House of Commons
Wednesday, July 6, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Metropolitan Water Board (Various Powers) Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
Waltham and Cheshunt Gas Bill [ Lords ],
As amended, to be considered Tomorrow.
Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 6) Bill,
Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 7) Bill,
Read a Second time, and committed.
Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 5) Bill (by Order),
Read a Second time, and committed.
Paisley Gas Provisional Order Bill
"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Burgh Police (Scotland) Act, 1892, relating to Paisley Gas," presented by Mr. MUNRO.
Ordered, That Standing Order 193a be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the First time.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]
Bill accordingly read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 167.]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Eastern Siberia
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if the Imperial Japanese Government has given any assurances to His Majesty's Government regarding the occupation of the Russian half of the island of Saghalien, the city and port of Vladisvostok, and portions of the mari- time province by Japanese troops; what is the nature of those assurances; and whether the annexation of the Russian half of the island of Saghalien by Japan is to be recognised?
The Japanese Government has informed His Majesty's Government that, in view of the disturbed state of Eastern Siberia, it feels compelled to keep garrisons at Vladivostok, Saghalien, and at various points in the Maritime Province, until a satisfactory settlement can be arrived at with the legitimate Russian Government. So far as His Majesty's Government are aware, the island of Saghalien has not been annexed to Japan.
Have the Imperial Japanese Government given any assurances that there is no intention of annexing territory, including Saghalien?
I should be glad if my hon. and gallant Friend would give me notice of that question.
It is in my question.
Yes, but perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will put it down again.
Far Eastern Republic
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether the representative at Pekin of the Far Eastern Republic of the former Russian Empire has handed a note to the American Ambassador in which a protest is made to the American and British Governments against the support given by Japan to the counterrevolutionaries and inviting the good offices of the American Government and His Majesty's Government in the matter; whether His Majesty's Government is taking any action in the matter; and what information he has respecting recent events in Vladivostock and the maritime province?
I have no information that any such note has been handed to the United States representative by the representative of the Far Eastern Republic at Peking. The second part of the question, therefore, does not arise. General Semenoff has landed in Siberia, and has reached Grodekovo. Otherwise the situation has not altered materially since the reply which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member on 8th June.
Passports and Visas
asked the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs what reply has been sent to the proposal of the French Government, dated 28th April, 1921, suggesting the mutual abolition of visas on British and French passports; and when such reply was sent to the French Government?
No reply has yet been sent to the French Government's proposal, which is still under consideration.
How many more months is it going to be under consideration?
I think it is now only a question of days.
Russian Trade Delegation (Constantinople)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether British military forces at Constantinople have arrested all the members of the Russian Trade Delegation in that city, thrown them into prison, and seized their money and effects; and whether any representations were made to the Russian Government or its official agents in this country before the above action was taken, in view of the recently-concluded trade agreement with Russia?
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the arrest of the Russian Trade Delegation at Constantinople by British troops; whether he is aware of the continued ignorance of the Foreign Office as to what has really occurred; and will he state what has happened, and what explanations have been asked for or made to the Russian Government?
On 29th June, the Commander-in-Chief in Constantinople arrested 52 undesirable persons of whom 18 belonged to the Russian Trade Delegation. Of these 18 persons nine were released on the same day and nine deported. I understand that the offices of the Trade Delegation were searched, but I have not so far received particulars of how the contents of these offices were disposed of. General Sir C. Harington's action was necessitated by the discovery of a plot to produce a revolution in Constantinople, which was to begin with his own assassination. The Commander-in-Chief is responsible for the maintenance of order and the administration of martial law in Constantinople, and the measures taken by him in this case seem, on the evidence at my disposal, to be entirely justifiable. A note was received yesterday from M. Krassin in which he asks for an explanation of the case, and the reply is under consideration.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that members of the Russian Trade Delegation have arrived in Constantinople with British visas on their passports; that these so-called undesirables were released with the exception of the Trade Delegation who have now been shipped off; and is the hon. Gentleman also aware that this question is likely to lead to unfortunate results in the relations between Russia and Great Britain?
Is it not a fact that these Russian Trade Delegations all over the world are simply camouflage for Bolshevik propaganda?
Do the Government intend to take any steps under Article 13 of the Russian Trade Agreement to ask the Bolshevik Government to give an explanation of their conduct precedent to the denouncing of the Russian Trade Agreement, in view of the proved work of these Bolshevik agents in Constantinople against our representative?
Are we to understand from the answer that these Russians who receive British visas were afterwards found plotting against the life of the British Commander-in-Chief?
Perhaps I had better answer that question now. I am not myself aware whether these gentlemen had British visas or not, but I would at this moment deprecate any further discussion of this matter, inasmuch as the information at my disposal is extremely limited, but I am endeavouring to increase it.
Has there been any protest from the Russian Government, and what steps have the British Government taken in reply to that protest; further, may I ask whether the grounds for arresting the Russian Trade Delegation in Constantinople would not also justify the arrest of the Russian Trade Delegation in this country?
I have already answered the first part of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's question in my reply. I said that M. Krassin has presented a Note which is now under consideration, and therefore the rest of the question does not arise.
Will these people be tried, and shall we have any further account of the evidence?
I have no doubt that a most careful investigation will be made, but I cannot describe what action will be taken in Constantinople.
If the hon. Gentleman has no further information, why does he describe these people as "undesirable persons?"
Perhaps it would have been better had I said "alleged undesirable persons," of whom I think 18 were released on the same day, and nine were deported. It was not meant to convey the impression that all the members of the Russian trade delegation are undesirables.
I beg to give notice that, at the end of Questions, I shall ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House on this subject.
Mexico
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has received a request from British sources to recognise the Government of Mexico; whether that Government has given proof of good faith by meeting its obligations to pre-War British creditors on 1st July in accordance with a recent statement by the Mexican Government to that effect; and, if not, will he make it clear that the British Government will not accord recognition unless the Mexican Government does keep faith with its British creditors?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of the recent declarations of the Mexican Government, he will now consider the advisability of recognising that Government?
His Majesty's Government have received suggestions from British sources from time to time to the effect that the Mexican Government should be recognised by His Majesty's Government. As far as I am aware no payments have yet been made on the outstanding Mexican Government obligations. The Mexican Government are already aware of the importance attached by His Majesty's Government to this matter, and I do not think that the attitude of His Majesty's Government on this point requires further explanation.
Will my hon. Friend say whether the British Government has made any official representations through the channels which are still open to them to the Mexican Government as to the conditions on which recognition will be accorded to Mexico?
My hon. and gallant Friend knows better than most hon. Members of this House that His Majesty's Government have already made representations to the Mexican Government.
Not officially.
Southern Persia (British Interests)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the disbandment of the South Persia Rifles has now been decided upon owing to the refusal of the Persian Government to take the force over; if so, what guarantee is the Persian Government giving for the security and safety of British trade and interests in Southern Persia; what is to become of the guns, rifles, stores, equipment, and animals supplied by the Indian Government; are the disbanded men to be left in possession of their arms; and what arrangements are being made for the safety of the British officers and men attached to the force?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, and British trade and interests will have no further guarantees in Southern Persia than they now have in the North. The points raised in the remaining parts of the question are at this moment receiving the earnest consideration of Mis Majesty's Government.
Can the hon. Gentleman say when we shall hear the result of this consideration, and what is going to be done?
Perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will put down a question in a week, and then I may be able to give him further information.
Chesham House, London
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the Report on the Far East situation made to Russian Whites at Chesham House, the Czarist headquarters in London; whether Chesham House is recognised by His Majesty's Government as being in any way the seat of Russian diplomacy; whether there are there any extra-territorial rights; and whether White intrigues are being carried in from Chesham House contrary to the spirit of the Anglo-Russian Trade Agreement.
The answer to the first three parts of the question is in the negative. I have no information on the fourth part of the hon. and gallant Member's question.
Has the hon. Gentleman received from me a copy of the report in question, which I sent to him?
I do not think it has been brought to my notice, but I will make inquiries.
Is it correct to state, as is set forth in the question, that there is a Czarist headquarters in London?
I should not describe Chesham House in those terms myself.
Japan (National Defence)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs the approximate present annual cost of Japan's national defences, including naval, military, and air forces; and what the expenditure on these accounts amounts to per head of population?
According to figures given for the 1921–22 Budget, the approximate cost of national defence is £108,280,000, including £45,524,000 for the Army, and £62,756,000 for the Navy. As there is no independent Air Force, the aviation estimates are included in those given for the Army and Navy. The cost works out, roughly, at £1 8s. per head for the total Japanese Empire.
Trade and Commerce
Cotton Duties (China and Bulgaria)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Chinese Government has made proposals to raise the Customs duty from 5 per cent. to 10 per cent.; and whether he is communicationg with representatives of cotton trade organisations and British merchants trading with China to ascertain whether other proposals may not be formulated which will give additional revenue to the Chinese Government without increasing the duties upon manufactured goods?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I am not aware of such a proposal by the Chinese Government. According to my information, that Government have proposed a revision of the present Customs tariff with a view to increasing the duties to the equivalent of an effective 5 per cent. ad valorem. This proposal is under consideration by the Treaty Powers
Before any decision is taken by the Government, will it receive representations from the cotton and other allied trades and see if a further report can be obtained? Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the cotton trade in Lancashire do not want to meet with a similar fate to that which befel them when the Indian cotton import duties were raised?
12. The hon. Member asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any representations are being made to the Bulgarian Government to admit goods which are despatched from this country before the 1st August at the rate of customs duty then in force, and not to be subject to the increased duty which conies in force on the 9th August; and is he aware that the uncertainty as to the amount of duty to be charged on deliveries now being shipped is seriously affecting British cotton manufacturers?
I have been asked to reply to this question. No information has reached me of the intention of the Bulgarian Government to introduce a revised customs tariff on the 9th August. If the hon. Member will let me have any information on the subject in his possession, I will consider, in consultation with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, what action it may be possible to take in the matter.
Can the hon. Gentleman say what position the Government will be in in protesting against a foreign country raising its tariffs when they are putting an inflated tariff on foreign countries?
The hon. Gentleman cannot be expected to answer that question.
Royal Navy
Ships (Sales)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether steps are being taken to procure suitable portions of ships now on the list for disposal among such members of their former ships' companies as may desire to purchase them?
This matter is receiving consideration.
Rosyth Dockyard (Gratuity)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that F. Stansfield, discharged from Rosyth Dockyard on 1st April, has served nine years and three months and is therefore entitled to a gratuity; that in reply to his application he was informed that it would take 8 to 10 weeks to settle his claim; and, seeing that after 11 weeks had elapsed another application was made to which an indefinite reply was received, will he expedite the consideration of the claim, as the applicant is still unemployed?
The gratuity in question was awarded a fortnight ago, and it has been ascertained from the authorities at Rosyth Dockyard that the man has received payment.
Why should it take about three months to settle a claim of this kind?
The fact is that the man in question lost so much time in the last year or so. He lost 334 working days, or 226 more than the maximum allowance, and the question whether he was eligible had to be very carefully gone into. Eventually it was decided that he was eligible.
Artificer Apprentices
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty when the first batch of engine-room artificer apprentices from the " Indus" and "Fisgard " will be sent to Keyham College for training as engineers' officers in fulfilment of the First Lord to the Admiralty's promise; and can he give the assurance that eligible candidates shall be chosen in their order as determined by their place in the examination which they have to pass?
I regret that I am not yet in a position to add anything to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for Central Portsmouth on the 10th June last.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if facilities are given to engine-room artificer apprentices to receive training on His Majesty's Ships "Fisgard" and "Indus" for taking the junior examination of the various engineering institutions, and for competing for prizes such as those awarded by the City and Guilds Institute and the Goldsmiths' Company; and, if not, can he say if it is intended that such facilities shall be provided in a similar way as those for dockyard apprentices?
It is not the case that training facilities for the purposes referred to in the question are given to dockyard apprentices, and there is no intention of providing such facilities for artificer apprentices. In both cases the training provided is that which is considered most suitable for the work the apprentices will be called upon to perform, whether in the Navy or in the Dockyard.
Airships
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what is the Admiralty's policy with regard to developing rigid airships as sea scouts?
The policy of the Admiralty in this matter was set forth in the Memorandum attached to the First Lord's statement explanatory of the current Navy Estimates. In view of the information from the Air Ministry that the latter would, for financial reasons, be compelled to reduce considerably the provision of heavier than aircraft unless the airship service were suspended, the Admiralty concurred, with regret, in the suspension, for the present, of the development of airships for naval purposes.
Portsmouth Dockyard (Private Firm's Facilities)
asked the Financial Secretary to the Admiralty if he is aware that Messrs. Crampton, ship-repairers, of Portsmouth, are docking the ships they are repairing in the Royal Dockyard at Portsmouth; will he say whether this firm has his permission to use the dockyard; and, if so, does the firm pay for its use and what is the amount of payment made?
On a very few occasions facilities have been granted to Messrs. Crampton for docking vessels in Portsmouth Dockyard, and then only when a dock is free, and the Naval service is not inconvenienced thereby. Such facilities in the dockyard are granted only to relieve the unemployment situation in the neighbourhood, and when local private docking facilities are not available. Messrs. Crampton have no general authority to use the dockyard. Special application has to be made in each instance, and the case is considered on its merits. The firm pays for the use of the dock at the rate of l¼d. per gross registered tonnage of the vessel docked per each twenty-four hours of occupation, together with the actual cost of the labour and material expended, plus the authorised percentage charges to cover establishment and incidental costs.
Are similar facilities given in other dockyards?
I will make inquiries. I am not in a position to say whether in other dockyards such facilities can conveniently be given.
Government Staffs and Offices
Ministry of Labour (Holidays)
asked the Minister of Labour the approximate numbers in his headquarters local staff who are entitled to the following annual holidays, exclusive of bank and other public holidays: four weeks' annual leave and over 28 working days' leave?
The leave allowances of the staff of the Ministry of Labour are in accordance with the Regulations governing the Civil Service as a whole. Of the total permanent and temporary staff at present employed in the Ministry, 5,291 are allowed, subject to the exigencies of the service, to take an allowance of annual leave not exceeding four weeks, and 1,323 are similarly allowed to take 28 days or over. The aggregate of these two figures amounts to lees than one quarter of the present total staff of the Ministry, nearly one-half of whom, appointed to meet the grave unemployment emergency for which we have had to provide, are engaged on a casual or week basis.
Am I to understand that more than 1,300 members of the per- manent and temporary staff get over four weeks' holiday in the year?
That is not the figure: 1,323 are allowed to take 28 days or over, and 5,281 get leave, if it can be given, not exceeding four weeks.
Ministry of Health
asked the Minister of Health the approximate numbers in his Department who are entitled to the following annual holidays, exclusive of bank and other public holidays: four weeks' annual leave and over 28 working days' annual leave?
The approximate figures for the Ministry of Health are:
asked the Minister of Health whether the 32 doctors on £1,000 a year, who were appointed by his predecessor, are still retained at his Ministry; and, if so, when he will dispense with their services?
I presume that my hon. Friend refers to the regional medical officers. If so, the answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. In answer to the second, I refer him to my statement on the 12th May introducing the Ministry of Health Estimates, in which I made it clear that, after personal investigation, I thought that this staff does useful work and should be continued. In any case, I am not in a position to dispense with their services except on the terms of their engagements.
Is the right hon. Gentleman examining the situation with a view to dispensing with their services as soon as their agreements allow, and has he inquired into the feeling locally, where those gentlemen work, as to the necessity for their appointment?
As I have said, I have personally gone into the work of the officers concerned, and am satisfied that they are doing very useful work. In any case, their period of service would not come to an end for several years.
Are we really to understand that the Ministry of Health have tied themselves down for several years in the engagement of their public officials, and is not that a most extraordinary procedure?
In view of the fact that most Government officials are engaged for life in the Civil Service, I think that a temporary engagement for five years in an important office is not a very unreasonable agreement.
Are Government officials never dismissed?
Is it not a fact that the public health has never been so good as it is to-day?
Is not infant mortality going down?
War Office
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has considered the possibility of combining the Record Office and the Pay Department of the War Office, with the view of saving expense and obtaining greater efficiency in administration; and, if this can be brought about, will he consider the advisability of devoting the money saved in administration to the training grants of the Army?
A War Office Committee is at present considering the question of the amalgamation of the Record Offices and the Regimental Pay Offices in commands. I am afraid I cannot anticipate the recommendations of this Committee.
Office of Works
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether the officials of the Office of Works responsible for inspection duties are practical men or whether they have been graded to the position from the ordinary Civil Service on promotion?
I can assure the hon. Member that, however recruited, only practical men are engaged upon the duties in question.
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, how many men are employed at the Furniture Department at Stratham; how many have received notice to leave; how many of these are ex-service men; and how many retained are not ex-service men and only obtained employment under the Office of Works after the outbreak of War?
The number of men now employed at Streatham is 52; 23 have received notice; 20 of these are ex-service men. Of those retained, 16 are non-service men, who were employed after the outbreak of War. In making the selection the Superintendent of Stores gives full consideration to service with the forces, and non-service men employed after the outbreak of War are only retained if they are more valuable as workmen than ex-service men.
Ex-Service Men
Appointments Department
asked the Minister of Labour how many ex-officers and ex-service men are being dealt with successfully and unsuccessfully now per week by the Appointments Department; how many of the staff have received notice of dismissal since the 1st April last, and how many offices are in process of being closed; does he intend to deal with the problem of the ex-officer and ex-service man in future by means of the machinery at present existing; and will he undertake that economies will not be effected at the expense of men who have served in the forces during the War?
There are roughly 13,000 ex-officers and men of similar educational qualifications on the registers of the Department. Daily efforts are made to place them in employment, and the average number placed per week during the last six months is 360, 8,712 having been placed since 1st January this year. 136 members of the staff have received notice since the 1st April, and 20 provincial offices are at present in process of being closed. The future machinery for finding employment for the class of men referred to by my hon. Friend is receiving my close attention. But my hon. and gallant Friend may rest assured that our obligation to the ex-service man is not likely to be forgotten.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say, yes or no, whether the Appointments Department is going to be merged into the Employment Exchanges?
No, that has not been decided upon. The matter is still under consideration, and is receiving my close attention.
For how much longer is the right hon. Gentleman going to give me that answer? He told me the same thing two months ago.
My hon. and gallant Friend is one of the most solicitous —and rightly so—that we should do our duty by the ex-service men, and he well knows that this matter requires great care.
Is it receiving sympathetic consideration?
Certainly.
asked the Minister of Labour whether, before reducing the Appointments Department, he will first discuss his proposed scheme of reduction with the British Legion and the Officers' Association, as representative bodies greatly affected?
It has for some time past been my intention to proceed on the lines indicated in my hon. and gallant Friend's question.
asked the Minister of Labour whether it is intended to cut down the Appointments Department to a very small scale; if so, will he publish the proposed scheme for retrenching this Department before it is finally settled, in order that Members of this House may have an opportunity of studying it; whether this scheme has been drawn up at his request or on the intiative of the Controller of the Appointments Department; if the Controller has submitted any alternative scheme as in his opinion preferable; and, if so, whether he will accede to the request that it also may be published?
It is intended at an early date to reduce the expenditure upon the Appointments Department, but the exact method and scope of the reduction are still under consideration. The whole question is receiving the close attention of my advisers, but I have not yet received their proposals. These proposals will be given my fullest consideration, and I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that before any decision is taken close regard will be paid to the interests of the ex-service man.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Appointments Department is practically the only hope that a very large number of ex-officers have of obtaining employment at the present time, and will he bear that in mind before going too far in reducing it?
I know how much the Department has done for ex-officers, but I am bound to adapt it to the needs of the situation. That I shall do with the fullest regard to the interests of the ex-service men themselves.
Institutional Training
asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware of the hardship suffered by a number of men who have been taught electrical engineering in the Government instructional factory, Bangor, and have finished their courses of training at the present moment; that it is impossible to place such men in a workshop for training as promised under the scheme; and that it means that the men in question on leaving the training centre revert to their pension, and as no man with a disability of over 40 per cent. is qualified to training the maximum allowance cannot exceed 16s., and some of the men in question who are on a 20 per cent. basis receive 8s. per week; if he can state whether there is any means of removing the grievance under which the men are suffering at the present time: and if he will take action in the matter?
asked the Secretary of State for War whether ex-soldiers in training centres are being discharged before they have completed their training, inclusive of the period set forth in the scheme for serving with an employer?
It has been found necessary to terminate the institutional training of certain men in this and other centres, who have received large extensions of training and for whom no improvership vacancies can at present be found. I would point out that no man in such a position was discharged between November, 1920, and the end of May, 1921, considerable extensions of training in factories being granted. In order to mitigate the hardship caused, the system under which terminations are now affected has been so graduated over several months that the men with the longest extensions leave the factory first. Special efforts are being and will be made to obtain improver ships, and I hope that, now the industrial horizon is clearing, employers throughout the country will co-operate to the utmost in providing openings for these men. In the meantime they will receive the payments to which they are entitled in respect of disability pension and unemployment insurance.
Is it understood that these men are now looked upon as fully skilled tradesmen?
No. It is part of the system that they should go out to complete their training with firms as improvers. I have the greatest difficulty in getting improverships at this moment, and we have done our best to keep men on, in many cases long after the usual training period, in order to prevent hardship.
Will any further steps be taken, when the industrial situation improves, to give these men an opportunity of finishing their time?
As improvers? Yes, we shall do all that we can, and, as I have said, I hope that employers will help us, when things lift a bit, to give these men a chance.
Housing
asked the Minister of Health how many ex-service men still requiring the tenancy of houses are on the registers of local authorities; and whether he will take the claims of those men into consideration in his revision of the housing policy?
I regret that the information desired by the Noble Lord is not in my possession. Local authorities in letting their houses have very generally given a preference to ex-service men, and I think it will be recognised that the State is making a substantial contribution towards their housing needs. I have no authority to interfere with the choice of tenants made by local authorities.
Barristers (War Office and Air Ministry)
asked the Attorney-General whether a certain barrister, who was of military age and A 1 category, and obtained exemption after exemption during the late War and did not enlist until he had actually been summoned is now frequently employed by the War Office and Air Ministry; and whether no member of the Bar can be found to do such work who fought for his country in the late War?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply. He is not aware of any such case as that referred to in the question and will be glad if the hon. Baronet will communicate his information to him. My right hon. Friend's practice has been, and is, so far as the distribution of work is in his control, to prefer the services of members of the Bar who fought for their country.
Will the Attorney-General be here on Monday? If so, I will repeat the question then.
He will not. Perhaps the hon. Baronet will communicate with me.
Unemployment
Benefit
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that John Clark, residing at 28, Church Lane, Tipton, made application in March for unemployment benefit to the Tipton Employment Exchange; whether he was refused benefit on the ground that he was a miner; whether he had been out of work for six weeks before the coal dispute commenced; and, if so, will he cause inquiry with a view to Clark being paid from the date of application?
This workman first claimed benefit on the 4th April, immediately following the stoppage of work in the mining industry. Owing to a misunderstanding it was supposed that he had lost employment on this account. He renewed his application on the 23rd May when his claim was allowed. Benefit has been paid as from that date and arrangements have now been made to pay benefit for the period from 4th April to 23rd May subject to production of proof of unemployment during this period.
Can the right hon. Gentleman explain why it is that this man, despite repeated applications, failed to get satisfaction until I myself put a question on the Order Paper? Will he cause inquiry to be made regarding the management of this particular exchange?
Certainly, it was due to a misunderstanding. If my hon. Friend contributed, as no doubt he did, to getting this matter put right, I am much obliged to him.
Was the misunderstanding due to the fact that the man was a miner at the time?
Employment Exchanges, Barking
asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that there is a good deal of discontent in the minds of the various workpeople at Barking who are out of employment on account of insufficient employment exchanges for Barking; whether there is any intention on behalf of the Government to find more accommodation so as to prevent the out-of-works of Barking travelling long distances to receive their pay and sign the vacant unemployment book; and whether it is the intention of the Government, on account of economy of public expenditure, not in any way to provide adequate accommodation so as to deal with the unemployed members in a more expeditious way?
Representations on this subject have been made to me by the Barking Town District Council and other bodies. At present the majority of applicants from Barking for unemployment insurance benefit have to attend the East Ham Exchange, which is from one to two miles distant. This is one of several cases now being investigated by the Department, in which I am being pressed to open new exchanges. I cannot acquiesce in such requests at the present time without being fully assured as to the need for new premises, but my hon. Friend may rest assured that the most careful consideration will be given to the claims of Barking Town.
