the Government restrictions on capital issues imposed during the War, and it would be both impracticable and undesirable to re-impose such restrictions.

Has the hon. Gentleman received any advice as to why the Free Trade Labour party want to restrict American enterprise in this country?

Imperial Conference

asked the Prime Minister if he can state when the Imperial Conference will terminate its meetings; and whether it is his intention after the close of the Conference to make a full verbal statement to this House of the results of its deliberations upon the various points discussed?

Is it not most important that we should have an opportunity of discussing this Conference after the decisions have been given?

I cannot undertake to make a hypothetical allocation of time without knowing the circumstances. While the Conference is sitting it is obviously not for me to give imperfect, partial accounts of its proceedings.

I think the right hon. Gentleman has misunderstood me. I did not ask whether he would allow us to discuss any particular subject, but whether we should have a discussion on the Conference?

If my hon. and gallant Friend will repeat that question, when such publication as the Conference decides upon is made, I shall be very happy to give him an answer.

Peace Treaties

Ottoman Public Debt

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if gold has been transferred from Vienna to London on account of the Ottoman Public Debt; if so, what is the amount; and what debt does this go against?

Under Article 210 of the Treaty of St. Germain the Austrian Government has to deliver for safe custody to such authority as the Principal Allied and Associated Powers may designate, the sum in gold deposited in the Austro-Hungarian Bank in the name of the Council of the administration of the Ottoman Public Debt as security for the first issue of Turkish Government currency notes. The gold in question is being transferred to London.

Should not that credit go to the Reparation Commission, as a credit of gold?

No, I do not think it is credited to the Reparation Commission. At the present time it is in safe custody.

Has it been definitely decided that that money is going to be used to pay off the guarantee, and not the Public Debt?

Dyestuffs, Germany

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the prices charged for synthetic dyestuffs received from Germany under the Reparation Clauses of the Treaty of Versailles are much higher than those charged by Germany to her own customers in other countries, and are consequently hindering the recovery of British textile industries; and will he state the names of the representatives of the consumers in consultation with whom the prices were fixed, and by whom they were appointed to discharge this duty?

I have no reason to think that there is any general divergence of prices such as the hon. Member suggests, or that the prices charged are retarding the recovery of the British textile trade, but I shall be glad to consider any definite evidence on the subject which he is able to adduce. As regards the second part of the question, the basis on which the prices charged by the Board of Trade for reparation dyes were originally fixed was unanimously recommended by the Trade and Licensing Committee. The representatives of the consumers on that Committee were, Mr. Henry Allen, Mr. Lennox B. Lee, and Sir Milton Sharp, all nominated by the Colour Users' Association, and Mr. Thomas Taylor, nominated by the Federation of Paint, Colour and Varnish Makers' Associations. The prices have since been revised from time to time, to meet changes in market conditions, in consultation with Mr. G. E. Holden (of the English Velvet and Cord Dyers' Association, Limited) and Mr. C. Rawson (of the British Cotton and Wool Dyers' Association, Limited), who were nominated for this purpose by the Colour Users' Association on the 5th August, 1920.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the majority of the gentlemen named repudiated having been consulted, and entirely disapprove of what has been done?

No. I am not in the least aware of that. My information is that this Committee has been consulted throughout, and the records show that their recommendations as to official prices were unanimous.

Silver, Germany

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the German Government has been in negotiation with the British Government with regard to the pledging of silver; if so, what is the amount suggested; and will this amount come to London?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, and, consequently, the remaining parts do not arise.

Revenue and Expenditure

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amounts of expenditure, specifying the chief items, estimated to fall on the Exchequer this financial year, beyond that estimated in the financial statement of the 25th April last?

I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to await the statement which, as I have already announced, I propose to make towards the end of the Session.

When does the right hon. Gentleman propose to make it, and could he not give us the chief items now, in order to facilitate discussion on the Budget, which is not yet passed?

I fear it is not possible to do that. I should be very glad to put any information which I could regard as accurate at the service of the House, but I am afraid I cannot do so at the present time.

57 and 58.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) whether he estimates the national income for the current year at more than £2,800,000,000, and the total charge for national services at less than 32 per cent. thereof; if so, will he state how much more or less, respectively?

(2) if his attention has been drawn to statements at the Bankers' Institute to the effect that the percentage of the total cost of national services in 1920, as compared to the total national income, had nearly trebled as compared with 1907, with the result that the fund out of which the capital was provided for the production of new wealth, the development of the Empire, and the provision of foodstuffs and raw materials for the support of our growing population had fallen from nearly 24 per cent. of income in 1907 to only about 5 per cent. in 1920; and, if this is so, will the estimated expenditure on national services for 1921 be revised and reduced?

In my opinion it is impossible at the present time to frame any estimate of national income with any kind of accuracy, and percentage calculations of the kind in question are apt to be misleading and dangerous. I am not prepared to give official endorsement to any of the varying estimates of national income framed by private individuals before the War or at the present date. I have seen a copy of the interesting paper referred to. With the general conclusion that the nation is poorer than before the War, and that economy, public and private, is urgently needed, I am in hearty sympathy. As my hon. Friend is aware, all possible efforts are being made to reduce Government expenditure at the earliest possible date. I am not, however, in a position to present a revised Budget statement.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will explore every possible means of reducing expenditure as an alternative to increased taxation in view of the probable heavy deficit in estimated revenue in the present financial year?

The answer is in the affirmative. I must not, however, be taken as endorsing without qualification my hon. Friend's pessimism in regard to the revenue of the current year.

Has the right hon. Gentleman received any answer to the Treasury Circular from the various Departments, saying by how much they can cut down their expenditure?

My hon. Friend will remember the terms of the Circular. Their proposals were to be in my hands by the 31st July.

Does the answer apply to the Civil Service war bonus as a possible avenue for reduction of expenditure?

I am certainly considering the whole expenditure of Government Departments, including the Civil Service.

Coal Industry Dispute

Government Measures (Cost)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the total cost to the nation of the measures taken by the Government in connection with the coal stoppage, including the cost of the Defence Corps, the Naval, Military, and Air Force Reserve, the cost of administration of the Emergency Powers Act, the,, coal subsidy, the indemnification of railway profits, and all other charges falling on the Exchequer; and what would have been the cost per week of coal control if it had been temporarily continued?

The charges falling on the Exchequer as a result of the measures taken by the Government, so far as they can be estimated at present, are approximately as follow:

As regards indemnification of railway profits, it is not at present possible to allocate accurately the liability arising from the coal stoppage and the general trade depression, respectively.

As regards the last part of the question, the loss to the State during the last weeks of control was approximately £1,500,000 per week. This rate of loss was likely to increase with further declines in prices. The question, however, assumes erroneously that, if control had been continued temporarily, there would have been no stoppage. The fact is—as the course of the recent dispute has shown—that at whatever time decontrol took place there would have been a stoppage arising out of the demand for pooling arrangements, and we should have experienced, not only the loss we have now suffered, but also the deficits incurred during the added period of control.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say approximately what the charge was in respect of indemnification of railway profits? Would £10,000,000 be too high a figure?

Working Days Lost

asked the Minister of Labour how many working days have been lost by the coal miners as a result of the coal dispute and how many working days he estimates have been lost as a result of the coal dispute by workers in other industries, including in the estimate the amount of time lost by those who, though not totally unemployed, have been working short time in consequence of the dispute?

The number of days worked per week at the coal mines varies from time to time according to the state of employment. On the basis of the numbers employed and of the average number of days worked per week at the coal mines in March last, prior to the commencement of the dispute, it is estimated that the aggregate number of working days lost from 1st April, when the stoppage began, to Saturday last, the 2nd July, was approximately 70,000,000. I am afraid the information available as to the effect of the stoppage does not enable a similar estimate to be made in respect of other industries.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give us any estimate of the number of miners' lives that have been saved due to the dispute?

National Loss

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has issued any estimate of the total loss to the country entailed by the recent coal dispute owing to the dislocation of the coal and other industries, loss of freights on the railways and other means of transport, direct loss of wages, and other incidental losses; if not, will he consider the desirability of issuing a statement formed on the basis of such information as may be readily available to the Board of Trade, with a view of influencing public opinion in favour of the settlement of trade disputes by other means than those involving stoppages of industry; whether legislative measures exist in Australia by which a certain time must elapse before strikes and lock-outs may legally take place: and, if so, whether such legislation has been generally successful?

I have been asked to reply. As regards the first and second parts of the question, information is not available to show the total loss to the country resulting from the coal dispute. As regards the remainder of the question, legislative measres exist in Austrialia for ensuring that an interval shall elapse before a strike or lock-out can be entered upon, but I understand that competent judges of Australian labour do not consider that these measures have been successful.

Are we wrong in stating that taking the whole losses in every form the coal stoppage has cost the country £500,000,000?

STOCKS OF GOLD.

In sovereigns.

£

United Kingdom

(29-6-21)

Bank of England

£126,551,000

Gold against Currency Notes

28,500,000

155,051,000

U.S.A

(1-6-21)

Stock of Gold in the Country (from U.S. Treasury Circulation Statement)

$3,175,000,000

652,406,000

France

(23-6-21)

Bank of France

Fcs. 3,571,677,000 ( a ))

141,621,000

Japan

(28-5-21)

Bank of Japan

Yen. 1,280,943,000 ( b ))

131,204,000

Italy

(20-10-20)

3 Banks of Issue

Lire 1,039,000,000 ( a ))

41,198,000

Germany

(22-6-21)

Bank of Germany

Mks. 1,092,000,000

53,451,000

( a ) Excluding Balances abroad.) Excluding Balances abroad.

( b ) Including Silver.) Including Silver.

NOTE.—Except in the case of the United States, the foregoing totals are exclusive of any gold that may remain outside the central banks of issue in the hands of the public.

Public Buildings (Maintenance)

asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he is aware of the amount of ordinary maintenance works requiring to be done on public buildings;

Have not bankers gone into the matter, and is not £200,000,000 nearer the mark?

Gold Stocks

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he knows the amount of gold in this country and in other first-class nations; and, if so, can he state the amount in coins and in bullion?

I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement giving the information, so far as available, for the United Kingdom, United States of America, France, Japan, Italy, and Germany. It is not possible to separate coin from bullion.

Is the exchange value of a nation commensurate with its quantity of gold, or does it depend upon whether the nations are exchanging one another's goods?

The hon. Member should put that question down.

The following is the statement:

and whether, seeing that most of this work has been accumulating during the War, and in view of the condition of public offices and buildings and of the fact that furniture, fittings, and structures have been entirely neglected, he will, in view of the present unemployment, consider the advisability of proceeding with this work?

Owing to the necessity for conserving the national resources during the War, the standard of maintenance work on public buildings was substantially lowered from the normal; though it was anticipated that it would be possible to revert to pre-War standards, the need for restricting public expenditure has rendered it necessary to limit works of a maintenance character to the absolute minimum.

Notwithstanding these arrears of repairs or depreciation, is the Department now engaged in shortening the number of employes?

We are carrying out what we consider to be absolutely essential repairs and those only. It may necessitate reducing the staff.

Does not the hon. Baronet think if depreciation is allowed to go on through neglect of these essential repairs that is very poor economy?

asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether work done by contractors for the Office of Works is inspected and supervised as closely and critically as the work done by the Department's own employés; and whether, after completion of the contractors' work, there are frequently a large number of requisitions received for repairs, etc., which have to be done by the Department's own employés, the cost being, therefore, charged to the maintenance account instead of being borne by the contractor?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative; in so far as any damage is done to Government property by contractors' workmen, the damage is made good at the contractors' expense, and does not, therefore, fall upon State funds.

Have the Government considered the advisability of the Chief Commissioner doing all his own work without the intervention of a contractor, which would be a great saving to the State?

Unemployment Statistics

asked the Minister of Labour if he will state the latest return of the number of unemployed persons, including the miners, and the estimated approximate amount of the loss per week of wages due to such unemployment on the basis of such return?

At 24th June, the latest date for which figures are available, the number of persons on the live registers of Employment Exchanges as unemployed was 2,177,899, while about 832,000 persons were claiming benefit in respect of short time working. In addition about 1,120,000 coal miners were idle on account of the stoppage in the coal industry. I am unable to compute with any accuracy the amount of loss in wages.

Is it a fact that the new Act prevents short timers receiving any unemployment benefit?

No. I explained with all the care I could during the discussions on the Bill the circumstances under which short time might and might not receive benefit.

Is it not a fact that the theory suggested by the right hon. Gentleman is not practicable?

Can the right hon. Gentleman now make any statement as to the position of the miners who have not been able to resume work after the close of the dispute, and as to the conditions especially with regard to the right to claim unemployment pay?

Excess Profits Duty

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what sums have been received by the Treasury from Excess Profits Duty up to date; how much is outstanding in arrears; what amount has been claimed to be repaid on account of subsequent losses; and how much has actually been repaid?

The amount of Excess Profits Duty paid into the Exchequer from its imposition in 1915 up to 30th June, 1921, is £1,171,642,000. The amount repaid up to 30th June, 1921, was £49,016,000. The amount of duty in assessment, loss sums shown due to be remitted, as at 30th June, 1921, was £285,000,000. No record is kept of the total amount of applications made for repayment of Excess Profits Duty.

That is the sum which is described as being in assessment, that is to say, it has not been paid, although it has been claimed. There are many appeals against these claims.

Has the right hon. Gentleman taken into consideration the wisdom of deducting interest on account of these arrears?

"Labour Gazette."

asked the Minister of Labour what is the cost of the issue of the "Labour Gazette"; and whether it would be possible to publish it the first week of the month instead of the third week?

About 18,600 copies of this monthly publication are issued. The total cost of production is just over £600. The receipts about £200. There is therefore a debit account monthly of over £400. As against that, however, we supply, amongst other free issues, nearly 10,000 copies to employers' associations and labour organisations in this country, and to overseas Governments and foreign Governments. In return we get extremely valuable material regarding the condition of industry throughout the world. It would not be possible, I am afraid, to publish the "Gazette" in its present form during the first week of the month.

Sack and Bag Trade

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the statement made by him to the effect that it was proposed to set up a Trade Board for the sack and bag trade, he can now state on what date the arrangements for setting up this Board will be completed?

I am not yet in a position to state a definite date for the establishment of the Board. It has not yet been possible to secure representatives of all the districts in which this trade is carried on to a substantial extent, but inquiries are proceeding.

Electric Glow-Lamps

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, seeing that the record of the Statistical Office of the Customs House shows that the registered imports of electric glow-lamps into the United Kingdom has reached a total of nearly 1,000,000 lamps during the first four months of the present year, that the number of gas-lamps has increased from 87,272 in January to 224,519 in April, and that the number of vacuum lamps imported in April was 129,097, he has any information to the effect that, while this import has been in process, the lamp factories in this country have only worked two or three days a week and that some are now entirely shut down?

The figures are as stated in the question. But I must point out that the registered exports of electric glow-lamps for the four months in question amounted to 2,426,000. I regret that, as in the case of so many other works, some of the factories producing electric glow-lamps are closed at present, and others are on short time.

Treasury Bonds (New Issue)

Sir R. Horne's Announcement

( by Private Notice ) asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he proposes to offer a Government issue for cash subscription in order to raise money towards meeting maturing obligations for which provision has not yet been fully made?

After careful consideration and consultation, I have decided to offer for subscription an issue of 5½ per cent. Treasury Bonds maturing 1st April, 1929, the price of issue being fixed at 97.

Holders of the 5 per cent. Exchequer Bonds maturing on the 5th October, 1921, and of National War Bonds maturing in 1922 and 1923, will be offered an opportunity of converting their holdings into these Treasury Bonds.

The prospectus will be issued on Monday next, 11th July, and I would refer hon. Members to it for further details of the issue.

The sole purpose of the issue is to provide for redeeming maturing obligations and thus to avoid undue recourse to Treasury Bills and Ways and Means Advances.

I am sure that I can confidently rely on the people of the country to support this issue and so assist our efforts to maintain our financial position on a sound footing. I should add that the Loan will not be for any fixed amount, and I do not propose in the first instance to fix any definite period within which subscriptions will be received. I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a résumé of the terms of the issue.

What will be the advantage to the owners of the present certificates who convert?

This is an issue for cash of Bonds which will cost £97 per £100, and the interest will be 5½ per cent., meaning that on the actual investment there will be a yield of £5 19s. 6d. per cent.

In view of the speeches in the country that the country is bankrupt, where does the right hon. Gentleman expect to get the money?

Following are the terms of issue:

RÉSUMÉ OF THE TERMS OF PROPOSED ISSUE OF 5½ PER CENT. TREASURY BONDS, 1929.

Price of issue £97 per cent.

Principal repayable at par on 1st April, 1929.

Interest payable half-yearly on 1st April and 1st October.

Interest exempt from Corporation Profits Tax.

Bonds convertible at the holder's option as on 1st April, 1922, or 1st October, 1922, into 3½ per cent. Conversion Loan at the rate of £146 Conversion Loan for each £100 of Bonds converted.

Applications will be received on the 12th July, 1921, and thereafter until further notice.

The first dividend will be payable on 1st October, 1921, and will represent interest to that date from the date on which payment for the Bond is made.

On notice given not later than 26th July, 1921, holders of the following Exchequer and National War Bonds may surrender their holdings in whole or in part and receive in exchange therefor similar holdings of like amounts of Treasury Bonds of the present issue together with a cash payment as follows:

.5 per cent. Exchequer Bonds due 5th October, 1921, a cash payment of £4 per £100 of Bonds surrendered.

5 per cent. National War Bonds due 1st October, 1922, a cash payment of £4 per £100 of Bonds surrendered.

5 per cent. National War Bonds due 1st April, 1923, a cash payment of £3 10s. per £100 of Bonds surrendered.

5 per cent. National War Bonds due 1st September, 1923, a cash payment of £3 10s. per £100 of Bonds surrendered.

All conversions will take place as on 26th July, 1921, to which date interest will be paid in respect of bonds surrendered and from which date the 5½ per cent. Treasury Bonds issued in exchange will carry interest.

Water Undertakings (Modification of Charges) Bill,

"to make provision for the modification of the charges which may be made in respect of water undertakings," presented by Sir ALFRED MOND; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 165.]

League of Nations

Council's Proceedings at Geneva

MR. FISHER'S STATEMENT.

(by Private Notice) asked the President of the Board of Education whether he has any statement to make in reference to the proceedings of the Council of the League of Nations at Geneva?

I am glad to have this opportunity of a brief statement to the House in regard to some of the more important questions dealt with by the Council of the League of Nations at its recent meeting at Geneva from 17th June to 28th June.

I will deal first with the question of the Aland Islands. In September of last year the Council resolved to appoint a Commission of Jurists to advise them whether this question was within the competence of the League of Nations or not. The Commission of Jurists having decided that the League were competent to deal with the question, the Council proceeded to appoint a Committee of Rapporteurs, who, after having visited Stockholm, Helsingfors, and the Islands themselves, presented a Report, of which the conclusions were: (1) That Finnish sovereignty over the Islands should be recognised; (2) that certain additional guarantees should be given to the Alanders to complete the existing Law of Autonomy of September last; (3) that a new Convention should be signed by the interested Powers for the complete neutralisation of the Islands.

The recommendations of the Committee were unanimously accepted by the Council, and were also accepted by the interested parties, between whom also agreement was reached as to the terms of the additional guarantees to be inserted in the Law of Autonomy.

2 .International Court of Justice.—I informed the Council that it was the intention of His Majesty's Government to ratify the Protocol of the Statute establishing the Court, an announcement which was received with the greatest satisfaction.

3. The Council was invited by Albania to send out a Commission of Inquiry for the purpose of examining certain alleged grievances against the Greeks and the Yugo-Slavs, arising in point of fact out of the unsettled state of the Albanian frontiers.

The Council decided to inform the Albanian Delegate that as the Council of Ambassadors was already deliberating at Paris on the question of the frontiers of Albania, it was hardly possible for the Council of the League to embark upon an identical Inquiry at this moment. At the same time the Albanians were informed that the Council would carefully watch the development of the question, and all three parties were strongly urged to abstain from any hostile or provocative acts pending a decision by the Council of Ambassadors, which it is hoped will not be long delayed. The Albanian Delegate declared his intention of laying the case of Albania before the Assembly of the League at its approaching meeting next September.

4. Poland and Lithuania.—The House probably knows that negotiations have for some time been proceeding at Brussels between these two parties under the able and tactful chairmanship of M. Hymans, the Belgian Member of the Council.

M. Hymans, after hearing both sides to the question, prepared a draft to serve as a basis of discussion, the draft being based on the recognition by both parties of the necessity of mutually close relations.

M. Hymans' draft was considered by the Council, and I am glad to say that both parties have now accepted it as a basis and will resume negotiations at Brussels in the course of this month. An early settlement of this question is earnestly to be desired in the interests of peace in Eastern Europe.

5. Danzig.—A good deal of the time of the Council was taken up by questions, which, though troublesome, are not of any great importance, between Poland and Danzig. The President of the Senate of Danzig and the Polish Representative on the League of Nations attended the meetings of the Council, and I am very happy to be able to point to a marked advance towards the adjustment of the difficulties, which are inherent in the nature of the case, between the Free City and the Polish Republic. There is indeed every reason to hope that the Conventions necessary to give effect to full commercial intercourse between Poland and Danzig will be concluded at an early date, and that both parties will then be able to enter upon a course of normal relationship.

Does this decision mean that the Aland dispute, which was a dangerous dispute, is finally disposed of? Also, will the right hon. Gentleman say when the Government propose to ratify the protocol of the International Court of Justice?

The Aland dispute is finally disposed of, I am very glad to say, though, of course, the neutralisation convention still has to be concluded. With respect to the International Court of Justice, His Majesty's Government hope to ratify the protocol before the Imperial Conference has been concluded.

Did the League of Nations make any recommendation that His Majesty's Government should recognise the de jure independence of Lithuania?

Will the protocol of the International Court of Justice be ratified before the functions of the Court are decided upon, and will there be any opportunity of discussing the ex parte statement of the achievements of the League which has just been made?

As far as the International Court of Justice is concerned, the functions have been decided, and it only remains for His Majesty's Government to ratify the protocol, which they propose to do. So far as an opportunity for further discussion of the statement is concerned, my hon. Friend should obtain an expression on that matter from the Leader of the House.

Is it recognised that the decision as to the Aland Islands eliminates the rights which Finland has exercised over these islands, which previously have been an integral part of Finland, and that, by announcing its willingness to accept the decision of the League of Nations, Finland has rendered a considerable service to the establishment of the League of Nations?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that on two occasions the Allies have attempted to divide Albania, and may I ask if it is not a fact that, if Albania is withdrawn from the League of Nations and put under a partial tribunal like the conference of the Ambassadors, the southern portion will be given to Greece, and in that case another war will be inevitable?

This is not an occasion for discussing that matter. The original question was simply asking for the decision of the Council of the League of Nations at Geneva.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that among both the critics of the League and the supporters of the League there is a very general desire that an opportunity should be given of discussing the work of the League, and that in making arrangements for the remaining days of Supply an occasion for having this discussion may be found?

If it be the desire of the House to have one of the allotted days devoted to a discussion of this subject, that can be arranged.

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee C

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee C: Mr. Blane.

Standing Committee D

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee D: Sir John Baird, Captain Bowyer, Mr. Neville Chamberlain, Sir Henry Cowan, Sir Arthur Boscawen, Mr. Johnstone, Mr. Pretyman, Mr. Royce, and Sir Ernest Pollock.

Reports to lie upon the Table.

Gas and Water Bills

Report from the Joint Committee, in respect of the Rhymney and Aber Valleys Gas and Water Bill [ Lords ] (pending in the Lords), brought up, and read;

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Bills Reported

Metropolitan Water Board (Charges) Bill,

Reported, with Amendments, from the Joint Committee on Water (Charges) Bills; Report to lie upon the Table.

Liverpool Corporation Bill [ Lords ],

Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

GOVERNMENT OF BURMA BILL [ Lords ].

Read the First time; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 166.]

Orders of the Day

Corn Production Acts (Repeal) Bill

Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Amendment to Question [4 th July ], " That the Bill be now read a Second time."