Housing
Unseasoned Wood Buildings
asked the Minister of Health what is the total amount of the grants paid or approved by the Ministry in respect of houses constructed of green unseasoned woods; whether he has had any reports with regard to these houses; if so, to what effect; and whether it is proposed to approve grants in respect of the erection of any such houses in future?
No grants have so far been made in respect of houses constructed of unseasoned wood, but plans have been approved for 27 such houses, the grants for which, at the rate of £260 per house, will amount to £6,500. A report made a few months ago on two of these houses which were under construction was quite satisfactory. The whole question of the grants to be made in the future is at present under consideration.
Overcrowding, Middlesbrough
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that, owing to his refusal to sanction the erection of further houses by the local authority, several thousands of the inhabitants of the county borough of Middlesbrough are kept in a state of severe overcrowding, which is having a deleterious effect upon their health; and, as many of these are ex-service men, will he consent to receive a deputation from these sufferers, who desire to state their case personally to him?
I do not think that any useful purpose would be served by my receiving a deputation. I may point out to the hon. Member that contracts have been approved for 684 houses in Middlesbrough, and that only 248 had been completed on 1st June.
In view of the unsympathetic reply as to receiving a deputation, I beg to give notice that at the first opportunity—which, I understand, will be at 11 o'clock to-morrow night—I shall raise the question on the Motion for the Adjournment of the House.
Repairs, Lambeth
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that a householder in Brixton applied under the pro- visions of the Increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Act to the. sanitary authority of Lambeth for a certificate that his house was not in a reasonable state of repair, and paid 1s. for the same which has been retained; that the sanitary authority has refused to give the certificate, although at the Lambeth county court in December last the householder was awarded damages and costs on account of the house being unfit for human habitation; whether he is aware that upon application to the Ministry of Health the householder was informed that it is not necessary for the sanitary authority to issue such certificates; and whether, in view of the provisions of the Increase of Rent and Mortgage Interest (Restrictions) Act, he will issue a notice to the sanitary authorities advising them not to place obstacles in the way of tenants obtaining such certificates, so that the repairs they are paying for in their increases of rent shall be carried out?
My attention has been drawn to the case referred to by the hon. Member, and I am making inquiries of the Lambeth Borough Council with respect to it. I will communicate with the hon. Member as soon as I receive their reply.
Census Duties
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of the dissatisfaction created by the employment on census duties of men already enjoying full-time employment whilst so many capable men are ready and willing to take service of any kind; whether he is aware that boards of guardians have, on the one hand, been allowing their full-time officials to perform paid work in connection with the census, and on the other hand, have been providing relief to families where the breadwinner cannot find employment; and whether he will explain to what extent, if any, unemployed men have been engaged in connection with the census, and why so many men already in receipt of salary or wages have been allowed to work this overtime to the detriment of the genuine unemployed?
I would refer the hon. Member to the replies of the late Minister of Health to the hon. Member for Thirsk and Malton (Mr. Turton) and the hon. Member for Bedwellty (Mr. Charles Edwards) and on the 2nd and 3rd March last respectively, and to my reply of the 29th ultimo to the Noble Lord the Member for Battersea South (Viscount Curzon). I am sending the hon. Member copies of these replies.
Ireland
Holiday Week, Belfast
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that it is the intention to declare the week of 12th July as a holiday week in Belfast; whether this means that no unemployment benefit will be paid to those unemployed workers who sign up and are paid through the firms where they had been employed, whereas those who sign up and draw their donations through the labour exchange will be paid the unemployment grant in the ordinary way; and whether, seeing that unemployed workers sign up and are paid through their firms for the convenience of the Labour Ministry, who on account of the numbers of unemployed would find it impossible to deal with the claims themselves, he will take steps to see that this class of worker is paid out-of-work donation during the proposed holiday week, and does not suffer because of an arrangement which has been made to suit the convenience of the Labour Ministry in Belfast?
The rule applied to customary holidays in accordance with decision given by the Umpire is, broadly, that benefit is payable to workpeople wholly unemployed and out of a situation, and not payable to those who, though partially unemployed, are not out of a situation. The arrangements for payment of benefit at employers' premises are made for the convenience of the Department and of the workpeople themselves, and would usually indicate that the workpeople concerned are not out of a situation. The decision, however, does not depend on the place at which benefit is paid, and I am taking steps to ensure that the rule above referred to is carried out.
Will these men be paid?
If they are entitled to be paid, yes. I will communicate with my hon. Friend.
Tillage Appeal Tribunal
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what is the salary payable to each of the three members of the Tillage Appeal Tribunal; what was the date from which the salaries of the members of the tribunal ran and are they still being paid; how many appeals did the tribunal adjudicate on from its institution to 1st April, 1921; and how many appeals were then pending for hearing?
The members of the tribunal are paid a fee of three guineas per day, with necessary travelling expenses, when engaged on the work of the tribunal. The date of the first meeting of the tribunal was the 13th May, 1919. The members are not paid when not engaged on tribunal work. Fifty-five appeals have been adjudicated on. Four appeals have still to be heard.
May I ask the hon. Gentleman what official position he holds in this Government?
The Noble Lord had better consult the records of the House.
Flax-Growing
asked the Chief Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the successful experimental results obtained during the last six years by growing New Zealand flax in the South-West of Ireland; and whether, in view of the importance of encouraging local industries in that country, he will take steps to give some official encouragement to this promising enterprise?
I have already had an inspection made of the experiments in the growing of New Zealand flax in the South-West of Ireland and am advised that it is not likely that small farmers in the district in question could be induced to take it up. If the hon. and gallant Member will specify more exactly the nature of the encouragement desired the matter will have further consideration. I am not, however, in a position to promise financial assistance for the experiments.
Arms (Auxiliary Cadets)
asked the Chief Secretary whether an Order existed, or now exists, forbidding auxiliary cadets in Ireland, while in plain clothes, to carry arms?
At one time it was thought that unarmed men in plain clothes off duty were safe from attack, still more from murder. More recent experience has, however, proved that this is not so. The rule now is that in no circumstances is any member of the Police forces at any time to be unarmed.
Were the auxiliary police who were attacked in Grafton Square and two of them murdered last week armed? It did not so appear in the papers.
I am sorry I have not the exact information.
Murders, Gurthdrum and Newry
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that a young man named John Buckley was shot at his home at Gurthdrum, Tipperary, on the night of 29th June; whether he had been under arrest for political reasons some months previously; and whether an inquiry has been held and any arrest made?
I have not yet received the finding of the Court of Inquiry in this case. According to the police report three men called at Buckley's house and ordered him to dress and come out. Shortly after his leaving the house, six shots were heard, and he was subsequently found dead. The police state that the deceased man had been under their notice as a member of the Sologhead Company of the "Irish Republican Army," but that since his marriage three months ago he was believed to have abstained from rebel activities. No arrests have been reported up to the present.
( by Private Notice )asked the Chief Secretary whether he is now in a position to make any statement with regard to the acts of looting and murder committed by special constables in the Newry district; whether he can state the circumstances of the murder of Mr. Hickey, of Newry; and who were the murderers of Miss MacAnuff, the school teacher from Bradford?
I am informed that shortly after midnight on the 4th/5th instant a house in Newry was broken into by a party of nine men, at least three of whom were masked. All were dressed in civilian clothes. The three masked men entered the house, and the occupant, a woman, was pushed into a bedroom. She called for police from the window, whereupon a shot was fired by one of the men outside, the bullet striking the wall near the window. Other shots were heard inside the house. Immediately afterwards a whistle was blown outside and the raiders made off. The police are at the present moment continuing their inquiries. There is no evidence in support of the allegation that any woman was dragged out of bed in night attire. All possible steps are being taken for the protection of all citizens of Newry irrespective of their creed. In reply to the question as to the murder of a man called Hickey, a number of men went to the lodgings of Wm. Hickey on the night of the 3rd instant at 1.45 a.m., inquired for him, and took him a short distance outside the town of Newry, where he was shot. The men were all masked, and one of them was armed with a revolver. As soon as the matter was reported to the police, investigations were immediately made, and a number of bullet marks were found, and on Hickey's body, or near it, was found a paper marked "Convicted spy. I.R.A." The hon. Member has not given me notice of the question with reference to the murder of Miss MacAnuff, and I have no information with regard to it.
Was not specific reference made in the question yesterday to the case of Miss MacAnuff? Have the police made any investigations? Have any arrests been made in connection with these murders? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that last night five further murders by special constables took place in Newry, and can he give the House any official information with regard to them?
Is there the slightest evidence that these outrages were committed by special constables, as alleged by the hon. Member?
There is not a shadow of doubt about it.
I have no information whatever that there is the slightest evidence to bring special constables into connection with any of these crimes.
You never have,' but you will never give an inquiry.
If my hon. Friend desires an answer I am prepared to give it. I think he will find he is mistaken in saying that he gave me any notice with regard to the murder of Miss MacAnuff. I have no information with regard to the alleged murder of five men last night.
Can the hon. Gentleman say how it is that in every one of these cases it is a respectable Catholic citizen who is murdered and that it is proved that none of them belongs to any political organisation, and will he say what redress is to be found for these innocent men and women who are shot in the dead of the night by what we believe to be, and what an impartial inquiry would prove to be, special constables?
Is it not a fact that before the deplorable occurrence took place, the Sinn Feiners in the three days before murdered several people in Newry?
It is not true.
Circumstances are a little more hopeful in Ireland at the moment, and I think the House will agree that it is not desirable to pursue these questions.
With all respect I would say that human life is very sacred to these people—all human life—and no matter what is taking place in Dublin now, I want to press for some protection for these innocent people who are subject to this treatment at the hands, as we can prove when we get an impartial inquiry, of the custodians of public order in Ireland.
May I ask the Leader of the House whether his attention has been called to these circumstances, and whether he thinks it helps the cause of peace in Ireland that seven murders should take place in Newry in the course of a few hours?
I certainly do not think it helps the cause of peace if murders take place anywhere under any circumstances.
Shooting, Cork
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that a man named Patrick Murphy, of Cork, was shot by members of the Crown forces on 29th June; whether an inquiry has been held; and with what result?
I have not yet received the finding of the Court of Inquiry in this case.
Arrest and Deportation
asked the Chief Secretary if he will state the reason for the arrest and deportation to Ireland for internment of two brothers, Joseph and Dennis Carr; whether he is aware that, apart from appearing as step dancers, etc., at entertainments organised by the Gaelic League, these men have been engaged in no activities concerning Ireland; that they are employed by the Shoreditch Town Council and have excellent characters; and whether he will allow these men to return to their homes and their work?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. I have nothing to add to the answer already given to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull on the 21st June about these two cases. I am not prepared to release them at present.
What is the charge against these men?
If the hon. Member will read the answer, he will find what is the charge.
Wages Boards
asked the Minister of Labour whether, apart from the wages of agricultural labourers, there are in the country any classes of workers whose normal wage is based upon the decisions of a statutory body whose findings have the force of law; and whether there are any similar cases in any other country?
In 34 trades, legal minimum rates of wages under the Trade Boards Acts are in operation. These rates are fixed by trade boards, which are statutory joint bodies of employers and employed, and have the force of law when confirmed by the Minister of Labour. For underground workers in coal mines minimum rates of wages, which are also statutorily enforceable, subject to certain conditions, have been fixed by the joint district boards established under the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act of 1912. As regards other countries, legal minimum rates of wages, fixed by statutory wages boards or by courts or arbitration, have been in force for about 25 years in Australia and New Zealand. These rates cover both agricultural and industrial workers. In certain provinces of Canada, in France, in a number of the States of the United States of America, in Norway, and in the Argentine, similar systems are in operation to a limited extent in industry, but not in agriculture. In Germany recent legislation has empowered the Government to give legal effect to voluntary wages agreements both in industry and agriculture.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give any case where a wages Board in any other country, once established, has been got rid of?
I cannot, without notice.
Emir Feisal
asked the Prime Minister whether he has read reports of a speech made by Emir Feisal at Basra, in which the latter referred to the favourable policy of Great Britain towards the Arab nation, subsequently to which he was himself described by his friends in their speeches as Arab King of Irak; and whether he will make a statement on the situation thereby arising?
I have seen reports in the sense indicated by the hon. Member, and I believe them to be substantially accurate. With regard to the third part of the question, it appears to be unnecessary to add anything to the statement made by the Secretary of State for the Colonies in this House on 14th June.
Would it not be unfortunate if we appeared to be, without dispute, supporters of a gentleman who is unacceptable locally because of his religion, and generally because of his hostility to the French?
The hon. Baronet will not, I think, expect me to accept all the suggestions that he makes. In any case, I would urge that it would be more satisfactory to await further discussion on the general policy when the Debate be resumed.
Is it a fact that the Emir has shown any hostility to the French?
I did not understand that that was the suggestion the hon. Baronet made. If he made it, it would be absolutely without foundation.
Would it not be possible that the hon. Member for East Nottingham (Sir J. D. Rees) might be appointed, as on both grounds he would be extremely satisfactory?
In that case I would take the hon. Gentleman as my jester?
Ministry of Transport
asked the Prime Minister what is the earliest date on which he can make a statement as to the termination of the Ministry of Transport?
I cannot make a statement on this subject until there has been full time for consideration, both of the amount of work which will remain to do and of the best means of doing it efficiently.
Will the Government get rid of this post-War Ministry as soon as possible?
I prefer not to add anything to the statement I have made until the Government have had an opportunity of considering the matter.
Peace Treaties
Eastern Galicia
asked the Prime Minister what is the present position with regard to East Galicia.; which international body is now concerned with the question; whether any attempt has been made to ascertain the wishes of the inhabitants as to the future settlement of this country in accordance with the policy declared on 25th June, 1919; and whether there is any truth in the reports that the Poles are settling colonies there?
Eastern Galicia is at present in the military occupation of the Poles by virtue of a decision of the Peace Conference in June, 1919. Its ultimate allocation has not yet been decided upon, but by Article 91 of the Treaty of St. Germain the rights of Austria have been transferred to the Allied and Associated Powers for disposal. The Supreme Council is the body competent to effect such disposal. The answer to the third part of the question is in the negative and to the fourth part in the affirmative.
Will my hon. Friend a little expand his last answer as to the report that the Poles are settling colonies there?
Perhaps if the Noble Lord will put a further question down I can supply further information.
Rhine, Occupied Territory
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether it is the intention of the United States to withdraw their troops from the occupied territory on the Rhine; whether, if withdrawn, they will be replaced by other troops; and, if so, by what forces?
I have no information to confirm the statements which have appeared in the Press with regard to the alleged intention of the United States Government to withdraw its troops from the Rhine. The latter part of the hon. and gallant Member's question is therefore hypothetical.
Safeguarding of Industries Bill
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether it is the intention of the Government to denounce any of the treaties, engagements, or conventions, sections of which are in conflict with the provisions of the Safeguarding of Industries Bill; and, if so, which of such instruments are to be denounced, and when?
It is not the intention of His Majesty's Government to denounce any Commercial Treaties at the present time. If the inquiries provided for in the Bill disclose cases of dumping due to depreciation of exchange where an order would be it variance with the terms of a commercial treaty, the desirability of denouncing such treaty will be considered.
May we take it that if dumping takes place from those countries it will be at least a year before the provisions in the Safeguarding Bill come into operation?
Blindness (Film Production)
asked the Minister of Health whether the Committee on the Cause and Prevention of Blindness have as yet reported upon the question of the injury to eyesight resulting from the extreme power of lights used in film production; and whether any action is contemplated as a result?
I have received the Report of the Committee referred to. Their conclusion is that there is evidence of only transient injury to the eyes having occurred in a few cases and that such injury was associated with the use of a particular open arc lamp without a proper screen. I have received an assurance from the Incorporated Association of Kinematograph Manufacturers that no member of the Association will permit any open arc lights to be used in their studios for general illumination without glass filters, and in view of this I do not consider further action necessary.
Greater London Districts (Incorporation)
asked the Minister of Health if he can state the reasons why his Department have decided to remove their objections to the incorporation of Acton and Watford and to retain them against the incorporation of Waltham-stow, Ilford, and Leyton, and other Greater London districts; if he is aware that this apparent favouritism is causing the deepest disappointment and indignation in the districts whose application has been refused, and is calculated to destroy the growing interest in local government affairs that has been stimulated in these disappointed districts; and if, seeing that his original objection that the incorporation of local authorities of Greater London might hamper the work of inquiry into the government of Greater London has apparently been waived on behalf of the districts mentioned, he will state what are now his precise objections to Walthamstow, Ilford, and Leyton being treated in the same way; and whether he will grant the request of the Walthamstow Incorporation Committee for an interview upon this matter?
The governing factor in dealing with these cases is the possibility of an inquiry into the whole question of the government of Greater London. The case of Acton was disposed of, so far as my Department was concerned, before the question of an inquiry had been considered by the Government. The cases of Waltham-stow and Leyton have been postponed pending the decision of the Government, and in the circumstances I do not think an interview would serve any useful purpose. I have no information as to Ilford, and Watford is outside the area of Greater London.
When did Acton and Watford receive this honour?
I must ask for notice.
Hong Kong (Protection of Women)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can give the names of the Chinese ladies appointed to consider matters connected with the protection of women and girls, especially the Mui tsai, in the Colony of Hong Kong?
The information is not in my possession, but I will inquire of the Governor.
British Army
Horses (Egypt)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether a large number of horses have recently been purchased in Australia for use in Egypt; and, if so, will he inform the House of the reason for bringing horses from Australia to Egypt when large numbers of Army horses in Mesopotamia are being destroyed because they are no longer required in that country?
No horses have been purchased recently in Australia, on behalf of the War Office, for use in Egypt. Horses required by the Army in Egypt to replace normal wastage were shipped from Mesopotamia in May last.
Then it is not a fact that two shiploads of horses from Australia were recently unloaded in Egypt?
My information is that no horses have been purchased recently in Australia.
Ordnance Department, Woolwich
asked the Secretary of State for War whether a number of disabled ex-service men employed as second class writers in the Royal Army Ordnance Department, Woolwich Arsenal, are being placed on industrial work under the short time scheme whilst a great many civilian war entrants, men with much less service in the Arsenal and others with private means, are being retained in the Ordnance Department; whether he is aware that the chief Ordnance officer has been asked to grant an interview to the disabled ex-service men concerned, but no interview has taken place; and whether he will make inquiries into this matter and give instructions that fair play must be meted out as between the various classes of employés?
I am making inquiries into this matter, and will communicate the result to the hon. Member at an early date.
Imperial War Graves Commission
asked the Secretary of State for War whether the Imperial War Graves Commission is to be a permanent body or, if not, when is it to be terminated; what staff are employed; and what salaries and expenses are incurred?
The Imperial War Graves Commission has been constituted by Royal Charter a body corporate with perpetual succession. The total number of present staff is 2,354. This number covers all the late theatres of war, and includes the gardening staff of 1,148. The salaries and wages of the whole staff amount approximately to £377,500. The total estimated expenditure for the current year to be borne by the several participating Governments is £2,366,720.
Jam Fruit Peices
83 & 84.
asked the Minister of Agriculture (1) in view of the information given him by the Federation of British Growers concerning the operations of an admitted combine of jam manufacturers, whether he proposes to take any action to prevent our British fruit growers, in their efforts to hold their own against foreign competition, from being forced to submit to sell their fruit for preserving purposes at fixed prices which in some cases are actually lower than the cost of fruit production;
(2) if he is aware that an openly-avowed combine of jam manufacturers has been formed to control the buying price of fruit for preserving purposes; whether this combine has already fixed a maximum buying price of £40 per ton for strawberries, which they are selling boiled as jam to retailers at rates varying from £116 13s. 4d. to £126 per ton, and in the case of green and white gooseberries have fixed a maximum buying price of £18 to £22 per ton for fruit, which they are selling as jam at £98 per ton; and what steps he proposes to take to prevent an extension of this combine's operations to the purchase of other fruits in order to save our home fruitgrowers from further exploitation which threatens to ruin the industry?
This matter has now been investigated, and I understand that a certain number of firms engaged in fruit preserving have, for business purposes, amalgamated into one organisation, which is now offering to buy fruit for jam making at the prices in question. It is estimated, however, that this organisation does not produce more than one-fifth of the total output of jam in this country. Apart from this there is no evidence to show that a combine has been formed of all the jam manufacturers, the majority of whom are purchasing fruit in the markets at current prices which are fluctuating according to the supply and demand. I have no evidence to show that the jam made from this season's fruit will be sold at the prices set out by my hon. Friend which represent the current prices for jam; but as stated in my reply on the 30th ultimo to my Noble Friend the Member for Horsham and Worthing, I have no powers which could enable me to control the price either of fruit or of jam. I may add that I have drawn the attention of my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade to this matter in so far as his Department may be concerned with the price charged to consumers.
asked the Attorney-General whether there is any legislation against the formation of industrial combines in England which aims to control prices of any public commodity; and, if so, whether he will order an investigation into the operations of the alleged combine of jam manufacturers which is attempting to fix maximum buying prices for fruits for preserving purposes at rates which are less than the actual cost of home-grown production?
I have been asked to reply. The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, and the second part of the question does not arise, but I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given on the 30th -June to the hon. Member for Wigan.
Feeding Stuffs
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his attention has been called to the statement in the Comptroller and Auditor-General's Report on trading accounts and balance sheets that a loss of £119,363 was incurred in 1918-19 on the dealings in conserved cattle feeding-stuffs and that a portion of this loss was due to the transport costs not being fully charged out to the buyers; and whether any and, if so, what steps are being taken to recover from the buyers the amount of these uncharged transport costs?
I have been asked to reply. The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. It is anticipated that some portion of the transport charges will be recovered on final adjustment of accounts with the distributing agents. The main cause of loss, however, was in connection, not with transport, but with storage and the expenses of the Port Committees, which could not reasonably have been foreseen at the time when the original scheme was framed. Owing to lapse of time it is doubtful whether any material amount can be recovered, but I am informed that the Ministry were successful in their main object, namely, to secure an even distribution of feeding-stuffs in adequate quantities, and that the balance of the feeding-stuffs account is on the right side.
Research Committee
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that Mr. J. C. Bee Mason, a well-known bee expert, delivered illustrated lectures on bee-keeping to British troops in England during the War and on the Continent after the Armistice; that he was subsequently appointed a member of the Government Bee Inquiry Committee and took an active part in its proceedings; whether he has now been removed from the Committee, and, if so, for what reason; and whether the Government propose to utilise Mr. Mason's services in any other way for the purpose of stimulating public interest in bee-keeping and its potentialities?
I am aware that Mr. J. C. Mason delivered lectures on bee-keeping to British troops in England during the War, and also in occupied territory in Germany after the Armistice. He was appointed in June, 1918, as one of the two practical bee-keepers on the Bee Research Committee which was set up for the purpose of co-ordinating the work on bees which was carried on at the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, but on a reconstruction of the Committee in 1920 it appeared to be desirable as a matter of administrative convenience that the practical bee-keepers on this Committee should be selected from the members of a sub-committee of the Horticultural Advisory Council and also that one of them should reside near Cambridge in order to be within easy reach of the apiary. Mr. Mason was not a member of this sub-committee and was not appointed to the reconstituted Bee Research Committee. I regret that the Ministry is unable to utilise Mr. Mason's services further in the way suggested.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether when this gentleman ceased to be a member of the Committee he was advised that this change was to take place?
I believe so. The whole Committee was reconstituted on this basis, and I am sure that everybody on the Committee was so advised.
Public Buildings (Maintenance)
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether all work on public buildings recommended as urgent by the Departmental officers, having regard to public health and safety, is being proceeded with?
I regret that owing to the need for economy, a considerable amount of maintenance work which can properly be styled urgent is being postponed, but due regard is always paid to public health and safety.
Can the hon. Gentleman assure us that all the recommendations, in so far as they relate to the question of health and safety are being carried out?
All these matters are taken into consideration and the most urgent of them are always dealt with.
Ruskin Park, Huts
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, when the huts erected on the children's playground in Ruskin Park can be removed and the ground restored to its original use; if any of the huts are still occupied by patients, why the latter cannot be transferred to the empty wards of the adjoining King's College Hospital; and if application has been made to the London County Council for the use of the children's playground for a further term of five years?
The date on which the huts in Ruskin Park may be removed cannot yet be stated, as the hospital is in the occupation of disabled officers and nurses who are undergoing special orthopaedic treatment. The vacant accommodation in King's College Hospital is insufficient to house the whole of the patients now in the Ruskin Park huts. The question of the retention of the site in Ruskin Park is still under discussion with the London County Council.
Considering that the wards at King's College Hospital are empty, could not they be filled up with patients from the huts, and then could not such huts as are not necessary be demolished, gradually removing them, instead of waiting until every patient can be removed from the huts before they are touched?
This matter is again being looked into, but I cannot hold out any hope of altering the system which is at present being carried out.
Has application been made to the London County Council for the use of the children's playground for a further five years?
The question is still under discussion with the London County Council.
India
Non-Co-Operation Movement
asked the Secretary of State for India if he is aware that, under the non-co-operation movement in India the cooks and servants of Europeans and loyal Indians have been boycotted and forced to strike, with a view of rendering the position of their employers intolerable and driving them out of the country; and, if so, what has been done in the matter?
I have been asked to reply. My right hon. Friend has received reports that action of the kind has been attempted by non-co-operators in some areas. He has not heard that the authorities in India have found it necessary to take any special action.
Provincial Governments (Secretariat)
asked the Secretary of State for India what was the number and salaries of the secretaries and deputy-secretaries for the provincial Governments of India prior to his last visit to India; and what is the number and salaries to-day?
My right hon. Friend has not the information for which the hon. Baronet asks.
Businesses and Companies (Board of Trade Control)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his Department has control over the operations of firms, partnerships, or companies, such as Farrow's Bank; and, if not, will he consider the means of closely supervising such concerns in the future?
The Board of Trade have no control over the operations of firms and partnerships other than to enforce compliance with the provisions of the Registration of Business Names Act, 1916, nor have they any power to investigate the affairs of any company which is not being wound up compulsorily by an Order of the Court, except under the provisions of the Companies (Consolidation) Act, 1908, which enables them to appoint an inspector on receiving an application from a certain proportion of the shareholders of the company. The Board have under consideration the question of supervision of undertakings such as those referred to in the question.
Will the hon. Member take some action to prevent the exploitation of thrifty workers in this country by companies calling themselves banks?
I have said in my answer that the question is under consideration.
Farina Factory, Lincoln
asked the President of the Board of Trade the amount of the Government expenditure on the farina factory established at Lincoln in 1917; the amount of farina produced by the factory and its sale price; whether the factory, or any portion of it, has been disposed of; and the amount realised by the sale?
The hon. Member will find the information desired by him in paragraph (14) of Command Paper No. 1368.
Merchant Seamen (Compensation Claims)
asked the President of the Board of Trade when claims for compensation in respect of losses caused to merchant seamen and others by enemy action during the War will be submitted to the Grants Commission, and when such claims will be met?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given by the Financial Secretary to the Treasury to the hon. and gallant Member for Leith on the 20th June, of which I am sending her a copy.
Can the hon. Gentleman say whether the amount of money collected under the German Reparation (Recovery) Act is available for the settlement of the urgent claims of these poor people, many of whom are in dire straits?
lean-not say that.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Prime Minister gave an undertaking that the first payment which would be made out of that money would be to these fishermen and seamen?
Post Office
State Cable Service
asked the Postmaster-General whether he will state the number of telegrams handled by the State cable service between London and the Continent for 1st December, 1920, and 1st June, 1921; what reduction in the traffic passing through the cable room at the Central Telegraph Office has resulted from the institution of the competitive land-line and wireless system worked by the Marconi Company; what is the estimated loss of revenue; and whether, having regard to the necessity of maintaining and increasing the income of the Government services, he will reconsider his decision to issue a temporary licence to the competing company?
The numbers of inward and outward telegrams forwarded over the Government cables between London and the Continent on the 1st December, 1920, and the 1st June, 1921, were 27,925 and 25,292, respectively. The decrease is attributable to the conditions arising from the general depression of trade. Since the 1st June the Continental traffic has increased, and now exceeds that for the corresponding period of 1920. The traffic dealt with by the Marconi Company is comparatively small, and its effect on the Post Office revenue is inappreciable. I do not in the circumstances consider it necessary to reconsider the decision to issue a temporary licence to the company; but, as I explained in my reply to the hon. Member for Houghton-le-Spring on the 22nd ultimo, adequate steps will be taken to safeguard the financial position of the State in the event of a permanent licence being issued.
Trade Circulars
asked the Postmaster-General whether he has any information to the effect that many tradesmen's circulars, catalogues, etc., for distribution in England are being posted on the Continent by the distributors in order to secure the advantage of the lower postal rates which are in force there; whether he has any information to the effect that the printing of such circulars is in consequence also being done abroad; and whether he proposes so to reduce the cost of running the Post Office services as to allow of a speedy return to pre-War rates of postage, thereby avoiding these losses to the revenue of this country.
A few cases have come under notice of circulars for distribution in this country being posted on the Continent, apparently, in order to secure the advantage of lower postage rates; but there is no evidence that this is being done to any considerable extent. I have no information as to the printing of such circulars abroad. If Post Office services are to pay their way, the rates cannot be fixed according to the depreciated currencies of European countries. Every effort is being made to reduce Post Office expenditure so that the rates of postage may be reduced. The) reversion to pre-War rates of postage would cost the country some £20,000,000, and would be a very wasteful method of meeting the loss to which the hon. Member refers.
Is it not possible to have the Post Office managed on more business-like lines?
I have no doubt that the Post Office is not the only institution of which that might be asked. I am doing my best to get it run on the best possible business lines.
Treatment for War Disability (F. J. Horn)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that F. J. Horn, late private No. 241,346, Devon Regiment, was ordered residential institutional treatment, which he obtained at the Maghull Epileptic Colony, near Liverpool; that, owing to the death of his wife and to his having seven young children, he was obliged to leave the institution before his treatment was completed; whether the institution is prepared readmit him, but he is unable to leave home, although his condition is becoming worse, as he cannot obtain help under Section 9, Sub-section (i), of the War Pensions (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1918; and whether, since he cannot get an adequate grant from the United Service Fund, it is possible to give any further financial help?
My right hon. Friend is having immediate inquiry made in order to ensure that this man shall receive such medical treatment as is appropriate to his condition. With regard to the last part of the question, I would point out that if this man become an in-patient of an institution, not only is he maintained free of cost, but a sum of 88s. a week (less any pocket-money he may require) becomes available for his children.
Does this mean that he will get outdoor relief?
It is not a question of outdoor relief. It is a question of allowance paid by the Ministry of Pensions to the children of those who are under treatment for war disability.
Railway Travelling Facilities
asked the Minister of Transport what steps he is taking, before the decontrol of the railways, to ensure the restoration of at least the pre-coal stoppage travelling facilities; and whether he can make any statement as to the expected facilities for holiday traffic this month and in August?
With regard to the first part of the question, my hon. Friend would refer to the reply given on the 4th instant to the hon. Member for Lincoln, of which he is sending the hon. Member a copy. With regard to the second part, the railway companies are now drawing up their programmes according to their resources and the prospects of remunerative traffic, and announcements will be made by the companies individually. Holiday excursions are already being advertised by some railways to commence on the 8th instant.
Sweets (Sales Restriction)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to the fact that in many provincial towns there has been a greater consumption of intoxicants, particularly among the younger members of theatrical and other audiences, owing to the inability to purchase sweets to carry them over between the usual high tea and their return home late at night; and, if not, whether he will cause inquiries to be instituted?
I presume the hon. Member refers to the prohibition of the sale of sweets after the closing hour in force under the Shops (Early Closing) Act, but I have not previously heard it suggested that this restriction has led to increased drinking among persons attending entertainments. If the hon. Member will furnish me with the evidence on which the suggestion is founded, I will consider whether any inquiry is called for.
Divorce (Certified Lunacy)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will state how many married persons there are in the lunatic asylums in England and Wales, and how many of these persons have been certified for more than five years; and if there is any intention on the part of the Government to promote legislation to carry into effect the recommendation of the majority of the Royal Commission on Marriage and Divorce, which was that certified lunacy of five years and upwards should be a ground for divorce?
I have not the figures asked for in the first part of the question. It would not be practicable to add to the Government's legislative programme for this Session.
Will the right hon. Gentleman try to get these figures, as they are very important, having regard to the discussion on this question?
I will try to get them.
Geeece and Turkey
( by Private Notice )asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information that the Kemalist troops have violated the neutral zone established by the Allied High Commissioners on the Ismid Peninsula?
The answer is in the negative.
Eussian Teade Delegation (Constantinople)
I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the arrest and deportation of the Russian trade delegation at Constantinople by the British military authorities in contravention of the trade agreement signed by the Russian and British Governments on 16th March last.
I cannot accept this Motion. According to the information before the House and myself at the moment, it does not come within the definition of a "definite matter of urgent public importance." This would appear to have been a precaution against an alleged plot in Constantinople. In any case, we must await further information.
May I respectfully point out that our information is that amongst the people arrested the trade delegation was specially picked out and deported, and that those deported included a child seven years of age, the son of the head of the delegation? Is it permissible for the Government to burke a Motion of this kind by refusing information to the House, or by claiming that they have not information on a matter of this sort, which occurred last week?
Is it not a fact that the High Commissioner at Constantinople works under the instructions of the League of Nations, and that therefore this House has no control whatever over decisions of this kind?
That is a new point to me.
I should have said the Supreme Council.
I was not founding myself on that, and will inquire. On other grounds, I think the Motion fails. I understand that 52 persons have been arrested, of whom 18 belonged to this particular party, and of those 18 nine were released. At present it appears to me to be an ordinary precaution against a supposed plot.
May I respectfully point out that under the terms of the Trade Agreement between the two Governments these persons have diplomatic immunity? In the case of the arrest of a number of Frenchmen in similar circumstances, an arrest which aroused public indignation in France, would that not be a matter of urgent public importance which we could debate?
The matter is not clear enough at present for me to alter my decision.
With great deference, may I ask whether, in refusing to allow an opportunity to debate this question, you base yourself on the time-honoured principle that this matter is neither definite nor urgent? Is not any other ground for refusing permission to debate a subject such as this to rest with the House, so that the House can show whether it takes sufficient interest in the matter or not? Is it not the function of the Chair to show definitely that he bases his refusal either on the grounds of want of definiteness or on the ground of want of urgency, or on both?
The duty of the Chair is to see that the proposal complies with the three requirements of being definite, urgent, and of public importance.
Business of the House
Motion made, and Question put,
"That the Proceedings in Committee on Corn Production Acts (Repeal) [Expenses] be exempted at this day's Sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
The House divided: Ayes, 254; Noes, 72.
Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Simm, M. T. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Smithers, Sir Alfred W. Tickler, Thomas George Wilson-Fox, Henry Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Townley, Maximilian G. Winterton, Earl Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Wise, Frederick Starkey, Captain John Ralph Tryon, Major George Clement Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Steel, Major S. Strang Turton, Edmund Russborough Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Wallace, J. Wood, Major Sir S. Hill-(High Peak) Stewart, Gershom Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Sturrock, J. Leng Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Younger, Sir George Sugden, W. H. Waring, Major Walter Taylor, J. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.- Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Williams, C. (Tavistock) McCurdy.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Rendall, Athelstan Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Hallas, Eldred Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Hayday, Arthur Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Rose, Frank H. Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hirst, G. H. Royce, William Stapleton Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hogge, James Myles Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Briant, Frank Irving, Dan Sitch, Charles H. Bromfield, William John, William (Rhondda, West) Spencer, George A. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cairns, John Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Kiley, James Daniel Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Waterson, A. E. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Lawson, John James Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Lunn, William White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Devlin, Joseph Morgan, Major D. Watts Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Mosley, Oswald Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Entwistle, Major C. F. Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wintringham, Thomas Galbraith, Samuel Myers, Thomas Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Gillis, William Newbould, Alfred Ernest Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) O'Connor, Thomas P. Grundy, T. W. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Raffan, Peter Wilson Major Barnes and Mr. Wignall.
Tithe Annuities Apportionment Bill
Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendment be considered forthwith," put, and agreed to.—[ Mr. Pretyman. ]
Lords Amendment considered accordingly.
CLAUSE 1.—(Apportionment of tithe redemption annuities.)
(4) An apportioned part of an annuity shall be a land charge within the meaning of the Land Charges Registration and Searches Act, 1888.
Lords Amendment:
At the end of the Clause, insert a new Sub-section—
(5) The expenses necessarily incurred in the registration of an apportioned part of an annuity under the said Act or the Land Transfer Acts, 1875 and 1897, shall be treated as part of the expenses incident to the apportionment.
Agreed to.
Bills Reported
Thames Conservancy Bill,
Reported, with Amendments, from the Joint Committee on Water (Charges) Bills; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Newark Extension) Bill,
Reported, with an Amendment [Provisional Order confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
Standing Orders
Resolutions reported from the Select Committee:
1. "That, in the case of the Manchester Corporation (General Powers) Bill [ Lords ], Petition for dispensing with Standing Order 128 in the case of the Petition of ' the Trustees of the Will of the late Sir Humphrey de Trafford, Baronet, against the Bill, the Standing Order ought to be dispensed with."
2. "That, in the case of the London and North-Western Railway (Holyhead Lords ], Petition for Bill, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with:—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill."
Resolutions agreed to.
Selection (Standing Committees)
Standing Committee C
reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee C: Sir Arthur Churchman.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Standing Committees (Chairmen's Panel)
reported from the Chairmen's Panel: That they had appointed Mr. Turton to act as Chairman of Standing Committee C (in respect of the Corn Production Acts (Repeal) Bill); and Sir Watson Rutherford to act as Chairman of Standing Committee D (in respect of the Representation of the People (No. 2) Bill).
Report to lie upon the Table.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,—
Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 3) Bill,
British Dyestuffs Corporation (Railways Transfer) Bill, without Amendment.
Middlesex County Council (General Powers) Bill,
Cardiff Gas Bill, with Amendments. Amendments to—
Tendring Hundred Water and Gas Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, " An Act to increase the number of councillors and aldermen of the county borough of West Ham and to alter the wards of the borough; and for other purposes." [West Ham Corporation Bill [ Lords ]. '
WEST HAM CORPORATION BILL [ LORDS ].
Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Orders of the Day
Railways Bill (Allocation of Time)
I beg to move,
"That the following provisions have effect with relation to the Committee stage, Report stage, and Third Beading of the Railways Bill: —
Committee Stage
Part III (excluding Clauses 52 and 53, but including the Schedules in Part III referred to, namely, Schedules 4 to 6, and any new Clauses dealing with the subject matter of Part III) shall be allocated by Mr. Speaker to such Standing Committee, other than Standing Committee B, as Mr. Speaker may determine, and such Part of the Bill shall be considered by the Standing Committee to which Mr. Speaker so allocates it as if such Part had been a separate Bill which, after committal by the House, had been so allocated.
TABLE. Allotted Day Proceedings. Time for Proceedings to be brought to a conclusion. P.M. First … … New Clauses 7.30 Part I 10.30 Second … … Part II 7.30 Part III 10.30 Third … … Remainder of Bill and Schedules, and any other matter necessary to bring the Report Stage to a conclusion 7.30 Third Reading 11.0
After this Order comes into operation any day shall be considered an allotted day for the purposes of this Order on which the Bill is put down as the first Order of the Day and then proceeded with.
For the purpose of bringing to a conclusion any proceedings which are to be brought to a conclusion on an allotted day and have not previously been brought to a conclusion, Mr. Speaker shall, at the time appointed under this Order for the conclusion of those proceedings, put forthwith the Question on any new Clause, Amendment, or Motion already proposed from the Chair, and shall next proceed successively to put forthwith the Question on any new Clauses, Amendments, or new Schedules moved by the Government of which notice has been given, but on no other new Clauses, Amendments, or new Schedules, and on any Question necessary to dispose of the business to be concluded, and in the case of Government new Clauses, Amendments, or new Schedules, he shall put only the Question that the Amendment be made or that the Clause or Schedule be added to the Bill, as the case may be.
The Question on a Motion made by the Government to leave out any Clause or
The remaining provisions of the Bill shall continue allocated to Standing Committee B.
Notwithstanding anything in any Standing Order of the House, Standing Order 27A, relating to the power of the Chair to select Amendments, shall apply with respect to proceedings in each Standing Committee to which any provisions of the Bill are so allocated.
When the provisions allocated to Standing Committee B and the provisions allocated to such other Standing Committee as aforesaid have been reported to the House the Report stage of the Bill shall be proceeded with as if the Bill had been reported to the House as a whole.
Report Stage and Third Reading
Three allotted days shall be given to the Report stage and Third Reading, and the proceedings on each of those allotted days shall be those shown in the second column of the following Table; and those proceedings, if not previously brought to a conclusion, shall be brought to a conclusion at the times shown in the third column of that Schedule.
Clauses of the Bill shall be forthwith put by Mr. Speaker after a brief explanatory statement from the Minister in charge and from any one Member who opposes the Motion.
On any day on which any proceedings are to be brought to a conclusion under this Order proceedings for the purpose shall not be interrupted under the provisions of any Standing Order relating to the Sittings of the House.
Any Private Business which is set down for consideration at 8.15 p.m. and any Motion for Adjournment under Standing Order No. 10 on an allotted day shall, on that day, instead of being taken as provided by the Standing Orders, be taken at the conclusion of the proceedings on the Bill or under this Order for that day, and any Private Business or Motion for Adjournment so taken may be proceeded with, though opposed, notwithstanding any Standing Order relating to the Sittings of the House.
On an allotted day no dilatory Motion on the Bill, nor Motion to re-commit the Bill, nor Motion to postpone a Clause, shall be received unless moved by the Government, and the Question on such Motion, if moved by the Government, shall be put forthwith without any Debate.
Nothing in this Order shall—
4.0 P.M.
By the Motion which I have placed upon the Paper on behalf of His Majesty's Government, I am asking the House to take a serious decision, but it is not so entirely unprecedented or so novel as the first Amendment which I see upon the Notice Paper—to leave out all the words after the word "That" ["That the, following provisions"] and to insert instead thereof the words
"this House declines to establish new precedents whereby measures referred to a Standing Committee may be divided while under discussion by that Committee so as to avoid discussion by Members who have been considering the details of such measures, and whereby Chairmen of Standing Committees are empowered to select Amendments; and further declines to allocate the time to be allotted to the Consideration on Report of a Bill referred to a Standing Committee until that Bill has been reported to the House "—
would lead people to believe. I would ask the House, in the first place, to consider the point of the Session at which we have arrived and the amount of work that remains for us to do. I do not dwell now, for I spoke quite recently, upon the inexpediency in the public interest of having another Autumn Session. I would just venture to recall that yesterday Members on all sides of the House were criticising the Government, as I recognise not without fair cause, for producing legislation or legislative projects without sufficient consideration. If you are to continue year in and year out the Sittings of Parliament for ten months in the year, your Governments never will have time for the proper consideration and preparation of their legislative proposals.
We are already in the month of July, and between now and the 12th August, which was the date which I took for my purposes a week or two ago, there are 28 Parliamentary days. The House must consider the work that has to be done. There are five allotted days of Supply and an extra day which I have promised, making six; there is the Safeguarding of Industries Bill, which will take six days; for the Corn Production Acts (Repeal) Bill, Report and Third Reading, I allow three days; for the Railways Bill, Report and Third Reading, three days—
Oh, no!
Well, that is my programme. I am showing what time there is and what work there is to come into it. Let us take the minimum time provided in the Resolution which I am moving, namely, three days. For the Finance Bill, Report and Third Reading, two days; for the War Pensions Bill, Second Reading, Report and Third Reading, and for the Consolidated Fund Bill, two days each; for the Church of Scotland Bill, Report and Third Reading, the Government of Burma Bill, Second Reading, Report and Third Reading, the Representation of People (No. 2) Bill, Report and Third Reading, the Water Undertakings (Modification of Charges) Bill, Second Reading, Report and Third Reading, and the Overseas Trade (Credits and Insurance) Amendment Bill, Third Reading, four days. That exhausts the 28 days available between now and 12th August. Extra time, of course, will be required for other Measures: for a Licensing Bill, if one results from the deliberations of the Conference which recently sat, for Bills coming from the House of Lords, and for the Lords Amendments to important Government Measures. The House, therefore, will see that the time available for the business before us must be carefully husbanded if we are to have any chance of avoiding either a Session which lasts continuously right into September and perhaps through September, or re-assembling in the autumn after a brief summer adjournment. It is under those circumstances that I find it my duty to propose to the House measures for expediting the consideration of the Railways Bill. I have heard it suggested that the Railways Bill should be dropped and that the cargo of the Parliamentary vessel should be lightened in that way. I have heard it suggested that, if the whole Bill cannot be dropped, a large portion of it should be dropped—
Carry it over.
If my hon. Friend will permit me to finish my sentence, I think he will find that I am covering the ground to which he is anxious to draw my attention. It is suggested that a large portion of the Bill should be dropped on the understanding that the consideration of that portion should be resumed next Session. Sufficient unto next Session is the business thereof. We have a very large and a very difficult problem as the principal Measure for next Session, namely, the Reform of the Second Chamber, and, if this Session cannot complete its own business, we are doomed to fail next Session. Apart from that objection, it is only putting off the evil day, escaping from the difficulties of this moment in order to re-create them next year. This Bill is as necessary to the railway interests as it is to the traders' interests; it is as necessary to the trading interests as it is to the railways; and, being necessary to both, it is vital to the community as a whole. It is all very well for one of the two interests affected to say, "Give us that part of the Bill on which our hearts are set, and you may postpone the rest." That does not relieve you of opposition, that does not facilitate the passage of the Bill, and it really is not practical politics. If the sum which has been agreed between the railway companies and the Government as satisfaction for the outstanding claims of the railway companies against the Government be not paid, the railway companies will be defaulting in the payment of their dividends, and, if that happens, I need not dwell, in this House of men of wide business and financial experience, upon the disaster which it will mean for the credit of the City of London and the whole commercial situation of the country. It will be a disaster of the first magnitude, but more than that, if you do not settle now what the future of the railways is to be, no railway company can raise fresh capital for development, the provision of further methods of transport will be wholly suspended, all development will be arrested, and the interests of the whole community will consequentially suffer. It may be suggested that that could be avoided by completing the bargain with the railway companies in regard to the payment of this money and postponing all the rest of the Bill. I can quite conceive that the railway companies would be ready to make a bargain of that kind, but I have not been led to suppose that the Government would smooth the passage of the Bill with the great trading interests of this country if they parted with this money to the railway companies without taking any security in any shape or form for the proper arrangement of the rates to be borne by traffic or the economic working of the railways, which is as vital an interest to the traders of the country as it is to the shareholders of the railway companies.
Then I submit it is not practical policy to take a fragment of the Bill and pass it, and to suspend the operation of the rest. I submit to the House that will not facilitate the progress of the Measure, but will only land us into new difficulties and into a position much less defensible than that in which we stand when we present a complete scheme to the House. If this Bill does not pass, not only will certain of the railway companies and very considerable railway interests be unable to pay their dividends and be brought to the verge of bankruptcy, if not to bankruptcy; not only will no new development be possible until Parliament has reached its decision as to the ultimate fixing of the conditions governing railways, but there will be no provision to secure economy in the working of the railways, no means of bringing the present high rates down as to costs of working, and the arrangement embodied in the Bill by the joint wish of the employers and of the Railway Union will be jettisoned. I submit that whatever other contingency may take place, whatever other decision is open to us, it is not possible, in the interests of any of the parties concerned or in the interests of financial security and commercial stability, to allow this question, having proceeded so far, to be interrupted at this point, and the future of the railways left in doubt for another Session. If that be so, we must take some steps to expedite its progress. The Bill has not merely to pass this House, it has to pass another House as well, and it must reach them in time for them to be able to give it reasonable consideration, and for us to give reasonable consideration to such Amendments as they may put into the Bill as it leaves us. These are the considerations which have led the Government to formulate the proposal contained in the Resolution which I moved. I observe several hon. Members have put down an Amendment declining to concur in the Resolution on the ground that it will
What about the other point?
Let me take my points in order. I shall endeavour to state the facts quite frankly and fully to the House. Let me take this point first. There is no exact precedent, but there is a precedent which, in principle, is exactly the same. There is the precedent of the National Health Insurance Act in 1911. The only difference is, that the discussion of the Bill in Committee was commenced on the Floor of this House. After it had been under discussion for a time on the Floor of this House, half the Bill was referred to a Grand Committee. Accordingly the difference between that precedent and the present Motion is the difference between dividing a Bill between two Grand Committees and dividing a Bill between a Committee of the whole House and a Grand Committee. That is the whole difference.