Which Amendment was, to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months."—[ Mr. W. B. Smith. ]

Question again proposed, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

4.0 P.M.

In continuing the remarks which I began last night, I desire to impress on the Government, speaking for the industry in which I am most interested, that it is our simple duty, if we stop the guaranteed prices in reference to agriculture, to stop also subsidies in every other service, whether it be our industries or our Civil Service. Too high wages should not be paid in any of our industries. It is essential that costs should be cut down, and the only way we can do that now is by seeing that subsidies are not paid. If we support doing away with the guarantee in agriculture, it is essential not only that no subsidy should be given in industry but also that the high bonus now paid to civil servants should be cut down at the earliest possible moment. The wages of the agricultural labourer have been too low in the past, and we are stultifying ourselves now unless at the same time we see that other wages are reduced. There is a proposal in this Bill that £1,000,000 should be granted to the industry as some encouragement to it in the future. If that be what the nation can afford to the industry, then personnally I advocate that it should be alloacted in such a way as to do the best and most for the agricultural labourer. It is essential to the good of this industry that in future we should get the cooperation of the agricultural worker. At present he is disturbed in his mind because of the doing away of the Wages Board. I should like to set his mind at rest, and to give him the assurance that all that he fears will result from the doing away with the Wages Board will not come to pass. If the Government wish for the prosperity of this industry, it will be well for them to use whatever money they are able to devote to it for the benefit of the agricultural labourer. Agriculturalists would appreciate that as doing most for agriculture at the moment. It is not for me to suggest the best means of doing this, but I do hope that the Minister of Agriculture will consider it and see whether, within the bounds of his Financial Resolution, it will not be possible for this money to be devoted to the interests of the agricultural labourer.

Practically everybody who has spoken has expressed the opinion that the Wages Board is too hard and fast in its rules and regulations. It has been stated that this is the fault of Parliament. If it be the fault of Parliament, then it is a fault which Parliament will find it difficult to avoid when it sets up Wages Boards. Agriculture varies in every county; in fact, it varies within the boundaries of many of the larger counties, and it is impossible for the Wages Board to fix wages for the big districts now covered by them. One appreciates that in the rich farming districts, such as the Fenlands in my constituency, far higher wages can be paid than in some poorer districts, sometimes with heavy clay and sometimes with light land, both of which will not give anything like the return which the rich Fenlands give. I am convinced that in those districts the men fully appreciate the fact and would appreciate getting full work at the rate which the district can afford rather than being cut off from all work by being linked up with richer districts. Far too high a minimum has been laid down in many districts, and those engaged in agriculture, tenant farmers and tenant proprietors, recognise how difficult it is to carry on the Wages Board. Knowing the difficulties, they will do their utmost to give as good and as satisfactory wages to their workmen as possible.

I am quite willing to admit that in all communities there are men to be found who will try to evade giving a good wage to their workman, but public opinion has a good effect upon those men. I only regret that it is not possible for them to be turned out of their farms. A man who tries to pinch his labourers ought not to be given fixity or security of tenure of any sort, and, if the Government could put down a proposal to make it possible to turn such a man out of his farm, I should be perfectly prepared to support it, and I am sure that it would receive the support of the whole House and the whole farming community. Farmers, however, sometimes have reason to complain that a workman does not do his best. I know, and I said yesterday, that many of our agricultural labourers are the best men and want to be encouraged in every way, but there are men in that community, just as much as in others, who are not anxious to do their best, and are not ready to do a full day's work for their pay. I am absolutely convinced that it is a great pity that this industry should be brought too much into the political arena. It has been a good deal kicked in the past, and I have no doubt that it will receive a good many kicks in the future, but it is an industry—landlord, tenant, and agricultural labourer— that has done a great thing for our country during the War. The farmers stayed at home, and certainly did their best to supply us with food. I hope that this House and the Government will take the points which I have put forward into consideration, and that we shall do everything to encourage good will in this industry. The only way which will bring prosperity to the industry is by all those engaged in it working together.

It has been extremely difficult in the whole Debate to find a friend for the Government. Whoever has spoken has wound up with one condemnation or another of some proposal in the Bill. This is another example of the ill-effects of hasty legislation. The new Government when it started its career was going to show the House of Commons and the country how: legislation should be carried through, and we have had instance after instance that the new system does not bear very favourable comparison with the system which it sought to supplant. I do not know that in recent times there has been a single example of a first-class Bill being repealed, certainly not by its authors, or even by the Opposition when it came into power. However strongly it was opposed, once it was put on to the Statute Book it was always a truism that there it stood. While it might be amended, there was no hope of sweeping it off the Statute Book. The reason was that in the old days, however much they may be despised now, there was an immense amount of careful consideration of legislation by the House as a whole, and it is safe to say that no great Measure, however bitterly it was opposed, was passed which had not a very considerable measure of silent support for its main propositions. Therefore we had something like stability in our legislation. Those days have gone, and we have more than once already had the spectacle of this Government coming down, not after years but after months, either to radically amend, or, as in this case, to repeal the whole Measure.

I mean Part 1 of the Bill. The House will forgive me if I quote in support of that a rather interesting little note, which appeared in the "Lloyd George Liberal Magazine," not so long ago, by a somewhat lyrical supporter of the Government. He was explaining why it was that so much legislation was put out so soon, and this is what he said: What has happened meanwhile to minimise any of those risks? Nothing has happened, except that we have had further appeals now and then, more particularly in the Safeguarding of Industries Bill, and time after time in the arguments of Ministers and supporters of the Bill a description of the position of dire peril in which the country will be unless the Measure is passed. What differentiates that Measure from this? If there is one key industry that wants safeguarding it is the agricultural industry. It is far more important to protect the food of the people than the manufacture of miscroscopes. But all that has gone, and we know now that when we come to the impact of the financial situation, the cries about the country being in danger are to be taken at their true value. The Minister of Agriculture said there were three points which accounted for this Measure. The first was the fall in prices. It was almost a nose dive, a vertical drop, and it could not be foreseen. That is only another example of the complete lack of foresight shown by this Department.

Hon. Members will remember the Debate we had in March of last year, when we were criticising the appointment of 1,000 inspectors to "measure up" the country at a cost of £130,000. The reason then given was that it was feared there would be a serious drop in prices. I remember that the right hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman) stated that everybody was aware that no such fall in prices was at all likely to happen. But the Government had some mysterious information, and the country was put to the additional expense of the appointment of 1,000 inspectors, at a cost of £130,000. The same sort of miscalculation was abroad in connection with the miners' dispute. They had no idea of the stoppage of the miners. The Agriculture Bill reached its final stage in the last days of December, 1920. A Christmas sitting was avoided only by all-night sittings. At that time the air was full of warnings of the stoppage of the coal mines. Everybody was warning the Government. The great financial experts were warning the Government, not only of the probabilities of a stoppage of the mines, but of the approaching vertical fall of trade. The whole thing has come to pass. What the Government is seeking to ride off on now is the point that the stoppage of the coal mines lasted two months or more over and above the period that could reasonably have been anticipated. That excuse will not do. It was the business of the Government to take a careful survey of the situation before pledging the country and the House to an expenditure about which my right hon. Friend the Member for South Molton (Mr. G. Lambert) warned them. He almost named the sum to a million. He said it might cost £35,000,000, and the estimate is £30,000,000.

The other point taken was that the Government have now decided not to have any subsidies for key industries. It is a late conversion, and they are actually bringing that in as an argument in favour of this drastic change. I am very glad indeed that the finances of the country are to be relieved of this appalling charge. I always try to be as frank as I can, and I say at once that I cannot ally myself in any full degree with what has been stated from several parts of the House—that the Government had no right at all to alter its policy in accordance with the financial position in which we find ourselves. If that position is to be taken up it is a most serious position. If the Executive of the day, charged with the destinies, financial and otherwise, of the nation, comes to the conclusion that in the discharge of its duties it can no longer pledge itself to a particular payment, all that Parliament can ask is that the class immediately affected shall have fair and equitable treatment. Responsible criticism should be on that line. If any other line were taken, Parliament would be pledged for all time, and any proposal carrying financial advantages would be fixed for ever. The whole of our legislation is crowded with instances of classes of the community being damnified in the interests of the whole. What I am anxious about on this point is that the farmers should have fair treatment, but beyond that I am afraid that I cannot carry my criticism of the Government as far as some hon. Members have thought it their duty to carry it.

With regard to the Wages Board, the Government, I am sure, feel themselves on very delicate and difficult ground. I hope that in Committee or on the Report stage the Government will feel not only the force of the criticism in this House, but the force of public opinion throughout the country. I am certain I am not over- stating the case when I say that, speaking generally, public opinion will view with the greatest disfavour the turning of the agricultural labourer adrift on the sea of purely economic conditions at the present moment. If a free vote of the House was allowed, there is not the slightest doubt that the Wages Board would not go. These Wages Boards are not a part of the bargain with regard to bounties. I pray in aid of that what was said by Lord Ernie, then Mr. Prothero, when he moved in 1917 the Second Reading of the Corn Production Bill. Mr. Ramsay Macdonald was then a Member of the House, and he put a specific point to Mr. Prothero. He said that the Bill would be regarded as a Measure of great unfairness if the establishment of the Wages Board were taken as being part of the bargain with regard to bounties, and Mr. Prothero at once denied that that was so. There followed this dialogue: terrible example. In that case control was pulled off and the two parties were left in the open, to fight it out or arrange it as they might think best. I remember that my right hon. Friend (Mr. Clynes) said in regard to that, "Why cannot we think it out?" That is excellent advice to people who are in the mood to think things out, but if you put the farmers and the labourers, and their respective unions, at once, into a position of antagonism, as I am very much afraid is going to happen, what will the results be? Where the unions are strong they will be able to do something to minimise the impact of the demand for reduced wages. Where they are not so, you will have outbursts of social disorder which the Government may find it very difficult to cope with. I do not think I am overstating it. That must have impressed those who listened to the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Southern Norfolk (Mr. G. Edwards), a man whose record of work for agricultural labourers is one which does him the greatest honour, a man whose responsibilities are seriously taken and whose whole nature shrinks from violence. What does he foresee? If ever there was a warning note addressed by a moderate man, it was that which was addressed by my hon. Friend to the Government last night. These Wages Boards should, and must be retained, in some form or another, not only for the protection of the labourer, but on a much higher ground, for the maintenance of social order. If the proposal of the Government is not mitigated in Committee, serious results may follow. In many important matters it is a proposal capable of amendment. It is too rigid. Why not make it elastic to fit the case, to which our experience has shown it must be adapted. If the Board got its share of popularity by raising wages, it ought to take its share of unpopularity by lowering wages.

Finally, in reference to what has been said regarding the position in Scotland, may I point out they have a very highly organised Farm Servants' Union, led by a man of real responsibility and knowledge, and they are therefore able to arrange with their employers terms, not only as to wages, but hours, under which the industry there has succeeded in maintaining a flourishing condition. That condition does not obtain, unfortunately, except over a small part of the agricul- tural community as a whole, and it is for this instant and pressing need, that some form of legislation should be maintained in a fit and proper condition to meet the evils and the dangers and the difficulties in which we are placed. The statement made yesterday by my right hon. Friend the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) impressed me very deeply. He spoke from his own knowledge, and he said that there was, in the agricultural districts with which he is specially acquainted, a much greater tendency for the young men and women to stay on the land. The point he made was, that it was not only a question of the higher wages, but it was the security of the employment at a reasonable wage, which attracted these young people to a career on the land. No more reckless step has been taken by the present Government, in regard to industrial and social affairs, than their proposal to abolish the Wages Board. I hope they will yield to the pressure which is being brought to bear upon them. That pressure is not con fined to Members of one party in the House. Wherever a Member arises to take part in this Debate, sooner or later ho comes on to the question of the Wages Board, and nearly always in condemnation of the Government's proposal. I hope they will give way to that pressure, and to the very strong public opinion outside these walls, in favour of the maintenance of the Wages Board, as a protection to a large, deserving and vital industrial class, which of all industrial classes is least able to protect itself.

As the Minister who is responsible for agriculture in Scotland, I am naturally interested in the subject matter of the Debate. I have heard nearly all the speeches delivered, including the speech of my right hon. Friend who has just sat down, which, if I may say so, was delivered with the usual frankness and fairness which we on this side of the House associate with him. I was very much impressed by it. I hope the House will not think me presumptuous when I say that during the 12 years I have sat in this House I have always thought there were no Debates which reached a higher level than those relating to agriculture. The speeches delivered in those Debates are delivered with a sense of responsibility, with an intimate knowledge of the subject, and with an abstention from anything like an attempt to score debating points, which you do not find in some of the other Debates with which we are familiar in this House. The Debate to which we listened yesterday was no exception to that rule. I hope in the few observations which I shall make—I desire to make way for many others better qualified by expert knowledge to speak upon the subject—I shall not fall below the level which has been set in the previous part of this Debate.

The position in Scotland to-day is different from that which exists in England. Scotland never asked for the Act, 1920, nor for the guarantees, but at the same time, as it was proposed to give these guarantees to English farmers, it would have seemed almost churlish if Scotland had stood outside, and it would not have been entirely in keeping with our national traditions in Scotland. Accordingly, Scotland was included in the Measure. I demur to the suggestion of my right hon. Friend that the legislation was hasty. On the contrary, it was very well considered at the time when it was introduced. The circumstances are now entirely different from those which existed then, but there was no want of consideration when the Measure was presented to the House of Commons. At the same time it would be idle to deny, and I desire most frankly to recognise the fact, that a step of the utmost gravity is being taken by the Government in presenting this Bill for Second Reading. One need hardly assure the House that that step has been taken only after repeated and anxious deliberation, consultation, and consideration, after which we were reluctantly driven to the conclusion, having made a full survey of all the circumstances, that this step was not only expedient but inevitable. The course which the Government proposes to take can be justified on more grounds than one. I am going to put three considerations before the House, and the cumulative effect of those three is, I think, irresistible. I may be wrong, but the House will judge. The first consideration is the obvious one of the financial situation. I am not going to elaborate that, because the Chancellor of the Exchequer, speaking with all the authority and responsibility which befits his office, has told the House of Commons, with that authority and with that re- sponsibility, that we cannot afford the liabilities entailed by the Act, Part I of which it is now sought to repeal. If the situation as it exists to-day could have been foreseen in December, 1920—I differ from my right hon. Friend (Sir U. Maclean) when he says that at that time the Government must have been well aware of the possibilities of the mines stoppage—if the present situation could have been foreseen, I say no Government, whatever its complexion, however composed and whatever its merits, would have dreamed of undertaking, or dared to undertake, the liabilities entailed under this Statute. That was in December, 1920, and now we are in July, 1921. We are at a time when the Chancellor of the Exchequer has sent out a circular, frequently referred to in this House, impressing upon every Department that there must be diminished expenditure and that if necessary—so the circular runs —policy must be reviewed, in order to secure the necessary economies. I ask the House of Commons this question: What policy more urgently demands review than a policy which may cost the country £35,000,000 sterling and which returns, as I hope to show, nothing to the Government or to the country in respect of that expenditure?

I say that in passing, and having said it I go on from the financial aspect of the argument, which has boon fully dealt with by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. If there were no other argument, I should have thought in a House of Commons which demands retrenchment, that argument would have gone a long way—subject to the considerations to which my right hon. Friend (Sir D. Maclean) referred—towards satisfying hon. Members that they should vote for this Measure. But the matter does not end there. The previous Bill which emerged from another place was a very different Bill from that which entered another place. I desire to stress that point. I remember very well standing at this Box when the Bill came back from another place and making some blunt criticisms on what had happened. The Bill was really, in its essentials, emasculated and mutilated almost beyond recognition. In the Measure, as it is on the Statute Book today, the State retains practically no effective control over agriculture at all. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why did you not drop it then?"] I shall deal with that in a moment. I think there was a good deal to say for dropping it; I think there was a good deal to say for giving it a trial for six months, but there is nothing to say for retaining it on the Statute Book in the existing financial circumstances of the country. I ask the House to bear with me for a moment while I put this point, in order that they may see how the Bill came back to us, as compared with the form in which it left us. The whole idea of the Measure, as I understood it, was this: It was thought proper that there should be an increase in food production, and consequently it was thought proper that more land should be put under arable cultivation. Accordingly the Government said: "We, as a Government, propose to take a strong step. We propose to interfere with the discretion of the farmer. We propose, if we think proper, to compel him to put land under arable cultivation, which he prefers to have in grass. We, the State, propose to step in and make him do this thing because we think it is important." On the other hand, the State also said: "We quite recognise this is an interference with the personal liberty and discretion of the farmer, and therefore we think there should be a counterpart to the bargain. We think he should be protected against loss; that there should be guarantees given to him, and accordingly if we are to compel him to put land into cultivation which he might desire to arrange in another manner, we must at least guarantee him against loss, and we shall do so."

That was a very reasonable and fair and proper bargain, but the first part of the bargain dropped out in another place. And now, under the Act, as it reached the Statute Book, the State has no power to compel a farmer to put an acre of land under cultivation which is under grass, or to prevent him from letting his land go back to grass from arable, and, therefore, the bargain, as it turned out when the Bill came back from another place, was a very bad one for the State. But there were those who said: "It contains a certain measure, small it may be, of control, and there are other important provisions in Part I; let us see how it works." Well, we have seen how it works, and that brings me to my third point. The Act has failed to achieve the purpose for which it was designed. The purpose for which it was designed was to increase the cultivation in the country, and this is just another way of looking at the same point. The power to enforce arable cultivation disappeared. Is it surprising, therefore, that there should be no increase in arable cultivation? Last year in Scotland— and I am speaking of Scotland alone— the Act was not on the Statute Book, I admit, but with the prospect of guarantees the arable cultivation of the country diminished by 55 per cent., as compared with the increase secured from 1916 up; to 1920, and this year, I am advised, there will be a further decrease. Whether the situation is similar in England, I' am not fully advised, but no doubt that will be dealt with by those who follow me. So far as Scotland is concerned, I say that if the purpose of the Act were to secure increased arable cultivation, that purpose has not been achieved, and therefore I put it to the House that the cumulative effect of these three conditions, namely, the financial situation, the method in which this Bill was altered in another place, and the fact that it has failed to secure the cultivation which it was designed to secure, is irresistible, I would remind the House of what Lord Lee said in another place, dealing with this last point:

On the Committee stage of the Bill in another place. The Prime Minister, speaking from this Box on the Report stage of the Bill, made quite clear what was in the minds of the Government when passing the Measure, for he said he felt we were justified

"if we were going to get increased cultivation and increased home production of food supplies, in going to the extent of guaranteeing this particular industry."— [OFFICIAL REPORT, 15th November, 1920: col. 1615, Vol. 134.]

Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that there has been no increased cultivation between November and July?

I am not a farmer, but I think that could be stated, certainly as far as oats are concerned. Without stressing that particular point, I want to make quite clear to my English friends that I am dealing, in connection with that point, with the Scottish situation alone. I want now, if I may, in a sentence or two, to deal with those who say, "These considerations are all very well, but there are two objections which we urge"; and really the Debate yesterday centred round these two objections. The first is that a breach of faith has been committed in connection with this proposal, and the second is that the Wages Boards at least should remain. With regard to the first, the breach of faith. I heard a good deal said yesterday in the course of the Debate about honesty and honour which was not very pleasant to listen to, and I want to examine precisely what the breach of faith complained of is. I suppose it is—I shall be corrected if I am wrong—failure to give four years' notice of intention to repeal Part I of the Agriculture Act. If four years' notice were given, then I apprehend there would be no charge of breach of faith, no suggestion that we were dishonest. Now, there are two ways in which we can get rid of an Act of Parliament; the one is administrative, and the other is legislative. Administratively you can get rid of an Act by an Order in Council, if, by a previous Statute, Parliament has enacted that the Statute can be brought to an end by an Order in Council duly passed, without coming to the House of Commons at all. That is administratively.

You can get rid of it legislatively, as we all know, by passing a repealing Statute. If hon. Members will be good enough to look at the Section with which we are here concerned, Section 1 of the Act of 1920, they will see that if this Act is to be got rid of administratively, four years' notice are required. If, on the other hand, it is to be got rid of legislatively, no notice at all is required. That is perfectly plain from the terms of the Section, which are "until Parliament otherwise determines." And, of course, it is obvious, as indeed my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles admitted, or, I would rather say, affirmed, that Parliament cannot abridge or abdicate its functions or its right to repeal any Statute, with or without notice, at any time, under any circumstances, but particularly, I should add, if I may, when the circumstances have completely changed from the time when it was originally passed. Therefore, so far as the first Section is concerned, I put the argument to the House, and they will judge of its soundness. I say this solemnly and not as a technical point, that Section I bears on its face a requirement of notice if the thing is to be done by Order in Council, but no requirement whatever otherwise. Therefore, I cannot see where-the charge of breach of faith comes in. One would really have thought the Government had refused to pay for the crop which was put in the ground and which is to be reaped this harvest. If that had been done, I could understand a charge of breach of faith, but, as the House well knows, that is not the case.

That is true, and it is for my hon. and gallant Friend and those who think with him to establish, if they can, that farmers have suffered any injury at all which is not compensated by the payment of £19,000,000, and I shall await with interest his speech on that subject. What is the alternative? It is to let the Act go on.

Will my right hon. Friend think what that involves? Is he prepared to go down to his constituency and say, "It is quite true that subsidies are going on all hands; the bread subsidy has gone, the Post Office subsidy is going, the subsidy for the herring fishing has been withdrawn; but I propose to vote for the continuance of the subsidy to farmers; it will cost the State £120,000,000, but I am going to vote for it"? If he is prepared to say that, then I hope we shall see him back here again. I want the House to face the alternative, and that is the alternative. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about Mesopotamia?"] We have heard that argument before, and I want to tarry a little nearer home and not deal with that blessed word. The only other point with which the arguments have dealt is the Wages Board. There, again, I shall leave to a more responsible Minister than I the duty of dealing with the English Wages Boards, because I do not profess to have any familiarity either with their defects or their qualities. But I want to tell the House this—and I want to confirm what my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles has said —in Scotland there will be no sigh or no tear, so far as I know, over the demise of this Act, either among farmers or among farm labourers, and there will certainly be no tear shed at the disappearance of the Wages Boards.

As my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles said, the farm servants in Scotland are led by a man of great shrewdness and sanity, who believes, and I think believes rightly, that he will have more power of bargaining as a trade union with farmers and will get greater benefits in that way for farm servants than any Wages Boards could give them. That is the position in Scotland to-day. When I add to that that the position of Scottish farmers is this, that they ask me, in a letter which they were good enough to send me after a meeting in this House of agricultural Members, to set up Conciliation Committees, founded upon that spirit of goodwill which my right hon. Friend spoke of yesterday—when you find that the farm servant is willing to bargain in the way I have described, and when you find that the farmer is willing to have Conciliation Committees set up, and that these are ready to hand in accordance with the machinery which we Have in Scotland, I think that, so far as Wages Boards are concerned, no one, not even my right hon. Friend the Member for Fife (Mr. Adamson), will grieve for a moment over their complete and final disappearance.

This Bill gives £19,000,000 to the farmers, and goodwill to the labourers.

The labourers of Scotland will be able to get more by trade union bargaining with the farmers than by any number of Wages Boards, as my hon. Friend will know if he knows Scotland. Finally, let me say there is one provision in this Bill which has not been much referred to—it was referred to by my hon. Friend who spoke on this side this afternoon—and that is the provision of £1,000,000 for agricultural research. In my humble judgment, that will be of much more service to agriculture than £20,000,000 in subsidies, and the history of Europe during the last half century proves it. There are two countries to-day which lead in agriculture in Europe. The one is Denmark, and the other is Belgium. Without any guarantees and without any bounties, but merely by scientific knowledge and research, Denmark has become agriculturally the best and individually, I think, the most wealthy country for her size in the whole of Europe. Her agricultural development has been brought about simply and solely by scientific research and education. The same thing applies to Belgium, which produces £20 to every acre, as compared with £4 in this country. How has that been done? Not by bounties or guarantees, but simply and solely by education and by research. I venture to think, therefore, that we shall not go far wrong if we follow the lead of those countries in this particular matter. This Bill makes provision for that, provision which was asked for by the farmers on both sides of the Border. They know that great progress in this industry can be made by means of that method, and that method, I do not doubt, will be largely adopted when this Bill finds its place on the Statute Book.