Hear, hear!
If my Noble Friend sees a point of principle in that, his mind works on finer lines than I can bring mine to follow. I submit the principle is exactly the same. A Committee of the whole House begins the discussion of a Bill. The Committee finds it impossible to conclude the discussion within the time which is open to it, and thereupon, in 1911, the House decides that the Bill shall be divided, that portion of it shall continue to be considered by the Committee which has hitherto dealt with it, and that the other portion shall be sent to a Grand Committee set up for the purpose.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he voted in support of that?
I will deal with that later. I am not afraid of my right hon. Friend's challenge. He knows the answer, and he does not ask for information. I know the answer, and I will deal with it. Let us, first of all, recognise what is the extent of the new precedent created by this proposal. The whole extent of the new precedent is that the Bill in this case is divided between two Grand Committees, instead of between a. Committee of the whole House and a Grand Committee. I should have thought if there were any difference in expediency between those two arrangements, it was a stronger order to take half of a Bill, on the discussion of which a Committee of the whole House had entered, away from the Committee of the whole House and give it to a grand Committee, than to take half a Bill on the discussion of which a Grand Committee had entered, and give it to another Grand Committee.
My hon. Friend the Member for Twickenham (Sir W. Joynson-Hicks) was afraid I was going to omit the second count in the indictment, namely, that a new precedent was created by giving power to the Chairman of the Grand Committee to select Amendments. If he will look into the precedent of 1911, he will see that such power was then given to the Grand Committee which dealt with a part of the National Health Insurance Act. There is no novelty in this, and may I say—and shall I not carry the House with me in saying it—that of all the forms of closure or of Guillotine, or, to put it in a more-general way, of all the methods of restricting Debates which the wit of this House has hitherto devised, the least blind, the most sensible, the most considerate and the most intelligent is the Kangaroo Closure, which vests discretion in the Chair, to select the Amendments of the greatest consequence.
Hear, hear!
What are the great objections to the ordinary Guillotine or Closure? They are that in each case the limit of Debate is set on a Motion of the Government of the day, reinforced by the majority at their back, and in each case the axe falls more or less blindly. I repeat, and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley is entitled to all the satisfaction he feels at having been the author of that particular form of restriction on Debate, that it is the least open to objection, and the most intelligent that has yet been devised.
With these observations, I come to the question of whether there is any alternative which can be suggested to the present proposal and that brings me to the challenge which my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) has issued to me. I voted and I spoke against the Motion on the National Health Insurance Bill. My right hon. Friend if he so wishes, may do what I will not do, and read to the House the observations which I made on that occasion.
My right hon. Friend may read my observations too.
Please do not.
Happily, we are not compelled to have reciprocity in these matters. I would rather read the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) on the same occasion. I quoted it the other day when, to my great regret, he was absent through illness. I think I may recall that quotation to the House to-day. After all, though we are considering in this Resolution, in its relation to the railways, a very great and important issue, there is an even larger issue which lies behind it. It is the adequacy of Parliament to carry on the government of the country under modern conditions. I, personally, as many of my hon. Friends know, am convinced that before long this House and this Parliament will be forced by pressure of circumstances to devolve a large part of its work upon local assemblies in Great Britain, but we have not done that, and before we can do that public opinion has got to be educated and matured. In the meantime, this Parliament rests charged, not merely with the control of the Executive in all its fields of activity, but with the whole duty of legislation, and if this Parliament can- not discharge those functions, then I venture to say that it will be an evil day for Parliamentary institutions in that country which first led the way in their development and growth, and has achieved the greatest success with them. If Parliament cannot do its work it plays straight into the hands of anti-Parliamentary and revolutionary bodies, and we must find some method by which, with a reasonable consideration for the importance of the business that we have to do, and of the great and diverse interests which are affected by it, that business may be done, and the country may not be held up simply because Parliament is choked by its own interest in the work which comes before it.
I hope some day Parliament will, with general good will, take up a proposition to which I have more than once alluded in this House, and outside as well, and in which I have a hereditary interest, because it was my relative and predecessor in West Birmingham who, as far back as 1901, proposed that this House should establish a Committee of Rules to which the Member in charge of any Bill might refer the Bill, and that that Committee of Rules should have power to fix the time to be allocated to it. If that could be arranged, you might establish a Committee independent of party, not working on party lines, like the Committee of Selection or the Committee of Public Accounts, independent of the Government, which would build up a body of Parliamentary practice and take away from the Government, and from each Government in turn, and from every Motion of this kind, the odium that it is the promoters of the Bill who fix the time which the House shall have to discuss it; but until we free ourselves from part of our work by devolution, or until we make some drastic change of that kind in our rules, I have to come back to the conclusion expressed by my right hon. Friend the Member for Paisley when he was moving a similar Motion, and I recall it to the House because I could not state it in more admirable or more concise language. He said:
Not for the first time since this Parliament began, I rise to do what I can to protest against the attempt, perhaps the successful attempt, of the Executive to take away more of the powers and rights of the House of Commons, and I most gladly and gratefully acknowledge, in that task which has every now and then fallen to me, a support which has not been by any means confined to this side of the House, a support which has been as vigorous and as disinterested on the other side of the House as on the part of any colleagues of mine or of the Labour party on this side, and as much in the interests of the high responsibility of Parliament and the nation. In what I have to say I want to appeal, not in any partisan spirit at all, but to that sound instinct which is always in this House to look beyond the immediate Measure with which we are dealing to the far wider and deeper question of the responsibility and the future of Parliament. I take the ground of my right hon. Friend's conclusion on that point. He said the dignity and efficiency of Parliament would suffer unless some such Measure as he proposes to take today were adopted by the House, but I say that the way to lower the dignity and in the end to decrease and depress the efficiency of this House is by such proposals as these.
Let me deal first of all with the question of the precedent which the right hon. Gentleman quoted. As far as that is concerned, there is an older precedent still, for there is a Standing Order of the House, No. 46, which plainly contemplates in express terms the relegation of parts of a Bill upstairs while the rest of the Bill is being dealt with in Committee downstairs. The reason that that has not been utilised is, that as the Standing Order remains at present, if we have got a Bill upstairs, there is no express machinery for getting it downstairs, and what the Executive has done from time to time is to lay a proposal before Parliament dealing with the matter. I am granting that, but what was done in 1911 was in precise accord with the spirit of Standing Order 46, and I want to keep myself entirely to the precedent and the established practice of the House. I forget when Standing Order 46 was placed among the Standing Orders of the House, but it was a good many years before then. What happened there? The part of the Bill which was sent upstairs, the unemployment part of it, was a distinct and separate proposal. In fact, I have no doubt the right and proper way was to have brought that in as a separate Bill, as there were quite different interests involved dealing with the great question of industry and unemployment; and that precedent, taking that fact alone, clearly differentiates it from the present proposal.
What is the present proposal? I think that only the Members who have been sitting upstairs in Committee on this Bill fully realise the seriousness of the proposition of the Government to-day. I have been in the Committee as often as I could—perhaps not very often—but at any rate, as often as I could. If ever there was a Bill which is a living whole, it is this Bill. My right hon. Friend talks as if this question of Part III is a matter which could be lifted out, like the Unemployment Part to which I have referred, and sent to another Committee, to be dealt with from an entirely different angle, representing totally different interests, and having been dealt with by that Committee, brought here again and on the Report stage fitted into the mosaic of the Bill. Never was a more inaccurate comparison made.
I would only give him one instance. If hon. Members will look at the Order they will see that in Part III which it is proposed to send to another Committee, there are two Clauses lifted right out, Clauses 52 and 53. These are retained to be dealt with by Standing Committee B. These Clauses are peculiarly germane to the questions discussed, because they deal with the Adjustment of Powers of Charging to Revenue, and—I am reading the side titles—Periodical Review of Standard Charges and Exceptional Rates. There is the proof on the face of it, that to make this proposed legislative surgical operation is to damage the whole body and entity of the Bill. The admission is perfectly clear. I do not think there is any need to argue it, or that the precedent of the right hon. Gentleman does not apply at all to this proposal.
Let us see where we are in regard to one or two other points, not only of Parliamentary importance, but of special application to this Bill. It is proposed to set up a new Committee. Obviously, that Committee must be composed of Members other than those sitting on Standing Committee B. At the same time, if you are going to do your duty at all in this House to your constituents, you must stick to the job you have started, and that is already sufficiently arduous. Over and over again in the discussions which have already taken place in the Committee in regard to grouping, setting up the tribunals, and so on, every quarter of an hour or twenty minutes in comes the question of rates. Where are you going to get another 70 or 85 Members.
Sixty-five.
Well, put it as 65— who have had occasion to follow what has already been done, and who will have, therefore, to start afresh? I am going to pursue this point a little longer. Who is going to be responsible for this part of the proceedings? My right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport? If so, he is the right man to do it, because on him devolves the ministerial responsi- bility, and also he has the very exceptional knowledge and familiarity with the whole question, for which the Committee is at all times very grateful, and which hon. Members thoroughly appreciate. He is the man to be there? Agreed! He is the right man to answer serious questions—and these questions are really very serious. There is scarcely a Member of this House whose postbag every day does not contain some letter from his constituents or responsible bodies of traders in this country who want to know where they come in in this Bill. They have heard or read the arguments about the grouping of the railways, about the interests of the shareholders, about the powers of the directors, but the interests of the country are dominently centred upon what? the ordinary citizen who has to pay! Is my right hon. Friend going to leave Committee B and go to Committee A or Committee C wherever it may be? He cannot divide his time between two Committees. The idea is ridiculous. Just fancy my right hon. Friend, like a busy Parliamentary silk, running from one Committee to another to answer questions which he alone can decide. The thing is fantastic nonsense. It really is—I do not hesitate to use the word—an affront to the common sense and responsibility of this House, and in an important Bill of this kind, too! Take my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary. He does his best. He is very courteous and renders all the assistance he can. But you must have a responsible man for the important parts of the Bill. Then are the Committees going to sit together at the same time? That is the only way under this scheme in which the thing can be done. It is quite clear that it involves, intentionally or not—I do not think it can be with intention—a further attack upon the control of this House, and on the Bills that come before it.
There is another point in connection with that. What about the opposition in the House, and in various quarters of the House, to the Bill. Let me take first of all the formal and regular opposition which is seated on these Benches. The Labour party and ourselves number, I suppose, round about 95, all very hard pressed with legislative duties of one kind or another. There must be on this new Committee which is to be set up adequate representation of this Opposition. If it is suggested that you are going to take more men from these Benches, then I say, without the slightest hesitation, that they cannot be spared from their Parliamentary duties and on Committee B. The public perhaps imagine that the legislative work and duty of the Opposition is confined to the Debates in this House, but the proportion of work that must be undergone by all those who take their duties seriously is a very heavy burden. If this Bill goes through, those Members who endeavour to do their duty upstairs while the House is sitting will find that the opposition will be wiped out for the rest of the Session.
It will wipe out the House of Commons, too!
I am dealing only with what is called the regular opposition now, on whom falls many duties under very difficult circumstances, and these they have endeavoured to discharge properly. Let me turn to what may be termed the unofficial opposition, the Members of which take their duties quite seriously, who sit upon the Committees for which they are selected, and work hard, take their part at Question time, and in the general Debates of the House. They perform most valuable functions. I also suggest that it is not well to underestimate the subtle feeling in the House that links up one Member with another, no matter to what party he belongs, and whether or not they nominally support the Government or oppose it. That feeling is one of the most valuable to any Executive. It is suggested that the Members will be able to attend the new Committee and link up that work with their responsibilities to the House? They cannot do it. Otherwise these benches must and will be empty of the men who render most valuable contributions to the Debates, and do their duty not only in the matter of legislation, but by watching closely what is of much more importance in these days, the administration of the Executive. These are questions, some of them, which emerge in this most serious proposal, subversive, as I believe it to be, of the authority and efficiency of Parliament as a whole. Is the House going to submit to it? What is the reason for it? The reason which is urged is that we have got to rise somewhere about the 12th of August.
The hope is that we may get away by the end of August.
I am quite sure of this, at any rate—and I think I speak for the House as a whole—that while we all value our holidays, and feel very much the sacrifices, domestic and otherwise, which we are compelled to make now, that in any such proposal as that now before the House, hon. Members would sacrifice very gladly their holidays rather than strike a serious and damaging blow at the House of Commons. My right hon. Friend has already described to us in some detail the various aspects of the Bill. There is scarcely one Clause which does not require the most careful examination. I do not want to be unfair or unjust in my criticism of hon. Members of this House, but it is true of all parties that the main work in this House of Commons falls on a comparatively small minority. It is on this minority that this further burden is to fall, but there will be the Committees upstairs and the work downstairs.
5.0 P.M.
Let me add this: The work of the House of Commons is not a job that can be learnt in a day. The House of Commons yields her influence and her secrets to those who seek them, and seek them sedulously and closely amid the sacrifice of much personal convenience. One of the greatest assets in this House is not the men on the Front Benches at all: that is profoundly true. They are the men who, day in and day out, perform, unknown and unrecognised, hard and arduous duties. These are the men who ought to be considered in all these proposals; but this is a proposal which strikes a blow at the efficiency of the working machine of Parliament— I do not hesitate to say so—and if this power, which the Executive seek, of dividing a Bill which is a living whole between two Committees, is given to it you will devise a weapon which many of those who are listening to me to-day will yet live to regret. I beg the House to put aside the appeals which the Leader of the House has made as to the urgency of this matter, to rise above that, and considerations of their own personal convenience, and to see to it that this most important Measure receives fair, equitable and considered discussion, and to see to it that we do not, as I believe we shall if we consent to this proposal, damage the heritage which has been handed down to us.
First of all, may I say that I understand that the reasoned Amendment standing in my name is out of Order, and, therefore, of course, I shall not attempt to move it? May I ask you, Sir, whether it would be possible at any stage before the final Question is put to take a Division upon the Motion, or whether we must wait until the Amendments have gone through before we can call a Division upon the Motion?
It is necessary to wait until the end to take a Division on the Motion as a whole. I understand that one of the most important points of objection to the Motion is the division of the Bill between the two Committees. That will be the point raised in the first Amendment I shall call.
My right hon. Friend, in proposing his Motion, said that no new precedent was being established. I maintain this is a new precedent, because, as the right hon. Gentle man the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) has said, Standing Order 46 provides only that when the Second Reading of a Bill has been taken is it possible to send part of the Bill upstairs and to keep part of it down here. That is what was done in 1911, only it was done then after the Bill had been under discussion in Committee for a number of days. Therefore, I maintain that is not a precedent for this proceeding. But if it were a precedent, let me point out that if we had many more of these precedents the House of Commons might just as well go home and never come here at all. It is because I do not want to create more of these precedents that I am so strongly opposed to the Motion on the Paper. What were the arguments of the Leader of the House? One of his arguments was that he did not want an Autumn Session. I do not know that I want an Autumn Session, but if it is absolutely necessary in order that legislation may be properly undertaken, I am prepared to sacrifice my own personal convenience in order to see that legislation is carried through in a proper manner. We may be saving time by doing that, because there will not be much danger of the Government, having forced legislation through in a great hurry on the ground that it is absolutely neces- sary, finding out in six months' time that they were perfectly wrong, and taking up considerable time in undoing what they did only a few months previously.
What else does he say? He says, "Sufficient for next Session is the business thereof," and then he tells us there is going to be a reform of the House of Lords, and I think he said a Licensing Bill—[HON. MEMBERS: "This Session!"] —and such a large number of other things that I was almost afraid to listen. What will happen next Session? The very same thing. We shall be told, "We do not want an Autumn Session, but we have got all these Bills, which must be passed, and in order to pass them, we must take drastic measures." We are only creating a precedent for the Government to come down and say, "In our opinion such things ought to be done. Never mind what you think in the House of Commons; never mind what private Members opposite or private Members on this side think; we, the great people who sit on this Bench, think it ought to be done, and it is enough for you to register our decrees." I believe that in the days of Queen Elizabeth some question was raised in the then House of Commons, and the Queen made objection to what was going on. As far as my recollection goes, someone from the House of Commons attended to inform Her Gracious Majesty that the House of Commons thought they ought to discuss those things, and the Queen said, "It is not for you to discuss. It is for you to say Aye or Nay." That is what the Government wants. We are not to discuss. I think we may be allowed to divide.
Not always; not under the Guillotine.
I am afraid I cannot keep up with the extraordinary Motions on Procedure which have been made by the Government, but I thought the power to divide was left to us. The Leader of the House brings forward the excuse brought forward in 1911, that this is a very necessary Bill. Is it? Let me read to my right hon. Friend a statement from the "Railway Gazette" of 13th June, made by the secretary to the Railway Shareholders' Protection Association, who more or less represents the railway shareholders. I forget the exact number of railway shareholders who belong to it, but it is the only association representing their interests. An hon. Member near me says 250,000. This is what the secretary to the association wrote:
It goes on in exactly the same way all through, and I venture to say I have shown that the Railway Shareholders' Association do not take the same view of the necessity for the Bill as my right hon. Friend. Next I come to the statement made by the North Eastern Railway Company to their shareholders. I will read three or four lines of it: I have sent through the proper channels, the Patronage Secretary of the Treasury, a short Bill of 12 Clauses. The Clauses dealing with labour have not been put in, but there is nothing to prevent them being put in and discussed. They only number five in the present Bill, and if they were added they would only make 17 Clauses. With regard to the question of dividing the Bill into two, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Peebles has said, in 1911 a Bill was divided, but the part that was sent upstairs was totally different from the part retained in this House. It had nothing whatever to do with it, and the Committee upstairs could consider the question of unemployment insurance without in any way injuring the consideration of the other part in this House, which part dealt with health insurance. The proposal now is to take away 40 Clauses dealing with rates. I venture to say the whole Bill turns upon rates. How on earth are the companies to carry on their business, with a moderate remuneration to the shareholders, unless they know what the rates are going to be, and unless those rates are fixed in a certain proportion? I do not want to enter into an argument as to what the rates should be. I have always said that I think they are high enough, but the whole thing depends upon that, and how can we decide what is to be done in the other Clauses with regard to control by the various tribunals and by the new Ministry, or whether or not we should support those things when we do not know what is-going on about the rates? I think I am right in saying that the average attendance in the House of Commons is rarely more than 300. Now you are going to take 130 Members and put them on two Committees, and that only leaves 170 Members. The Committees are going to sit until 6 o'clock while the House is sitting. Under these circumstances, at the outside, there will not be more than 100 Members sitting in this House. Under these conditions what is to happen to the supremacy of Parliament, and how are we to do our duty to our constituencies? On this point I will quote from a speech by the Lord President of the Council. He made a very excellent speech on this subject on the 25th October, 1911, in which he said: ment. Big Debates ensued upon it, and momentous decisions were taken. All old Members of the House will agree that I am not misrepresenting when I make that statement. How on earth can the Deputy-Speaker or Mr. Speaker, when there are a large number of Amendments down on the Paper, tell how important they are. It is beyond the power of any human being, without any explanation from the persons moving the Amendments, to tell whether they are really important or not.
How many Amendments are down to Part III of this Bill? I have only got about 56 down in my own name, but my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Durham (Major Hills) has got 160 Amendments, and he informs me that there are more to come. How is it possible that any man, I do not care who he is, can exercise a proper and correct judgment upon such a vast number of Amendments? I agree that the Deputy-Speaker and Mr. Speaker have not only the confidence of this House, but they have had vast experience in this matter. I do not want to say a word against the Chairmen of Standing Committees, but it must be remembered that it is very difficult to find Members who have had the necessary experience in this House who will serve as Chairmen of Grand Committees. In a very serious situation like this one must not blink facts, and it is an open secret that owing to lack of experience every Chairman of Standing Committees in the last three or four years has not been a success. In fairness to these hon. Gentleman how can you put upon them a task of that sort? It is sure to make hon. Members feel that they have been badly treated. It is sure to create suspicion and distrust and what is more important it is absolutely certain to eliminate many important matters which will not be discussed because the Chairman will not have been able to ascertain what the Amendments mean. I will conclude my remarks by making an earnest appeal to Members of the House of Commons. I ask them to disregard any question of whether it is a Railways Bill or Canals Bill or any other kind of Bill, and I want simply to keep before them what are the rights and privileges of the House of Commons which they were returned to maintain, and I ask them not to carry out the behests of any Government or any Minister, however powerful, in this way.
I confess I have been thoroughly enjoying myself. I have not had such an exhilarating Parliamentary experience since I have been in the House. There is a saying in the Scriptures, "Let him who is without sin cast the first stone." Stones have been cast in great profusion and with much assiduity, and, I believe, with considerable effect, in the course of this Debate. What Has happened? I have listened to nothing with more pleasure than the speech of my right hon. Friend in defence of the kangaroo Closure—that animal which, fortunately or unfortunately, I was the first to introduce into the Parliamentary menagerie. When it was introduced it was denounced by no one with more vehemence than by my right hon. Friend, and now it is propagating and is being advocated by him as a very necessary instrument of Parliamentary efficiency this afternoon. I am absolutely unrepentant in this matter of the Guillotine. I have said over and over again, in the years when I was responsible for the conduct of the business of the House, that we should not be able to carry on the complicated Parliamentary machine unless we adopted in some form or other the time-table system. It is a necessary incidence of Parliamentary life. I have always said that it would be much better that the responsibility for the allocation of time in all these matters should not rest with the Government of the day, but with a representative Committee of the House itself. It should be done by agreement, and not be the actual volition of the Executive of the day. I have tried over and over again in days gone by to establish some such tribunal, but I have never been able in that to secure the general acceptance of the House. Still, I am strongly of opinion that the Closure and Guillotine are necessary instruments of Parliamentary procedure if this House is to be a really efficient legislative body.
I cannot for a moment give assent to the proposal now before the House. My right hon. Friend has quoted the procedure adopted on the National Health Insurance Bill in 1911. But let me point out that that Bill had been discussed in Committee here on the Floor of the House for, I think, 16 days—at any rate, for a very considerable time — before the Government made any proposal at all for the Closure or the Guillotine. What was then done was to send upstairs to a Standing Committee a part of the Bill which was absolutely separate in substance and in intention, and, what is more important, in the kind of expert knowledge required for its discussion. It was an absolutely separate part of the Bill. I remember well that we put in charge of the conduct of that part of the Bill in the Committee upstairs, not the Departmental Minister, but Sir John Simon, the Attorney-General, who had a complete knowledge of that particular aspect of the matter, so that there was no Parliamentary inconvenience. What is more, in those days the Standing Committees did not sit simultaneously with the House, and there was nothing to prevent Members taking part in the discussions upstairs in the earlier part of the day and then giving the whole of the regular time on the Floor of the House to the discussion of the main provisions. You are proposing now to do a thing which has never been done before. You are proposing to set up upstairs two Committees to sit concurrently with one another and concurrently with the House as well, two Committees which must be composed of different sets of Members, which must have different Chairmen, and which must also have the guidance of two separate Ministers, for it will be quite impossible for the Minister of Transport to attend two Committees at once.
With regard to the Bill itself I venture to say it is quite impossible to disentangle and separate any one part from the other. Take the provision with regard to rates, which is the part, I understand, to be sent to the second Committee, although they are, as anybody knows, intimately associated with the rest of the Measure. Indeed, it is impossible to dissociate them from the consideration of Part III of the Bill. The whole thing is interlocked, and I do not see how it is possible to hand over this part to Members who have not taken any part in the discussions which have hitherto gone on in regard to the earlier portion of the Bill. I do not see how thus it is possible to bring a really intelligent judgment to bear on this succeeding part, the provisions of which are interdependent on the general provisions of the Bill as a whole. What is more, it is an unbusinesslike procedure likely to bring the discussions on the Bill into disrepute and to deprive the con- clusions arrived at of any Parliamentary prestige or authority. I am absolutely unrepentant as regards the necessity of having a time table in these cases, but I cannot imagine a method which is more likely to bring that procedure into permanent discredit than what is now proposed by the Government. Let us have a Bill of this complexity and difficulty discussed in a businesslike way. Above all, do not let us have two Committees sitting concurrently on it and the House sitting at the same time. I would venture to suggest to the Government, not in any spirit of hostility to the Bill, that if they want to give us a Measure which will not have to be remodelled and perhaps repealed within a measurable distance of time not to resort to this novel procedure. I am asked what alternative I suggest. No doubt the whole position is conditioned by the desire to avoid an Autumn Session. There would be no difficulty whatever, if time were at the disposal of the Committee in getting the Bill through in a businesslike way, but this supposed imperious necessity of bringing the Session to a conclusion in August, and of not sitting in October and November, which is a much more convenient time, is what is driving the Government to propose a wholly undesirable and most disastrous arrangement.
The right hon. Gentleman has made a suggestion that we should postpone this Bill till the Autumn Session. About that I will have a word to say in a minute. Before I come to it I want to-deal with what I think is the real objection he felt to this Motion. The right hon. Gentleman has told us that he is an un-repentent adherent to the guillotine and that he deems it to be a necessary part of our Parliamentary procedure. In this particular case he does not think it right to split the Bill into two parts and to separate that dealing with rates from the rest of the Measure. I hold the view that it can be shown that the rating part of the Bill is self-contained and so much self-contained that it really could be a separate Bill except for the two Clauses-mentioned in the Motion. Therefore that objection falls to the ground, and I appeal specially to him, knowing his great knowledge of railway law, to bear me out in this, that previous Acts on rating have been separate Acts. I need only refer to-the Act of 1888, which the right hon. Gentleman knows very well, or to the Act of 1894, which was passed by a Government of which he was a Member. In all those Acts rating was not considered a part of the question of general management. It was dealt with in separate Bills entirely, and the whole point is, are the rating Clauses here so separate from the rest of the Bill that they can be dealt with separately? On that, of course, each Member will form his own opinion, as no doubt the right hon. Gentleman has formed his after a study of the Bill. But as far as I can see, the two parts are so separate that they could be dealt with separately and might well be sent to separate Committees without damage to the integrity of the Bill as a whole. I look at this, not from the point of view of 1911 or 1912—and like the right hon. Gentleman I have enormously enjoyed the speeches which have been quoted across the Floor of the House. I try to look at the question as I see things at present. I see that the Bill is very largely approved by hon. Members who speak in what is called the public interest. They at any rate are largely satisfied with it.
Quite right.
Yes, on the whole this Bill does so satisfy Members who speak in what they consider to be the public interest that they have given a large measure of assent to it in Committee. Then on the whole the traders approve the Bill, and so too do the railways. There are some exceptions to the latter, but, on the whole, the railways would rather have the Bill than not. Therefore you have this position. You Have a Bill of 75 Clauses on which Committee B is now sitting, and in the five weeks during which it has sat it has discussed 11¼ Clauses and one Schedule. It will be obvious to the House that, if we go on as we are going, the whole of the Bill cannot get through. I start with those two points, upon which I think there is agreement—that there is a large measure of support for the Bill, and that the Bill, on the present procedure before one Committee, cannot get through. The next point that I want to make is that the Bill is in different parts, which hang together in the 6ense that certain parts are what the railways want, certain parts are what the Ministry wants in the public interest, and certain parts are what the traders want; and, although it can be divided for purposes of discussion, it is difficult to pass part of the Bill and leave another part unpassed. I am certain that there would be the strongest objection if the rating Clauses in Part III, which are relied upon for increased facilities and lower rates, were postponed, while the rest of the Bill, which gives certain advantages to the railways, was passed. The traders have made it perfectly clear, and have stated in quite unequivocal language, that they do not like the grouping of railways, but would rather have separate, independent lines that can compete against each other, and only consented to grouping on the ground that they got these rating Clauses. In the same way, the trade unions would much rather have nationalisation, but they accept the Bill, as they have said quite clearly and often, because it contains Part IV, which they value. And so one could go on throughout the Bill.
My third point, therefore, is that it is almost impossible to treat the Bill in parts. You must either pass the whole or drop the whole. My fourth point is that, at midnight on the 14th August, Government control of the railways comes to an end. From that date the guarantee ceases, and the companies, unless this Bill be passed, are thrown back on their individual position, with the extra powers of rating that they have been given. I think it is common knowledge that in a great many cases, if they do not get the financial assistance which this Bill gives them, and if they are not grouped with the stronger companies, it means ruin. It means absolute bankruptcy; it means default on their part. Many of the less financially strong companies would be in a very difficult position if they had to find their dividend for the second half of this year, unless they got their share of the £60,000,000 which this House has agreed to give to them. Here I want to make a point with regard to what was said by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley. In this case an Autumn Session is of no use, for you must do something before the 15th August. If you do not, all the evil will fall upon you. If you postpone the whole Bill until October, which, I suppose, is the earliest date, you will then have on your shoulders all the evil which will ensue if nothing is done before the 15th August. Therefore, it is not a solution to talk about an Autumn Session; it is of no use in this particular case.
In the course of our proceedings during the past 4½ weeks, several suggestions have been made in the Committee upstairs for expediting the business. First of all, the Committee were consulted as to whether the Bill should be split in two, and they said "No!" with some emphasis. Next, the Committee were asked to sit longer hours, and again they first of all said "No!" with some emphasis. The Minister, therefore, was in an almost impossible position. He tried to divide the Bill, and tried to get the existing Committee to spend more time on it, but in each case there was a refusal. If you regard the Bill as essential—and I certainly do—you have got to do something, and the only course that I can see is to pass the Bill in this way. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Peebles, although he objected very strongly on constitutional grounds, put forward no alternative. I could not gather that he had any suggestion to make. My right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London tells us that he has produced a Bill which would take the place of the Government Bill, and would pass in a very short time. I only want to say that I have not seen that Bill, and the House has not seen it, but! I shall be very much surprised if my right hon. Friend manages to satisfy the conflicting interests which any railway Bill must touch, and I am inclined to think that his Bill would only deal with one part of that complicated question.
The House has the alternatives before it—either to drop the Bill, to drop part of the Bill, or to pass something of the nature of this Resolution. I submit that you cannot drop the Bill, and you cannot drop a part of the Bill. You cannot drop Part III, because the traders would say that that was a breach of faith with them, and would oppose it strenuously. Certainly I should regard that as disastrous, for I do not want to see the old high rates remain on longer than they need, and until we have Part III we cannot deal with the rating question. It is not only a traders' question, but a very big public question. It is not only the trader that wants the rating Clauses. The railway companies also want them, because it is only when those Clauses start operating that rates can be adjusted to traffic, so that rates can be brought down which in many cases are far too high at present. Part IV cannot be dropped, because the Labour party would think that that was breaking faith with them. Parts V and VI are not very important, and would not appreciably lighten the Bill. Therefore, I do not think it is any use talking of dropping part of the Bill. I do not believe that any large section of this House would consent to pay the sum of £60,000,000 to the railway companies unless they got the grouping and amalgamation which they think right, and therefore, if part of the Bill be dropped, the whole must be dropped. I should certainly regard with great apprehension the dropping of the Bill, for I cannot conceal from myself the certainty that there would be a very unpleasant financial panic next August. Let the House realise what would happen. The preferred and guaranteed stocks of a railway company remain on what is called the trustee list because that company has paid dividends on its ordinary stock for a certain number of years. One default, and all those stocks come off the trustee list. A trustee is not allowed by law to hold unauthorised investments, and all those investments would be sold and changed, and a very unpleasant state of things would prevail.
I have, however, a much better argument than that. I do not see much sign of a revival in industry. I believe that transport questions stand at the root of that revival, and until we get this Bill settled, it is quite impossible to do anything with regard to that. I wish the House would realise the absolute chaos that results from one's not knowing what system Parliament is going to impose upon one. As soon as we know that the Bill, good or bad, has got to pass, the railways can set their house in order and turn their attention to their proper duty of carrying the public and the public's goods. Until we know that we cannot start. I confess that I should feel that I was acting with extraordinary levity if, in face of these enormous issues, I allowed even a precedent to stand in my way. I do not believe that trade can revive until the railways are properly at work, and I believe that that revival is a stonier and steeper road than many hon. Members think. I do not think that we can begin to tread it until we have put our house in order on the railways. If I can say anything to which the House will listen, I do beg of it to be very chary of rejecting a Bill which I believe stands at the base of our industrial reconstruction.
I merely intervene at this stage in order to put before the House the view of the Government as to the possibility of splitting the Bill, apart from Parliamentary procedure. I think the House will forgive me for not dealing with that. I will not repeat a great deal of what has been said by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Durham (Major Hills), but I agree generally with everything that he has said. The House will realise that he is not speaking for himself, but that he has been throughout the spokesman of the great majority of the railway companies. This Bill is believed to be necessary, as I see it, by the railways, by the traders—the great trading organisations representative of the traders—and by those who deal with the finances of the railways, and who have a right to have their voice heard also. I entirely agree with my hon. and gallant Friend, and for the reasons he has just given. If you postpone this Bill, and carry it into an Autumn Session, you will create a state of dislocation and uncertainty, indeed of financial chaos, in the midsummer of this year, and before the Bill can pass we shall have a very serious effect on the country, apart altogether from disorganising the railway system at the very time when the railways ought to be settling down to work, in view of the revival of trade and of the economies which we hope will come from the revised organisation. I think it would be a calamity to drop the Bill altogether, for the reasons which my hon. and gallant Friend has given, and I feel sure that hon. Members who speak for the great trading organisations will bear out what he has said.
6.0 P.M.
As to the possibility of dividing the Bill in the way we have suggested, I should like to put before the House exactly how we stand as regards procedure, and the progress we have made. The Bill provides, first of all, for the grouping of railways, and we have settled that in Committee. It provides for the dates and terms of grouping, and for a tribunal to settle the claims, either after agreement, or, failing agreement, compulsorily. That also we have settled. It provides for a payment which will wipe off all the outstanding liability of the State, for which we shall get a complete discharge, and which, incidentally, will enable the railways—because, although we may pay it under a liability on one head, there is no obligation on the railways to use the money in that way—to tide over a period which otherwise, without this assistance, might well be a period of industrial dislocation such as we have just gone through in the coal industry. That has been settled in Committee. Now we are dealing with another part of the Bill, which, as my hon. and gallant Friend has said, all hangs together. We are now dealing with the protection which the traders, the public and the community require in the absence of competition. The Committee is now dealing with that, and I think, from the progress we have been making to-day, we may finish that to-morrow. After we have done that, there is one other big principle to deal with and that is at what level the rates are to be fixed to produce a standard revenue. That is dealt with in Clause 52. If you take that out of Part III, the rest of Part III—I leave out Clause 54 for the moment, which it is proposed to put to another Committee — is entirely machinery for giving effect to what has already been done. If we knew a Mr. Smith, in whom we had complete confidence and who was going to live for all time, we could say to him: "That is the standard at which rates are to be fixed. We have complete confidence in you. Fix them, and we need never have any more legislation. "But we have not got a Mr. Smith. We have to lay down how a tribunal is to give effect to what is provided for in the other part of the Bill.
I have spent a good deal of my life in dealing with rates, and in my judgment, with great respect to the view of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), there is no reason why that Part, without Clauses 52 and 53, should not be dealt with and entirely separated, and that I say as an ex-railwayman. I say it after consultation with my own friends on the railways. I know the traders, who have been very closely into the matter right through the drafting of the Bates Provisions, think the same thing. In fact, very influential representative traders are on the Committee, and those who can speak with authority came to me and suggested that we should leave this portion, dealing with rates, which it is proposed to send to another Committee, to be dealt with under Provisional Order procedure next spring, so convinced were they that it could be dealt with separately. And the railways say, We think it is quite possible to deal with that under Provisional Order procedure next spring. It is not my proposal. It was coining from them as a way out of the difficulty. When the two great interests met, the trading interest, those who are going to pay the rates and the charging interest, those who are going to live by the rates, said, "This procedure is perfectly possible, but it is an integral part of the Bill and we cannot see the Bill passed without any machinery provided. It can be separated. If we could get an absolute guarantee from this Parliament that next spring they would deal with the matter, and that nothing should stand in the way and that there should be no change of mind, we could accept a separation." But we cannot get that guarantee, and it was for that reason that it was found impossible to get any agreement upon separating it and allowing it to come in in a subsequent Session. My right hon. Friend asks why should we not leave it open?
Is the Government so weak?
It is not a matter of the weakness of the Government. It is a matter of getting the Measure through as a whole integral Measure. If you take a part of it off and allow it to be dealt with otherwise, in a different Bill and in a different way, we all know under pressure of business how very difficult it is to get these things through. The traders say, "We are agreeing to grouping. We are agreeing to many things in this Bill, some of which we do not like, but we are prepared to take them with compensating advantages. This Rates Clause is one of the compensating advantages, and we want it all at once." I thought it was reasonable. I quote that to show that it is not only my opinion—and I speak with some rather special knowledge about railways. It is the opinion of the railways, and it is the opinion of the most representative traders we have, that this separation can quite well be made as long as you keep Clause 52 with the main Committee, and that is provided for in the Resolution.
Then Clause 53, which is the other reserved Clause under the Resolution, is a provision which will enable the Rates Tribunal to review the rates after the new standard rates come in in order that, as prices fall, they may be able to get a reduction to the trader. That is reserved to Committee B, which is at present dealing with the Bill. The only Part to be sent away to the other Committee is the actual detailed machinery by which the rates are to be fixed in accordance with Clause 52, which will come up certainly at the beginning of next week in Committee B. What is there after? Part IV, Wages and Conditions of Service. There is nothing very technical in that. Part V, Light Railways—that is comparatively unimportant and can be very easily dealt with, and then there is the General Section. That is all that there is left to Committee B, once you have taken away the mere detailed machinery for fixing wages. I agree that it is intricate and complicated, but it is easily separated. It could be brought in subsequently, if we knew that the whole Bill would eventually pass into law, and that the early part would not be brought in before the subsequent parts were passed into law. It has been suggested that it is necessary for the Minister to he in both Committees, and one hon. Member said there were certain special qualities which I had which made it necessary that I should be in both Committees. I do not admit that. The Part that is left with Committee B, dealing with Wages and Light Railways, and the General Clause, is not one requiring any special knowledge. It is the general tenour of the legislation of the House. They are necessary. They complete the whole. There are Clauses dealing with the safeguarding of servants who are displaced on amalgamation, and if the House accepts the recommendation I would propose to spend the greater part, of my time with the Committee on Rates, because that is very technical.
This is not an ordinary political question. It really is a railway revolution. It is a revolution in railway management. Therefore, the quotations I have heard bandied to and fro about right hon. Gentlemen on this side and the other side leave me quite cold. We are told that unless this Bill is passed by 15th August there is going to be a financial disaster in the City of London. You actually are going to get this Bill through these Committees, through the House of Commons, through another place and back here to consider their Amendments, all before 15th August. The thing is impossible. The hon. and gallant Member for Durham (Major Hills), who, I understand, supports the Government on behalf of the railways, says support is absolutely decisive as regards the resuscitation of industry. I agree with him that this Bill is decisive, but it will not restore industry. We are to hurry it through within one month! The Government really is making a fool of Parliament, nothing more or less. When the Leader of the House talks about the adequacy of Parliament carrying on the functions of Government, I quite agree. You cannot do it when the Government overburdens it in this way. And when we are told the House of Commons is falling into disrepute, it is not the House of Commons that is falling into disrepute. It was not the House of Commons that fell into disrepute yesterday so much as the Government, which asked the House of Commons deliberately to repeal an Act which they passed last year. Those are the real culprits as regards the House of Commons. This Bill and these proposals fill me with the greatest disquiet, anxiety, and indignation. What is meant? I put these figures, which were supplied to me by the Ministry of Transport—and they are the key of the Bill— before the House on the Second Reading. The railway rates before the War were £135,000,000 a year, passengers, parcels and goods. To-day they are £318,000,000 a year, that is, £183,000,000 a year more, which has to be paid by the traders and the passengers, and it is as much a tax upon industry as if it were put on by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. You could not afford £20,000,000 a year for agriculture yesterday, but you are going to afford this £183,000,000 every year. Does the House realise it? Do the Labour Members realise it? How is industry to recover if this enormous tax is put upon it? I have no political bias in this matter. I am simply speaking as a member of the public. I want to see the country recover. I do not care if it is under the æegis of my right hon. Friend or even the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Clynes) I will support them. I am out for the public. But this is a proposal that you are getting through the House of Commons in one month. To avoid a national disaster you may cripple the whole of the country for a generation. I am not speaking at all as a politician, but simply and solely as a man who wants to see the whole country get upon its legs again, and the railway system is of vast importance in this matter.
Let us think what this Bill does. I went into it very carefully on the Second Reading and I will tell the House what was my experience. I thought, having spoken on the Second Reading, I should be put on the Committee. I was not put on the Committee and I went to the Chairman. This is so important that I will tell the House what occurred. I asked the Chairman why he did not put me on the Committee. "Well," he said, "it was important to have a large number of representatives of the railway on it." I know nothing of what the composition of the Committee is, but this is an entirely different principle from anything I have ever heard of in the whole of my parliamentary life.
I do not think it arises on this Motion.
I am not going into it fully. I am simply saying, here is a Committee which has to decide this matter. After all, it is the Committee which will have to decide the Railway Bill, and I am showing how it is constituted. It is constituted with a large number of railway directors, and I want to put it to you as a point of Order. After all is said and done, this Committee must have a very large say in the passing of the Bill, because when it comes down to the House, if this Resolution is passed, the House will have very little voice in it at all. I do not want to make a point against the Government. I want to get the railway rates back to something like pre-War. This is a railway revolution. The railways are taken away from the control of the railway companies. The rates are to be fixed by a tribunal. The wages are to be fixed by a tribunal. It is almost entirely on all fours with the Agriculture Act which was passed last year. The Agriculture Act last year was to fix minimum rates for wheat and oats, and to fix wages by an Agricultural Wages Board. This Bill is to fix rates by one tribunal and wages by another tribunal, outside the railways altogether.
The hon. Member is making a speech suitable for the Second Reading of the Bill. He must not enter into the merits of the Bill on this Motion.
I am sorry if I am trespassing. It is very difficult. Here is a Bill of vast importance to the country, and I want to explain to the House why discussion upon it should not be limited. What will happen in the House when the Bill comes from the Committees? Part III of the Bill deals with railway rates. It sets up the tribunal which will fix the railway rates for the country. How long will the House have to consider this very important matter? The railway rates to-day are £183,000,000 a year more than they were before the War. The House will be able to discuss Part III from 7.30 until 10.30 one evening. Is that reasonable? [HON. MEMBERS: "Dinner hour!"] Can the House stand any more such performances as the one which took place yesterday? That is what will happen if there is no discussion on this Bill. The railway companies are guaranteed a net revenue; therefore, they are not making a real fight on this matter in Committee.
No, no.
The railway rates are to be fixed so as to give the railway companies a net revenue. I say quite frankly that the House will be disregarding their duty to their constituents and to the people who have to live in this country and exist by the railways if they pass this Resolution in its present form. It is idle to tell me that we are going to have a great financial crisis unless this Bill can be hurried through the House. It is impossible to consider a Bill of this magnitude by 15th August, and yet we are told by the Minister of Transport that unless it is passed by that date there will be a great financial crisis. What will happen if we pass this Bill without any discussion? The whole country may be stereotyped, the whole prosperity of the country may be absolutely damped down. I appeal to the Government to reconsider their position. If they do not reconsider their position I say, here and now, that they will be betraying the interests which the country entrusted to them at the last General Election. The railway companies are of vast importance, and here we are being asked, solemnly, to pass a Resolution which will cripple adequate discussion and, it may be, place upon the Statute Book a Railway Bill which will cripple the whole trade of the country in future. I understand that the Minister of Transport is not going to be here much longer. Do not let him, as the man who has been responsible for this, come here and say: "I will force through the House of Commons and force through the Committee upstairs and force through the House on Report a Bill which may have very deleterious effects upon the future trade of the country."
After the speech of my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport it is needless for me to say more than a few words regarding the feeling of some of the traders in regard to Part III of this Bill. Those of us who sat on the Select Committee on Transport, presided over by the hon. Member for Tamworth (Mr. Wilson Fox) heard a great deal from railwaymen regarding the needs of co-ordination, and we brought up a Report to the House in which we said:
"Your Committee considers that the organised transport agencies of the country, particularly the railways, cannot be allowed to return to their pre-War position."
Many of us were opposed to nationalisation, but all of us realise that the railroads could not go back to their pre-War condition, and that something ought to be done. It was for that reason that some of us supported the Ministry of Transport Bill when it came in, because we understood that for two years prior to the rail ways being returned to the owners the Transport Ministry would carefully study the best means to be adopted and would bring in a Bill dealing with the railways before the time expired. They have brought in this Bill. There are many things that are very objectionable, and there are many things that many of us would like to see altered. But taking the Bill as a whole we believe that it is the best thing that could be done, especially if we get some of the Amendments that we have put on the Paper. The right hon. Member for Peebles seems rather surprised that we should be afraid of a catastrophe. May I quote his own words:
"Some such Bill is necessary to prevent a catastrophe."
That was not a case of endorsing this Bill, but it was a case of saying that some Bill was necessary. If the traders are going to agree to the first part of the Bill and to the railways getting £60,000,000, they feel that they ought to be protected by having Part III passed at the same time. I do not think the Bill ought to go forward unless Part III is passed with it, and I can see no way in which it can be done unless another Committee deals with Part III. It cannot interfere with the first part of the Bill. The rates can be very easily dealt with by another Committee, and if both Committees bring in their Reports at the same time it will be for the House to pass the Bill or to reject it. I sincerely hope that the Bill will be passed quickly. There is nothing that will do more harm to the country than a feeling of uncertainty. Prompt action is necessary. Let us have the Bill or let us do without it, but do not keep us in suspense. Let traders know that something is going to be done in order that they may get back their trade into normal lines.
Most of the speeches have concerned themselves almost entirely with the importance of the policy for which this Resolution is supposed to provide, and very little has been said about the constitutional effect of the Resolution upon the procedure of Parliament. Some of the speeches have been of a most menacing description. We have had the speech of the hon. Member for Durham (Major Hills), followed by the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Transport, which practically amounted to this, that unless Parliament accepts, at the point of the bayonet, this Bill, with such Amendments as may be worked into it in the few moments that we shall have for discussion, we shall be bringing upon the country something in the nature of a disaster, and a financial panic and collapse. That is represented to us on one side. Then we have my right hon. Friend the Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert) who told us that if we do pass this Bill in anything like its present form we shall bring disaster upon the country. What is to happen to those unfortunate Members like myself who do not profess to have any expert knowledge upon the merits of the Bill when we are threatened in this way with the responsibility, whatever we do, of bringing financial disaster upon the country?
I am going to call attention to the procedure point of view. The right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) began his speech by saying he had been enjoying himself in consequence of what fell from the Leader of the House. If there was any cynical and detached listener to our Debate he might have shared that amusement and got a little extra entertainment from the speech of the right hon. Member for Paisley. What we were listening to is typical of the procedure of Parliament, which is most cynically commented upon outside. Here we have procedure for dealing with Parliamentary difficulties proposed by the right hon. Member for Paisley some years ago when he was Prime Minister, and supported by his party. It was denounced in every mood and tense by my right hon. Friend who now leads the House, and we who were his obedient followers backed him up in his denunciation as far as we could and went into the Lobby in support of him against the iniquitous new procedure which had been introduced by the right hon. Gentleman who was then Prime Minister. A few years go by, and my right hon. Friend comes to the House and proposes to apply, under somewhat similar circumstances, exactly the same procedure which we denounced a few years ago, and the right hon. Gentleman who was the author of the procedure gets up and labours to prove that in point of fact the circumstances are very different, and that while he adheres to every word he said in 1911 it is folly in 1921 for my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House to follow his example. That sort of thing is always going on, and those of us who in the course of years pass from one side of the House to the other, sitting behind the Opposition and then behind the Government, are expected to change with these changing views.
I entirely objected to this procedure, not simply because it was supported by the then Prime Minister, although that was a very good ground for objection, but on other grounds. On its merits I objected to extending the principle of these new forms of closure and I object to it now. In spite of the menace which has been held out to us that we shall be bringing frightful disaster upon the country if the Bill is not passed within the next few weeks, I cannot get over my objection to the extension of this kind of closure. My right hon. Friend said that the kangaroo closure was the most intelligent and sensible of the different forms of closure. I do not know whether that is so or not, but, at all events, it is a very unfair mode of procedure.