5.0 P.M.

I listened with great interest to the two speeches just delivered, and I agree very much with the latter part of that of my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland. With regard to the earlier part of his speech, I am rather more inclined to agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) when he said this Act which we are now asked to repeal was hasty legislation. It was hasty, in the sense that the whole circumstances were not fully considered. When a Government undertakes to legislate it must be expected to have some little prevision, and not to legislate merely for the needs of the moment without regard to what may happen in the future. In that sense I agree that this was hasty legislation, and I think the mere fact that within so short a time we have to repeal the Act is in itself proof that it was ill-considered; and hasty legislation. I do not think any further proof is required. My right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland suggested that the alterations made in the Act in another place justified its repeal. I think he could only make that argument good if he definitely stated to the House, on behalf of the Government, that had that "mutilation," as he called it, not taken place, the Government would not have repealed the Act. Did he make any such suggestion, and is he prepared to make it now? I hardly think so. Had that alteration not taken place, and had the Government retained the powers by which they were to be enabled to order large areas of land to be brought into cereal cultivation, the effect would have been enormously to increase the subsidy which has now to be paid, and instead of the bargain being a better one for the Government, it would have been very much worse.

May I further point out that all the land which is most suited for cereal cultivation is already growing cereals, and that the effect of ordering the ploughing-up of other land must obviously have been to bring in less suitable land than that which was being used? There would have been a larger area, but less gain to the country, and a larger subsidy to pay. I hardly think my right hon. Friend is justified in using that argument as a reason for dropping the Bill, and I really hardly expected such an argument from the Front Bench. When my right hon. Friend went on to say that the Act had failed because there had not been the expected increase in cereal cultivation, an hon. Member on my right remarked, "Surely it is rather early to say what has been the effect upon cereal cultivation." You have to prepare for a year or two years ahead for a crop of any cereal. I have many times suggested in this House that hon. Members should thoroughly understand that the cultivation of a farm is an endless circle of work, which fits in from year to year, operation upon operation, one following the other, and that we must have prevision because we have got to meet Nature. To get up on the Front Bench and to say that because an Act passed last summer has not by this June produced an increase in cereal cultivation is really not an argument which we should hear on the Floor of this House, and although I agree that the Act has to go—for very different reasons, which I propose to give to the House—I do not think my right hon. Friend has strengthened the case by using those particular arguments.

I should like to reply to an interjection which shows the mentality, perhaps, of many Members of the House. It was a statement that the farmers are going to get £19,000,000 and the labourers are only going to get good will. I hear some hon. Members say, "Hear, hear!" Do hon. Members realise that what that £19,000,000 is for is to repay the farmer the wages he has been paying out of his own pocket during the whole of this year? I venture to say the sum which has gone into the labourers' pockets through this Act is enormously greater than the whole of that £19,000,000. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] Let me make my case) good. I do not make that statement without warrant. This particular Bill gives a subsidy in respect only of wheat and oats. The wages imposed by the wages board cover the whole agricultural industry, and also the industry of forestry and woodland, and throughout the whole of that industry every man engaged has had wages-board wages applied to him. If hon. Members will do that sum in their heads, they will see it is not a question of £19,000,000, but of two or three times that sum having gone direct into the pockets of agricultural labourers. The interjection is made that the labourer is to get nothing but good will and that the farmers are pocketing £19,000,000, when the Act itself only professed, and never has done even as much as, to save them from actual losses and repay them actual expenditure, of which the major part was wages, in growing wheat and oats. I hope that no hon. Member who bears that in mind will make that interjection, which I venture most strongly to deprecate as one likely to do grievous injury and to sow ill will between the employer and the employed.

I made the interjection. The right hon. Gentleman is aware as well as anyone else that prices rose rapidly in the early stages of the War, and that agricultural servants' wages were stationary. Therefore the farmer got it then and is going to have it now.

My hon. Friend is again wrong. He says that agricultural wages remained stationary. When prices began to rise wages were voluntarily raised with them. My hon. Friend shakes his head, but I have paid wages and so I ought to know. Is he an agriculturist?

But it was done in the districts all over the country. I have never paid wages different from my neighbours. We have all done the same thing. When prices rose we raised wages. When the Wages Board was appointed did the Wages Board find wages at such a low level that they had immediately to raise them? Not at all. The first wage imposed by the Wages Board was practically identical with the increased wage being paid by the farmers, and there is no proof whatever, and no man can adduce proof, that if it had not been for the Wages Board wages would not have been raised as far as was necessary by voluntary arrangement.

As far as this Bill is concerned, everybody regrets its introduction. Certainly every supporter of the Government will regret it, because the Government themselves must know that the introduction of the Bill must be a discredit to them, and every Member of the House knows that it is to a certain extent a discredit to Parliament. We regret it also because it throws a most unhappy and an unfortunate light on the financial condition of the country. We regret that in this great country we should be in such a position that when an effort was made to benefit an industry which we recognise to be a key industry, and which has been grievously neglected in the past, we have to go back on our steps. We recognise, although this legislation was perhaps ill-considered and ill-advised, that it was brought in with a real desire to benefit agriculture and the nation, and I can forgive the Government everything when I believe they are really trying to do their best for the nation and in industry at a time when gigantic economic changes have been taking place and when it does require wonderful foresight to know in one year what position we are going to be in the next year. Their intentions were certainly good, but it is a discredit to them, to the House, and to the country, that we cannot afford to meet the charge that we took upon ourselves in the interests of the industry and of the nation.

There is one reason why I welcome this Bill, that is because we see the Government realising at last the financial realities of the situation. There could not be a greater proof of it than the introduction of this Bill. I do not think there is any necessity for the Government to argue the needs of the Bill at all. The mere fact of their facing the music and bringing such a Bill in proves its necessity more than any other argument that could be used. I congratulate them on their courage. They say they made a mistake, that they desired to do well for the industry and for the country. The fault lies mainly with the optimism of the Prime Minister, but the Prime Minister's optimism stood us in such magnificent stead during the War that we ought to be the last people to find fault with it. Optimism is not so useful to us in the financial position of to-day as it was under the conditions when we were fighting for our lives in the War. However, I think we can forgive him a good deal on that score. It has required great courage on the part of the Prime Minister and on the part of the Government to come in and do not an unprecedented thing, as my right hon. Friend opposite said, in repealing an Act which they had themselves, or which the Prime Minister himself, had passed. I do not think he need throw his mind very far back. I rather wonder he did not make a little exception. I am getting used to having Acts repealed that I have fought at some considerable length, as I fought this one. I have very little politics in me and a certain amount of common-sense, and I am getting old enough to have some experience. The Government have previously repealed other Acts, but not in so short an interval, and it has required great courage on their part to do this. That fact alone proves the necessity for this repeal.

There are three very important questions which have been main issues in this Debate. The first is whether the repeal of the Act is a breach of faith, the second deals with the position of the Wages Board, and the third is, if the Wages Board as it now stands is to be abolished, what is to be put in its place? The breach of faith has been compared to the repudiation of the National Debt, and there have been references to breach of contract, and very strong language has been used My right hon. Friend the Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert), who has received very well deserved compliments on his prevision as to what would happen when this Act was introduced, takes that view very strongly. May I point out to him that the Bill itself contains the refutation of that argument. What would have been a real breach of faith would have been for the Government not to pay any subsidy for this year. That would have been on a par with the repudiation of the National Debt. There has been consideration given to the farmers who have incurred the expense of growing this year's crops. To have denied them that subsidy would have been a distinct breach of contract. Consideration, however, has been received. To that extent the Government must make their bond good. As I understand their bargain with the farmers, they have said: "We will make good our contract with you; if in any particular year you grow wheat and oats under the conditions of this Bill we will give you a certain subsidy to repay you the expense which you have actually incurred." As I understand it, the farmers having put out that money, as I have already suggested—and more than that money—have agreed to take £19,000,000, or rather have agreed to take £4 per acre for oats and £3 for wheat, as full due for the expenditure which they have incurred in carrying out up till now that contract with the Government. There is to my mind no breach of contract in the sense of the repudiation of a bargain, and where consideration has passed from one side to the other. That is my plain view of that point.

Although, however, there is no breach of contract the situation still remains very serious. Obviously, when Parliament, as under a Bill of this description, makes arrangements it is with the faith generally that that legislation will stand. That applies to every Act of Parliament. But that is not a breach of contract; that is a heavy responsibility on this House, and the Government, and a lesson not to undertake hasty legislation. That is where the matter is so aggravated here, because the legislation which heavily affected a very difficult and straggling industry was hasty, and because repeal has come so quickly on the top of that Act itself. Therefore, it is a very gross and aggravated case on the part of the Government, and on the part of Parliament passing Acts which involve traders and private individuals in expenditure and obligations, and then to reverse that policy, or perhaps to execute a line of conduct which inconvenience members of the public and the community. It does not go further than that. It is not a breach of contract. That is the view I hold on that point.

Now as to that Wages Board. Are we to continue the Wages Board? That is the question. I was very much interested in what I heard the Secretary for Scotland say as to that working of the Wages Board in Scotland. According to my right hon. Friend, the Wages Board for Scotland has done so well that there is no need for any further intervention; the parties can settle their own business satisfactorily without intervention. My right hon. Friend opposite, who represents a Scottish constituency, takes the same view; therefore that view must obviously be accepted. We are not in the same fortunate position in England. I do not think it lies with hon. Gentlemen opposite who represent the Labour party to try to throw the whole blame upon Parliament. There is a very large majority of the Labour party who have no real intimate personal acquaintance with the agricultural industry. They do not know its difficulties. They accept as a fact that every labourer is oppressed by his employer, and that the one idea of the farmer is to pay as low wages as he can and have no regard for comfort of his men. I agree with a very great deal of what was said by my hon. Friend the Member for Southern Norfolk (Mr. G. Edwards), and who made a most moving speech last night. He is an agricultural labourer and has a real knowledge of agriculture. He spoke from his own knowledge of the past and of the treatment of agricultural labourers by their employers, which in many cases was unfair and most unsatisfactory. [HON. MEMBERS:" Hear, hear!"] Yes, I agree with that. It was so But a very great change has taken place, and what we have got to deal with now is that the whole of the country is in a, most critical condition. Every industry in the country, not excluding agriculture, is in a most critical condition, and surely what we have to deal with now is the position to-day, to make the best of it, and not to be flying at each other's throats on account of something that happened 30 or 40 years ago—seeing the position is completely altered. If farmers are ill-treating their men now, and the men cannot obtain fair treatment from the employers without the action of the Wages Board, then we ought to insist upon a Wages Board being appointed. I deny, however, that it is the case. What I said a few moments ago, I repeat: when the Wages Board was appointed, it did not find it necessary to raise wages—

What about the letter of my right hon. Friend to his constituents? That admits the case.

I have nothing to do with any right hon. Gentleman's letters to his constituents. They prove nothing. I have to do with the facts of -which I have actual experience, because my financial experience, at any rate, is unfortunate.

Does it not refute the statement of the right hon. Gentleman when I tell him that the trade unions themselves are endeavouring to recover £100,000 in wages for the agricultural labourers, and that the Wages Board has secured almost £40,000? Doss not that completely refute the argument of the right hon. Gentleman?

No. But that is quite a point which requires to be dealt with. It is no answer to what I am saying, and to my point, which is, that when the Wages Board was first appointed it did not find it necessary, at any rate, to make any immediate considerable alteration in the rate of wages which is being paid in the district I know. It may well have been that there were certain employers—and I think they may have been quite justified under certain conditions—who said: "I have not got money to pay the full wages imposed by the Wages Board on this land, which is poor: my choice is either to pay certain men rather less money or to discharge one or two." There is some excuse that an employer should prefer to employ the more men at somewhat less than discharge one or two who have served him, it may be, honourably for years. That sort of case is bound to arise. The hon. Gentleman who has just left the House, the Member for one of the Divisions of Lancashire, made several interjections just now when my right hon. Friend was speaking. He said that the Wages Board was forced upon Scotland. It was certainly forced upon England. I defy any hon. Member opposite on the Labour Benches to show that there was any demand on the part of the agricultural labourers or the farmers for the Wages Board when it was originally imposed by the Corn Production Act—not one. It was not asked for, and for the very same reason which I have just now given, that the men and their employers were perfectly satisfied. I speak from personal knowledge and experience. I cannot, however, speak of more than the district I know; but never in that thirty or forty years during which I have been connected with agriculture was there such an admirable feeling between employer and employed as when the Wages Board was suddenly thrust upon the industry, like a bolt from the blue. The men had always had in their minds the kind of treatment which they had after the last great War a hundred years ago, when although the price of bread was very much raised, wages remained at a miserably low level. When we pleaded in the bad times, in the eighties and the nineties, that something should be done to enable us to get better prices, the answer always was that better prices would not help, because if prices went up they would all go into the farmers' pockets and the labourer would get no more wages.

Then came that War, and prices went up, and the fear was falsified. More wages went into the pockets of the labourers in proportion as prices rose, and all that created a most excellent feeling between employers and employed. Then came the Corn Production Act, which was passed, no doubt, with the very best intentions and imposed upon the agricultural industry, but it was not asked for either by the labourer or the farmer. Then the Wages Board began to function. As the hon. Member for East Grinstead (Mr. Cautley) pointed out the intention of Parliament was that the large districts should primarily settle the rate of wages. The Wages Board departed from that, and the Central Wages Board usurped the authority which Parliament intended should reside primarily with the District Wages Board, and im- posed a flat rate of wages, or almost a flat rate, all over the country. That it has been impossible to carry out.

It is cumbrous. It throws poor land out of cultivation, and I cannot do better, though I do not want to detain the House much longer—still this is a very vital point—I cannot do better than quote what has happened at that very moment, I think, when the Wages Board had imposed in the east of England a harvest wage of £7 10s. in addition to the statutory wage which has to be paid to the agricultural labourer. That was settled months ago when the corn was two or three inches above the ground, and when the Wages Board did not even know whether there was going to be a harvest or not. As it happened, there is not even going to be a harvest, because our corn is burnt up in East Anglia and because we have had no rain for weeks, and our crops are parched in the ground. Yet we are subject to a minimum wage for getting in the harvest of £7 10s. per man. What is the consequence? It will not take half the strength which normally is required to get in the miserable harvest this year. Half the men will have to stand out of the harvest altogether and get nothing, while the others will get £7 10s. What is the sense of the flat rate imposed months beforehand by people who know nothing whatever of the working conditions of that upon which they are legislating? Is it not a scandal that the Wages Board in London, on which the agricultural labourers themselves have practically no real representation as agricultural labourers, should impose conditions upon an industry which will deprive a large number of men in the Eastern Counties of any harvest wages at all, a thing which they have looked to the whole of their lives, and which they have been used to receive?

Does the right hon. Gentleman mean £7 10s. a week, or £7 10s., in addition to their ordinary wages?

Yes, £7 10s. bonus for the extra work done in harvest, and additional to their ordinary statutory wage.

That £7 10s. would normally be paid to every man working on the farm who is getting in that harvest. Now that arbitrary sum is fixed, and it will have to be paid so far as it will go; for if a sovereign has to be divided between ten men and the Labour party insist that nobody shall have less than 4s., five men will get 4s. each and the other five will get nothing. There is not the money. Therefore I suggest that the conditions imposed by the Wages Board upon the agricultural industry are absolutely impossible of fulfilment. They are throwing hundreds of acres of land out of cultivation and causing unemployment. I am not blaming them individually. They have been set an impossible task—absolutely impossible. If you put in different men, your merely get a different management and no better results.

The matter goes beyond that. It is inherently impossible that the task set should be fulfilled. The wages and conditions suggested are impossible for such an industry as agriculture, with its enormous variety and varying conditions under which it has to be carried on. You cannot set up any figures with any sort of authority whatever. That thing is absolutely impossible, whether it be called a minimum wage or a standard wage; the condition is quite impossible. It cannot be imposed. It will be too high in one place, and too low in another. You have men who have different qualifications for the work, and all these things tend to make the industry absolutely impossible to carry on. Having expressed that view, it is pretty clear that I do not think the Wages Board ought to be carried on. Now comes the question of, What are we to put in its place? I think Clause 4 is extraordinarily vague. We have suffered so much already from this kind of legislation, which seems to be devised with the idea of getting you out of the difficulty you are in at this particular moment, quite regardless of the fresh difficulties which you are going to create. What is this proposal? It is that conciliation boards shall be appointed, and the functions are set out in Clause 16 of the Whitley Report. I hardly think that anybody will suggest that all, or even very few, of these objects can really be carried out by conciliation committees. That Clause provides: and you have the poor land on the other hand. Take, as another instance, Worcestershire, where you have in one part the Vale of Evesham which contains the best land, whilst at the other end of the county you get the clay land. Therefore you cannot have the same conditions for all counties.

We have to remember that the industry has to be made able to carry on. When you have a Conciliation Board all those objections disappear. If you have a difference of opinion between employers and employed it is taken to the Conciliation Board and no geographical difficulty arises. The difficulty is considered on its merits with due regard to all the local conditions, and it is not prejudiced by any arrangement made in any other part of the district. If the functioning of these bodies is found to be successful, then something further might be built upon them. The only sound foundation for any industrial agreement is one primarily made between employer and employed, and not forced upon them by any outside body. We want a body to which these people can go for adjusting their differences when they arise. That is what exists to-day.

Agriculture is the biggest industry in the country, and when hon. Members opposite talk about the Wages Board being applied to sweated industries, I would remind them that there is not a single case in regard to this industry where there is not absolute freedom in the first instance for agreement between employers and employed and arranging matters between themselves. It will be absolutely fatal to have any central conciliation board whatever, because you never would get a settlement in any district by an appeal to a central board. We want this Clause clarified and made perfectly clear that they are really to be conciliation boards, and I suggest the county as the best area. In every county a conciliation board should be set up which will deal with any differences that arise between employers and employed under sub-head (iv) of Clause 16 of the Whitley Report. If that is done, then you will have done all you can safely do, and I believe there will be a good opportunity of employers and employed working together without any of the difficulties which hon. Gentlemen opposite seem to fear. I would like to know if hon. Members on the Labour Benches wish these difficulties to continue.

Then I ask hon. Members opposite to assist us in doing that. I would like to know why it is that when farmers are mentioned they are jeered at by Members on the Labour Benches. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] Hon. Members opposite know perfectly well that that is so. Why should it be assumed that the farmer must be against the labourer, or the labourer against the farmer? All I can say is that there is no class in this country which is more deserving of the consideration of this House than the agricultural labourer. There has been no "ca'canny" among them, and the difficulties in agriculture do not arise from any fault on the part of the workers whatever.

I have no fault to find with the agricultural labourer I believe them to be the salt of the earth as far as labourers are concerned. I have been among them all my life, but as the hon. Member for Southern Norfolk (Mr. G. Edwards) said, "actions speak louder than words." The landowners have practically spent their last penny on their estates, and they are now paying wages out of capital, and their actions speak louder than words. I appeal to the Labour party to do their best to create a good feeling on this matter. I ask them to take their part in setting up these conciliation boards. I do not think any hon. Member is able to get up here and say that there was ill-feeling or disputes in the agricultural industry when the Wages Boards were set up, and if there were no disputes then, why should there be any now. It will be quite time enough to interfere when disputes do arise.

If these conciliation boards are set up the agricultural industry will be given a chance of settling its own affairs, and trying to get going again after it has passed through the most disastrous crisis in its history. Taxation is so heavy now that landlord's have been practically squeezed out of existence. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] The other day 1 gave figures to show that landlords are taxed by a combination of high wages and taxation which makes it impossible for them to do anything more to help the industry. They have not the power to help it any more on account of the crushing burden of taxation at a time when prices are tumbling down. Wool, which was sold last year at 3s. 1d. per lb., has just been sold for 9½d. per lb. The consequence is that we are face to face with a most serious crisis, and we can only meet it if we are prepared to work together to avoid disputes and difficulties, and try to meet each other in an amicable spirit.

My hon. and gallant Friend says reduce rents. I gave an instance the other day of a gentleman receiving £42,000 in rents, out of which he took only £468 for himself. I wonder how much he could reduce his rents! In another case a man received £2,718, and his taxation and burdens amounted to £2,722, which was £4 more than he had received. Really, the kind of suggestion made by the hon. and gallant Member does not help us. That is the sort of thing we used to hear. We could afford that sort of thing 10 years before the War. Then we could afford to differ, and throw stones at each other, and talk politics, but we cannot afford it now, because the country is in a more perilous financial situation than it has ever been in before. We need agreement amongst all classes if the agricultural industry is to prosper, and if anybody inside or outside of this House tries to sow any apple of discord which will prevent agreement being arrived at between employers and employed, he is only preventing this industry from recovering, and that would be the worst possible thing we could do in the present crisis.

Therefore I plead for agreement. When we have got rid of this Bill it does not absolve the Government of its responsibility to agriculture, and we have practically had a pledge from the Prime Minister that something must be done. I do not believe in subsidies. I cannot imagine a more foolish policy than piling up unbearable burdens with one hand and paying subsidies with the other, and keeping an army of clerks to collect the taxes. We only want to have such a. share of the national burdens as we can bear, and that is the claim I make for the consideration of the Government.

In addressing the Chair I think it is not out of place when, for the first time in the history of this House, we have the Speaker of another House (Major O'Neill) sitting on the Floor of this House, that I should be permitted to voice the congratulations of every hon. Member of this House upon the presence of the Speaker of our sister Assembly, and to wish him all prosperity in his office. I fear that what I shall have to say with regard to this Bill is of a much more contentious nature than the words I have just uttered. I rise to protest in every way I can against the action of the Government in proposing to repeal this Act and to say at once that I believe it is the grossest breach of Parliamentary faith that I have ever known in my 21 years' experience in this House. In spite of what the Secretary for Scotland said in his persuasive speech, it is the grossest breach of Parliamentary faith affecting the largest number of people that has ever happened within the history of this House. I go further and say I believe that if the Government persist in their policy they will land themselves in far greater difficulties than the same precipitate action landed them in the case of the miners. We are face to face with a really grave possibility of a complete loss of faith in Parliamentary institutions, owing to this breach of faith—I will endeavour to make my words good presently—and, as a result, of a possible downfall of our Parliamentary institutions and of the well-being of the country. That is a very grave claim. I think I can make good at great deal of it.

There has been much said in this Debate which will not bear examination. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman) who addressed the House at some length, and who always speaks with such a knowledge of agriculture, has not, I am quite sure, got the same knowledge of the history of the particular Act which it is now proposed to repeal, because he called it hasty legislation. The very danger to which I have referred would not exist because the hopes aroused in the breasts of agriculture labourers are of a nature which would not have been aroused to the same extent by hasty legislation. Far from being hasty legislation the Act which at is now proposed to repeal was the result of years of patient study, more years in fact than have been devoted to almost any Act we have passed.

I only want to say that I did not describe it as hasty legislation. I merely endorsed a statement made to that effect by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean).

The right hon. Member for Peebles, like the Secretary for Scotland—both being Scotsmen—take an interest in this Act in its financial aspect. They both frankly admit that in Scotland the Act was not really wanted and that the agricultural labourer there could get just as good wages without it as with it. Neither the agricultural labourers nor the farmers nor the landowners wanted the Act, but the Secretary for Scotland and the right hon. Member for Peebles laid their heads together and, while admitting that they did not want it, declared there was money in it, and they would see what they could get out of it for Scotland. I am afraid I must confine myself to addressing English Members in this matter where the lives and fortunes of some 600,000 persons are vitally affected. Was it hasty legislation? It may have been wise or it may have been foolish, but it was not hasty. The late Prime Minister the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), was the originator of it. He appointed a Commission, and a very strong one, which gave very careful consideration to the matter, and, as a result of their investigations, the Agriculture Act was produced. At the time I was, like a number of hon. Members, away from this country at the War, but naturally we watched events in this country with deep interest. Having myself lived much in the country, being largely dependent on agriculture, and having close friends among the labourers in the neighbourhood where I lived—we were a happy family altogether —I carefully followed events in connection with this Act.