Take this Bill. There may be some particular point in this Bill that touches some part of an hon. Member's constituency. He may be very much impressed in the interests of his own constituents— his first duty is to them—with the necessity of proposing or supporting a particular Amendment which they think in their interests. Probably he does not find himself on the Committee at all. He never gets an opportunity of presenting the views of his constituents whom he is sent here to represent. Then when the Bill comes here on Report, acting on instructions of the House, with the best will in the world, Mr. Speaker or Mr. Deputy-Speaker does not select this particular Amendment. The consequence is that from the beginning to the end of the Parliamentary procedure on an extremely important Bill the particular interests, which may be very important, though not relatively as important as some others on the Order Paper, will not be discussed, and from first to last the Member will have no opportunity of saying anything in support of the views of his constituents.
I agree with the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Asquith) that it is unavoidable to have Closure in some shape if we are to get on with the legislation, but bad as it is on the Floor of the House yet it is worse in Grand Committee. There are certain safeguards here on the Floor of the House. It will get much greater publicity than in proceedings upstairs. Then the great power of selecting Amendments is confided to the most experienced officers of this House, Mr. Speaker and Mr. Deputy-Speaker, and we can confide those powers to them with much more confidence than to a number of gentlemen who are selected to act as chairmen of Grand Committees. Then the guillotine closure in the same way gives no sort of elasticity to allow any Amendment which may possibly be just outside the compartment which is taken at a given hour, and which it may be important to have discussed. If we do extend these procedures in the manner proposed we shall be doing the gravest possible injury to the effective power of legislating of this House. An important Bill which receives the Royal Assent when it has gone through this procedure is not legislation at all.
My right hon. Friend (Mr. Chamberlain) laboured, I thought rather overlaboured, to show that there was a precedent in 1911 for what he was proposing. That took away from me the one hope which I had that it might be possible as a matter of great emergency to support this Resolution. If my right hon. Friend had been able to say, "There is absolutely no precedent for this, and I am going to ask the House to pass it on the understanding that it shall not become a precedent," it might have been different, though I recognise that a proviso of that sort is almost futile, as it does nothing to get rid of the difficulty which we feel that a precedent will now be established. Surely my right hon. Friend would have been in a much stronger position if he had said, "I take the same view as in 1911. We are now confronted with an important Bill which we require to get through in a short time, yet in spite of the great temptation which I have to adopt the procedure formerly adopted, I am going to resist that temptation, because I recognise the importance of protecting the House from falling into the habit of adopting these Resolutions whenever a difficulty arises."
The only justification offered for this dangerous innovation is that the Bill cannot pass without either extending the present Session later than we should all like or else coming back in the Autumn. It is useless at this stage to utter any reproach to the Government for having the Bill in its present state at this late stage of the Session, but I think that they are responsible. I agree that it does not help us to escape the financial disaster which the Minister of Transport holds over our heads, but we are entitled to express mild regret, to put it no higher, that the Bill has not reached a more advanced stage at an earlier date, in which case we might reasonably have expected in the five or six weeks that may remain to have seen it put on the Statute Book without resort to this revolutionary procedure.
Then my right hon. Friend read out a number of Bills which he said were remaining to be disposed of this Session to show the parlous condition in which we were this year as regards our time. Not having got the list before me I would not like to express a confident opinion as to the Bills the titles of which he gave to us. But my comment when he read them out to us was that it would be a very good thing if none of those Bills were passed. Take one example. I think that it would be a great pity to introduce the Kangaroo procedure into Grand Committee in order to unite the Churches in Scotland. I think that the Churches in Scotland might remain un united for 12 months longer in order to avoid that. For these reasons, though I feel the strength of the case put in reference to the importance of the Bill, I do not know enough about it to deny that it is an important Bill or to say that it will not be a great pity if it is not passed before the 12th of August. I certainly agree that it would be a great pity if the House is kept here until September or is brought back in November, but when it comes to a question of alternatives, all those alternatives would be less objectionable than to give by this Resolution a lasting impress to the procedure which my right hon. Friend himself was so eloquent in denouncing in 1911 and to which I for one object just as strongly to-day.
I beg to move, to leave out the words "Committee stage" ["relation to the Committee stage"].
I understand that if I move this Amendment at the present stage, it will not in any way interfere with the general discussion of the procedure on the Bill. Practically every issue which we have been discussing up to the present is covered by this proposal.
On a point of Order. My hon. Friend hopes that in proposing this Amendment you would take the view that a general discussion, if it was not too general, would be brought within the ambit of this Amendment. I have no doubt that you will have observed the very large number of Members who sought to take part in the general discussion, and I am sure that such a ruling on your part would be very welcome, and I ask most respectfully if that is the view which you propose to take.
Yes. As far as I have heard the Debate, I think that almost all the questions which have been raised would come within the scope of this Amendment. For instance, the Amendment which covers the question of dividing the Bill between two Committees, and also the Amendment covering the question of the power of selecting Amendments in the two Committees. I wish to give the House a separate opportunity of voting on these questions. Should the House decide in favour of this Amendment, that would strike out the whole of the procedure as far as the Committees are concerned, and leave for further consideration the Report stage and Third Reading.
Do I understand that if the hon. Member for Central Edinburgh move his Amendment, it would cut out the making of any request to the Government to extend the time to be given to the Report stage of the Bill?
No; that would be reserved for subsequent discussion.
Will it be in order on this Amendment?
No. From what I have heard, the main objection is to the Committee procedure. The number of days for the further stages is, I think, a separate matter.
I take advantage of your kindness in bringing forward a somewhat general argument in support of this Amendment. The Labour Members opposed this Bill in its earlier stages because it appeared to us an altogether undesirable Measure in dealing with the railways of this country. It seemed to us to set up four or five very powerful groups, with a certain amount of State interference, with no guarantee of the real kind of economy which we had in mind. The view we took was that the Government would be very much better advised to embark on some scheme of public ownership. That was defeated after the Second Reading of this Measure, and the Labour Members addressed themselves to the task of securing as many reforms as they could in the Committee stage, to bring the Bill as far as possible into line with their ideas on this subject. The Minister of Transport has admitted that there has been nothing like organised obstruction or opposition in the Committee stage, but many of us have the feeling that many speeches have been made in support of particular points of view, and there is not the slightest doubt that if the Bill is to get through the Committee stage in anything like reasonable time we as a Committee will require to limit considerably our speeches, or to select our Amendments, or to arrive at some voluntary understanding, in order that the Measure may get downstairs with a fair opportunity for further consideration.
We are entitled to press the Amendment for this reason: We have been very fair and reasonable with the Government in Committee. We have been very much interested in many parts of the Bill, but we have studiously refrained from moving Amendments other than those which appeared to us to be vital. I suggest to the Government that we are entitled to rather better consideration than they have shown us in making this proposal. Up to the present we have concluded our consideration of Part I of the Bill, dealing with the reorganisation of the railways. We are now in the middle of Part II, dealing with regulation. If Part III is excluded, we come to Part IV, which is of very great importance to us. There are other parts of the Bill which by comment consent are not nearly so important. I intend to be perfectly frank. There is no chance whatever of Standing Committee B proceeding with the whole of this Measure and getting it downstairs in anything like reasonable time. That is a hopeless proposition. The next suggestion is that the whole of the rates Clauses should be taken out of the Bill and considered separately. I need not refer to the constitutional arguments on that point. The considerations which actuate many of us in our view of this proposal are purely practical. I hold that it would be bad business to adopt the proposal of the Government.
What is the position? Part III of the Bill is composed of about 40 Clauses dealing with rates. I am informed that there are now at least 500 Amendments on the Paper and that there will be more. There may therefore be anything between 500 and 700 Amendments to this portion of the Bill, which admittedly is of vital importance. To deal with it the Government proposes to set up a separate Committee which has not had the advantage of knowing what has gone before in the other parts of the Bill. It is proposed to separate that part of the Bill from the rest and to try to deal with it in two or three weeks at the outside, because the Bill has to be down here within reasonable time to be considered as one Measure. It is perfectly fair on our part to suggest that there is no chance whatever of proper consideration being given to 500 Amendments in two or three weeks by a Committee which does not know what has gone before and which may do things not related to the rest of the Bill. It is an impossible proposition. What argument did the Minister of Transport, and, I think, the Leader of the House, use in making this suggestion? They pointed to the proposal that Part III of the Bill should be considered separately next year and they immediately followed that by saying it had been considered by traders and officials, and they felt that having agreed to it or resolved not to oppose the earlier parts of the Bill they were entitled to get this Part III without fail before they continued their concession. However important the interests of traders on the one side and of railway companies on the other may be, the question of railway rates is of extreme importance to the public of this country.
You are not going to settle 38 or 40 Clauses dealing with rates, under a kangaroo system, within two or three weeks of Parliamentary time, without creating a chaos which will lead to all manner of doubt, of litigation, and will involve this country in a financial and business mess. We have tried in Standing Committee to be very fair on these points. The Minister of Transport will be the first to admit that Labour Members upstairs have spoken very much less frequently than many other hon. Members whose names I shall not mention here. But we are very much impressed by the public importance of this part of the Bill, and we know perfectly well how it is all going to react on the general interest of the community and on the masses of the railway workers. What does the Government propose regarding the later Sections of the Measure? They will take out Clauses 52 and 53. We regard Clause 52 as of the nature of a guarantee. It is a guarantee that certain rates will be authorised which will bring a revenue on the 1913 basis to the railway companies. The Government proposes to leave that with Standing Committee B, and that is to form part of the work which we are still to overtake.
The companies are safeguarded, but it may be quite relevantly pleaded by the traders on the other side that they are not protected, and that they can agree to all that has gone before in the Bill, and in particular to Clause 52, only if they are to get the rest of the rate Clauses. My reply to the traders is that they have to get a protection which is well considered, properly analysed, and carefully discussed in full Debate in the House of Commons. No other protection under the remaining 38 Clauses of Part III of the Bill will be of the slightest value to the trading community. If that be so, I urge the traders to postpone objections and to see that it is quite possible to deal with this part of the Bill at some later date. The charging powers will go on. The matter can be dealt with by the same Committee, and they can give it proper consideration. That is the basis of my Amendment.
There is another consideration. We have considered this Bill under a very substantial difficulty and under a process which, as a young Member, I think this House should carefully consider. This Bill is a. mass of understanding and agreement from beginning to end. I do not say that all parties interested in the Bill have agreed to what is contained in the 75 Clauses. I always except, for example, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) and others. They have not agreed, but, in the main, there has been agreement regarding by far the greater portion of the Bill. It may be desirable to conclude agreements with trade organisations or trade unions beyond these walls, but there is a very real difficulty and danger in that course. It does not follow that these agreements, which may be regarded as just and fair by the parties concerned, are necessarily in the public interest. Indeed, agreements have been concluded by great bodies in this country which have not worked out to the public weal and advantage. It is all the more important that this House should consider carefully every Section of this Bill, and, above all, in the Committee stage there should be the fullest opportunity for discussion. There is Part IV of the Bill. Hon. Members in various parts of the House have said, "Abandon the Bill; drop the whole proposal." We on the Labour Benches do not take that view. As to the first two parts of the Bill, in order to get continuity from what happened during the War, in order to tide over the transition period included under the Ministry of Transport Act, and to lay the foundations of the future, some Measure is necessary.
Part IV deals with the National Wages Board, with the Central Wages Board and with the Advisory Councils representative of the railway companies and of the railway workers. Control comes to an end on 15th August and there is no doubt whatever that considerable anxiety exists in the railway world, among the 500,000 or 600,000 railway workers as to what is to happen in future. It is because we believe that Part IV of this Bill is necessary, and because we know that it demands discussion in Committee if it is to be put through properly, that we have refrained from talking upstairs and from moving Amendments other than those which we believe to be absolutely vital. What is going to happen to all this scheme if the business is divided? It goes to a Committee under a Kangaroo system. Although Amendment to Part IV will be made and although it will represent very largely agreement which is now being reached, or the revision of an agreement which is going to be submitted for the purpose of economy, there is power to the Chairmen of Committees to select the Amendments, and that applies also to the latter parts of this Measure. Our proposal is to go on with every part of the Bill but not to attempt the suicidal course of dealing with 40 rates Clauses by a separate Committee which does not know the rest of the Bill, and so paralyse trade and industry, hinder employment and aggravate the economic difficulties from which this country is now suffering.
7.0 P.M.
I beg to second the Amendment moved so ably and moderately by the hon. Gentleman opposite. I agree with every word he said, and I believe the majority of the Members of Standing Committee B will agree with his sentiments. Quite frankly, I believe that the proposal made by the Government to the House this afternoon is really destructive of our constitutional liberty, and a real danger to the success of this particular Measure. It is proposed to send the greater part of Part III to another Standing Committee. If you do that you ought to transfer to that Committee a very large number of those who are now on Standing Committee B. Under present procedure, I understand that cannot be done, but, if you did it, you would entirely destroy the balance of experience of the existing Standing Committee. The Government in the Resolution this afternoon propose something still more extraordinary. They propose to take two of the most important Clauses out of Part III and put them before the existing Standing Committee. It is quite impossible for the Committee to deal with Clause 52 and 53 and not deal with the rest of the rating Clauses in the Bill. Similarly, it is quite impossible for the Committee which deals with the rating Clauses in the Bill not to consider these Clauses. They are absolutely bound up together, and this attempt to split the Bill will break down completely in practice.
There is one thing which makes this proposal worse even than it was when it was originally suggested upstairs to split the Bill. There may be something to be said for dividing the Bill and sending it to two Committees, providing you give the House of Commons time to make the necessary adjustments between the work of the two Committees. But the most vicious part of the Government Resolution is a Guillotine for dealing with the remaining stages of the Bill. It must, and will prevent the co-ordination of the work of the two Committees. I entirely agree with what has been said about introducing the Kangaroo Closure at this stage. For five weeks we have gone on without the Kangaroo, and now when we come to the rates part, and the part in which the Labour party are interested, you are going to introduce the Kangaroo proposal. The big railway companies, who have been represented by directors, have got all they want, but now when we come to the remaining part of this Bill, you are going to adopt this novel procedure.
I want to go back to the speech of the Leader of the House in introducing this Resolution this afternoon. He dealt entirely with this particular amendment to the Committee stage. He made no effort to defend this Guillotine Resolution. He argued the whole thing on the ground of the urgency of this particular Bill. The constitution and constitutional aspect he seems to have forgotten. I remember that when I came first into Parliament, now nearly 12 years ago, I listened to the right hon. Gentleman defending the constitutional liberties of this House. I believed what he said, but, after the speech of this afternoon, it seems to me that it was insincere and a mockery. He cares nothing for the constitution of this House and for liberty of speech in this House, but only for driving through Government Measures. I thought that this attempt to limit the freedom of the representatives of the constituencies, and curtail and whittle away in Committee and on the Report stage opportunities for debate, was the introduction of the Radical party, and that the Conservative party in this House stood for the ancient liberties and constitution of the House. But it is the leader of the Conservative party who has introduced new precedents, new inroads into the freedom and liberties of this House. It is really rather hard on Conservative followers of the Government that, time after time, they come down and repeat almost in the same words the speeches of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) and cut down the freedom and liberties of the private Members of this House.
We who work long hours on these Standing Committees hear perpetually that this matter, or that, can be dealt with on Report. We have been put off time and again, but what chance are we given on Report now? Never in the 11 years that I have been in Parliament has there been such an inroad into Parliamentary precedent. Look at it. The precedent quoted by the right hon. Gentleman this afternoon is the Insurance Bill of 1911. What was his precedent on that occasion? The Bill was being considered in Committee of the whole House, and every Member of the Committee could follow that Bill in Committee. Then part of the Bill was referred to a Committee upstairs. Every Member who went to that Committee had had an opportunity of following the Bill up to that date. Now, for the first time in the history of Parliament, you are introducing a new precedent. A Bill which has been considered from the first in Grand Committee upstairs is being divided, and we have the statement of the Minister that he is leaving those of us who are on the Grand Committee to take charge of the rates Clauses. That new precedent for Parliament is being set.
When the Labour party come in and wish to nationalise everything, this precedent will be very useful to get things through. And this is a precedent established by a leader of the Conservative party! It will always be quoted against us that we introduced it.
He is not a Conservative, and no Conservative would do that.
No Conservative would do it, and it is time a Conservative party was formed in this House.
We want a Conservative Government. We are sick of the Radicals.
Every Minister in charge of a Bill suffers from congenital myopia, and sees only the desirability of getting a particular Bill through the various constitutional checks as quickly as possible; of getting through all opposition and avoiding discussion. It ought to be the duty of the private Members of this House, irrespective of party, to see that there is a check, and that adequate discussion is maintained. The result of a resolution of the sort which is being introduced this afternoon—the kangaroo and the rest—is that Parliament has to sit longer and to pass Amending Bills, and still further Amending Bills. The legislation introduced by the Minister without Portfolio is typical of what has happened in recent times under this sort of proceeding. There was first one Bill, then an Amending Bill, then a further Amending Bill, and then the whole policy was scrapped. That is what happened. That is what will happen with the railways of this country if this kind of procedure is forced upon the House. If the House of Commons accepts this kind of procedure, and allows Bills of this momentous importance to be treated in this way, there can be only one result— amending legislation and further amending legislation.
There are 75 Clauses in the Bill. The right hon. Gentleman (Sir E. Geddes) says that there has not been wilful obstruction. We are sitting six hours a day, and four days a week, and we have done with 12 Clauses. That gives the House some idea of the complexities of the proposals of this Bill. It is to be dealt with by two Committees, and the House of Commons is going to co-ordinate the work of the two Committees and fulfil all the pledges about what is to be done on Report Stage in 2½ days under the Guillotine. Let the House remember that even at the moment the basis of amalgamation is not agreed—the vital Amendment dealing with that question is whether "if," or "that" shall stand part. That has proved to be a most important question, the most important we have had to consider. If "if " stands part, Scotland is all right. If "that " stands part, Scotland is all wrong. Under a system of Kangaroo Closure, that Amendment would not be noticed, and could not be considered. Everybody knows the way these things work, just as under the Guillotine everyone knows that the first Amendment that comes gets the whole time and Clauses more important are never discussed.
The cynical speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley this afternoon was the measure of decadence of Parliament in these days. We ought to take our stand now, if ever, for a free Parliament; otherwise, the Guillotine will cut shorter, and, with the new precedent on Standing Committees, and new limits of Closure being introduced, day after day and week after week, we shall soon get down to the condition of Latin countries where they have legislatures where they do not legislate and where legislation is by Order in Council or Ministerial decree. Parliament will lose its important functions. [An HON. MEMBER: "Bargains outside!"] Yes. railway company and trade union bargains outside in the Ministerial offices of the day. Parliament will decline, and then we shall be ready for the Soviet. Let us stand for our traditions and liberties, and let us not rue the day a Conservative Leader came down to destroy the ancient traditions of this House.
I feel I am exceedingly fortunate in rising to address the House on one of those rare occasions when both the Minister of Transport and the Prime Minister are present. I regret that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) is not here. No phrase of mine could outdo the one just used by my hon. Friend (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) in reference to the amazing cynicism of the Member for Paisley this afternoon. I have never, in the whole course of my Parliamentary career, seen greater effrontry than that which has been shown by the Leader of the House, and also by the right hon. Member for Paisley, over this Motion. What was the attitude taken up? In the first place, my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) interrupted the Leader of the House when the original Motion was being moved, and what he said was very pertinent, because he reminded the right hon. Gentleman of the statements made by him in 1911 when a somewhat similar situation to this arose. The Leader of the House said Yes. He admitted that he made those statements. He admitted that in the course of years he had changed his opinions, and then he said that he hoped the time would come when the Kangaroo Closure would be avoided altogether, and, if I may respectfully say so, he declared, in a somewhat unctous manner, that Rules would be passed by which this matter would be dealt with. Then he goes on to propose this Resolution, providing for the selection of Amendments by a Chairman of Committee upstairs. Why has this Closure not been abolished during all the time the Coalition Government has been in power, if that is his policy? If they admit the disadvantages of the Kangaroo Closure, why has not the policy of abolishing it been put into operation? Then we had the right hon. Member for Paisley saying that this was the pleasantest afternoon he had spent in the House of Commons since his return. No one will wish to take away from him such fleeting Parliamentary pleasures as he is able to enjoy in these days.
There are others of us who remember those days in 1911 and remember what was said by the present Leader of the House on that occasion, and what was said by his colleagues, some of whom do do not even take the trouble to attend our Debates to-day, as, for example, the Secretary of State for War. Who would deny to the hon. Member for Paisley the right to enjoy his very pleasant afternoon? What, then, was the contribution of the right hon. Member for Paisley to the Debate? He also is in favour of Rules by which the kangaroo Closure can be avoided. He was quite pertinently asked why he had never made the proposal and he might equally pertinently have asked the Leader of the House why he and his Government who have been in office now for five years, have never taken any step to deal with this degradation of Parliament. They are both perfectly well aware of what the kangaroo Closure is. His answer, however, was that he had not been able to convince his colleagues. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley has shown an almost virginal innocence this afternoon. One would suppose he had only been born yesterday, instead of being one of the most level headed and experienced Members of this House. Of course, his colleagues were not in favour of it. No Members of any Government are in favour of any reform which will prevent the putting into operation of such Guillotine Motions as this. They hope, by means of Guillotine Motions, to be able to avoid doing that thing which they most dislike having to do, but which their predecessors, of the days of Gladstone and Beaconsfield, were not ashamed to do, namely, to come down here and sit through the whole of a Debate. Some of us have had the advantage recently of reading the last published volumes of the "Life of Lord Beaconsfield" and those of us who read it realise that at a time when his anxieties were scarcely less than those of the Government of to-day, Lord Beaconsfield thought nothing of sitting in the House from 3 in the afternoon until 3 on the following morning. How many Ministers to-day are on the Front Bench for even an hour at a time? The last thing they want to do is to sit through a Debate in the House. They prefer Guillotines and Closures and private breakfast parties at Downing Street and private secretaries and the Dominion Premiers.
After all, the House of Commons is the bulwark of the liberties of the people of this country, and it is the only one. It should never be forgotten how, just as it is proposed to pass this Resolution to-day, action was taken on a former occasion for the curtailment of the powers of another place, and despite the words used by the Leader of the House in 1909 and 1910, this House is now the only bulwark of the people's liberties, a very fleeting, a very small, a very slender one, but the only one which we have for the constitutional liberties of the people. There is another point which has not yet been touched upon in this Debate. We are constantly hearing from Members of this House, and particularly from the Leader of the House and the Prime Minister, complaints about the unfair attitude of the Press and the public outside towards the proceedings of this House. Might it not be the fact, as I believe it to be the fact, that one of the reasons why the public outside, criticises Parliamentary procedure, and one of the reasons why the Press is able to get in the body blows which it does get in on Parliamentary institutions, is because of such legislation as that which the House is being asked to pass this afternoon. Everyone knows that under such a Resolution the ordinary private Member of the House, who should still have some say in how the House conducts its business, has practically no say at all. I admit that this Government is not very much worse than its predecessors in its attitude towards guillotine motions. All Governments are equally bad, but that does not seem to be any answer to the contentions which have been put forward, on a far wider basis this afternoon and by Members of different parties, in opposition to the kind of procedure which the Government are now seeking to impose on the House.
I know that a speech of mine, or of any other hon. Member, has very slight effect on the Government. I have heard many most admirable speeches, speeches which should have produced a great effect, if the Members of the House chose to listen to them, but I have never known a House of Commons in which the average attendance was smaller. I am not now speaking of any particular speech and I am meeting in advance the jeer, "Nobody wants to listen to the Noble Lord speaking." I am taking the view that the average attendance never was worse than it is at the present time, and I have never known a House in which the Division lists have indicated a greater lack of appreciation on the part of a large number of the Members of the House, of the subjects which are being dealt with. One of the reasons for that is, because they know perfectly well that freedom of Debate has become a thing of the past, and that if the House has to consider any particular subject, a Guillotine Resolution will be brought in to deal with it. Reference has already been made to the case of the Agriculture Act. We were told just as strongly then, as we were told by the right hon. Gentleman this afternoon, that there was an absolute necessity for passing that Measure by a certain day. In a similar way we had a Guillotine Resolution, and the House was asked to sit for 22½ hours to discuss the Bill and one of the most prominent Members, in opposition to the action of the Government then, was one of the present Members of the Government, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies. What is happening now? The Bill which we passed under those circumstances, is being scrapped and we have no reason to suppose that the present Bill will not be scrapped in the same way. My right hon. Friend (Mr. Chamberlain) in the course of his speech used what I think was one of the most extraordinary pieces of effrontery I have ever heard, when he said that something must be done to find a remedy for the disease from which Parliament is suffering, of having too much to do. May I suggest that one way by which that disease may possibly be cured, a possible form of X-ray treatment for that particular cancer, would be for the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues of the Government to give all their minds to the Bills they are going to pass, and when they have passed those Bills to stick to them, instead of bringing in a Bill one Session and withdrawing it the next. Two most valuable days have been spent this week in discussing the repeal of a Bill which was previously passed by the House.
Even at this eleventh hour I hope it may be possible to come to some arrangement which will avoid the necessity for passing this Resolution in full. I should like to advert for a moment to the very statesmanlike speech of the hon. Gentleman who spoke from the Labour Benches (Mr. W. Graham). I think he put perfectly fairly the point of view of his colleagues, and, as I am informed by my hon. Friends who are on the Committee, of those who sit in the Committee also. I venture to suggest that on this Amendment which we are now discussing there might be the possibility of an arrangement. I personally regard as the most serious part of the Resolution that which proposes the division of the Bill into two, and confers powers upon the Chairman of the Committee to apply the Kangaroo. I have sat on Committees where there has been a very similar state of affairs to that which apparently exists in this Committee at the present time, and by means of good will on the part of both sides an arrangement has been come to by which the Government have been given an indication that their Bill will go through within a reasonable time. I do not know if any effort has been made to bring about a similar arrangement in this Committee. Even if such an effort were made, and even if it were unsuccessful, I do not think this proposal is justified. It is a most serious proposal to divide the Bill up. We have heard a great deal about the interests of the railway companies. We have heard of that from my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Durham (Major Hills), with whose speeches I generally agree, and with whom I did not altogether disagree on this occasion, but he never dealt with two of the most important points of view, one the point of view of this House and of Parliamentary procedure generally, and the other the point of view of the general public. I have endeavoured, but I fear inadequately, to deal with the point of view of this House. I have always held, whatever Government is in power, that it is fatal to the reputation of the House to have Resolutions of this kind. But the point of view of the general public has scarcely been referred to at all in the course of these Debates. I shall be interested to see whether or not I have the assent of the hon. Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham), when I say that it is of far more importance, whatever form a railway settlement takes, that it should take a form which is in accordance with the general interests of the whole of the public, rather than it should 'be for the advantage of any section of either railway directors, shareholders, workers, traders, or anyone else. I view with alarm the modern tendency which I see in Parliament, to always put things from the point of view of some particular trade or other interest, and to see whether particular Measures meet with the approval of those interests. No one seems to try to deal with these matters from the point of view of the general public, which after all, any Member of this House, however humble, is entitled to express. The Government, recognising that spirit, have always tried to come to bargains and arrangements with the interests outside, and it seems to me they are ignoring the interests of the public. I know the tremendous risk which is involved in causing even a temporary unsettlement in the railway world, but is it not more important that we should take more time and produce a good settlement, than that we should pass this particular Bill by the 15th August next? I am afraid that at the outset of my speech I was led to say some things about the Government which were harder than I intended. I think the Government would have a claim for more support from those in this House who, like myself, are not greatly influenced by party considerations or personal prospects of any kind, and also for the support of the mass of the people in the country if they took up this attitude. They would obtain more support in all these matters, if they would take up the attitude that the interests of the country at the present time demand proper consideration by them and by Parliament. All these arrangements, bargains, settlements behind the Chair, whatever you like to call them, of which we have had so many in this Parliament, however admirable in themselves, can be no substitute for full and free discussion by Parliament, by the Press, and by the public.
My Noble Friend (Earl Winterton), in the concluding part of his speech, suggested that it would be possible to arrive at some sort of arrangement which would enable the Bill to go through as an agreed Bill. I am always in favour of an arrangement of that kind, and in almost every Bill that I have ever attempted to get through the House of Commons, I have attempted to make an arrangement of the kind. There are, of course, highly controversial Bills, where party conflicts are involved, and where parties have to fight them to the end. I have always recognised that in those cases arrangements are not possible, but I quite agree that with a Bill of this kind an arrangement could be arrived at. My Noble Friend, however, does not perhaps realise that up to the present it has been impossible to effect an arrangement of that kind, and it is because it has been impossible that we have been driven to this course. It would have been infinitely better if an arrangement could have been arrived at, not with interests—we are not here to represent interests, we are here to represent the general public and all classes of the community—but I mean between those who are taking an interest in the Bill from different points of view. If that could have been achieved, no one would have been better pleased than the Minister in charge of the Bill, and the Government as well. As I say, it is because we have, for various reasons which I need not enter into, been unable to achieve that, that we are driven to take the only course by which this Bill can be carried through.
My hon. Friend the Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) seems to imagine that the Guillotine is a Radical infernal machine, invented by a Radical Government, but may I just say one word? I envy him his youth. I have been in this House for 31 years, during 14 or 15 of which it was my business, and my pleasure very often, to make the kind of speeches that he has made to-day, against proposals made by my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council to guillotine measures in a way which we regarded at the time as the end of Parliamentary freedom. In fact, I really thought my hon. Friend had been borrowing phrases which probably I myself had used in the past against proposals of a similar character that had come from the Lord President of the Council.
You are speaking of the Education Act, 1902, I suppose?
No, I was referring to Closures of a much more drastic character; for instance, the Licensing Act of 1904, but I do not want to enter into those details now. The real reason is that, whoever may be in charge of the business here is driven to the alternative either of not legislating at all, or of getting some, means of a drastic character of putting legislation through. There are alternatives of a Constitutional character like Devolution, but, in the absence of Devolution, I defy anybody in charge of big Bills to get them through except by means of this kind. I say so after a very long experience of Parliamentary life, and I advise my hon. Friends, who themselves, in course of time, may become Ministers of the Crown, that they are taking the right way to qualify. We all went through that process. But let me just warn them from experience that they will find these speeches very embarrassing. I can picture my hon. Friend (Mr. Ormsby-Gore) standing at this Table, pro- posing Resolutions of this character, and some young, enthusiastic Member getting up, with a good deal of time at his disposal, not having Departments to worry him, and not having any great business to attend to in his Department, looking up the OFFICIAL REPORT and saying with very great effect, "What did the right hon. Gentleman say in 1921?" Then comes this passage, amid loud cheers from the Opposition, and from all the disgruntled Members on the Government side. I warn him not to be too lavish in these adjectives. It is really because you cannot legislate without some means of this kind.
My hon. Friends have talked about the efficiency of Parliament, the importance of maintaining the freedom of Parliament, the importance of maintaining the respect for Parliament outside. The respect for Parliament outside will be exactly in proportion to the work we are able to do. If it be found that, for some reason or other, we cannot do it, then Parliament will cease to interest the public, and they will be driven to other methods. That is exactly the reason why everybody who has been in charge of Parliamentary business—my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council, my right hon. Friend the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), my right hon. Friend the Member for Central Glasgow (Mr. Bonar Law), and my right hon. Friend who is now the Leader of the House, each in turn, from a different point of view, leading different parties or combinations of parties—have all been driven for the last 30 years to the conclusion that it is impossible to work the Parliamentary machine, to work it at all, without this process. Anybody who takes the trouble— and I took it a good deal in the past, when I was filling the role of my hon. Friend —to look up the working of the Parliamentary machine for the last 50 or 100 years, will be amazed at the change which has taken place. Take some of the greatest Measures which have ever been carried through the House. The House will be very surprised to find the number of days it took to examine them; in fact, the most important pieces of Parliamentary work are those which took the least time to get through. That was the past.
Then there gradually occurred a change, and it came undoubtedly with a free Press, when every man was reported—whether he was reported in the London Press or in his local Press—and there was an interest taken in what he did and what he said. Whatever he said was reported at great length down there, and it appeared as if it were the speech of the evening— I remember, before I became a Minister, that it seemed from the local Press as if I was the man who really conducted the whole of the business of Parliament—and it was read. That is where the change came in. Then Members began to say, "We have got to do something; otherwise questions will be put to us when we go down there. ' What have you been doing? You never made a speech; you never asked questions; you never proposed anything.'" That is put against him by the Opposition there, and he feels driven, by the instinct of self-preservation, to give his views to the House of Commons. What is the result? Let anyone go to the Library and take up a big Bill of sixty years ago—just as important as this, if not perhaps more important—and he will be surprised to find how few Amendments there were, how few speeches were delivered, how little time was occupied in Committee. Those great fellows whom we have been appealed to by my Noble Friend to follow were just the fellows who had the wisdom to trust a little more to those who give the whole of their time to framing these Bills, and to challenge questions of principle. That is really why, the moment we come to that change, when Members put down scores and hundreds of Amendments, when you have Amendments running to 75 pages, or whatever it is here, upon a particular Bill, you cannot get it through the House of Commons, except either by agreement between those who are concerned in the examination of the Bill, or by some drastic method of this kind.
My hon. Friends may say they would prefer a Government of a different kind, but when that Government which is after their own heart comes in, and sits on these benches, and when they form a part of that Government, which is after their own heart, when they come to legislate, as they will find they will have to legislate, they will be driven to exactly the same conclusion to which every Parliamentarian of experience has come—that the only way to save Parliament from paralysis, from impotence, is to make some proposal of this kind. When they have had as long an experience of this House as I have had, I think they will find that that is the conclusion to which they will come. Devolution will undoubtedly relieve the pressure, but only to a certain extent. Even when you come to Parliaments like the United States Parliaments, where you have got Devolution on a very large scale, they have their own method there—a method which I should be sorry to see brought here. There it is not measures merely of Guillotine, but the power of the Chair absolutely to refuse to call Members—where the Closure is entirely in the hands of the Speaker for the time being. That power was applied in a very drastic way by a very famous Speaker. Take this particular proposal.
The proposal that is challenged now is not the Guillotine. The proposal which is challenged now is the proposal for dividing the Bill, and for the Kangaroo. In my judgment, what is known as the Kangaroo is the best and wisest amendment of the Rules of this House that I can recall. [An HON. MEMBER: "No!"] I will give my reasons; it is no use saying "No." Let us examine the matter. What does it mean? You have got pages and pages and pages of Amendments. Anybody who listens to the Debates will find the same argument used times out of number upon Amendments, which are apparently different, but which are really turning round and round and round the same question.
What does the Kangaroo do? The Kangaroo gives the power to the Chair to pick the Amendments that raise essentially different questions, not Amendments which have a just sufficient shade of difference to be able to be called in order, but Amendments which are not in essence the points that have already been decided. The thing that will destroy Parliament is eternal repetition of the same arguments, the same propositions, the same reasons, the same objections. Once a matter is disposed of, let us pass on to the next, and let the Chair have the right of choosing the Amendments which, in his judgment—and he is impartial—raise different issues.
I trust this House will never go back upon the principle of the Kangaroo. It is not the Closure, but the power of selection from the Chair, and it is a very wise one. We have that power here now where we sit from 4 until 11, and not to give it upstairs, will make the position very difficult. [An HON. MEMBER: "We were agreed."] Yes, for the simple reason that we thought we would try it as an experiment down here. Having been a great success here, I trust it will be applied upstairs. I never heard anyone really knowing anything about Parliament who will not admit that the Kangaroo has been a success. It has enabled Parliament to discuss things that matter. The trouble before was that you discussed most things that did not matter —trivial and little Amendments, and by the time you came to the important ones, either the house was tired or the Government was driven to the Guillotine, because it could not get its Bill through at all. I sincerely trust that whatever may happen this will be adopted. It is not in the interest of any section of this House—I do not care what section—to drive Parliament into the old method of endless discussions on trivialities.
I come to the second point—the question of the division of the Bill. The hon. Member for Central Edinburgh (Mr. W. Graham) very fairly and cogently admitted that it would be quite impossible to get the Bill through without division. I think he is right. Having gone into the matter, I say we cannot do it without a division. Therefore, the only point is this: You must drop that altogether, or you must postpone it until next year. The hon. Gentleman says: "Stick to the part which protects labour, Part IV." Very well, he wants that to go through.
I am sorry to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman, but I made it perfectly clear, I hope, that my proposal was to take the whole Bill, other than the Rates Clauses, that is Part III of the Bill, excluding Clause 52. I did not speak specially for labour, or for any other part of the Bill. I want the whole thing, but I said: "Keep back the Rates Clauses, because there is no chance of getting them in anything like a reasonable time."
That is exactly what I am trying to point out. If you carry every part of the Bill, except the Rates Clauses, see what it means! The part that affects labour would be carried with all the great privileges and advantages embodied. But where would the traders be? I have seen some of the traders upon this point, and am not talking without knowledge. They object to this Bill going through without having statutory and Parliamentary protection for their position. I am all in favour of labour getting these privileges, but I do not see why they should have privileges, and the trader be left in the lurch. The trader says: "We do not want this Bill to go through, unless our part of it is incorporated." They object to the Bill going through—and rightly so. It is fair that they should know where they are, and that that part should not be postponed until next year. There is the pressure from them to get the Bill through this Session for the protection of the traders of the country. The trade of the country means the great industries and the great businesses. They say they must have that. We are protecting the industries, and the trades, and the businesses. It is because we want to see trade and industry get the same equal treatment as labour that we are proposing that the Bill should be divided.
The Bill will be examined, and Members will be upstairs examining it on its merits —I refer to the question of rates now. Traders will be put on. It is in the interests of Parliamentary efficiency, and it is because it gives more time for examination; it is because the Committees can sit simultaneously, and examine these things side by side, and we shall be able to send the Bill to the House of Lords for further examination of the proposals. I trust that that will be done. I have one special reason why I should like the Bill through this Session complete. We are now in the trough of the wave of industrial depression. There are clear indications that that depression is lifting. There are prospects—some I was told of to-day. I want all these questions of machinery that are affecting industry—and there is nothing which affects industry more vitally than the question of transport—I want these out of the way by the time industry revives, and the wheels of commerce again begin to revolve, so that those concerned may know exactly where they are. I want labour to know where it is. I want the trader and the business man to know where they are. I want the men engaged on the railways to know where they are.
I do not like this idea of one interest being against another. We are all one. If we are going to do any good at all, we must pull together every interest. It is for that reason that I trust that this Measure will be allowed to go through, and that the Committee upstairs will be permitted to examine the Bill under these favourable conditions— the traders on the Committee examining trading rates and the rest of the Bill—so that, as I say, when industry again begins to revive, all men will know exactly where they are in regard to one of the most important parts of the mechanism of business.
I hope the House will listen to me for two or three minutes in replying, as well as I am able, to the unequalled Parliamentary art which the Prime Minister has exhibited this afternoon. I am very glad that he dropped the attitude with which he opened of laughing the Opposition out of court, and came back to the serious proposals which are before the House. With all respect to the right hon. Gentleman, he entirely misses the gravamen of the Opposition. I speak as one sincerely desirous of helping this Bill through. I have been a friend of the Bill from the very start. I want to help it in Committee. I want to see it on the Statute Book at the earliest possible moment, consistent with the fair and adequate consideration of these proposals. But what I want to put to the Prime Minister is this: Has he given due weight to the real argument upon which the whole of this opposition practically has been founded, which is this, that the division which the Government proposes of this Bill is a division which expressly and definitely, as we think, prevents the proper discussion of the Bill. That is the point! Let my right hon. Friend dismiss from his mind all the speeches which have been made—rather away from the point, if I may say so—and come back to that point.
What hon. Members have been saying here to-day, I think with two exceptions unanimously is, that you cannot get these two Committees working on the separate parts of the Bill and make a proper Parliamentary job of it. There has been no real answer to that. The picture which the Prime Minister gives of Committee B going on with the part of the Bill given to it and the new Committee sitting with an entirely new set of Members dealing with the subject entirely fresh to them, with the Minister of Transport only transiently available to give answers to the various most important question— well, if that comes to pass, the trading interests of the country, which is the main interest of the country, will unquestionably suffer by the hasty legislation of this kind. We have had enough example of that already. I warn the Government against rushing this legislation, because that is what it really means, within two or three, perhaps twelve sittings at the most, and the rates part of it alone with hundreds of Amendments put down. Let me tell the Prime Minister—perhaps with his manifold duties he has not been able to grasp it as well as some of us—there is a feeling developing in the country on the Bill. For some reason or another there is an increasing amount of interest in the Bill. The trading interests have awakened to the seriousness and importance of the provisions, and I am sure that if the Executive take upon their shoulders the responsibility of sending this to the Committee to which I have referred with no real responsible Minister continuously in charge, they take a big responsibility. If the Act comes into force within four weeks from now it will not solve the problem, but will give rise to the very gravest dissatisfaction among the traders of the country. It will do nothing towards meeting the objections which the Prime Minister seeks to meet.
The right hon. Gentleman spoke about an arrangement, and I want to call his special attention to it. He spoke about endeavouring to make arrangements. I am a Member of Committee B, and I attend it as often as I can. I have heard of no such proposal at all.
Except for the Scotsmen!
If the Members of the Committee had been approached to endeavour to make some arrangement, let me tell the right hon. Gentleman—and I am quite sure I speak for the Members of the whole Committee—they would have been very glad to see what they could do. But no such suggestion has been made, except by the Minister of Transport, who, from time to time, has made appeals to us to get on as fast as we can. He is, doubtless, in a difficult position, and I have been trying to help him. But that is not the Prime Minister's suggestion. If the various people repre- sented on the Committee were approached, I am quite sure that something could be done. I do not know whether I shall get support from other Members of the Committee, but I make this suggestion entirely on my own responsibility, and I had in view the hastening of the proceedings upstairs, and I certainly am perfectly willing to give what is called the "Kangaroo" to the Chairman. But the real trouble is this. You cannot divide the rates question from the rest of the Bill. In spite of that in spite of the appeal of the Prime Minister to the Members of the House, I again warn the Government that if they persist in this course that they will not get the Committees to sit. My right hon. Friend does not know for what he is asking. He asks for two Committees to sit concurrently, each with its quorum of 40 Members. The whole thing will break down.
8.0 P.M.
I believe this thing can be managed. Some arrangement can be made with the railways about the financial part of it, and if we are to sit a couple of weeks longer, what difference does that make in view of the overmastering public interest to
which the Prime Minister has referred? Why not have an Autumn Session? What is there so sacred about the year 1921 to distinguish it from other years? If there is a serious public duty to perform it ought to be done. In the whole speech of the Prime Minister there was not a shadow of conciliation or an attempt to meet an almost unanimous expression of opinion from all parts of this House. If they go on with this we shall fight it to the end, of course, but the responsibility will be on their shoulders.
I would appeal to the House to come to a decision on this Amendment. The hon. Gentleman who moved it said it was practically a continuation of the discussion in which the House had been engaged all the afternoon. A very clear issue has been raised, and I hope we shall be allowed to take a decision.
having risen,
rose in his place, and claimed to move, " That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 271; Noes, 49.
Division No. 225.] AYES. [8.3 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Carew, Charles Robert S. Gilbert, James Daniel Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Carr, W. Theodore Gillis, William Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Casey, T. W. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Glyn, Major Ralph Armstrong, Henry Bruce Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Goff, Sir R. Park Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Grant, James Augustus Astor, Viscountess Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Clough, Robert Green, Albert (Derby) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Coats, Sir Stuart Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Greer, Harry Balfour, George (Hampstead) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Greig, Colonel Sir James William Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Banner, Sir John S. Harmood Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Gritten, W. G. Howard Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Grundy, T. W. Barlow, Sir Montague Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Barnett, Major Richard W. Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Barnston, Major Harry Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry Harris, Sir Henry Percy Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Doyle, N. Grattan Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Beckett, Hon. Gervase Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Edgar, Clifford B. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart.(Gr'nw'h) Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Betterton, Henry B. Elveden, Viscount Hirst, G. H. Bigtand, Alfred Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Hohier, Gerald Fitzroy Birchall, Major J. Dearman Falcon, Captain Michael Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Hood, Joseph Blair, Sir Reginald Ford, Patrick Johnston Hopkins, John W. W. Borwick, Major G. O. Forestier-Walker, L. Home, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Forrest, Walter Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Briggs, Harold Fraser, Major Sir Keith Hudson, R. M. Brittain, Sir Harry Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Brown, Major D. C. Gardiner, James Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Hurd, Percy A. Morgan, Major D. Watts Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Spencer, George A. Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Morris, Richard Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Morrison, Hugh Stanier, Captain Sir Beville James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Murchison, C. K. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Jephcott, A. R. Murray, John (Leeds, West) Starkey, Captain John Ralph Jesson, C. Murray, William (Dumfries) Steel, Major S. Strang Jodrell, Neville Paul Myers, Thomas Stewart, Gershom John, William (Rhondda, West) Neal, Arthur Strauss, Edward Anthony Johnson, Sir Stanley Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Sturrock, J. Leng Johnstone, Joseph Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Sugden, W. H. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Sutherland, Sir William Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Nield, Sir Herbert Sykes, Colonel Sir A. J. (Knutsford) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Taylor, J. Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk, George Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Thomas-Stanford, Charles King, Captain Henry Douglas Palmer, Major Godfrey Mark Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Parker, James Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Lane-Fox, G. R. Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Tickler, Thomas George Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Pearce, Sir William Townley, Maximilian G. Lawson, John James Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Tryon, Major George Clement Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Waddington, H. Lloyd, George Butler Perkins, Walter Frank Wallace, J. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Perring, William George Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Lorden, John William Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Lort-Williams, J. Pratt, John William Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Loseby, Captain C. E. Prescott, Major W. H. Waring, Major Walter Lowe, Sir Francis William Raeburn, Sir William H. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Lunn, William Randles, Sir John Scurrah Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Lynn, R. J. Rankin, Captain James Stuart White, Col. G. D. (Southport) M'Connell, Thomas Edward Ratcliffe, Henry Butler Wignall, James Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Williams, C. (Tavistock) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Remnant, Sir James Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Renwick, Sir George Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. McMicking, Major Gilbert Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Wilson-Fox, Henry Macpherson, Rt. Hon James I. Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Wise, Frederick Macquisten, F. A. Rodger, A. K. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Maddocks, Henry Royden, Sir Thomas Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Magnus, Sir Philip Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Mallalieu, Frederick William Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Worsfold, T. Cato Manville, Edward Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Meysey-Thompson, Lieut.-Col. E. C. Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Middlebrook, Sir William Seager, Sir William Young, E. H. (Norwich) Mitchell, Sir William Lane Seddon, J. A. Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Shaw, Thomas (Preston) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.- Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) McCurdy. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Robertson, John Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hallas, Eldred Royce, William Stapleton Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hayday, Arthur Swan, J. E. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Briant, Frank Hogge, James Myles Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Bromfield, William Irving, Dan Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kenyon, Barnet Waterson, A. E. Cairns, John Kiley, James Daniel Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D.(Midlothian) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Devlin, Joseph O'Grady, James Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Entwistle, Major C. F. Raffan, Peter Wilson Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy and Galbraith, Samuel Rendall, Atheistan Major Hayward. Glanville, Harold James Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)
Question put accordingly, " That the words ' Committee stage ' stand part of the Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 211; Noes, 110.