What was it that was said when the Bill was introduced? It was explained that the Corn Production Act was being made permanent. The Minister of Agriculture, who moved the Second Heading of the Bill, which was a result of the Commission set up by the right hon. Member for Paisley when Prime Minister, said they were making the Corn Production Act permanent, and the first result that struck the eye was that the Agricultural Wages Board would become permanently established also in the country. The right hon. Gentleman had pointed out in a previous passage that this was the result of the labours of the Commission set up by the right hon. Member for Paisley, and that, for the first time they were laying down a permanent policy for agriculture. In the course of that one speech the word "permanent" occurs seven times and the word "security" eight times. The Agricultural Wages Board was one of the main points dealt with in the Act, and I would ask what right has Parliament, without going to the country for a fresh mandate, and what precedent is there for definitely passing an Act of Parliament with a special provision that there shall be four years' notice of any change—I will prove that presently if necessary—what right has Parliament with regard to an industry in which, as my right hon. Friend has truly pointed out, in keeping with the remarks of the Secretary for Scotland about increased production, that you must legislate for a long time ahead because agriculture is of necessity slow moving— what right has Parliament, in a case where the lives and fortunes of the poorest paid but most essential portion of the community are involved—what right have we just because there is an Anti-Waste campaign which is the natural result of a real financial stringency—what right have we to repeal an Act of this nature, just as easily as if one were cancelling a proposal to spend a week-end in the country or to buy a motor-car?

The definite promise which was given when the Act was introduced was accepted as a definite promise by the whole agricultural community in this country. With regard to the landlords, of whom I am one, it may be said that they never liked the Act. They never asked for it, they did not very much care what happened in their position quâ, landlords. With regard to the farmers, an effort has been made, more or less successfully, to cope with their grievances, but what about the agricultural labourers? What about those men who admittedly depend upon this Bill for the continuance of their present standard of life. I have lived in the country all my life and the only good result I have seen of the disastrous War—excepting, of course, the glorious victory which moved our hearts—the only good result has been the improved standard of comfort of the agricultural labourer, especially in the South and West of England. No one who has lived in those parts will deny that, until the War, the labourers in many places were so hard up that it was difficult for them to find boots for their children and food enough for themselves. I lived among them and I know. Here I am afraid I shall part company with some hon. Members on this side of the House, and notably with my hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) who always seems to suppose that if only he can get rid of the landlord from the land all trouble will be solved. That is not so. If it were it might be worth while to try the experiment.

I am afraid the hon. Member will find it will do no good. The difficulty is deeper than that. Let anyone who doubts it go across the narrow strip which divides us from France and Belgium. There the climate and soil are in many respects similar to our own. In many cases there is no rent and no landlord. The cultivator cultivates his own land. When my hon. and gallant Friend was coming back from Gallipoli he came to see me at a farm house in Belgium just at the back of the lines, and I suppose the fact that we were under bombardment at the time prevented him making inquiries into the state of agriculture in those parts. I repeat there is no rent there. There is the same soil as here. But what is the position of the agricultural labourer and of the farmer, for they are one there? They work for from 12 to 16 hours a day in the summer, their wives work too and become prematurely aged when they reach 35 or 40 years of age. The children work all day. The only rest they get is in the long winter nights, and even then they work on other forms of industry. They work so hard that none of them are happy. They get but a miserable pittance. Here agriculture is on a different basis. It is only by a combination of extraordinary skill and extraordinary good fortune that any man in the South and West of England can make agriculture pay. Far from the landlords being the cause of the trouble it is the other way about, and that is what I am coming to: it is that reason why I submit the repeal of this Act at the present time is very inopportune and unwise. Apart from being the cause of the trouble, the landlords in different parts of the country have proved a great help. There was a book published, if I remember aright, by the late Minister for Agriculture, then Mr. Prothero, with regard to what are called the Bedford Estates. That book proved conclusively that the reason why the people on the Bedford Estates, the farmers, the labourers and the rest of them, had a fairly good time was because the Duke was spending on the estate a large portion of the money he got out of his London estates. And so it has been elsewhere. Money has been spent in building better cottages than could otherwise be built, and in providing employment by wealthy persons who have got the money elsewhere than from the land.

That is the difference between the North of France and Belgium and this country. What is now going on here? Heavy taxation is bringing all this to an end, and I am certain that a great diminution of wages and a lower standard of comfort must result for those whom I have described as being the lowest paid and most essential portion of the community. I have presided over a meeting of an agricultural labourers' union, and I know that they have read the whole of the speech of the right hon. Gentleman in introducing the Bill. They know it by heart, and can quote all these passages that I have marked in red. In fact, I have marked them in red because they were the passages referred to. They said to themselves and to me, "At least we have four years now in which to try and adjust things. We have four years in which to put agriculture upon what the Prime Minister described, in commending this very Bill, as a permanent basis for a permanent policy." They knew full well that Parliament might alter it, but they believed that that would not be done for four years. For what did the right hon. Gentleman who introduced the Bill say—and this was pointed out to me by an agricultural labourer? He said: Specifically did the Minister in introducing the Bill—and I commend this to the Secretary for Scotland, who says that there has been no breach of faith— specifically did he say that, although Parliament could alter it, in this case four years' notice must be given. I have here the words of the Prime Minister commending the Bill, and it is perfectly plain from them that this was a policy which was meant to be permanent. To sum up the situation, it is this: Our most important industry is agriculture. As we all know, in spite of certain natural advantages with regard to the raising of stock, our northern climate makes it a hard life for all. Before the War, not through any fault of either landlord, tenant, or labourer, but simply through hard economic facts and the coldness of our northern climate, all concerned got very little out of it, and especially the labourer, who had a wage which was not sufficient to keep him or his children in a fit condition of health. Knowing this, and feeling it acutely, the Prime Minister—who has an uncanny gift of going to the kernel of the matter—comes down to the House and commends the Bill, because, as he pointed out, the War showed us that we had a smaller proportion of people fit to take the field than any of our enemies in the late War, and because agriculture was the steadiest and best and most wholesome occupation, and it was our duty to do what we could to keep it going.

All this was read and understood, not only by the landowners and the tenants —though they are all in the same boat in objecting to this plan—but by the 600,000, or probably 1,000,000, agricultural labourers and others concerned in agriculture. They saw that the Minister, in introducing the Bill, definitely stated that four years' notice should be given, and at all the meetings of their unions they rejoiced that at least they would have time to turn round. As one man put it to me, "If we have to be let down, at least we shall be let down by degrees." And now, without a word, in face of the pledge of the Minister who introduced the Bill, in face of the eloquent and impassioned speeches of the Prime Minister in favour of maintaining agriculture and keeping the labourer on the soil, it is proposed to treat it as a scrap of paper and repeal it. I do not think, in view of what I have said, that I put the case too high when I say that never in the course of the history of Parliament has there been so base a treachery to the most deserving and the poorest-paid class of our fellow citizens. It is because I feel it acutely, and because I am sure that there will be no great disturbances—I have too great a faith in the agricultural labourer, who in the War proved himself to be the quietest, steadiest, and most faithful of soldiers— it is because I know that he will feel so bitterly that he has been so defrauded, that I appeal to the Government, I appeal to the Secretary for Scotland, who is the only Minister now present to represent the Cabinet, to tell the Leader of the House and the Prime Minister that I am not alone in saying that there has been a gross breach of faith, that I am not alone in saying that grave disaster will follow this, and to urge them to reconsider their decision. In any case, by every means in my power, I shall oppose this Bill.

I appreciate the great difficulty in which the Government are placed in connection with this Bill. No doubt they have made a mistake, but they have struggled in a most gallant manner to give effect to their election pledges. The last Act was, perhaps, put on the Statute Book in a hurry, without all its bearings being fully considered, and, now that the Government have made a mistake, we are ready to find fault with them. But one never hears a word of praise for some of the excellent work which the Government have done in other directions. My position is a difficult one. I represent an agricultural constituency where, in the past, the wages have been on a very low scale indeed, and when the last Agriculture Bill was before the House I took the opportunity of having many interviews, not only with farmers and farmers' unions, but with the labourers and the labourers' unions, and of ascertaining their views upon all aspects of the Bill; and I was begged on all hands to support the Government in getting the Bill on to the Statute Book. We devoted last autumn to the work, and a great many days of Parliamentary time were given to the Measure. It is now on the Statute Book, and, much as I regret having to say so, I cannot support in a hurry the action of the Government in endeavouring to repeal it. I feel that, before we can in any way interfere with that Statute, we have to ascertain the real views of our constituents and the manner in which their interests can best be served.

Great hopes were built up on the speech of the Prime Minister at Caxton Hall, to which reference has so often been made in this Debate. We were told that it was owing to the neglect of agriculture that during the War we were brought so near to the verge of a great national disaster. The Prime Minister also told us that he refused to remain responsible for another year without making it impossible to have a repetition of the peril. He told us, too, that we were not going back to the dismal pre-War condition of agriculture, that we must go forward, that we must have a definite policy, and that the first condition was security for the cultivator against ruin from violent fluctuations of foreign agriculture. He then went on to tell us that, if the State comes in with a guarantee, it takes a risk and it may lose money, but that it is not a disaster. The farmer was urged to put his brains and the whole of his capital and energy into the cultivation of the land. That, undoubtedly, gave a great impetus to agriculture, and it was on the faith of that speech and of the Act, which is now on the Statute Book, that farmers bought their farms and put forth their energy in endeavouring to make agriculture, as it should be, a prosperous industry and one of the greatest of our national industries. The position to-day is that, owing to the coal strike, we have suffered a great national disaster. [HON. MEMBERS: "The coal stoppage."]. The coal strike. It is no use mincing matters in this House, and I am not going to do so. It was a deliberate strike for the purpose of endeavouring to nationalise the industry.

The point that I want to put to hon. Members is that the nation as a whole is suffering from this loss, and it is unfair that the main burden of it should be cast upon agriculture. It is made the excuse by the Government that they have to repeal the Act because the country is now impoverished as the result of the strike. [HON. MEMBERS: "Lock-out."] I appeal to those hon. Members who call themselves "Labour Members" not to inter- rupt me. I do not think they are really entitled to the title, because in this House we are all Labour Members. They may more truly describe themselves as Socialist leaders of the unions. That would be their proper description. We do not interject words, and interrupt when they are speaking; we allow them to say what they like.

I will. I will describe them in future as "Socialist leaders of Labour." What is going to be the effect of the repeal of this Act? I think there can only be one result, and that will be to drive agriculture back to the old pre-War conditions, to reduce it to a struggling, half-starved industry, undercut by foreign competition; and the result must be, whether you have wages boards or conciliation boards, that the force of competition will drive the labourer back to his old conditions of life. To my mind, that would be deplorable. I have been a Member of this House now for a good many years, and some few years ago I took the opportunity afforded by a summer holiday to visit a large number of the cottages of the labourers in my constituency, and to examine the conditions of their life. I found, again and again, clean, tidy cottages, and clean, tidy people, with nothing on the table but potatoes, cabbage, and a bit of bread. If the effect of what the Government propose is going to be to restore those conditions of life for the agricultural labourer, I shall do my best to support the labourer. Of course, the Agriculture Act puts agriculture in the position of being a protected industry. You now want the agriculturist to give up his protection. There is no reason why some arrangement should not be made. To my mind, it seems to be a case for compensation. If you want to withdraw the corn subsidy something might be done in the direction of relieving food-producing land from the heavy burden of taxes and rates. The farmer is performing a national service, and any relief which you could give him in this direction would, I am sure, be accepted very gratefully, and would also be a good foundation for the basis of an agreement with his workmen. My hon. Friend who interrupts me but hates interruptions himself, suggests, "Why not a straight tariff?" You might very well put a small tax on imported food. It would help agriculture, and it would be an enormous boon to the countryside. I feel very strongly indeed that we ought not at a time like this to let the agricultural workers down. We have always to remember their gallant service during the War. There were no strikes, there was no agitation, and no stoppage of work. They rolled up to the Colours. They have served their country gallantly and well, and I feel it is my duty not to do anything, great as the difficulties of the Government may be, which will in any way tend to lower the standard of life of the agricultural worker. For these reasons I feel it incumbent on me to support the Amendment.

I am not surprised at the reversal of agricultural policy which the Government has now announced, because I was certain all along, when the Agriculture Act was going through the House, that the moment any considerable payment became due to the farmers or anyone else there would be such an outburst of public protest that no Government could withstand it, and that is exactly what has taken place. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] The Government see that they are in for a large payment and it is quite true that they have to some extent anticipated that protest, but it is because they saw the protest coming that they have decided to take action now, as they have done, to rid us of this enormous payment which is bound to be due in the very near future—a payment which probably would amount, all told, to over £100,000,000. I have always opposed these subsidies, and I did my best during the passage of the Bill through Committee to raise the question and get a decision against it. I voted against the guarantee here and I moved an Amendment upstairs to limit the liability which I saw was likely to come on the taxpayer if the Act was passed in the form in which it was introduced. But I got no encouragement from the Government and, more than that, I got no support from, some of those hon. Members opposite who now are continually assuring the House that they have all along been against subsidies and never wanted them for a moment.

This Bill seems to me to be one of the greatest humiliations that any Government ever suffered. No Cabinet ever came forward and confessed to such a failure of their policy, to such a gross miscalculation of events as this and continued to be responsible for the Government of the country, and I cannot see how it is that the First Lord of the Admiralty, on whose advice chiefly this policy was adopted, continues in a Government which has treated his policy in such cavalier fashion. The Secretary for Scotland did his best to defend the Government against the charge that in introducing the Bill they had been guilty of a breach of faith. But in my opinion he failed utterly to answer the charge. It is quite true that if you argue the case in a Court of Law you can show that the Government are quite entitled to repudiate any pledges they have given, but we are not in a Court of Law, and farmers are not lawyers, and farmers do not go to the Statute Book to see what the Government have undertaken. They pay far more attention to the speeches which are delivered in Caxton Hall and in this House and they know some of those speeches by heart. The case that has always been made for this Bill is that it is necessary on grounds of national defence, and some of us who objected all along to this guarantee were told we did so because we were indifferent to the claims of the country in the direction of national defence. But not a word is said by the Government now, when they are reversing their policy, as to any change in the position of the country and its defence. That has all gone by the Board.

I should like to draw attention to some of the words used by the Minister of Agriculture when introducing the Bill. The speech is full of possible quotations that one might use to fortify the argument that he made definite promises to the farmers, which the Government are now repudiating. I am certain that there is no Government that could have given; promises that seemed more binding than those given by the right hon. Gentleman and other Ministers during the passage of the Bill. The farmers were continually assured that this new policy was a permanent policy. The right hon. Gentleman said: the guaranteed minimum system— responsibility. Not only has agriculture had taken away from it the protection and the guarantee which was offered it, but since then the Government have gone out of their way to introduce a Safeguarding of Industries Bill, which is going to make them pay more for their implements and also for their manures than they did before, so that they are going to lose in two ways. I have a statement of views by the National Farmers' Union of Scotland, in which this appears:

Turning to the question of the Wages Board, I quite agree with all that has been said as to the indifference of the Scottish agricultural labourer to the loss of the Wages Board, but I do not think the Chancellor of the Exchequer was putting it quite fairly when he suggested that all this was due to the trade union. I hope and believe that the present agricultural position in Scotland is partly due to a higher appreciation by the farmers of the value of agricultural labour. Before there ever was a trade union agricultural labourers were paid higher in Scotland than they were in the South of England, but I am certain the whole agricultural community of Scotland would be prepared to see this Wages Board continued, if necessary, in the interests of the more poorly paid agricultural labourers in the South of England.

It has been suggested that no one should fix wages in any industry without in some way or other providing the wherewithal to pay the wages. I do not argue that question now, but I would draw attention to the fact that they have not admitted the truth of that argument when there is any trouble in other industries. Some time ago we passed a Sweated Industries Act and provided for a minimum wage in certain sweated industries in the East End of London. There is a complete analogy between the sweated industries and some of the worst paid parts of England so far as agricultural wages are concerned. It has gone much further than that. We have now all over the country and in all industries Trade Boards. Take the outcry there has been recently with regard to setting up a Trade Board for the grocery trade. Has it ever been suggested that the Government, when they set up the Trade Board for the grocery trade ought to guarantee for the grocers a minimum wage or a minimum income? Of course they did not. Surely agriculture has no right to expect a minimum income for farmers any more than grocers have to ask the State to guarantee them an appropriate income before they would submit to the setting up of a Trade Board.

There is one further point of a technical nature. When this Act was passed it was made clear that the first payment under it would not be made until about April next year. The result of that was that the money that is to be paid would not come into the accounts of this year. This Bill makes a great change, inasmuch as the payments of £19,000,000 or £17,000,000 will become due on the 1st January. Does that mean that it will have to be included in the Budget, or what alteration is going to be made in the financial arrangements as a result of the change of policy? I shall give the most strenuous opposition to this Bill so far as the abolition of the Wages Board is concerned, until we have some pledge that there is going to be set up in its place some machinery which will do adequate justice to the agricultural labourer in England.

The issues raised by this Bill are plain, direct and simple. Scarcely one Member has addressed the House either yesterday or to-day without emphasising this additional instance of desertion of principles deliberately expressed by the Government in recent legislation. Originally I thought the Govern- ment was going a little too far in its financial commitments, and that the deserved assistance to agriculture could be given without so ample a promise of financial help from the State. The Government, however, made out its case, and it pressed the House deliberately to pass that Act of Parliament, and now, without experience, without proof of results, without an atom of evidence of the legislation itself having been tried or having failed, the House is called upon to reverse a Government policy once more. I fear that the House itself, like the Government, is becoming hardened to this method, and many hon. Members have ceased to be surprised at what the Government does in the way of going back upon its word. A declaration that a. pledge is broken and that we are not keeping faith with the country or with sections of it, has ceased to have any point, so common has it become in our discussions in recent months.

There is not in this instance an excuse that what we did in the years of the War we ought not to continue in this period of peace. I am referring now, not to what was done during the years of the War, but what this House deliberately did, on Government advice, after the War had long been over. It is after-war legislation that we are now considering. It was one part of the great work of national reconstruction to which the Government had set its hand. Agriculture was a neglected industry. It had fallen from the level which in every State it should occupy. It was essential that something should be done, and something was done, and now, without any experience, or proof of the need of change, the House is called upon to reverse the policy which it was deliberately advised by the Government to adopt last year. The right hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman) reproved Members on this side, with whom I act, for their attitude towards the farmer. I thought that he unduly exaggerated the feeling which sometimes may lie behind an interruption or a statement that farmers, as is commonly said, did well during the years of the War. I can assure him that there is no such feeling in the mind of Labour Members in relation to the farmer as he appears to express. So far as I can speak for hon. Members on this side, I can say that if there is an industry entitled to the encouragement and the assistance of the Government, it is agriculture.

During two years of that War I was brought into close touch with the industry of agriculture, but I am speaking not out of any sympathy which may have been developed during that period, but because, broadly, those who are associated with industrial labour life seriously accept the view, and wish to act and work upon it, that whichever occupation or industry may go or decline, no country should pursue a policy which would in any way discourage the pursuit of agriculture, or in any way jeopardise its claims and those who are engaged in it. There are many social and many economic effects from the assistance which the law may give to agriculture, and the men who work and live in the towns in various trades and industries naturally feel the pressure, to their great disadvantage, of any adverse or fair conditions of life which may prevail in rural England. We are, therefore, wishful to make the lot of the million or so men employed in agriculture in rural England as attractive and satisfactory as possible, for it affects the general life in industrial England. We must, therefore, do nothing to discourage, but everything reasonable to assist, this essential occupation.

I do not share the view, very often uttered in this House, that farmers are by nature unreasoning grumblers. We must take into account the nature of their trade in offering any criticism of them. Their trade brings them into ceaseless haggle in the market, and perhaps they are brought up against some of the worst sides of human nature and may not always get entirely free from the effects of the company they have kept. They have great risks. This drought, which to the holidaymaker is a joy, is to the farmer a very serious matter. The risks are very great to a man engaged in husbandry. In a night a whole season s efforts of the farmer and his staff may be ruined, and £l,000 may be lost by a storm or a flood. These conditions in the work and life of a farmer entitle us to look at his task for what it is, and if he did well in the War it is equally true that for years and years before the War he did very badly. Let us, therefore, face these facts as an act of simple justice to a class whose prosperity cannot be separated from the national prosperity.

We are considering a Bill which proposes, suddenly, to drop the subsidy that was offered to the farming class only last December. If the Government has to reverse its policy, let it do it slowly. If it has no consideration for its own good name, let it have some consideration for the just claims of the class with which it is dealing. If people are to be let down, let them down slowly. Surely we can learn something from the admitted blunders of the coal dispute. We do not want another repetition of what occurred in that great national industry. We are not aware, at any rate we have not been told by any spokesman of the Government, that any industry covered by that term "agriculture" has been in any way consulted by the Government in shaping this policy. No Government can always be so all-wise as to afford to ignore consultation with and advice from the various classes affected by the Statutes which it may introduce. So far as I know, those who can speak for agriculture in regard to the men employed in it as dairy workers, farm hands, agricultural servants, and so on, have not been consulted on this step of Government policy. There was called into existence during the War a highly-qualified representative Advisory Council. That body has repeatedly assisted and advised the Government on questions of agricultural policy, and I remember that when food questions were most acute subjects, very valuable assistance and advice was given to us by that body. It is still a representative body, but the Government has not gone to that body or to other bodies associated with the interests of agriculture for any consultation on this question as to what ought to be done. I do not mean that the Government is under an obligation to accept advice which may be tendered by those bodies in respect to Government policy, but at least those bodies can be used in order that the Government could give advice and to avoid such results as surely will befall from the passing of this Bill. This Bill will at once throw back the industry to those conditions of turmoil and internal conflict in which it was in the years before the War.

Minimum wages have been assured, or if my right hon. Friend likes the term, standard rates have been assured, for agricultural workers. Prices have been assured for the work done under the instruction of the farmer. Instead of the complete abandonment of the whole method the Government might very well have called together representatives of both employers and employed and said: "We cannot continue to carry these great obligations. The time, within a reasonable distance, is approaching when the Government will seek release from its commitments. Financial and other reasons dictate this policy, and we ask you so to arrange your affairs and prepare your plans as to call into existence voluntary bodies which would be a reasonable substitute for the legal ties under which so far you are compelled to act." Surely that advice would not have been entirely lost upon those to whom it would be tendered. Instead of calling them in either to receive suggestions or give advice they come suddenly to this House and take a step which I think will certainly, as was the case in the coal industry, be the cause of serious and wasteful conflict between the different interests.

The only reason, which is a reason at all, for this reversal of policy that has been given by the Government is that given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Embarrassed as he is with serious financial difficulties he is compelled to be blunt, to state what is the cause of the difficulty. It is money. Why then should my right hon. Friend (Sir A. Boscawen) seek a number of other reasons which are absolutely unconvincing and, I think, impotent reasons in relation to this change? Why should he talk about the coercive police methods, and the espionage that have to be adopted to make good the law? There can be no law in any contry without the policeman in the last resort. A law is obeyed by men in the mass, but there are minorities who will refuse to observe the demands of law, and to them some form of compulsion must be applied. I think that my right hon. Friend would have done better to have kept to the only reason which, in any conditions of self-respect, could be given by a representative of the Government, namely, the reason of a money shortage. If it be true that the Government for financial reasons are driven to take this step I invite them to give some justification for this totally needless step which they are taking to destroy the Wages Board in agriculture.

There never was any case made out by the Government, either last year or from 1917 onwards, that the subsidy and fixed prices for commodities sold were inseparable from fixed wages for the workers. The two stood totally independently, as can be demonstrated by repeated statements made in this House. I have before me the words of Mr. Prothero, as he was in 1919, when he submitted to the House the proposals of that date. They have been already repeatedly quoted. The two parts, then, of agriculture was, as they now stand, wages for the worker and prices for the farmer, stand totally independently, and there is no need, even if we are driven to set one aside completely, to destroy the other. On that account I would like certain hon. Gentlemen in this House associated with farming life, and pursuing this calling as responsible farmers, to be a little more frank with us and to say clearly, have they sought to influence the Government by personal, collective, or private representation to destroy these Boards in order that they might be able to place the farm labourer at a position of disadvantage because of the present industrial state of the country and the general conditions of employment? We would like to know what is really in the minds of hon. Members who in another capacity, soon as employers, will probably be taking advantage of the change in the law, assuming that this Bill passes.

Although we have heard so much on the point, I would say one further word in respect of the farm labourer. I feel encouraged to treat this theme as every Member who has spoken, no matter what his point of view, whether that of a farmer or not, declares that he is anxious to see the farm labourer properly treated, reasonably paid, well housed, and treated as a human being. I recall the time some years ago when Members in this House were faced with the, to them, novel proposal to establish by law a wage for the agricultural labourer, and the highest sum which the Government could be induced to fix at that time was 75s. Let the House bear that in mind. The principle of a fixed wage had already been established in the case of miners, a powerfully-organised body of men, who had secured a minimum wage many years before. We have all heard moving, eloquent descriptions of the position of the agricultural labourer, from the Prime Minister down to the most humble of us. I have in mind at the moment the picture of Millet, and the lines of Watson, the poet, written in relation to that picture, as a description of hardship—

The right hon. Gentleman (Sir A. Boscawen) in the most explicit and repeated terms, has declared that this part of the Government policy was a permanent policy, but my right hon. Friend throws himself back on Clause 4 of the Bill which we are now considering. Really, while I want to be respectful, I tell my right hon. Friend that this Clause is nothing but a pious platitudinous resolution, which he calls the Clause of a Bill, and which I suppose will become part of the Statute. There is nothing in it except a declaration that the people concerned may come together, or that the Board of Agriculture may call them, and that between them, voluntarily, they may make these arrangements. That is no substitute for this policy, which my right hon. Friend told us was to be a permanent feature of the Law in relation to agriculture. I do not know how far I may be regarded as giving a representative opinion, even from the farmers' point of view, if just before I sit down I read a paragraph from the issue of the "British Farmer" of 2nd July:

If we are to have a substitute which will work in harmony, the representatives from which can be assembled together in a frame of mind of peace and reason, this Bill will have to be withdrawn, or at least that part of it relating to agricultural workers altogether dropped. If it were dropped out it need not imperil any other step the Government is driven to take for financial reasons, and I urge that the plan of consultation, of mediation, and the calling upon the parties interested to provide themselves with a substitute before they are dropped in this violent manner should be followed. I urge that plan, not merely in the interests of the class for which I may claim especially to speak in this Debate, but in the national interest, which I feel will be further imperilled if this Bill is passed.

There is no part of this Debate to which I have listened with greater pleasure than some of the opening sentences of my right hon. Friend, in which he gave well-merited recognition to the difficulties of the farmer's career, and paid a well-merited tribute to the importance of agriculture to this country. I may say, having sat now in this House for a very considerable time, that I think something has been gained by the Government's policy, even if there is much to excuse, and, it may be, much to criticise in it, owing to the interest which it has aroused in the condition of agriculture in this country, and the recognition it has drawn from all quarters of the House of the important part agriculture plays, and the obligation of the House and the country to support it to the best of their ability. The Government has been treated, very naturally, to a great deal of criticism in the course of this discussion. I am not very much concerned with that type of criticism illustrated by the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Aberdeenshire, who denounces with equal vehemence the adoption of the policy and the withdrawal of it. There is no pleasing him until parties have changed sides. I am more concerned with the criticism which comes from those, whether they are sitting on one side of the House or the other, who have intervened because of the difficulties to which the Government policy has given rise, and are anxiously seeking the best way out of a real national difficulty.

I would ask the House to consider what is the origin of the Bill the repeal of which we are now obliged to propose to the House. What was its origin and what was its object? It was not simply the maintenance of the status quo in agriculture as it existed at the time. The scheme as devised and ramified by the Government, was a scheme intended to develop the production of food in this country, to render us more independent of overseas supplies, and at a reasonable rate of insurance, payable in certain years of peace, to protect ourselves against the danger which had pressed hardly upon us in the recent years of the War.

What are the changes which have taken place? I will come later to the financial consideration which under present circumstances must have overborne all others. I do not agree with my right hon. Friend that no other considerations are worth stating or in any way bear on the decision which the Government has taken. I say that the object of the Bill, the intention with which the Government framed the Bill, was to secure a great increase of arable cultivation in this country. It has not secured that. Permit me to make two observations. My right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland was met with some comment when he made the same observation. In the meantime my information is what I have stated. I do not profess to be an expert, and I have to speak from information supplied to me. My own farming experience is of a very limited character, but I am informed that the Bill did not pass at a date which would have brought more land under wheat, but it might have brought more land under oats, and the House must remember that the policy of the Bill was declared long before the Bill passed, and that farmers were living and working in the expectation of its passing. Whether because there was no time, or any other reason, it has not produced an increased arable cultivation which was its object. More than that, it is not likely it will produce it even if you continue it. Is there any agriculturist in this House who will say that, with no further powers of control than in the Act as it came back to us from another place, largely increased arable cultivation will be produced by the Act as it stands.

It has not increased acreage, but it would increase production from the acreage under cultivation.

It would increase the yield from the acreage under cultivation. It would give farmers security to carry on a high state of farming, they having the guarantee behind them.

That is very hypothetical, and it is a very imperfect fulfilment of the objects for which the Bill was introduced. That is the first. Now in the second place it was expected that the liability under the Bill would amount, as I have said, to a reasonable and moderate insurance, not payable every year, but payable in certain years against the risk of insufficient food production at home in case of war. As one of my hon. and gallant Friends said yesterday, it was to have been a reasonable insurance, but it has been turned by the altered circumstances of the case into a huge and continuous subsidy. That is an entirely different proposition to put before the House. Now under these circumstances are we not entitled to reconsider our policy? The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean), speaking with the moderation and fairness which is characteristic of him, disclaimed any breach of faith and said that what the farmer had a right to require was fair treatment if circumstances rendered a change of policy necessary. I do not want to base myself upon the printed text of the Bill. That, as already pointed out by the Secretary for Scotland, contemplated that the Act might be abolished by an Address of both Houses and an Order in Council. I would rather go to the root of the matter. I will agree that there would have been a direct breach of faith with the farmer if it could have been said that, having induced him to put a crop in the ground, we deprived him of the benefits we had promised in respect of that crop. We recognise our obligation in regard to the crop sown on the faith of this Bill. The method of discharging that obligation has been agreed with the representatives of the farmers. The farmer obtains his money earlier, though he may not obtain the total amount which under the old Act would eventually be granted. That is an arrangement which those who speak on his behalf have accepted as a reasonable and fair fulfilment of the obligation in respect of the crop already in the ground.

The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Clynes) who has just spoken says that if you must change your policy you should let them down gradually. Let us see what that means? We gave notice of the change of policy before any man had spent money on another season's crop. [An HON. MEMBER: "NO!"] Well, practically. I did not mean absolutely, but before any man could be said to have incurred any serious expenditure in reliance of the continuation of this policy. That was an earnest of the desire to keep faith. We pay in respect of the crop in the ground, and we give full information of the termination before the date of next season's sowing. How then are the farmers damnified? If it could be said that in the faith of a continuance for four years they had ploughed land which they would have left under grass, that indeed would be an allegation which, would require consideration. When it is admitted, and even pleaded, that they had not time to plough any new land, how can it be said we broke faith when we keep our agreement in regard to the amount they have done? These are in my opinion good reasons, on their merits, apart from the financial situation, why the House and the Government should reconsider their policy. We do not do this lightly. We knew the blame and criticism to which we would expose ourselves. The task which my right hon. Friend and I have to discharge is not a pleasant one and it is right that we should be quite frank, and invite the House—which followed us in the mistake—to set things right in the best way and as rapidly as we can.

It is said that while it may be necessary, and it may be right—while many people say that it is necessary that we should stop the subsidy in respect of future crops—it is not right to terminate the control and the Wages Board at the same time. Again, I ask the House to consider the history of the Bill. In view of the advantage of increased production which we expected we might get, we gave the farmer this guarantee of prices, but we attached to that guarantee a condition. We made no bargain with the labourer, but we imposed a condition upon the farmer, a condition alone on which he was to receive this grant. It was that there should be this control of wages. Now the gentlemen who are ready to accuse the Government of breaking faith with the farmer by not paying the guarantee invite us to break faith doubly with him by continuing this obligation on him. Is that possible? Could any Government do it? I think not. That is not to say, using a phrase which dropped from the lips of a right hon. Gentleman opposite, that we are going to turn the labourer adrift on the sea of purely economic conditions. I do not know exactly what that means.

If it means that agriculture, like every other industry, must pay its way, I suppose that is a platitude which my right hon. Friend would not dispute. If it means that we are going to sit idly by in this House and see labourers' wages screwed down to pre-War level, then I do not believe that this House of Commons, no matter what party is in the majority, would permit it. The position of the agricultural labourer has been immensely altered by the War and all that took place during the War and since.

Does the right hon. Gentleman remember the offer of wages made to the miners immediately after decontrol?

If the hon. Member will allow me to pursue my argument I shall be obliged. The position of the agricultural labourer has been immensely changed during the War and since the War. It took something like the War, some vast force, to raise him out of the rut in which in too many cases he was, and to make it clear that the wholly inadequate wages paid in certain districts could not continue in the present world. But the labourer is organised now as he never was organised before. Wages have been raised, and to talk as if the agricultural labourer were as powerless to protect himself or to deal with his employers as he was in the years before the War is to ignore wholly the revolution that has come over agriculture in the last few and significant years. To enforce a particular rate of wages by the State is not the only way to secure good wages. It is certainly not collective bargaining. To enforce wages by the State is State control on the wage-earner and the employer alike. Collective bargaining is the common consideration and the common settlement by the two parties concerned of rates of wages which are fair and equitable, having regard to the circumstances of the industry.

Surely it is not unreasonable to expect and hope that voluntary conciliation boards can be formed, and it will be our business to use all our influence and authority to see that they are formed. It is not unreasonable to hope that these voluntary conciliation boards, representative of the two parties to the dispute, may make terms more suited to the industry, better for each, employers and employed, than the State can do by its more rigid method and its universal control. The right hon. Gentleman (Sir D. Maclean) scoffs at the Clause in this Bill which deals with this matter. I am not going now to discuss the details. If it can be made more effective for its purpose, if suggestions can be offered in Committee by which the hands of the Government may be strengthened in seeing that proper arrangements are made between the employers and the men, we shall be very glad sympathetically to consider any such proposal. What is the Clause as it stands? It is a Clause which the right hon. Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) described as "platitudinous, pious aspiration." It is the embodiment in this Bill of the Clause in the Railways Bill dealing with the same subject, a Clause which was put into the Railways Bill at the joint request of the railway directors and the railway employés as being that on which they had agreed between themselves for safeguarding wages in their industry. Yet we are to be told that that which the railway men have voluntarily settled with their employers is purely platitudinous, pious aspiration when we attempt to extend a similar organisation to the agricultural industry.

So far I have dealt with the policy on its merits, and said nothing whatever of the financial situation. I think the grounds I have put to the House are good grounds for reconsideration of policy, but of course the compelling force behind the action of the Government, which has forced them to come and expose themselves to the taunt of having changed their policy in less than six months, is the force of financial necessity. Let me remind the House of what the financial position is as stated in a document which is already before the House. I refer to the Treasury circular issued by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the month of May. What has happened since has not improved the financial condition. The circular states: popular. For our part, with the responsibilities that weigh upon us, not ignoring but frankly facing all that may be said of our change of front and the criticism that may be and has been passed upon us, we have taken account of the altered condition and needs of the State and we hope that this House will support us.

My right hon. Friend has put one or two questions to those who profess to represent farmers. For instance, he asked to what extent farmers will be injured by this reversal of policy, and he referred to the compensations which they will receive for the crop of this year. May I point out to my right hon. Friend that, under the policy which is now being reversed, the policy which was started by the Prime Minister in the Caxton Hall, and subsequently embodied in the Act, farmers have entered into contracts of tenancy, have agreed to increased rentals, in many cases have purchased their holdings, have adopted courses of cropping, and in other ways have committed themselves, in the belief that the policy was the settled policy of the Government? Therefore it will not do for the right hon. Gentleman to say that the requirements of farmers have been satisfied by compensating them for this year only in regard to their crops. According to the speeches of right hon. Gentlemen opposite, one would imagine that this policy of June of last year was forced upon an unwilling Government by the farming community. That has been the atmosphere created in this debate. That is not the case. The farming community had a settled policy. The National Farmers' Union had a policy, the Scottish Farmers' Union had a policy and the National Farmers' Union of my little country had a policy. What was that policy? It is rather important now.

First of all, the farmers wanted security of tenure. They wanted adequate compensation for all improvements at the expense of tenants, which improved the value of the holding as a holding, or maintained its value against a falling market. They wanted also free play of the market, and, last but not least, they wanted freedom from all forms of State control. It was a legitimate policy, and a reasonable policy. They simply asked to be left alone to carry on their business in the way they thought best, which was certainly better than they could be instructed to do it by any Government official. A policy had been forced upon the House of Commons by the Government —a policy of State control and a subsidy. I sympathise with my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture. I am perfectly certain he is a sincere well-wisher to agriculture. I know that this present proposal cannot be his policy. The argument which he used in introducing the Bill last year showed that he was speaking from conviction, and now he comes before the House—having been induced to do so, I am sure, by some of his colleagues —to say that the policy of last year was a mistake, and that we must revert to pre-War conditions.

The reason given is that we cannot afford it. When was that discovered? I should like to refer my right hon. Friend to the Debate on the Third Heading. I, as an amateur, gave my estimate of what it would cost, and I said it was going to cost the country £50,000,000 per annum. Other hon. Members put it at £35,000,000. The Government knew perfectly well it was going to cost a very big sum. There is no use in their now telling us in amazement and surprise that they have discovered this scheme is going to cost a lot of money. They knew it. Nor is there any use in their turning round to the representatives of the coal industry, and saying, "You ran us into this trouble." They knew that was coming also. Does my right hon. Friend pretend that the Government were not conscious of the fact that there was going to be a coal stoppage? Who was it brought that coal stoppage about? I approve of decontrol, but the action of the Government in regard to decontrol brought about this tremendous loss, of which they are complaining, but which they must have foreseen. If they did not foresee it, they are very much to blame, but, at all events, it is useless telling us that all this has happened through ignorance. I think my hon. Friend the Member for Chippenham (Mr. G. Terrell) has put his finger on pulse of the situation. We have now got a Key Industries Bill, which some of us very cordially dislike. I wonder if the Government's action in reversing their agricultural policy has anything to do with the Key Industries Bill. Of course, in the Key Industries Bill food is excluded, but, surely, they must have come to the conclusion that agriculture is a key industry and that they are going to put a subsidy on agriculture, through this Key Industries Bill. I suppose that is what they have in mind, because I am perfectly convinced we are going to become a full-blown and fully-fledged Protectionist country, and agriculture cannot be left out, so that it may be that this reversal of the Government's agricultural policy is wholly due to the wonderful Key Industries Bill. I voted against the Agriculture Bill last year. [ Laughter. ] Hon. Members opposite laugh. I would vote against it again. I disliked the policy of the Government last year. I fought against it to the best of my ability, and I was representing a farmers' union in doing so, and I think those who fought against the Bill last year represented the general sense of the farming community of this country. My position is the same to-day. I think this Government, having entered into a contract with the farming community and having pledged the honour of this House, are bound, whatever the consequences may be, to carry out that contract. If my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture himself entered into a contract with another man, whatever the result of that would be to him personally, he would carry it out. The Government is equally responsible. They have undertaken to give four years' notice. These are the words used by my right hon. Friend in introducing the Bill last year:

You shall have the privilege and pleasure of dividing in a few moments, and I am looking forward to a very large number of hon. Members going into the Lobby against this Bill. We listened with great interest to the speech made by the Leader of the House, and we were surprised at some of the statements in that speech, more especially the statement about organisation. We have been told lately that we can only get as much out of an industry as that industry is able to afford, yet right after that we hear the argument that certain things must be done because the agricultural labourers are now well organised. The implication of that is, that in the past the agricultural labourer has been exploited, but that he is stronger by means of his organisation to-day, and can prevent further exploitation. If it is true that you cannot get out of an industry what is not there, I take it then, that this was the real purpose and object of introducing the Corn Production Act, 1920. With one statement made by the Leader of the House I am in agreement. He said the War had brought about a big change. It has brought about a big change and it has produced a different type of man in agriculture. Many of those men have gone through the hardships of the battlefield, and have come back, and they are not now going to rest content with the impoverished condition under which they existed in the olden times. They are determined at all costs, to secure better conditions than those which existed prior to 1914. The destruction of the Wages Board means that there will be an attempt to effect an enormous reduction of wages, and we know that there will be resistance to that. The agricultural labourer will try to defend the living wage and the better conditions. The argument used for the destruction of the Bill is that the Government cannot afford to pay. Listening to the speeches of the Government representatives makes one feel very reluctant to follow their advice or their guidance in the future. During the latter part of last year we were informed on the best possible authority that they were able to take this burden upon themselves. The Labour party at that time supported the Government, because of the principle embodied in the Bill, but notwithstanding that the Minister of Agriculture denounced the Labour party and told the people of Taunton that they were wreckers of the Bill. I quote from a report of one of his speeches, which states that he claimed

"that he was the principal author of the Agriculture Act which guaranteed a living wage to the agricultural labourer. It was not done by the Labour party, many of whom tried to wreck the Bill."

That is not true. The Minister also said:

"All recent improvements in the state of the working classes were due to the present Coalition Government."

Of course that was said in an election, and even a Government representative is not always responsible for what he says in a by-election. However, I am confident that his statement is not correct regarding an attempt to wreck the Bill. We, as a Labour party, gave loyal support to the Government, and went into the Lobby with the Government on every occasion in connection with this Measure, because we believed the Government were sincere in saving the agricultural labourer from becoming a victim of economic conditions. In another speech the right hon. Gentleman said:

"The nation must not allow its agriculture to go back. We have neglected it far too long in the past; in fact we have deliberately sacrificed it. We found out our mistake during the War. We must not go back to pre-War conditions. That is the meaning of the Agriculture Act of which I was in charge and which was passed into law last Christmas after 29 days' debate."

That was a deliberate utterance of the gentleman who is in charge of the wrecking measure now before the House. If we were convinced last December of the past neglect of agriculture, if we were convinced that the Government had not done its duty by this great and mighty industry, and if they made a solemn vow that they were not going to allow it to go back to the old conditions, why have we this Bill before us now, which means we are going to save our money, and wreck the industry? That is the ground of our protest against it. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide."] Restrain your impatience. We shall divide in a moment, but before we do so, I would recall that yesterday there was a great conference in London of the agricultural labourers representing many thousands of men. They passed a resolution appealing to the Government to save them from the disaster that is likely to overtake them. I appeal to the Government to-night, in the few moments at my disposal, to recognise their obligations in this matter. Although the Leader of the House has said that we are not to let these men go back to the old conditions, he has not told us how he is going to prevent them going back. No indication has been given by a single word as to what measure the Government proposes, in order to prevent the exploitation of agricultural workers, and the wrecking of the Wages Board means the wrecking of the chances of the agricultural labourers to maintain their present standard of living.

I am disappointed to find—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide!"] When hon. Members who have not been here listening to the Debate call out "Divide," I would like to remind them that last night I missed my dinner through listening to the Debate. I am disappointed to find that right through this Debate the Prime Minister, who initiated this policy, has not been in his place at all, and I would like to know why he has not been here defending his attitude now. Here he has got a large number of his Ministers rising in their places and repudiating definite obligations which the Government have entered into. I have listened to the various excuses which Ministers have put forward, and I must confess that those excuses I find very poor indeed. Their main excuse appears to be that the financial position of the country is such that they cannot carry out the obligations which they entered into with the farmers of the country, and they consider that this is a method of economy. All I have to say is that if this is the first move of the new Chancellor of the Exchequer for economy, it is a very poor move indeed, and if he wants to economise, let him start by economising in directions which do not interfere with the main industry of our country. Why should he not tackle the war bonuses which are paid to civil servants, which are costing the nation £40,000,000 a year? Why does he go on wasting money in Mesopotamia? Why do they keep on all these Government Departments which were created during the war? It may be said that the Ministry of Shipping does not now exist, but that is only camouflage; it still exists under another name. It may be said that the Ministry of Food does not exist, but of course it does; all the officials are still there. If they say they have got to stop their liabilities under this Act at once and to let down the agriculturists of the country for economy's sake, all I have to say is that they are setting about economy in the wrong way.

The right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Agriculture put forward another excuse. He said that when the Bill left this House and went to another place it was severely mutilated and came back here shorn of a great number of the powers which they expected to have, but when the Amendments came back from the other place they were brought back at 12 o'clock at night on the 23rd December, and several of us rose in our places and objected to proceeding with them at that late hour. They were dashed through this House in an all-night sitting —seventeen and a half pages of Amendments—and the whole time there were never more than 130 Members, out of 700, present in the House. If those are the excuses of the Government, they are very poor excuses indeed. Ministers have said that there is no breach of faith at all, and that they are not letting the farmers or the agricultural workers down, but arc they not letting the country down as a whole? Did they not enter into a de finite pledge at the General Election to introduce legislation to place the agricultural industry on such a footing that this

nation should never again be dependent on foreign nations for its food supply? I venture to say that this is a breach of faith, just as nearly all the other election pledges which the Prime Minister and the other Ministers gave have been broken. They were going to hang the Kaiser: they were going to make the Germans pay, but all their pledges have been broken, one after the other, and it is no wonder that Coalition Members of Parliament are despised in the country to-day. I was sent here by an agricultural constituency because the chief pledge I gave at the General Election was to support legislation in connection with agriculture. It took us two years to extract a policy from the Government, and now that we have got the policy and have had it for six months, they have decided to scrap it, and they cannot put forward a single excuse at all.

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."

Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.

Question put accordingly, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 278; Noes, 113.

Division No. 222.]

AYES.

[7.54 p m.

Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S.

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Bull. Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James

Burdon, Colonel Rowland

Foreman, Sir Henry

Amery, Leopold C. M. S.

Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin

Carew, Charles Robert S.

Forrest, Walter

Armstrong, Henry Bruce

Carr, W. Theodore

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W.

Casey, T. W.

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Austin, Sir Herbert

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Ganzoni, Sir John

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill

Gardner, Ernest

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Clough, Robert

Gilbert, James Daniel

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood-

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Barlow, Sir Montague

Cockerill. Brigadier-General G. K.

Glyn, Major Ralph

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Grant, James Augustus

Barnston, Major Harry

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington)

Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff)

Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Gregory, Holman

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Greig, Colonel Sir James William

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Gretton, Colonel John

Benn, Capt. Sir I H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h)

Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton)

Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E.

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West)

Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.)

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester)

Dawes, James Arthur

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Blair, Sir Reginald

Dennis, J. W. (Birmingham, Deritend)

Hall, Rr-Admi Sir W.(Liv'p'l, W. D'by)

Borwick, Major G. O.

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Elliott, Lt.-Col. Sir G. (Islington, W.)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Boyd-Carpenter, Major A.

Elveden, Viscount

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Harris, Sir Henry Percy

Briggs, Harold

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Haslam, Lewis

Britton, G. B.

Farquharson. Major A. C.

Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Brown, Major D. C.

Fisher. Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Brown, T. W. (Down, North)

FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A.

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S.

Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar)

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Hinds, John

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington)

Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G.

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney)

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n, W.)

Morris, Richard

Stanler, Captain Sir Beville

Hopkins, John W. W.

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Murchison, C. K.

Starkey, Captain John Ralph

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Stevens, Marshall

Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere

Neal, Arthur

Stewart, Gershom

Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster)

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Sugden, W. H.

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster)

Sutherland, Sir William

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Sykes, Colonel Sir A. J. (Knutsford)

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Nield, Sir Herbert

Taylor, J.

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Thomas-Stanford, Charles

Johnson, Sir Stanley

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Palmer, Major Godfrey Mark

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)

Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke)

Parker, James

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool)

Tickler, Thomas George

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Pearce, Sir William

Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Tryon, Major George Clement

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.)

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Waddington, R.

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Percy, Charles (Tynemouth)

Wallace, J.

Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Kidd, James

Perkins, Walter Frank

Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City)

Ward-Jackson, Major C. L.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Pickering, Colonel Emil W.

Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull)

Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster)

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray

Waring, Major Walter

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.

Lindsay, William Arthur

Pratt, John William

Warren, Sir Alfred H.

Lloyd, George Butler

Preston, W. R.

Wheler, Col Granville C. H.

Lloyd-Greame, Sir P.

Prescott, Major W. H.

White, Col. G. D. (Southport)

Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green)

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Purchase. H. G.

Williams, C. (Tavistock)

Lorden, John William

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Randles, Sir John Scurrah

Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud

Lynn, R. J.

Raper, A. Baldwin

Wills, Lt. Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H.

M'Connell, Thomas Edward

Ratcliffe, Henry Butler

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.)

M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P.

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Wilson-Fox, Henry

Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie)

Reid, D. D.

Wise, Frederick

M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W.

Remnant, Sir James

Wolmer, Viscount

McMicking, Major Gilbert

Renwick, Sir George

Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend)

Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Wood, Major Sir S. Hill-(High Peak)

Maddocks, Henry

Rodger, A. K.

Worsfold, T. Cato

Magnus, Sir Philip

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Rutherford, Colonel Sir J. (Darwen)

Yeo, Sir Alfred William

Martin, A. E.

Rutherford. Sir W. W. (Edge Hill)

Young, E. H. (Norwich)

Matthews, David

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Younger, Sir George

Meysey-Thompson. Lieut.-Col. E. C.

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur

Middlebrook, Sir William

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B.

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy.

Mitchell, Sir William Lane

Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz

Scott, Sir Samuel (St. Marylebone)

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D.

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Hirst, G. H.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Astor, Viscountess

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Hogge, James Myles

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Devlin, Joseph

Holmes, J. Stanley

Barnes. Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals)

Edwards, Allen C. (East Ham, S.)

Howard, Major S. G.

Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Hurd, Percy A.

Bell. Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South)

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Irving, Dan

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Galbraith, Samuel

Jephcott, A. R.

Bowyer, Captain G. W. E.

Gillis, William

Jesson, C.

Briant, Frank

Glanville, Harold James

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Bromfield, William

Gould, James C.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Cairns, John

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Kenyon, Barnet

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Grundy, T. W.

Lambert, Rt. Hon. George

Cautley, Henry Strother

Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth)

Lawson, John James

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin)

Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton)

Lunn, William

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Halls, Walte

McLaren. Hon. H. D. (Leicester)

Colfox, Major Wm, Phillips

Hayday, Arthur

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

Hayward, Evan

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury)

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil)

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Hills, Major John Waller

Mills, John Edmund

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Royce, William Stapleton

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Morrison, Hugh

Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John

Waterson, A. E.

Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen)

Sexton, James

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Myers, Thomas

Simm, M. T.

Wignall, James

Newbould, Alfred Ernest

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

O'Connor, Thomas P.

Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough)

Williams, Col. p. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Spencer, George A.

Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury)

Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.

Spoor, B. G.

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Swan, J. E.

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Rees, Capt. J. Tudor (Barnstaple)

Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham)

Winfrey, Sir Richard

Rendall, Athelstan

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich)

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Robertson, John

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. T. Shaw.

Rose, Frank H.

Townley, Maximilian G.

Bill read a Second time.

Motion made, and Question put, "That the Bill be committed to a Committee of the Whole House."-[ Mr. A. Henderson. ]

The House divided: Ayes, 84; Noes, 264.

Division No. 223.]

AYES.

[8.5 p.m

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D.

Halls, Walter

Robertson, John

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Hayday, Arthur

Rose, Frank H.

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hayward, Evan

Royce, William Stapleton

Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals)

Hirst, G. H.

Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John

Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.)

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Sexton, James

Barton, Sir William (Oldham)

Hogge, James Myles

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk)

Holmes, J. Stanley

Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough)

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Irving, Dan

Spencer, George A.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Spoor, B. G.

Briant, Frank

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Swan, J. E.

Bromfield, William

Kenyon, Barnet

Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley)

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Lambert, Rt. Hon. George

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Cairns, John

Lawson, John James

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Lunn, William

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan)

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Mills, John Edmund

Waterson, A E.

Davison, J. E. (Smethwick)

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwelity)

Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen)

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South)

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Wignall, James

Galbraith, Samuel

Myers, Thomas

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

Gillis. William

Newbould, Alfred Ernest

Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Glanville. Harold James

O'Connor, Thomas P.

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Gould, James C.

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Winfrey, Sir Richard

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Grundy. T. W.

Rendall, Athelstan

Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.-

Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton)

Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich)

Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. T. Shaw.

NOES.

Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S.

Bowyer, Captain G. W. E.

Craig, Captain C. C. (Antrim, South)

Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Armstrong, Henry Bruce

Briggs, Harold

Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton)

Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W.

Britton, G. B.

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Austin, Sir Herbert

Brown, Major D. C.

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Brown, T. W. (Down, North)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.)

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Dawes, James Arthur

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood

Burdon, Colonel Rowland

Dennis, J. W. (Birmingham, Deritend)

Barlow, Sir Montague

Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay)

Du Pre, Colonel William Baring

Barnett, Major Richard W.

Carr, W. Theodore

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Barnston, Major Harry

Casey, T. W.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff)

Cautley, Henry Strother

Elliott, Lt.-Col. Sir G. (Islington, W.)

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.)

Elveden, Viscount

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood)

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Clough, Robert

FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A.

Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Foreman, Sir Henry

Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester)

Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole

Forestier-Walker. L.

Blair, Sir Reginald

Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely)

Forrest, Walter

Borwick, Major G. O.

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Cowan, D. M, (Scottish Universities)

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Lynn, R. J.

Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill)

Ganzoni, Sir John

M'Connell, Thomas Edward

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Gardiner, James

M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P.

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Gardner, Ernest

Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie)

Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester)

Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)

Gilbert, James Daniel

M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W.

Scott, Sir Samuel (St. Marylebone)

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

McMicking, Major Gilbert

Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar)

Glyn, Major Ralph

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Grant, James Augustus

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Simm, M. T.

Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington)

Magnus, Sir Philip

Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington)

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney)

Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Greig, Colonel Sir James William

Martin, A. E.

Stanier, Captain Sir Beville

Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E.

Matthews, David

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E.

Middlebrook, Sir William

Starkey, Captain John Ralph

Hacking, Captain Douglas H.

Mitchell. Sir William Lane

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz

Stevens, Marshall

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S.

Sugden, W. H.

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Sutherland, Sir William

Haslam, Lewis

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Sykes, Colonel Sir A. J. (Knutsford)

Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston)

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Taylor, J.

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash

Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham)

Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.)

Morris, Richard

Thomas-Stanford, Charles

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C.

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Hinds, John

Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert

Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill)

Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G.

Murchison, C. K.

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox)

Tickler, Thomas George

Hope, Sir H.(Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn. W.)

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Townley, Maximilian G.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Neal, Arthur

Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers

Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Tryon Major George Clement

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster)

Turton, Edmund Russborough

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Waddington, R.

Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere

Nield, Sir Herbert

Wallace, J.

Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster)

Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley)

Hurd, Percy K.

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Ward-Jackson, Major C. L.

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Palmer, Major Godfrey Mark

Ward William Dudley (Southampton)

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.

Waring, Major Walter

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Parker, James

Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T.

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool)

Warren, Sir Alfred H.

Jephcott, A. R.

Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.)

Weston,' Colonel John Wakefield

Jesson, C.

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

white, Col. G. D. (Southport)

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Perkins, Walter Frank

Wild Sir Ernest Edward

Johnson, Sir Stanley

Pickering, Colonel Emil W.

Williams C. (Tavistock)

Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Pilditch, Sir Philip

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke)

Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray

Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Wills Lt-Col Sir Gilbert Alan H

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Pratt, John William

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.)

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Prescott, Major W. H.

Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Wilson-Fox, Henry

Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham)

Purchase, H. G.

Wise Frederick

Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr

Randles, Sir John Scurrah

Wood, Hon. Edward F L. (Ripon)

Kidd, James

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Raper, A. Baldwin

Wood, Major Sir S. Hill-(High Peak)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Ratcliffe, Henry Butler

Worsfold T Cato

Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster)

Rees. Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon Sir L

Law Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Reid, D. D.

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Remnant, Sir James

Yeo Sir Alfred William

Lindsay, William Arthur

Renwick, Sir George

Young E. H. (Norwich)

Lloyd, George Butler

Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend)

Younger Sir George

Lloyd-Greame, Sir P.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Rodger, A. K.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Lorden, John William

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy.

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund

Lowe, Sir Francis William

Bill committed to a Standing Committee.

National Health Insurance Bill

As amended ( in the Standing Committee ) considered.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]

As the House is aware, the Bill introduced by the Minister of Health is to modify Section 55 of the National Insurance Act, 1911, and I would like to remind the House of certain words which he used when opening the Debate on 22nd June. He said:

The enormous sums of public money spent to-day in the administration of the National Insurance Act is very seldom or little realised. I have spent some time in an endeavour to find out exactly the true cost of administering the Act. I hope in the figures I shall give, if I am inaccurate, that the Minister of Health will correct me. The matter is of much consequence, especially in these days, when public money is so short, and the Treasury is being raided on all hands.

What is the total sum required for the administration of the National Insurance Act? In England to-day, according to the Report presented to the House by the Minister of Health, the total number of insured persons receiving benefit is 12,190,000. These are paying their weekly contributions towards this benefit. The intention of the present Bill is to set aside the sum of 4s. 10d. per insured member per year. The total sum, therefore, is some £2,750,000 for the expenses of the administration of the Act by the approved societies. In addition to that, the large sum of 6d. is to be set aside for the administration expenses of the insurance committees. This involves a. further total of £274,000, making a total to-day of over £3,000,000 required to administer the Act. The point I wish to put to the Minister is that before coming to this House to ask insured persons to set aside a larger sum from their own money to administer this Act, the Minister should first have taken steps to inquire into the administration of the Act and the £3,000,000 required to administer it. It is so easy to put the burden on other shoulders, and to put your hands on the reserve balances which have been accumulated year by year, instead of taking the wiser course and by more efficient administration and more effective methods curtail this very large expenditure of to-day.

Not only are these large sums involved in the administration of the Act, but I would refer to the Estimates of the Ministry of Health, and to an original sum of nearly £900,000, which is being spent to-day in administration, apart from benefits under the National Insurance Act. We have on page 17 of the Estimates a sum of £619,000 being set aside out of State funds for the expenses of the administration of the approved societies. There is a further sum of £259,000 for the administration of medical benefits. I do not complain that this sum is not necessary—that is not my point. We do not question that to-day the sum demanded by the approved societies for administration is necessary. No one questions the value of the work being done by the approved societies and the insurance committees throughout the country. The point we urge, and which we urge in the interests of insured persons is, that before this sum is granted the Minister should have taken steps to curtail the enormous sums being spent to-day in the administration of this Act. I have given three figures from the Estimates. When I come further to examine the Ministry of Health's own Estimates, the cost of administration in his Department, I find a very large sum of money is involved. You have thus three large sums involved in the administration of the National Insurance Act. First, the 4s. 10d., then the 6d., and thirdly the £900,000 being paid on the Ministry of Health's Estimates, and in addition to the large number of officials of his own Department. I have spent much time in reading the Reports presented to this House by the Minister and I am bound to say that they do not reveal the total cost of administering the Act.

I have before me the Seventh Report from the National Insurance Audit Department, Command Paper 1239, and here there are some very striking figures. On page 17 of that Report there is a statement of the amount of payments out of the current fund audited in the year 1920, and it shows that the total sum of administration payments is £2,461,000, while the total sum paid in benefits is £7,730,000. In other words, for every £3 paid out by the approved societies in benefits as much as £1 is required for administrative expenses. I am speaking subject to correction by the Minister of Health, because I find difficulty in arriving at the true facts, but on page 17 of the Report it is quite clear that taking the sum being spent to-day in the cost of administration it costs £l for every £3 paid out in benefits, and I suggest that that figure is grossly excessive.

I do not suggest that it is quite unnecessary under the present administration. I have already said that those officials to-day are carrying out loyally the policy of the Ministry. They are not to be blamed, because the cost of administration is excessive. The men employed in the approved societies and on insurance committees up and down the country are loyally carrying out the policy of the Government, and the responsibility for the expenditure does not rest on their shoulders, but on the Minister of Health. I think I have said enough to show the very large sum of money now being spent which is taken from the insured person. The point I put is that the time has arrived when the fundamental questions regarding administration should be examined. I remember that in the latter part of last Session, when the late Minister of Health brought in his Bill dealing with hospitals and other matters, I appealed to him at that time to appoint a committee to investigate the financial side of the voluntary hospitals, and I am sure he will agree with me when I say that Lord Cave's Committee will have served a useful purpose if it has directed attention to the administration of the voluntary hospitals.

While I agree that a sum of money is necessary for this purpose, what I ask is whether the time has not arrived when the whole working of the original Act of 1911 should be inquired into. In view of the stringency of public money and the difficulty which exists to-day in the mind of every taxpayer in finding sufficient money to pay his own taxes, I think the Government should face this large question. I raise this question in no controversial sense. The cost of administration of the National Insurance Act is somewhere between £3,000,000 and £4,000,000, and has not the time arrived to simplify the working of the Act and reduce the number of officials employed, so that a large amount of the insured person's payments may be spent in his interests, on his health, and on increased benefits, and by that means safeguarding his interests in the future? I have drawn the attention of the Minister of Health to the very large sums of public money in his Estimates for administering this Act from headquarters. Throughout those Estimates we find a large number of officials required for administering that Act. It is difficult to trace the number—

I am afraid this Bill only refers to the administration expenses of insurance committees. I should not like to rule the hon. Member out of Order, but I wish him to direct his criticism more to the provisions of this Bill.

May I draw your attention, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, to the fact that the Minister of Health, speaking on this Bill, said that

"its object is to meet a situation which has arisen owing to the increased cost of the administration of health insurance societies and insurance committees."

These committees come under the jurisdiction of the Health Department. I suggest that it is impossible to separate the working of these committees in the country while there are at headquarters in London inspectors and others who are closely identified with the administration of this Act.

I do not think the hon. Member would be in order in arguing that the expenses of the central administration are too heavy. He must connect his criticisms with the expenses of the insurance committees.

Are we not dealing with approved societies, as well as with the insurance committees? There is a proposal in this Measure to the effect that approved societies are going to be given 4s. 10d.

May I point out Mr. Deputy-Speaker, that the approved societies are no part of the central administration. No money is being voted or asked for which appears on the Ministry of Health Vote. Therefore, I submit that any criticisms of the Ministry of Health Vote is not in order.

May I further point out that the Minister of Health stated that

"It would be unreasonable that the Exchequer should be the only authority contributing to the fund if societies are no longer required to contribute to it."

May I also draw your attention to page 11 of the Estimates, which set out in great detail the large number of officials required for the working of the Insurance Department.

The Bill applies to the expenses of the insurance committees, and anything bearing on them is perfectly in order. The first part of the hon. Gentleman's speech was quite, in order, but I feel he is now going outside the question before us in criticising the work of the central department, apart from the insurance committees.

On page 11 of the Estimates there is an officer who receives an allowance of £100 per annum from the Vote for the National Health Insurance Joint Committee.

It seems to me that it is rather out of order to criticise the central administration on this Bill, and the discussion must be con- fined to the expenses of the insurance committees and any criticism of the central administration must be connected with them.

I bow to your ruling, of course. But I wish to ask the Minister to take steps to curtail the very large sums of money now being spent on the administration of the Act in the Approved Societies and in the Insurance Committees. The right hon. Gentleman may say in reply that my criticisms has been of a destructive nature, and that I have not suggested any method by which the large administrative costs can be reduced. When the House of Commons endeavours to direct the attention of the House to administrative questions the Government of the day usually denies to the Committee sufficient power to enable it to fulfil its purposes properly, and whether the Government agree with that view or not, the point I put to the Minister is this, that reform to be effective must come from within. This House is a deliberative assembly and not an administrative machine. That the expenses are excessive I think the Debate will clearly reveal. I hope the Minister will give a considered answer to this criticism which has not been done on former occasions in this House, when I have endeavoured to direct the attention of other Members of the Government to the cost of administering the National Health Insurance Act, 1911. My friends associated with me on this side of the House, while agreeing that the sum set aside under this Bill for the working of the Approved Societies and of the Insurance Committees is justified, while believing that the officials of those societies are doing their work under great difficulties and for insufficient remuneration, put this point to the Minister. Has not the time arrived when the large sums of money being spent on administration should be directed into better and more profitable channels, so that an insured person may receive a larger sum in benefit and a smaller sum may be spent on administration?

I am principally concerned with the main feature of the Bill —the increase of the annual sum per insured member allowed to approved societies for management expenses. I understand that at the moment the figure is 4s. 5d. per annum per insured person, and the proposal is to increase it to 4s. 10d. The other 6d. mentioned has nothing to do with approved societies and their administration expenses. Had the Minister consulted the wishes of those who have had the task of administering the Act—and no doubt he has had an opportunity of ascertaining their opinion—he doubtless is aware that 4s. 10d. even falls far short of what is considered to be the requisite amount to enable the Approved Societies to effectively administer National Health State Insurance. One would require to have some detailed dealings with this very important piece of machinery to thoroughly appreciate the difficulties that approved societies have had to encounter in trying, up to the present, to keep their administrative expenses down to the figure of 4s. 5d. per member. On the original initiation of health insurance the State called on all manner and all kinds of well-established friendly, collecting, and trade societies to use their machinery for the purpose of licking into shape this great new machinery launched on the country for the purpose of health insurance. No doubt the Minister can tell us the exact number of separate approved societies now engaged in administering the Act to their own directly associated members—it must run into some thousands. To do that first required the setting up of separate authorities within the approved society, the establishment of a competent individual thoroughly acquainted with accountancy and possessing a considerable degree of general ability, and a big staff, because the detailed work involved includes not merely collecting the cards and counting the stamps on them, but you have to have agents dotted all over the country for sick visiting purposes, for the payment of the benefit, for the proper checking of the insured people, and to see that the rules are observed and that sickness benefit is only obtained by persons entitled to it. You have to provide for special medical examination in many of your individual cases, and the cost of all this has to come from the administrative expenses. You have further on the top of that the extra postage. It is quite possible to have 24 communications passing yearly between the administering office and the insured person, and the State, by its extra postage charges, has increased the postage account by probably 150 per cent. Then, as has been pointed out, you cannot adopt your own method of accountancy; you must have the Government Department methods, as-your accounts are subject to Government audit, and the auditors are sent out from the Central Authority. They may spend weeks and weeks in the approved society's office checking the accounts, and it is because of that severe test that it is necessary not to neglect one slightest bit of detail in the approved society's administration.

Unless they get this extra 5d. per member per annum the societies are going to suffer in more ways than one. They will suffer in their administration. Many approved societies are called upon to deal with the casual labourer and those engaged in unhealthy or heavy trades who are more often on sick benefit, and they will lose by not being able to pay sufficient attention to this class, because they cannot afford it out of the administration fund. They must not overspend the administration account, as otherwise the Government auditor will be able to surcharge the very men who are giving their time, labour and energy free for the administration of this benefit to the less fortunate members in their association or call for a levy on their members. A considerable amount of voluntary service is now being rendered, and must be rendered, because the allowance for administration expenses is not sufficient for proper payment even of out-of-pocket expenses to those who delve into the details of this matter. One point was made by the hon. Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins) which is well worth considering. I do not know whether we have arrived at the stage when we might devote a few months to a thorough inquiry into the administration of the Act, to see to what extent the working or administration can be consolidated. Perhaps I may give an example of what usually happens. Very often, when an agent of an approved society is walking across one part of the town to pay benefit to one of his members, he meets an agent of another approved society coming from the same direction, and perhaps he has not gone far before he meets another and another; so that in some towns with a population of not more than 200,000, you may have a large number of district agencies established, each with its local agents, crossing and recrossing one another over the whole town. That makes administration very costly, and if, as the result of inquiry, a joint working arrangement between the approved societies could be made for consolidating their efforts, more effective work might be obtained.

I believe, however, that the main expenditure will be in postage, and while the postage rates are as high as they are there will be great difficulty. I have been acting president of an approved society, with 44,000 members ever since the Act came into being, and I know the sacrifices that have to be made. I know that we too often have to cut down the number of our management committee meetings because of the cost of railway fares, which must necessarily be paid to the committeeman who comes from a distance. We have to restrict the number of meetings because we are restricted in our administration expenses. The suggested increase from 4s. 5d. to 4s. 10d. per individual member goes far to meet that crying need, but if some simpler machinery of audit and some simpler general administrative machinery could be evolved as the result of inquiry, I think a very useful purpose would be served. It would make for efficient and effective administration, and, perhaps, would be the means of saving some of the allowance for administration expenses, which need not all be used, and which a society might well put by for some supplementary benefit if it found itself with a surplus under some simpler system than the present. It cannot be done now, but if the system were simpler, if the checks were less cumbersome and costly, then I think that some such surplus might be created, which could be put to effective use in giving some supplementary benefit in the surgical branch, rather than being absorbed in unnecessary administration expenses. At the moment 4s. 10d. is not one farthing too much, and even now approved societies will have to restrict their activities in face of the recent increase in postal expenses. It goes far, however, to meet the case. I hope that some means may be found of doing away with this constant overlapping which does occur, and, therefore, with the necessity for using up to such an extent the contributions that should be available solely for effective sickness, surgical, and other assistance to the contributing members.

I should like to reinforce what my hon. Friend has just said in connection with this matter, and I speak with some experience of the administration of one of our large approved societies. If the National Health Insurance administration had to stand on its own feet so far as the administration of approved societies is concerned, it could not well be done at the figure now specified. Most of our approved societies are, however, associated with trade unions, friendly societies, or with, the co-operative movement. These organisations have machinery now in operation which was originally intended for other purposes, and, the administration of the approved societies having been tacked on to it, they are enabled to effect some economy in working. Many of our approved societies, particularly the smaller ones—and if there be any inefficiency in administration it will be found in that quarter—make the paying out of benefits a part-time job. A person who is engaged in some other occupation during the day carries out the work of sick visiting and of paying out benefits in the evening under the direction of a central official who simply gives instructions. Were it not for that part-time work, done at a cheap rate, the administration of the Act would suffer in many instances and could not be carried out at the figure set forth. Here and there we have large approved societies which concentrate upon this particular work, and very often those who have to do the work are not given the remuneration that they ought to have, having regard to the responsibilities which they are called upon to undertake. I believe that when this Bill was suggested some time ago the proposal to increase the postage rates had not been made. Millions of cards, books and communications have passed through the post at the halfpenny rate, and have assisted in the efficient working of our approved societies. The extra 5d. which is going to be given to them will be a very insignificant contribution towards the extra expenditure that is likely to be entailed, and in my judgment the financial position of our approved societies, with the extra 5d. and with the extra postal charges that are being imposed, is actually worse to-day than it was before the advance was given. If the stringency of the allowance was so great that part-time labour had to be employed, and machinery intended for other purposes had to be brought into play in order to keep within the limit of the 4s. 5d., what is going to happen now when extra charges are being made for postage?

I believe that the 4s. 10d. is money well spent. The State and the approved societies get full value for it. If the expenditure be as heavy as has been stated by the hon. Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins), there is evidence of a necessity for some readjustment, and we might see if it is not possible to take a little off the top and put it on at the bottom, and so benefit things all round. If it be the case that there is £l of administration expenses to £3 paid in benefit—I do not say that that is accurate, but if it is anything like it— the responsibility cannot be put at the door of our approved societies. I would suggest, having regard to the extra burden that has been put on the approved societies, that even some advance upon the 4s. 10d. might well be conceded. The probabilities are that an investigation such as has been suggested might disclose avenues where economies could be effected. I think, for instance, that it would not be difficult to find a few sinecures in our National Health Insurance administration. I think I could point to one or two. Apart from the overlapping and the waste of effort which has been indicated, I think a few officials could be found who could be dispensed with, and they would be no loss to the efficient and effective administration of the Department. If an inquiry was made on the lines I have suggested, it would be found that local administration could be coordinated, it would be better in a financial sense, it would be an improvement in the direction of the efficient administration of the work, and it may be found at the same time that in the wider aspect of National Health administration, some huge salaries could be saved which now draw upon the coffers of the contributors to this great national undertaking.

I think it will save time if I deal with some of the remarks which have been made up to the present. The speeches of the last two hon. Members gave the reply to the hon. Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins) when they pointed out that 4s. 10d., so far from being a large sum for the administration of approved societies, was really insufficient-I expected to hear that statement. I know it was made when the Departmental Committee sat. The hon. Member for Greenock asked why an inquiry was not made into the cost of the administration of the approved societies before the increase was decided upon, and why the Committee that went into the matter did not go into the much larger and complicated question of how the approved societies administer their funds. The reason was a very simple one. The necessity for increasing the allowance of approved societies had become urgent. One of the reasons which had made it urgent was the increase of the postal charges.

Yes, but it made it more urgent. The hon. Member (Mr. Myers) repeated a statement which has been made several times in the House and in Committee which is entirely inaccurate—the statement that the new postal charges were not considered by the Committee before it presented its Report and arranged to increase the 4s. 5d. to 4s. 10d. Nothing of the kind. The Lord Privy Seal, in his Budget speech on 19th April of last year, foreshadowed the postal increases which would be put into force. The Committee had full cognizance of it, and dealt with it. On that point also there are some exaggerated ideas. The total postal figure for 1920, when analysed, was l¼d. per insured person. If you double that, you will get another 1¼d. The hon. Member is quite mistaken when he says the 5d. will be absorbed by the postal increase.

We have practical experience of the administration of the Act, and we know how many postal packets we put in the letter-box year by year.

I can tell the hon. Member that for 1920 the postage and carriage for 7,000,000 people has been analysed, and the cost per person was 1¼d. That is a very large average figure. I wonder whether the hon. Member has made an analysis of the figures of his society on the same basis.

If you take a society covering the whole country, correspondence will take up more than the figure you are allowing. For a society with a huge aggregation of members, closely concentrated, the average cost of correspondence is not anything like it.

9.0 P.M.

I am speaking of an average of over 7,000,000 people. They cannot all be aggregate, and it must give you a fair figure. After all, the Committee examined a very large number of witnesses from approved societies all over the country, and went very fully into the subject, and came to the conclusion that 5d. was a reasonable increase. The Debate has rather widened out beyond the scope of the Bill. It is impossible for me at a moment's notice to deal with all the points that were raised by the hon. Member for Greenock. On the general proposition of the cost of management, his researches, unfortunately, have not led him to an accurate conclusion. It would be a terrible thing if it really cost £l in administration to pay £3 in benefit. I can assure him that the cost of management of approved societies and Insurance Committees is only 12½ per cent, of the premium income, even on the new basis of 4s. 10d., and that compares with an average of something like 40 per cent. in somewhat similar forms of insurance outside the State scheme.

The right hon. Gentleman links together approved societies and insurance committees. Perhaps I may direct his attention to the source of my information. If I am inaccurate, or have misread the figures in the top column, I will accept correction. After going through a great number of papers I could find no clear statement to show the administrative cost of the Act. I had to look in many papers before I found the actual number of insured persons. The point I put to the right hon. Gentleman is whether he will not present a clear statement to Parliament in future show-mg the cost of administering the Act.

I shall be glad to look into the point because I can see immediately why that was not a correct figure of the comparison with the cost of benefit. How about all the money that goes to reserve? These matters of insurance are very technical and it is not advisable for any but a technical expert to commit himself very deeply with the figures. £85,000,000 has gone into reserve. The hon. Gentleman is confusing benefit with premium income. He can accept it from me that the cost of administration cannot be obtained from that figure. The actual cost is 12½ per cent. and not 30 per cent. I have not the material here now and it would take too long to work it out, but I do not wish the House or the contributors, or the public, to get any false impression as to what the actual facts are. The hon. Gentleman quoted some figures from the Estimates of the cost of administering National Health Insurance and entirely omits £9,000,000 spent on Medical Benefit and the supervision of that. If he really wants to go into the question, we really cannot discuss it in that way. The actual expenditure under another head for the past twelve months was over £11,000,000. We have also accumulated a reserve there, and we also had Medical Benefits amounting to £9,000,000 a year, and all that comes into the figure of Central Administration. The Medical Benefit comes under an entirely different heading. The hon. Gentleman must realise that we have to supervise the benefits of over 13,000,000 people and 10,000 societies. Both the approved societies and the State can save money by handing out benefits without supervision. That would be an economy on paper, but in reality it would be a very expensive proceeding. We can claim for the approved societies a magnificent record. The valuations now being made are coming out extraordinarily well. That is very largely due to the very careful supervision and auditing that has taken place. I do not commit myself to the statement that there are no improvements to be made, but I do say on behalf of the National Health Insurance Commission and the approved societies that no work has been more carefully or more conscientiously done, that nowhere has a fund been better protected, and nowhere has the contributor received better value than under this scheme. It is a defect of the approved society method that you naturally get a very large number of units to control, and what the hon. Member for Nottingham (Mr. Hayday) said is quite true. The question is how far a scheme of that kind could and should be recast. Are the leaders of the trade unions and the heads of the great friendly societies prepared to give up acting towards their members as they have done in the past, and either pooling or attempting some wider system in the localities?

My mind was then travelling rather in the direction of having a kind of clearing house, a joint agency for preventing over-lapping, a clearing house which would give credit to each separate unit.

I think it is a very valuable suggestion. I have devoted some little time to this work, but I have not been able to go into it in great detail, but when this question of an increased allowance was brought before me the question of the cost of the administration of the Insurance Fund was extremely important. I am not sure that the time has not come when a very searching inquiry by a responsible body might not well be held into the whole question. The discussion we have had to-night is very valuable. It is a very good thing from time to time that the machine which has been working successfully should be overhauled. Experience ought to teach us improved methods. A certain amount of expenditure may have been incurred which is no longer necessary. The approved societies themselves by this time may also have new ideas to suggest. I am glad to say that reductions in the central administration have been made in comparatively recent times. In 1919, when the National Health Insurance came over to the Ministry of Health, the central staff—

I accept your ruling, and I will reserve the particular statement which I was about to make for another occasion. I will only say that the matter will occupy my attention, and the attention of those in the Department, and I shall seriously consider the question of setting up some important committee or commission, considering the very large number of interests involved, in order to go into the various questions connected with National Health Insurance. After this explanation, I hope the House will let me have the Third Reading of the Bill.

The House would be lax if it did not take the opportunity of inquiring very carefully as to whether the insured person is getting a sufficient return for the money which he has to pay. It is quite obvious that when the scheme is compulsory the responsibility upon those who make it compulsory is very much greater than when it is a voluntary scheme, because the man or woman cannot leave the scheme if they wish. Therefore, it is obligatory upon us to search this matter thoroughly. I cannot understand the report' on the National Health Insurance Fund Account for the year ending 31st December, 1918. I cannot understand the form which has been chosen. There is this item:

In the Report of the Departmental Committee there was a very valuable Minority Report by Sir James Leishman, who was the representative of the Scottish Insurance Commission on the Committee. He agreed that the extra postage should be allowed to the approved societies, but subject to that reservation he did not agree that the allowances ought to be increased at all, and he gave his reasons for so doing. As far as I can gather from the Report, he asserts that the branches of the societies in Scotland do not require the extra amount of money which it is now proposed to grant. The Minister tells us that the needs of the societies are very urgent, but I say that the need of public economy is more urgent. Sir James Leishman further says:

I should not have intervened in this Debate on the question of administration allowance, because I have ventured to put the point of view of approved societies on more than one occasion, and so lately as the Committee stage of this Bill. But I am prompted to make one or two remarks by the observations of the hon. Member for East Middlesbrough (Colonel P. Williams) in criticising the Minority Report and referring to the fact that of 555 branches in Scotland only 5 had a deficiency in administration allowance, and that that deficiency was a very small amount. Why? In their administration, National Health Insurance societies have been afraid to pay anything adequate, because they knew if they overstepped the bounds laid down in the Act they would have to levy their members. A more unsatisfactory position for the societies it is difficult to imagine. When hon. Members criticise the question of administration allowance, and refer to the fact that the societies have lived within the limits of their parsimonious allowance, I would have them inquire carefully into how the persons administering this Act have been paid.

The Minister paid a compliment to approved societies. He has done so on more than one occasion. So have the Ministers who preceded him, and that is about the only emolument worth mentioning which approved societies have had—a lip service, with a parsimonious, cheeseparing administration allowance, in relation to a huge piece of national machinery, which has worked marvellously smoothly, which has more than 14,000,000 persons within its ambit and has been working since July, 1912. One hears but few complaints, but if you had intimate knowledge of the emoluments paid to men and women who are giving whole time service in relation to this, it would not be creditable to this House. It is not for me to criticise the Minority Report, except to say that the findings in reference to approved societies created the greatest possible astonishment.

When the Insurance Bill was being debated in full Committee in 1911, hope was held out to approved societies that they would receive a capitation payment of 4s, per annum for administering the Act, based on the old friendly society principle of roughly 1d. per week per Member for administration. That 4s. was ultimately cut down to 3s. 5d., because by some method of leger de main 6d. was given to sanatorium treatment and 1d. went in another direction, and 3s. 5d. was the net result. The societies knew that they had to work within that 3s. 5d. or they would have to levy their members. When the War came, in respect of nearly half the membership of National Health Insurance the allowance was cut down to 1s. 8½d., and the approved societies have had to contend, in face of the fact that in many instances they had the whole-time officials with all the machinery and all the expense connected therewith, with all the difficulties of the situation, on that allowance.

Then the economic conditions changed, and the amount was brought up to 4s. 5d. Still approved societies are in a position to show that that is not adequate, and they have been very earnest, and with reason, I think, in trying to make the amount 5s. The House, in its wisdom, set up a Departmental Committee to inquire, and in a brief time that Committee reported in favour of 4s. 10d. Meantime, whether the approved societies realised it or not, I am bound to say that certain paragraphs in the last Report, notably paragraph 31, gave some colour to that which the Minister has mentioned, that they had in their minds the increased postal rate. But the fact remains that they did not in the main realise when they proposed to raise it by 5d. that, as I know from my own knowledge and matter that has come into my possession, of the 5d. increase, at least 2d. will go on increased postage, leaving only 3d. to meet all the increased charges which the economic situation involves, and still leaving large numbers of these men and women who are doing excellent service inadequately paid. I make these remarks because I do not want the House to be misled by the idea that approved societies have been able to make a surplus or have been able to get along with their administration allowance, because it was sufficient. They have had to make their way in spite of the fact that it was insufficient, and because of the fear that if they overstepped the mark they would be surcharged, and would have to levy their members.

I do not think that there was any attack intended in respect of the administration charges, and I am sorry that the hon. Member for Edmonton (Sir A. Warren) should have misunderstood what was said. I discussed this Bill before it came on for Third Reading, and certainly the intention was not to accuse the friendly societies of extravagance in administration. Quite the contrary. Personally, from what has been brought to my notice in reference to National Health Insurance friendly societies in the City of Hull, I agree very much that this 4s. 10d. for administration by friendly societies is inadequate. I think the demand for 5s. instead of 4s. 10d. might well have been commended to the House. I know that the Committee suggested 4s. 10d., but I do not think it has been made absolutely clear that they had considered the extra effect of postage. Their report was made on 9th May, 1921, and I imagine deliberations were taken well prior to that date. I do not think the increase in postage had been put before the House and country; it came rather as a bombshell to the whole community.

The announcement of the increased postage charges was made on 19th April of last year by the Lord Privy Seal (Mr. Chamberlain) in his Budget statement.

The Committee reported on 9th May, and I wonder how long the Secretary was in drafting the Report. There was a majority and minority Report. There was a good deal of discussion, and I wonder when their last meeting was held. I do not want to stress that point, but from what the friendly societies say themselves their case is a good one for the 5s. I am sorry that the right hon. Gentleman pleaded lack of motive for his inability to reply to the question of the hon. Member for Greenock with regard to the administrative charges in the Ministry of Health itself. I think that is where we might really inquire. I regret we will not have the chance of another Supply Day to look into that sort of expenditure. On page 10 of the majority Report there is stated—this has reference to postage— that there are certain items in relation to the societies' administrative costs (such as postage) in which the full effect of the increased charges may not yet have been experienced, and that the reduction through the fall in prices may not be fully reflected in the societies' administrative costs for some time to come. I think, therefore, the majority Report of the Committee does not make it clear that the full effect of the increased postal charges was calculated when this 4s. 10d. was fixed. My hon. Friend the Member for West Nottingham hoped some inquiry will be made into the overlapping of the work of the collecting agents. We have had an inquiry into industrial insurance, and that was a very similar case. A very powerful Committee was set up under the chairmanship of Lord Parmoor, and they made an interesting and valuable Report; but the Government are doing nothing whatever in the matter, and they are not going to do anything until next year. That being the case, I do not think we can hope for much from an interdepartmental inquiry, or from inquiries into the actual work of the approved societies. I think that is the sort of thing, if reform is necessary, whether the Ministry of Health with its vast number of very highly paid, and no doubt very excellent, officials might well exert itself. I join with the hon. Member for West Nottingham in saying that this is a matter which might well be looked into; meantime, on financial grounds, I will support the Third Reading of this Bill.

I have been listening to the discussion of this Bill for the last hour and a quarter, and have been very much interested in what I have heard. The point which has appealed most to me, as one who is not up in the technicalities of insurance, is the very trenchant criticism of hon. Members opposite as to the unnecessary cost of the administration of this scheme, and also to the very interesting statement of the Minister of Health that there is a great deal in these criticisms. It is very refreshing indeed in these days to find a Minister who welcomes criticism; a Minister who, when criticism is just— and this criticism obviously must have been—not only welcomes that criticism, but agrees in an amicable way with his critics, and promises us some investigation to see whether economy can be made in the public service. I welcome that. Economy at the present moment is imperative. Economy is absolutely essential if this nation is to go on, if this scheme is to go on. Hon. Members opposite suggested that there is an overlapping of officials, and that there is a necessity for overhauling the machinery. That ought to be read by everybody in this country, and ought to be taken to heart by other officials in other Ministries who have overlapping and too many officials in their own Departments. I do hope that this investigation, when it does take place, will not be some hole-and-corner departmental investigation. Departmental investigations usually end with white-washing all round and finding that everything is best in the best of all possible worlds; that every single official in that Department is absolutely necessary for the carrying on of the public service. Possibly the Report ends in the dismissal of three or four wretched girls, and high officials receiving £500, £1,000 or £2,000 a year remain in their positions. May we ask, before the passing of this Bill, whether the right hon. Gentleman will not state to us what form this investigation is going to take?

That is really the point which hon. Members opposite ought to press home. If it is simply to be investigation by the people whose conduct is criticised, whose administration the right hon. Gentleman admits, although efficient, is possibly too expensive, I do not think this House will have gone much further on the road of economy and this Bill will have passed out of our hands, and with it the opportunity will have slipped by for the saving of some public money. I do not say we will be taken in by the right hon. Gentleman, but we shall be taken in by his Department. We shall be no better off and the country will not be better off than before this Debate took place. I hope that any other speakers who come after me will reinforce my appeal. I ask that this should not be simply a Departmental investigation, but that some outside Members should be arranged for, people who have no interest in it. We have here a very large and influential party who came in on anti-waste. Let us settle to put them on this investigation, so that they may have an opportunity of fulfilling their election pledges and so possibly be re-elected when the General Election takes place. [HON. MEMBERS: "Where are they?"] Possibly they are having dinner or are engaged in a more pleasant way than in looking after public economy. Seriously, I press the right hon. Gentleman to state definitely what sort of inquiry he means to put in motion.

I agree almost entirely with what has been said by the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just spoken. It is now nearly ten years since this system of National Health Insurance was set up, and it is time that we had some sort of investigation into the whole working of this scheme. Any kind of investigation would be worse than useless if it was not absolutely impartial and independent. During the Second Reading of the Bill I took occasion to raise the question of the increased postal charges, and I was informed that the probability of the increased charges was taken into account by the Committee in making their recommendation. I find from inquiry from other sources that that is so, but at the same time I am informed that the societies, when they received favourably the Report of the Committee, did not realise that these increases were to take place, and that had they done so there would not have been the same favourable reception of the Report. I think it is correct to say that the increase to 5d. will be swallowed up, as to almost half, by the increase in postal charges. I do not agree with everything said by my hon. Friends who raised the question as to the cost of administration. Their point was that we ought to do everything we can to get the administration allowance down to the minimum. Everyone will agree with that. But we must draw a distinction between society and society, according to its size.

There is no doubt that the larger societies have been able to carry on under the administration allowance much more easily than the smaller societies. It stands to reason that a society with 100,000 members can work very much more economically on 4s. 5d. a member than can a society which has only 5,000 members. It is from these small societies particularly, almost entirely, I think, that the complaints have come as to the inadequacy of the allowance. That may be an argument against the adequacy of the allowance, and it is still more an argument for the amalgamation of the small societies with the larger societies. There are too many small societies which are trying to carry on a highly technical and difficult service with underpaid officials who are devoting only part of their time to the work—officials who, in the nature of things, cannot have the necessary skill for their task. The result is bad administration in many of these small societies and also a smaller disposable surplus, as disclosed in the recent valuation. Has not the time arrived for doing something in the direction of getting these small societies amalgamated? I hope the right hon. Gentleman will consider that suggestion.

I wish to support the suggestion made by the hon. and gallant Member for Fylde (Colonel Ashley) that the Minister should enlighten us a little upon the constitution of the Committee which it is proposed to set up to investigate the methods of National Health Insurance officials. Some hon. Members opposite asked just now, "Where are the Anti-Waste Members?" I do not know where they are. I have been an apostle of economy for the last six or seven years, and I flatter myself in thinking that if my suggestions had been carried out five or six years ago we should not be in the position in which we are to-day. Although the Anti-Waste party are not here, there is present an apostle of economy who, although he is not fit to take their place, can do something with regard to the vital question of economy. When this Committee is set up, will the Government pay any attention to its report? That is the vital part of the whole thing. I have had the honour of presiding over the Select Committee on National Expenditure, and we have made many reports, but when we made a report which in any way questioned the proceedings of a Department, we were assailed and told we had no business to make criticisms of the great and good people who presided over the Department which we were told to investigate. We were informed that we were actuated by all kinds of motives. I remember a great attack being made on me by the late Leader of the Conservative party in this House because I ventured, as Chairman of the Committee, to make a report which censured the Minister of Munitions. The Attorney-General was put up to attack us. We were told if we could produce any further evidence we should have a day to discuss it. We did produce the evidence and published it, but we did not get the day. There was always some very good reason—some Bill which had to be brought in, and which probably is about to be repealed now—to prevent a day being given. From then until now, we have never had any discussion upon that report. If there is going to be a Committee in this case, let us know what it is going to do and if its report is going to be attended to. I apologise to the House for not thoroughly understanding all the intricacies of this Bill, but I have been here since 11 o'clock this morning and naturally, at my age, one's intellect is not, in such circumstances, sufficiently vital to cover all these intricate points. The first Sub-section of Clause 1 says:

"The sum to be retained by the Minister of Health, out of each weekly contribution shall, in the case of an insured person being a man, be twopence and two-ninths of a penny instead of twopence and one-third of a penny, and, in. the case of an insured person being a woman, be one penny and four-fifths of a penny instead of one penny and eleven-twelfths of a penny."

As far as I can make out, that, being translated, means that the Ministry of Health is going to get rather less out of the contribution of the insured person than it has been getting in the past. Somebody has got to find the difference. The burden must be put upon the tax-poyer. I see the Financial Secretary to the Treasury in the House, and no doubt he will be able to give us an explanation upon this point, but it looks to me as though the Fund were in a depreciating state. Consequently, three things must arise. Either the contributions of the insured persons must be increased, or the benefits must be reduced, or the State must find the difference. I am not going to blame the Government. After all, the whole of this Government are not responsible for the National Health Insurance Act. If my recollection serves me aright, one of the leading Members of the present Government, the Secretary of State for War, came into notoriety by his opposition to the National Health Insurance scheme. I do not see him on the Front Bench now, endeavouring to show how correct he was in 1911, when he prognosticated the failure of this particular scheme. I do not, as I say, blame all the Government, because some of them were against it, but I have no doubt the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health was in favour of it, and is in favour of it to-day.

I really must interrupt the right hon. Baronet. If he looks at the Bill which he has in his hand, he will see that it effects a saving of £300,000 a year, and it is not costing the taxpayer one penny. Further, if he will look into the valuation certificates of the societies under the Insurance Act, he will see that, financially, that Act has been one of the greatest successes that has ever been carried out.

I am very much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for the interruption. He has put me right upon one point, namely, that apparently £300,000 is going to be saved by the Treasury, and that it is the greatest financial saving that has ever been effected in this country.

I am sure the right hon. Gentleman does not wish to misrepresent me. I said if he would look into the surpluses now being declared as the result of the valuation of approved societies he would see that the financial working of the Act has been a great success. The Bill now before the House only deals with a particular matter, and it effects the saving which I have indicated.

I do not wish to misrepresent the right hon. Gentleman. I thought the saving was to be £300,000 and that that was regarded as a great financial success. I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman and I am not surprised at his interruption, because, after all, he has been consistent. I have not converted him upon this point, as I have converted him upon Tariff Reform. He is quite justified in pointing out to me that in the particular circumstances to which I was alluding, the Act has been more or less successful and I shall not pursue that part of my argument. I desire to ask, however, if the Act has been a success why do we want a Committee of Inquiry? There must be something to be enquired into. I am inclined to think, that what is passing in the mind of the right hon. Gentleman is, that he might still further distinguish his succession to the Ministry of Health—on which I congratulate the country and himself—by having this Committee of Inquiry which will save still further money. If that is so, I am only too glad to hear it and I shall not discuss the matter further.

This is one of the most important questions which the present Government will have to deal with during its term of office. Whilst I join with those who disagree with the 4s. 10d., and whilst I agree that it should have been 5s., still I welcome the increase from 4s. 5d. to 4s. 10d., and I heartily welcome the suggestion made by the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill, that he intends holding an inquiry into the whole business of National Health Insurance.

At any rate, he has made the suggestion that certain things have been said in Debate which were well worth considering, and I took him to intimate that, perhaps not at once, but at an early date, the whole question should be gone into. If there is any matter which requires full investigation it is National Health Insurance. I have always disagreed with the term. It is not National Health Insurance at all, and the reason is because the persons who should be under the Act, are not under the Act. It would be useful if Members of the House could get definite knowledge as to the actual number of those on the Post Office fund. These persons are not inside the Act, and they are not receiving the benefits of the Act. Why, then, should we call it a National Health Insurance system, when the very persons whom the Act was intended to benefit are deprived of its benefits? There are thousands upon thousands of working men and working women debarred from the privileges of this Act, because their health will not allow the friendly society or the trade union organisation or the insurance society to take those persons in, on the ground that they are "bad lives." I hold that it cannot be rightly termed a National Health Insurance Act until every person in the entire country, having stamps placed to his or her credit is included in the Act. There is another point. The right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill made what I consider to be a very important pronouncement in relation to the numbers of societies. He said there were 10,000 societies, and some hon. Members have been complaining about overlapping. What can you expect but overlapping, with 10,000 societies? In any town of from 10,000 to 100,000 inhabitants you can find not a dozen but scores of societies—half-a-dozen in the same street. I know what I am talking about, because I am the secretary of an approved society. You have scores of societies in small towns, and officials and agents connected with the various societies overlapping, giving useless and inefficient work, and all this is economically unsound.

I contend that the whole thing wants overhauling from top to bottom, as it is based upon an unsound foundation. I want to see National Health Insurance worked on the same lines as National Unemployment Insurance, not from the point of view of benefits, as I agree that the unemployment benefits are not sufficient, and that nobody can possibly live on the amounts that are allowed, but if the same principle were embodied and carried into effect in relation to Health Insurance as is now applicable to Unemployment Insurance, we could not possibly have the overlapping that is now taking place and the waste of money that results from that overlapping. I would like to see, instead of 10,000 societies, one society, and I would like to see the whole of the persons contributing to this Act members of one body, and the country cut up into areas. Worked, as it could be worked then, by efficient men and women, overlapping prevented, everything being done as economically as possible in a given area, and I am certain that not only would administration itself benefit, but the benefits derived from the Act would be far greater than are now received by the individuals concerned. I hope that when this inquiry takes place, it does not take place merely from the point of view of the existing societies. I want it to take place upon broad principles in relation to Health Insurance, first seeing to it that every person comes inside the provisions of the Act, then mapping out the country in workable areas, giving to an area a sufficient number of officials to manipulate and control it, and wiping out, as you will wipe out, thousands of persons who are to-day badly paid for work which as a result is not done as it ought to be done. I speak having a thorough knowledge of the Act, and having worked a fairly big society since 1912—

The surplus benefits are very small so far as we are concerned, and that is one of the great reasons why, instead of having 10,000 societies, we should have only one. I never did believe that any particular set of men or women who may happen to work in an industry where health is good compared with other industries where health is bad, should enjoy increased benefits, and those who ought to get the benefits because of the illnesses that come to them in the trade in which they are engaged should be debarred from the better benefits. We exist not for the purpose of looking after our miserable selves alone.

10.0 P.M.

Before the Debate proceeds further, I must point out that on the Third Reading of a Bill, according to our rules, we can discuss only what is in the Bill. Therefore, a general discussion of the National Health Insurance question is quite out of order on an occasion like this.

I understand that the offer by the Ministry to have a roving inquiry over the whole administration of the Act has caused this discussion to occur, because naturally—

I am under the disability of not having heard what the Minister or other Members said, but it is the rule—and I must ask the House to observe it—that on the Third Reading, we should discuss only what is in the Bill.

It would have been most interesting if that could have been decided before the last speech was delivered, because, holding a similar position to my hon. Friend, I would like to traverse every one of the suggestions that he has made. There is not, I venture to say, a single official of what I might call a successful society who would agree with him, and that is the reason why I put the question to him as to what was the surplus of his society on the 11 years' working, so that I might be able to see immediately whether it was an unsuccessful or a successful society.

I asked it in order to see how far his criticisms were justified as applied generally to the Act. If it were understood that the Minister would take no notice whatever of the OFFICIAL REPORT of the speech of my hon. Friend, I would not trouble a rap about it, but if his speech is going to be taken as an illustration of the sort of way in which approved societies, even trade union approved societies, would like this Act amended, I can tell the hon. Member that there are very few trade union officials in the country who would agree with a single statement that he has made. I would like the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) to listen to what I believe is the principle underlying the Act which has enabled the Minister to say that probably the finance of the Act has been the greatest success of anything carried out on similar lines, not merely in this country, but in any other country. A great deal of the management of the funds that are collected under State insurance is dealt with and administered through private agencies, and mostly is work done gratuitously—or a great deal of it is— and that underlying principle is more the cause of the success from the financial point of view than the Act itself. I do not know whether my hon. Friend was speaking for the party to which he belongs, but he has suggested that we should destroy all that private organisation, where the most careful discrimination is made into all the circumstances of each case. It must be remembered that mostly the societies have their own funds also involved in their decisions, and that when they decide that a man is entitled to National Health Insurance benefit they also decide that he is entitled to their own, and therefore they are so much more careful about voting the National Insurance money, because it involves their own funds as well. That is a great incentive to strict investigation into all these cases, such as Government officials would never bother about. The right hon. Gentleman (Sir A. Mond) must take no notice whatever of the speech just delivered. Just imagine dropping this scheme for a huge system of State management—one huge concern, with the State mapping off different districts, and scheduling us all, and, I suppose, working from the Unemployment Exchanges.

I must ask the hon. and gallant Member to be content with the protest he has made. I have been listening to the last speech, and that led me to see that the Debate was going far beyond the proper limits.

Having made my protest, and that appearing in the OFFICIAL REPORT, I am quite willing to proceed. If the right hon. Gentleman would set up a Committee to investigate whether the central management, that is, the management of the part of the business entirely under his control, could be worked more economically, some good might be done. At the time we set up Commissions for each nationality—

That, again, is quite outside the present Bill, and if I allow the hon. and gallant Member to proceed, others will claim the same right.

All I am going to say in conclusion is that I am delighted to think the right hon. Gentleman himself was responsible to some extent for the initiation of this scheme, and I congratulate him and its originl promoters on its immense success.

Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read the Third time, and passed.

Representation of the People (No. 2) Bill

Order for Second Beading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

This is a very small Bill, which is required to relieve men who have been serving in the forces of a disadvantage under which they would suffer in consequence of the Representation of the People Act, 1918, making it necessary, in order for a. man to qualify, for him to have been in residence at a certain place, for a given time—six months. It has been hold in the Courts that by residence is meant a condition under which, if a man is not living in the particular house, at any rate he can get back there at any time; and if he is prevented by the nature of his occupation or employment from getting back there, it has been held that he fails to qualify, from the residence point of view. This Bill is brought in to remedy that defect. It was a point that was covered by the Act of 1891, but that Act was repealed by the 1918 Act, and this Bill puts the matter right. With these few words of explanation I beg to move the Second Reading of the Bill.

I was not able to catch the whole of the remarks of my hon. and gallant Friend. I caught only the first part of his remarks, that it is a small Bill, and will relieve soldiers and sailors of certain disabilities. That it is a small Bill is to a certain extent good, but it does not follow that because it is a small Bill it is a good one; and the idea that because something is supposed to affect the forces of the Crown it ought to be passed without any discussion, and must be good, reminds me of cases in which men who are charged with stealing state, "Oh, but we served with distinction in the Army," and seem to be under the impression that because they served with distinction they may break every law in the country now that they have come home to it. The first Clause of this Bill says:

I do not know; I should not like to bet upon it; but I should be rather inclined to think it is quite possible the Government might be in a very curious position next summer. Supposing an astute electioneering agent held the same view. He might say to a large number of people, "All you have got to do to qualify is to be in a place for a day or a night, and after you have done that you can go away for four months, and if the election comes you will still be qualified." I think that is the law, but, of course, there is no law officer present to put you right; there never is on these occasions. I think I am right in saying that that might result, with this effect, that votes might be transferred— this is quite as important to the Labour party as it is for the party on this side of the House—to a doubtful constituency. Take, for instance, St. George's, Hanover Square. The Labour party have not much chance there, but probably some Members of the Labour party live there. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I do not mean to insinuate that the Labour party are rich people, but the Labour party do not consist only of people who actually earn their living by their hands. As the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) informed us only a few days ago at considerable length upstairs, that he had had money to invest and what he invested in it. It is quite possible. [HON. MEMBERS: "Shame!"] No, I do not think so. And that men may go from St. George's, Hanover Square, to Chelsea.

Or the Labour Members to the City. This is hasty legislation. If it is right, why was it not inserted in the Act of 1918? Why is it necessary after the short interval of 2¼ years to bring in this new Bill? I am very much against doing anything—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"]—anything of the kind by way of extending the franchise. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] Yes, and I am quite straight forward about it, and I would not mind saying it on any platform. I think the franchise has been extended a great deal too much, and, therefore, before we pass this Bill the Under-Secretary ought to give some further explanation as to what it is actually going to do. I have shown that it goes much further than it is supposed to go. The hon. Gentleman led us to believe that it only refers to soldiers and sailors, whereas, as a matter of fact, it includes everybody.

It is not fair that the right hon. Baronet, with all his authority, should be teaching less ingenious people throughout the country how to dodge the franchise. It is not quite justifiable. He is trying to oppose legislation—as he always does—except on occasion. It is not what is in the Bill that I am complaining about, but what is not in the Bill. I fear the Bill is too small—

Yes, too small altogether. It ought to have taken in and dealt with other anomalies of our franchise legislation. It ought to have increased, if possible, those who have the franchise and increased their opportunities of action. There are certain constituencies in the country where a person may have a legal right to vote, and yet not be able, during their lifetime, to exercise it because of the physical and geographical difficulties of the situation. The Bill ought to have dealt with real difficulties of that sort, and the various anomalies which occur to anyone. There is, for instance, the constituency of my hon. Friend opposite, the Orkney and Shetlands. Why should not provision have been made in this Bill to deal with that sort of constituency? I appeal to the Secretary for Scotland. I know as a. matter of fact he has been inquiring into these difficulties with a view of legislating upon them. I thought they would have been referred to in this Bill. There are people who have to go from one island, and may not be able to get to where the polling place happens to be.

The hon. Gentleman is not keeping to the question before the House. He is referring to matters outside the scope of the Bill.

Only so far as is necessary to bring the Title into accordance with the substance of the Bill.

Then I have only to. express my regret that a solution, or an attempted solution, of these difficulties has not been included in the Bill. I wish to express my surprise that as many of us are anxious to get to the Dogs Protection Bill the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London should waste the time of the House.

I took the precaution to read this Bill before I came down to the House, and I confess that I was much surprised at the speech of my hon. Friend in charge of this Bill. According to my reading of this Bill, it is not at all in accordance with his speech. He introduced this as a Measure to remove disabilities which had been imposed by a judicial decision upon certain sailors, soldiers and airmen who has fought during the War. It seems to that it goes very much further, and deals not only with the past, but with the future. Clause 1 provides as follows:

"By reason only of the fact that that person has been absent from the premises during part of the qualifying period, not exceeding four months at any one time, in the performance of any duty arising from or incidental to any office, service or employment held or undertaken by him."

It does not say anything about national service, or that it has anything to do with the Defence Force, the Army, or the Navy. It surely means anybody in the employ of a private firm who goes to Germany for four months as a traveller would come under this Bill. That is the impression left in my mind by the speech of the hon. Gentleman who introduced this Bill, because he led me to believe that it was a Bill to remove certain disabilities which had fallen upon patriotic citizens who joined His Majesty's force during this emergency. May I draw attention to the Memorandum, which says:

"The object of this Bill is to exclude the possibility of its being held that residence for the purposes of the Representation of the People Act, 1918, is interrupted by absence, for however a short a time, under conditions which preclude the possibility of return (Ford v. Hart, L.R. 9, C.P. 273), e.g., by service in the Defence Force, Territorial annual training or service in the Mercantile Marine."

That would lead anyone to believe it was a Bill which dealt entirely with members of His Majesty's Forces, and not with civilians. I personally cordially agree with the Bill if the object is purely to remove any unintentional disability which the law has placed on a man who has come forward in an emergency, and given his services to the country. But this Bill was brought in in a speech which occupied in delivery not more than 60 seconds. To my mind it is a Bill which does away with one of the provisions of the Act of 1918, namely, the requirement of a six months' qualification, and it certainly provides that anyone in private employment who chooses to go abroad, or to be away from his business four months out of six, shall be deemed to have been there the full six months. That is a question in which the House should take some interest. I am sorry it is brought up in so thin a House, but I appreciate the cheers of hon. Members opposite.

Perhaps, then, I may claim the support of the hon. and gallant Gentleman in my protest against taking this Bill at half-past ten at night. What I ask is that we should have a Law Officer of the Crown here to explain the points I have raised. I am not a lawyer. Can anyone tell me what is the meaning of " Ford v. Hart, L.R. 9, C.P. 273"? Can we be supposed to know the meaning of these cryptic utterances? How can we? As a supporter of the Government I maintain that it is the duty of the Law Officers of the Crown to be present to explain such a Bill. I am not minimising the ability or courtesy of the Under-Secretary of the Home Department, who is in charge of the Bill. I am sure he does his best, but he is not a trained lawyer, and for his sake we are entitled to have the Law Officers of the Crown here to help us. I think I shall ask leave to move the Adjournment of the Debate until we get the Law Officers of the Crown present. We have been given to understand that the Bill deals only with people who have served in His Majesty's forces or in the Mercantile Marine under the Government of this country, but, obviously, judging from its text, it deals with anybody in civil employment and involves a very considerable alteration in the franchise. I beg to move, "That the Debate be now adjourned."

I cannot entertain that Motion. If the hon. and gallant Member will confine himself to the Clause, rather than the Memorandum, I think he will have no difficulty. Even my simple mind finds the Clause to be not so difficult, and I cannot see that any legal question arises. There is nothing, I think, that the man in the street could not understand.

I join with the right hon. Baronet (Sir F. Banbury) and with the hon. and gallant Member who has just sat down, in protesting, not only against the speech of the hon. Baronet in charge of this small Bill, but against the Memorandum. The Memorandum certainly does lead one to believe that the only persons who are involved in this Bill are men on actual service in His Majesty's forces; but when one comes to Clause 1 of the Bill, one finds that it not only contemplates conferring this privilege upon those who are in His Majesty's Services, but that, as I take it, anyone who leaves his employment in one place to take up employment in another would be entitled to the privilege. One does not really object to that, but what one does object to is the fact that a Bill is presented in this House of which the ostensible object is to confer a privilege upon one section of the community, but which really is a wider Bill altogether.

Does the Bill contemplate defence forces being constantly called up? It does appear, from the speech to which we have listened, that the Bill has been largely drafted in their particular interest, and if it is going to become a part of our system to be constantly calling up defence forces, one can only express the strongest opposition to it. So far as the Bill and its intentions are concerned, I do not know that we have any quarrel with it, but, when a Bill of this character is presented, it ought to be stated in clear and definite terms by those who introduce the Bill, and in the Memorandum if a Memorandum be attached, what the intention of the Bill is. This might have been a very important Bill, which would have been taken through this House in a surreptitious manner, and because of that possibility I join in the protests which have been made.

I made but a very few remarks in introducing this Bill, because, firstly, it is on the face of it a very simple matter; and, secondly, because I always imagined that hon. Members object to long speeches from this box. I am sorry if I have misinterpreted the feeling of the House with regard to that. Perhaps, by leave, I may amplify my remarks, and clear up some of the points at issue.

Will the hon. Baronet say whether the Bill applies to Scotland?

Yes, everywhere where people have votes—to every part of the country where the Representation of the People Act runs. The real point is that this Bill is almost word for word a reproduction of the Electoral Disabilities Act, 1891. Section 1 of that Act, which is in almost the same words as Clause 1 of this Bill, says:

"A person shall not be disqualified from being registered by reason only that during part of the qualifying period, not exceeding four months at any one time, he has, in the performance of any duty arising from or incidental to any office, service or employment held or undertaken by him, been absent from his dwelling-house or lodging or not residing in any such county or borough."

It is quite true that the particular cases involved at present are mostly those of men who have been called up to serve with the Colours, but it is equally true, as has been said, that this Bill is not, on the face of it, confined to them. If it be desired to confine the Bill strictly to those serving in the Defence Force, Territorials, or mercantile marine, that is a Committee point. May I say, in justification of the Memorandum, that those cases are only given as examples, but they are important examples. Anyone would be sorry if men who have been called up and have to serve the country in these circumstances should be deprived of the vote. If the House desires that the Bill should be confined to the case of men serving in the Defence Force that can be done in Committee. If that is not the intention the Bill should be passed as it stands. We do do not see any reason at all for confining it to these men, but it is easy to make it understood by quoting it as an instance of people who would be affected. What the Bill really does is to restore the state of affairs which was provided for by the Act of 1891, which was repealed by the Act of 1918. My hon. and gallant Friend behind me found some difficulty in understanding the reference to a law case. There is no Law Officer here, but here is the case, and the material point is this. This is a judgment given in connection with the Franchise Act—

"To constitute constructive residence the claimant must have the liberty of returning and also the intention of returning whenever he pleases."

That would apply, if my hon. and gallant Friend went to Cannes, and it would not apply if he were called up for his annual training. In one case he would be affected and in the other not. I apologise for not having explained the Bill at greater length. I thought the reference to the previous Act, which is also a short one, was sufficient, and I thought I should be treating the House with greater respect by not inflicting on it a long speech.

I am going to support the Government on this Bill, because, unlike the right hon. Baronet (Sir F. Ban-bury), I am interested in getting every adult Englishman, Irishman, and Scotchman on the register.

And women too, and up to now I think the women have shown quite as much intelligence, whether young or old, as old and young men. I want to raise a protest against the idea that civilians should be excluded in Committee from the provisions of the Bill. May I state two cases to show the type of civilian who would be cut out, probably during his lifetime, from the vote if he were not covered by the provisions of this short Bill? There is the man who travels all over the world setting up machinery for various English firms and extends British trade throughout the whole of the known world. That man generally lives for a very short time in his own house in England. If he is not protected by a Clause of this character, one of the most valuable of our British men will be literally without a vote in his own country. There is also the man who travels, as Britons do, all over the world, in the Far East, the Near East, in every European country, selling the goods which are manufactured in this country. Is it really and seriously desired that men of this type should be for ever without a vote in their own country, because by virtue of their occupation they can only live for a short time in their own home, in the land of their birth? If that be the case, I am astonished that any Member of this House should believe in a principle of that kind. To attempt to cut the civilians out of this protection would mean for thousands of the most valuable of our men absolute disfranchisement, and I hope neither the House nor the Committee will attempt to cut them out. As to men who, through their service in the forces, lose their vote, there ought to be no question whatever. I am in favour of putting every adult on the register, and because I believe that this short Bill will meet a certain definite cause of hardship to both civilians and members of the forces, I shall go into the Lobby with the Government in favour of it.

The Minister in charge was not strictly accurate in the argument that this is simply the re-enactment of legislation which had been repealed by the Act of 1918. He omitted to mention that the qualification under the old law, which was dealt with by the Electoral Disabilities Act, was totally different from the entirely new and simpler qualification in the 1918 Act, which is merely residence; under the old law the qualification was an occupational one or an ownership. Therefore, the removal of the disability arising from residence was a totally different thing. If this Bill went through in its present form we should be dealing with a totally different person than the person the Government had in view in drafting this Bill. Suppose that a male servant, a butler, has a situation in London, and after residing there for two months and getting a vote, he goes away to different employment which precludes the possibility of his again going into residence in the house, say, of the right hon. Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury). He comes under this Bill. Desirable or undesirable as that may be, according to the views of certain hon. Members, that apparently was not the intention of the Government when drafting the Bill. If that were their intention, it would be a very big change in the franchise, which ought not to be carried through as a simple matter of correcting a point which has been overlooked. One hon. Member spoke of the hardship which would be involved upon travellers and other people in business. He has struck a mare's nest there. Under the Act as it stands and the case in the Law Courts which this Bill is designed to meet, that man still has his home and still has his residence there. This Bill is only to meet the case which comes up against this decision of the Law Courts of the man who is precluded from the possibility of return, but the man who has his own definite home, who happens to be travelling abroad, and who comes back whenever he gets a holiday or whenever some urgent business brings him home has still his residence within the law. If this Bill is to get a Second Beading without further discussion, we ought to have some intimation from the Gov- eminent that they will in Committee allow an Amendment to insert the words "under the Crown," after the word "employed," so as to cover all that is intended to be covered.

When I first saw this Bill I was filled with the idea that it was a very innocent piece of legislation, equally innocent with the speech of the hon. Gentleman who proposed it. But the right hon. Baronet (Sir F. Banbury) has told us of all sorts of electoral devices, of which in my innocence I never dreamt as being possible under this Bill. I do not know where he discovered all these things.

I discovered others in my experience of electioneering when I was fought by Radical opponents.

I dare say that when the right hon. Baronet is fought by Labour opponents he will have a wider knowledge of these matters. At present, at times it is extremely difficult for sailors who spend a large amount of their time away from this country to qualify. Would it be possible under this Bill, supposing the House decides that it should extend only to service men, to extend it also to sailors and to fishermen? A fisherman from the West Country may spend a large part of his time in the North of England and go around Scotland and thus become entirely disqualified. We hear from time to time from those individuals who rejoice in the name of Wee Free Liberals that the Home Department is inclined to make too many police regulations. Clause 1, Sub-section (1), of this Bill says:

"Section (3) of the Police Disabilities Removal Act, 1887, is hereby repealed."

I have not the remotest idea of what that means. Would it by any chance enable the House to do without those rather wearisome speeches which we hear from hon. Members on my right about the iniquities of the Home Secretary and his various Police Acts?

I wish to support the attitude of the hon. Member for Preston (Mr. T. Shaw) in defence of this Bill. The objections raised against it have been most fantastic. The right hon. Baronet has discovered some method which a study of the Bill would not have allowed other Members to discover whereby huge blocks of votes can be transferred from one metropolitan area to another. If he is valid in his contention, the point is one that may be amended in Committee. The Bill as it stands is a necessary corollary of the Act at present in existence; looking at it from the point of view of the unfranchised men who have got to leave home frequently, and seamen who are away during the qualifying period. Everyone of us who has seafaring men in our constituency know the hardship it is when the men fail to qualify on many occasions. The men who are called out for the Defence Force also fail to qualify. We want them all to qualify. There are great classes of people around the coast who are kept off the register, and I am surprised that there should be any element of opposition by those who assume the name of Liberal. I do trust that if there is sound objection to any particular point in the Bill it will be brought up in Committee. This House is as democratic a House as ever was—there are certain exceptions opposite—and I hope the Bill will go through to Committee in such a way as to show that the House-is in sympathy with it.

I venture to put the following point before the House. The hon. Baronet, when he said a few words in support of this Bill, did make it clear that he did not mean principally those members of the Defence Force and those members of the Territorial Force who are undergoing annual training, and those in the Mercantile. Marine. The hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London pointed out that the Bill was rather wider in scope, and I understand that the hon. Baronet said that that was a point which could be altered in Committee. My submission is, that this is rather more than a Committee point. It is a very important point. Suppose the Committee should decide that the Bill should apply only to those mentioned in the Memorandum, its whole character would be changed. I do suggest that when the hon. Baronet said what he did on this Bill, he treated it with a little less than the care which he usually displays in these matters. He did not tell us whether it is the defined and fixed policy of the Government to apply the Bill to everyone to whom it seems to apply in the words of the Bill. If the Government were to be defeated in Committee on this point, the Bill would be wrecked. I venture to suggest that we should know whether it is the intention of the Government that all those who are presumably included in the words of the Bill shall be entitled to the franchise.

The Government consider the Bill all right as it stands. These people are referred to as an example. We think the Bill does not want amending.

Yes.

Question, "That the Bill be now read a Second time," put, and agreed to.

Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.

Overseas Trade (Credits and Insurance) Amendment Bill

Order read for resuming adjourned Debate on Question [30th June], "That the Bill be now read the Third time."

Question again proposed.

I began a few remarks on the Third Reading of this Bill on a previous occasion. This is a Bill affecting many millions of money. I believe the amount, so far, applied for by merchants is very small. I do not think the third million has been reached. When the Minister replies perhaps he will give us some information upon the subject, for the amount involved might reach £26,000,000. We ought, therefore, to be very careful to inquire as to the conditions. I wish particularly to draw the attention to some extraordinary remarks made by the hon. and gallant Gentleman who at the moment represents the Board of Trade. In introducing the Bill he made some comments on the Indian trade, and he led the House to believe that it was not proposed to extend the provisions of this Bill to India. In the original Bill last year the Schedule of countries to which the Bill applied was as follows, and I commend this list to the Imperialists, many of whom are no doubt still to be found in the House. We refuse to extend the provisions of this Bill to India, but the Bill relates to such countries as Finland, Latvia, Esthonia, Lithuania, Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, and the Serb-Croat-Slovene State—

It being Eleven of the Clock, the Debate stood adjourned.

Debate to be resumed To-morrow.

Corn Production Acts (Repeal) [Expenses]

Committee to consider of authorising the payment out of moneys to be provided by Parliament of any expenses incurred in meeting payments in respect of the wheat and oats of the year nineteen hundred and twenty-one if the sums to be paid in respect of each acre on which wheat or oats are produced are the sums of three pounds and four pounds respectively instead of sums calculated in manner provided by the Corn Production Acts, 1917 and 1920; and the sum of one million pounds, to be applied for the purpose of aiding and developing agriculture in England and Wales and Scotland, under any Act of the present Session, to repeal the Corn Production Acts, 1917 and 1920, to make provision as to payments under those Acts in respect of the crops of the current year, to provide funds for agricultural development, to promote the formation of joint conciliation councils and committees for the industry of agriculture, and to make certain consequential Amendments in Section 12 of the Agriculture Act, 1920—( King's recommendation signified )—To-morrow. [ Sir A. Boscawen. ]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]

Adjourned accordingly at Three Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.