Division No. 226.] AYES. [8.12 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Armstrong, Henry Bruce Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Astor, Viscountess Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Barlow, Sir Montague Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S) Perkins, Walter Frank Barnett, Major Richard W. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Perring, William George Barnston, Major Harry Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Beckett, Hon. Gervase Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Pratt, John William Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Hood, Joseph Prescott, Major W. H. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Hopkins, John W. W. Raeburn, Sir William H. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Randies, Sir John Scurrah Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Bigland, Alfred Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Raper, A. Baldwin Birchall, Major J. Dearman Hudson, R. M. Ratcliffe, Henry Butler Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Blair, Sir Reginald Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Borwick, Major G. O. Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hurd, Percy A. Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Rodger, A. K. Briggs, Harold Jephcott, A. R. Royden, Sir Thomas Brittain, Sir Harry Jesson, C. Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Jodrell, Neville Paul Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Johnson, Sir Stanley Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Carew, Charles Robert S. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Carr, W. Theodore Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Seager, Sir William Casey, T. W. King, Captain Henry Douglas Seddon, J. A. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-pn-T.) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Lane-Fox, G. R. Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Clough, Robert Lloyd, George Butler Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Coats, Sir Stuart Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Starkey, Captain John Ralph Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Steel, Major S. Strang Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Lorden, John William Stewart, Gershom Davidson, J.C.C.(Hemel Hempstead) Lort-Williams, J. Strauss, Edward Anthony Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Loseby, Captain C. E. Sturrock, J. Leng Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.) Lowe, Sir Francis William Sugden, W. H. Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry M'Connell, Thomas Edward Sutherland, Sir William Doyle, N. Grattan Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Sykes, Colonel Sir A. J. (Knutsford) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Taylor, J. Edgar, Clifford B. M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Macquisten, F. A. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Elveden, Viscount Maddocks, Henry Tickler, Thomas George Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Magnus, Sir Philip Townley, Maximilian G. Falcon, Captain Michael Mallalieu, Frederick William Tryon, Major George Clement FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Waddington, R. Ford, Patrick Johnston Manville, Edward Wallace, J. Forestier-Walker, L. Meysey-Thompson, Lieut.-Col. E. C. Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Forrest, Walter Middlebrook, Sir William Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Mitchell, Sir William Lane Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Gardiner, James Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Waring, Major Walter Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Moreing, Captain Algernon H. White, Col G. D. (Southport) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Williams, C. (Tavistock) Gilbert, James Daniel Morris, Richard Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Murray, John (Leeds, West) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Goff, Sir R. Park Murray, William (Dumfries) Wise, Frederick Grant, James Augustus Neal, Arthur Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Green, Albert (Derby) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Worsfold, T. Cato Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Greer, Harry Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Greig, Colonel Sir James William Palmer, Major Godfrey Mark Young, E. H. (Norwich) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Parker, James Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Harris, Sir Henry Percy Pearce, Sir William Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) McCurdy. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Brown, Major D. C. Entwistle, Major C. F. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Cairns, John Galbraith, Samuel Balfour, George (Hampstead) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Gillis, William Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Glanville, Harold James Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Glyn, Major Ralph Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Gritten, W. G. Howard Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Grundy, T. W. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Betterton, Henry B. Devlin, Joseph Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l, W. D'by) Briant, Frank Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Hallas, Eldred Bromfield, William Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hayday, Arthur Hayward, Evan McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Morgan, Major D. Watts Spencer, George A. Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Morrison, Hugh Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Hirst, G. H. Mosley, Oswald Swan, J. E. Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Murchison, C. K. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Hogge, James Myles Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Irving, Dan Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Myers, Thomas Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. John, William (Rhondda, West) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Waterson, A. E. Johnstone, Joseph O'Grady, James Wignall, James Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Raffan, Peter Wilson Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Kenyon, Barnet Remnant, Sir James Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Kiley, James Daniel Rendall, Athelstan Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Renwick, Sir George Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Lawson, John James Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Wilson-Fox, Henry Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Winterton, Earl Lunn, William Robertson, John Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Lynn, R. J. Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Macdonald. Rt. Hon. John Murray Rose, Frank H. Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Royce, William Stapleton TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Mr. Ormsby-Gore and Mr. W. McMicking, Major Gilbert Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Graham.
On a point of Order. May I ask you, Mr. Speaker, whether you regard the Amendment standing in my name to insert the words " provided that Standing Committee B and such other Committee as aforesaid shall not sit at the same time," as one which ought to be moved? Do you regard that point as having been covered by the recent decision of the House and is it going to be passed over? I should like to know if you have selected the Amendment in the name of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury).
In the exercise of my powers with regard to selection, I have chosen the Amendment leaving out the Kangaroo Closure.
I beg to move, in paragraph "Committee Stage," to leave out the words in the year 1917 the Government brought in a proposal to impose conscription, and they put into the Bill a Clause regarding Ireland, in which they said they would have power to enforce conscription in Ireland, and they inserted the word "may." I put down an Amendment to leave out the word "may" and insert the word "shall." The Government had said that they did intend to impose conscription in Ireland and that they had only made the provision in that way for convenience. I was not quite sure that that was what would happen, and, therefore, I thought it better to clinch the matter by moving to insert the word "shall" instead of "may." The Kangaroo was in force and my Amendment was ruled out. It was a most important Amendment. It might indeed have made a very considerable change in the situation in Ireland if it had been carried. I only give that as an illustration to show that what may seem to be an unimportant Amendment at the moment may eventually turn out to be a vital Amendment.
I always opposed the operation of the Kangaroo because I did not think it fair to the Chairman of Committees or to Mr. Speaker to place them in that invidious position. I have looked back on the few remarks I made on this subject in 1911, when I moved to leave out the power of the Kangaroo. I then said that I did not agree with the power being given to either Mr. Speaker or to the Chairman of Committees for, although they were chosen from the most trusted and experienced Members of the House and have long experience, while Members of the House had great con- fidence in them, I said that although I did not wish to make any reflection on them, nor do I now, upon the Chair man of the Standing Committees, but I thought that the Chairman of Standing Committees had not the experience possessed by Mr. Speaker or by the Chairman of Committees. They were chosen by the Committee of Selection, and even in the old days when there was a larger number of experienced Members in the House than now, it was very wrong to put upon them the burden of choosing Amendments in this way. Moreover it was, I said, temptation to the Government to get some devoted follower to put down what looks like a rather complicated Amendment although really it was very simple, and did not alter the Bill, and having got it put down, to suggest to the Chairman that it was a really important Amendment which should be carried. The Chairmen of Standing Committees often say it is their duty to get a Bill through. Almost the very first words used by the Chairman on the Committee dealing with the Railways Bill were to that effect, and presumably with that idea in his mind, he would accept the suggestion of the Government that a certain important Amendment should be called upon. There would then be a discussion upon it and other Amendments would be barred from discussion on the ground that the most important Amendment had been dealt with. It is a very difficult position to put the Chairman in, and I am sure that if this is carried it will lead to the destruction of any real attempt in the Standing Committees to improve or alter a Bill.
The suggestion or rather the offer I made, as far as I could speak for anybody in addition to myself, that I would not object to the power of selection of Amendments being granted to the Chairmen of the existing Standing Committees, of course does not apply to the proposal now before the House. I agree that the power of selection of Amendments in the hands of the Chair man of Committees and, of course, in the hands of Mr. Speaker, is an instrument which, as used by them, has added to the efficiency of Debate, and, except on comparatively rare occasions, has not proved very unjust to Members who have had Amendments on the Paper. Speaking as I do with some knowledge of the work of the Chairman of Committees, I know the exercise of the power of selection of Amendments requires a very great deal of care and experience to ensure that it does not operate so as to cause injustice to Members who have Amendments down, or to cause damage to the intention of Parliament to improve the Bill in the public interest and make it better than when it left the hands of the Parliamentary draughtsman. It requires a very great deal of experience and, personally, I re member how long it took me, when I was left to my own resources without the guidance and assistance of the Chairman of Committees, to really handle the weapon with anything like fairness to Members and efficiency in Debate. Over and over again it was a common experience in connection with the Bills with which I had specially to deal—and hon. Members then in the House will recollect that the Home Rule Bill, the Parliament Bill, the Welsh Church Disestablishment Bill, and the Insurance Bill were among the more prominent Measures of that time—I say over and over again it was shown that the Amendments which the Chairman and myself had selected as the best for discussion turned out in the course of debate not to be those which ought to be discussed. One of the best features of the House of Commons, especially in Committee work, is that, owing to their wide experience of men and things, the ordinary Member of this House raises in the course of debate points of the greatest value, and, consequently, on many occasions the Chair used to select Amendments which were not those selected when the proceedings began, and it also very often accepted for debate manuscript Amendments that had been handed in. That being the case, I think I have sufficiently proved that this instrument requires a great deal of skill and experience in order to wield it efficiently. There is another point about it. In order to select Amendments with anything like efficiency, the Chair must know the whole Bill—not only the Clause which is being dealt with at the moment, but the Bill as a whole. The Clauses, of course, are interrelated, and points arising on a particular Clause may have a bearing on a Clause already passed, or on a Clause which will be reached later in the Bill.
Applying all this to the proposals of the Government, what do we find? The Chairman of Committee B has, as I know from my own experience, a very arduous task, and he is discharging it with great patience and skill. The selection of Amendments which he will exercise will be in connection with that part of the Bill which is left to him. But another part of the Bill, over which he has no control whatever, will be dealt with by another Chairman in another room, and it is impossible, even for the present experienced Chairman of Committee B, to exercise his discretion on those parts of the Bill which are left to him when he does not know what is happening with regard to the other part of the Bill in another Committee. I feel quite certain that the exercise of his discretion will be very much limited, because he cannot possibly know what is going on in another Committee. He cannot be expected to get up the previous day's proceedings of another Committee before the meeting of his own Committee. He does not get those proceedings until the next day but one, and, therefore, he is left in the dark as to what the other Committee has done. At the same time you cannot help these Amendments having relation to one another, and the proceedings of one Committee being related to those of another. Let me take as an example Clauses 52 and 53, which are expressly exempted from the purview and powers of the new Committee. Those Clauses are kept for the old Committee, which is not dealing with rates at all. The first few lines of Clause 52 are as follows: is going on in the new Committee dealing with the question of rates; but as to that I am absolutely in the dark. I must, however, get on with the Bill. The Chair man of a Committee must have regard to a decision of the House, and not only to its letter, but to its spirit. Here is the decision of the House to-day. The desire of the Executive was this: "Shove along with this Bill anyhow." The Chairman has that in his mind, and cannot help being influenced by it. There is the poor man, feeling it to be his duty as well as he can to select Amendments.
Let me now turn to the Chairman of the new Committee. His position, poor fellow—I say so with the greatest respect—is much worse than that of. the experienced Chairman of Committee B. He comes in without knowing anything about the Bill, and neither do his colleagues, the Members of the Committee. They have not served on the other Committee; they are novices; they are tackling a Bill of the most complicated, interlocked nature that can possibly be conceived; and this chunk of the essence of the Bill is ruthlessly carved out and handed over to them. What is the position of the Chairman with regard to the selection of Amendments there? He has not seen the Debates on the grouping of the railways; he knows nothing about the settlement of amalgamation schemes under Clause 2, and nothing of the pro visions of Clauses 3 and 4, nor of the discussions which have taken place on the Clauses which have been passed, dealing with the Amalgamation Tribunal and the new tribunal which is being set up instead of, or concurrently with, the Railway and Canal Commission. He is ignorant of all those Clauses to which I have just made a passing reference, on scarcely one of which a question of rates did not arise.
Was there ever a more ludicrous or cruel Parliamentary position in which to place an unhappy Chairman and an equally unhappy and unfortunate Committee of this House? He has no know ledge such as the Chairman of Committee B possesses, but he is impelled and influenced by the same forces to which I have alluded in connection with the order of the House, which says: "Shove along with this part of the Bill; we must get it by the 15th August." He will have that in his mind, and will select Amendments. But he will select Amendments in the dark. He will do his best, of course, but the conditions under which he works are of a Parliamentary character hitherto unexampled in the whole of our legislation. It is when one gets down to examine such Amendments as there are on the Paper that the difficulties of the situation become apparent. These are most important matters going to the very root of the whole question, and exposing the fallacy and the folly of the proposals of the Government. What remedy is there? There is none, except, of course, the reversal of the decision of the House on the Amendment to exclude the Committee stage. I think I have demonstrated the impracticable character of the Government proposal.
I do not think the House will expect me to enter into the merits of the Kangaroo. That has been dealt with already. The real point, apparently, of the Amendment is not that the Kangaroo should not be applied under certain circumstances, but that it should not be applied if the Committee is to be divided. It is perfectly true that the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City (Sir F. Banbury) said the Standing Committee Chairmen had not sufficient experience, but that, of course, is a different point. With regard to the use of the Kangaroo, I understand my right hon. Friend made an offer, so far as he and those who vote with him are concerned, that if the Committee were not split he would not object to the Chair man having the power of the Kangaroo. If that is so, I do not think I need discuss any of the disadvantages and difficulties of the Kangaroo which he pointed out, because he was himself prepared to face those difficulties if the Standing Committee were not divided.
The whole point was, if the Chairman of Committee B had the whole Bill before him. Under these conditions he will not have the whole Bill before him. Part III will be under another Chairman in another Committee. That is the point I was making.
My right hon. Friend has simply repeated the second part of his speech, but I was dealing with the first part. The first part of his speech consisted entirely of pointing out the great difficulties of the Kangaroo as Kangaroo, and had nothing whatever to do with the Division at all. I said that, so far as that part of his speech is concerned, he himself was prepared to accept it if the Committee was undivided. Although there are difficulties and disadvantages, they are such as we can very well face in Committee. With regard to the position of the Chairmen, in the first place I absolutely deny that this House is so poverty stricken in men of experience that we cannot get experienced Chairmen of Committees. We get most experienced and able Chairmen of Committees. There is not the slightest doubt that there are many men in the House of long experience, thoroughly versed in all the procedure of Committee and other stages of Bills, who are perfectly competent to do the work. I deny that the House is so poverty stricken as the right hon. Baronet, and indeed my right hon. Friend himself, seem to imply. My right hon. Friend drew a picture of the two Chairmen of these two Committees which was not only terrifying but heart rending. Their position was appalling! Is it really to be supposed that the Chairman of the second Committee is going to read nothing but Part III of the Bill which is sent to him? Is it really to be supposed that he will not study the Bill and know all about it and study the Amendments to the other parts of the Bill as well? He can consult with the Chairman of Standing Committee B. Really I thought he must be joking when he suggested that the Chairman would go to it in the dark, blindly, without ever taking the trouble to study the whole Bill and the Amendments down to the other parts of it. I should have thought it was perfectly simple for him to know perfectly well on any morning or afternoon what had been done in the other Committee and what Amendments were down for discussion in it and to know exactly how he would have to guide the proceedings before his own Committee. There is no difficulty about that at all. I can understand that my right hon. Friend's position was not a very strong one when he was bound to preface his remarks by a criticism of the whole system of Kangaroo, pointing out its difficulties, and he struck me as doing that very much more effectively than he portrayed the difficulties of the Division and there being two Chairmen to deal with separate parts of the Bill. Part III is admitted on all hands to be a part of the Bill which could be taken out and brought in as a separate Measure. It is admitted that it could be dealt with without in any way weakening the other parts of the Bill. Suppose it had been taken out of the Bill and brought in as a separate Measure, it would have gone to a different Committee without anything to warn the Chairman that it was part of a larger Measure, and the whole of the difficulties my right hon. Friend described so graphically would have been intensified. Therefore I hope the House will reject the Amendment.
I want to raise a constitutional point which has not yet been raised. I got up every time to make it, but I did not have the privilege of being seen by Mr. Speaker or Mr. Deputy-Speaker. There was a distinct Parliamentary bargain when these Grand Committees were instituted that there should be no Kangaroo Closure. In 1919 the whole system of Grand Committees was reconsidered. In previous Parliaments we only had two Grand Committees and there were only certain special Bills which were referred to them. In 1919 the Government came to the conclusion that it was necessary to institute a complete system of Grand Committees. I think five were to be instituted, and all Bills were to be referred to them except certain special Bills. When the Attorney-General introduced this scheme he distinctly laid down that it was not pro posed to give the power of the Kangaroo to the Chairmen of Standing Committees. Some of us were rather opposed to the Grand Committee system altogether, but on the basis laid down by the Government itself, that there was to be no Kangaroo, the thing was passed, and the scheme has been working for the last two years. There never has been power, up to the present, given to the Chairman of a Grand Committee to exercise the Kangaroo Closure. Various Bills have gone through Grand Committee of great importance. I can remember one in which I took part, that for the institution of the Transport Ministry. It lasted many weeks. There were all kinds of interests —railways, docks, harbours, roads, and everything else—which had to be considered. There were hundreds of Amendments. That Bill passed through without a single Closure. A large number of Amendments were made to it, it came out of Committee very much better than it went in, and everyone at least had the feeling that his case had been considered and that all the Amendments we wanted to put before the Committee had been considered.
The proposal now is that by a side wind—not by a new Standing Order as it ought to have been—the Government is going to introduce the Kangaroo Closure into the Grand Committees. It is true that in form it is only a proposal to introduce it for this particular Bill, but the Prime Minister said this after noon, "I hope the procedure will be grafted on to the Grand Committee sys tem." He foresaw at once that if the Government once got the Kangaroo Closure in a Grand Committee we shall have it very soon in the whole of the Grand Committees. The result will be that the system of Grand Committees, which is not approved by every Member of the House, will get a bad odour at once. The only reason that made Grand Committees possible is that it is possible in them that every single question shall be fully debated, and every Amendment desired to be put shall be put. I am forced to agree that by the loquacity of the House it is impossible to do without Guillotine or Closure in Committee in this House, but I am sure the desire of those who established the Grand Committee sys tem, including the Government itself, was that every single proposal should be thoroughly debated in Grand Committee, and that is why we can do with very short Report stages. I remember in the old days that the Report stage was often nearly as long as the Committee stage. Amendments were proposed over and over again, and to-day Amendments are proposed on the Report stage which have been guillotined by the Kangaroo Closure during the Committee stage. The object of the Grand Committee system was to wipe out that, and to have everything thoroughly discussed, leaving only very exceptional and important points for the Report stage.
I submit that this is a question of vital importance, and hon. Members who may be inclined to vote for it to-day may sing quite a different tune when the time comes that their Amendments are being closured in Grand Committees in the future. All the speeches that I have heard this after noon have disclosed no reason whatever for the Kangaroo Closure. The Minister of Transport's speech was to this effect: "How well we have done hitherto in the Committee! The great fundamental bases of the Bill have already been added to the Bill, and there are only one or two unimportant questions left." There was no evidence put to the House this afternoon which convinced me that the Kangaroo Closure was necessary in regard to the remaining provisions of the Bill. My main point is the constitutional one, and I am certain the House will be doing a bad day's work for itself and a bad day's work for the country if it rivets the Kangaroo Closure on the Grand Committees.
This afternoon the Leader of the House, the Cassandra, followed by the hon. Member for Durham (Major Hills), the Jeremiah, who was followed by the Minister of Transport, as the Fat Boy from "Pick wick," all sang the same song, namely, that if we do not pass this Bill by a certain date we shall be faced with financial disaster. They seemed to consider that the only possibility of a financial crisis was produced by our not passing the Bill. I submit that in using the methods of the Kangaroo Closure, we are imitating the roots of the money market in their most sensitive parts. Nobody realises, or very few people realise, the enormous financial interests concerned in this Bill. A sum of £1,400,000,000 is the approximate amount of private investors' money in railway enterprise. Of that, over £800,000,000 is in trustee securities. We, as Members of Standing Committee "B" and this House, are trustees of the trustees who have to invest this money, and, in the haphazard, sloppy way that is engendered by the Kangaroo process. which has been so artificially puffed and so wrongly applauded to-day, we may do great harm. Certainly we shall be doing a very great disservice if we do not call attention to the evil effects of which the Kangaroo Closure is capable. It is useless to disguise from ourselves the fact that the great public, when it sees that the Bill in its final stage is forced through with inadequate discussion, will get very nervous and exceedingly frightened as to the security of its investments.
9.0 P.M.
It is not fair to say that if we do not pass this Bill we may produce a financial crisis. Nothing is easier than if you pass this Bill in the wrong way to produce a financial crisis exactly comparable to the one you wish to avoid. I should like to associate myself with the remarks of the hon. Member who has just spoken. He has put the matter from a different angle from that which has been put this afternon. If it is correct that a bargain was entered into two years ago when the Grand Committees were formed that the Kangaroo Closure should not be applied in Grand Committees, we want a very full answer from the Government to justify their going back upon that bargain in such a short time. We know, of course, that there is a precedent for it, one occurred yesterday; but precedents, though they may occur in scores, are not good by reason of their constant repetition, and the more you avoid the use of bad precedents the better, not only for the credit of the Government, but for the well-being of good Parliamentary custom which has so long obtained in this House. This House has always been called the Mother of Parliaments. I wonder what some of the overseas representatives think of it at the present time, when we are sacrificing all our rights, and when our rights are being prostituted.
The Kangaroo Closure is merely one of dozens of methods which limit the right of free speech and the great right of liberty. Under the Kangaroo the Chair man has the right to select Amendments. I do not represent any railway. I represent no class, except that I have been asked to represent a certain number of shareholders and stockholders. I am a trustee, but I hold no railway securities. Therefore, I can speak independently. The Chairman has the right to select Amendments, and to choose which he thinks are the best. Who have governed the Debates so far as we have had them in Standing Committee B? Has it been the small companies, the small interests? No. It has been the big ones, and so it will go on. The small man with the small interest, which is just as important to the little man as the large interest is to the big man, has a chance under this system of Kangaroo of being closured out. I hope hon. Members will resist, though I do not suppose it will be much use, the proposal that we are to have the Kangaroo Closure applied in these two Committees.
I also hope that the House will resist this proposal, and will vote for the Amendment moved by the right hon. Member for the City. I wish to reinforce what was said by the hon. Member for Twickenham (Sir W. Joynson-Hicks) and the hon. Member for Bromley (Lieut.-Colonel James). In the spring of 1919, when the Grand Committee system was extended by the Government, to which extension many of us took the strongest exception, a Parliamentary promise was made by the Government that the system of Kangaroo would not be extended to Grand Committees. Indeed, it is my recollections that that was one of the reasons which induced the House to agree to the extension of the Grand Committee system. If there were reasons against the use of the Kangaroo in Grand Committees as we know them now, there are very much greater reasons against its use in the second Committee, to which it is proposed to send Part III of this Bill. The Home Secretary dismissed very lightly the argument of my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) against the use of the Kangaroo by the Chairman of the second Committee. My right hon. Friend suggested to the Government that if the second Committee was not set up, and the Bill were proceeded with before Standing Committee B, some of his objections to the use of the Kangaroo in that Committee would be withdrawn, and the Home Secretary suggested that, my right hon. Friend having made his offer, his objection to the use of the Kangaroo by the Chairman of the second Committee thereby fell to the ground. That is not so.
The Home Secretary made very light of the difficulties that would be imposed on each of the Chairmen of these two Committees in following the proceedings in the other Committee. The Home Secretary said that each Chairman would know exactly what was going on in the other Committee, and that there would be no difficulty in either Chairman selecting Amendments under the Kangaroo system. There would be great difficulty in each Chairman following what was going on in the other Committee. It would be very difficult for the Chairman of one Committee to read the proceedings of the other Committee, even if he received those proceedings before the Debate took place, upon the day upon which he selects Amendments. My hon. Friend opposite suggested that that is not so. I do not know how long he has been a Member of this House, or whether he has ever been Chairman of a Standing Committee. If not, he should apply to the Government for a post as Chairman of one of these Committees. Then he would understand the difficulties which these Chairmen will have to face. I have had some experience of Standing Committees in the course of my 15 years in this House, and I say that it is impossible for either of these two Chairmen adequately to know what is going on in the other Committee, and therefore the task imposed upon them by this Resolution is not only impossible, but is a mere mockery of Parliamentary procedure. To give to the Chairman of each Committee power to select Amendments must inevitably lead to confusion and chaos and to one of those bad irresponsible Measures of legislation to which this Parliament is now growing accustomed.
I would suggest that the best test to apply to this Amendment is for those who are Members of Committee B to realise what it would have meant if the Chairman had had the right to kangaroo the part of the proceedings on which we have been engaged for the last five weeks. The Minister and the Parliamentary Secretary have admitted that matters of real substance have been discussed and that there has been no obstruction. Yet if the Kangaroo had been in the hands of the Chairman there would have been great temptation to expedite the proceedings of the Committee by using the Kangaroo, and that would necessarily have meant that many matters of real importance which we have been discussing would have been closured and lost sight of. If that is important in proceedings on the first part of the Bill it is equally important as regards the remainder of the Bill. Railway directors are well represented on the Committee upstairs and have put the case for themselves and the shareholders excellently. Why should the interests which are more directly concerned with labour, traders and the public be subject to a procedure which was not applied to those of the railway companies? The Home Secretary was inclined to twit the right hon. Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) for being willing to apply the Kangaroo upstairs if the Bill were left-to one Committee. That is hardly a fair retort.
The suggestion of my right hon. Friend was that rather than accept the whole procedure outlined by these Resolutions, not merely dividing the Bill into two Committees but also closuring on Report stage and Third Reading, it might be possible to meet the necessity of moving quickly by having some resort to Closure. It is one different thing to Kangaroo in Committee when you are going to have full and free debate on Report and Third Reading; but when we see that no fewer than 40 Clauses have got to be taken in this House in three hours it is necessary that there should be ample time for discussion in Committee upstairs, so that the whole of the various interests concerned shall be carefully weighed up. The Home Secretary replied to arguments on this side by suggesting that Part III was nothing more than an average rating Bill, such as has been before us on many occasions. Those who are cognisant of the full bearing of the Bill know that it is much more than that and that it is the counterparts to Parts I, II, and IV. The traders and the public as a whole are making big sacrifices in Part I and in Part IV, and it is absolutely essential that Part III should be carried in its entirety and after due consideration, in order that it may equitably balance the rest of the Measure.
Reference has been made to Part III as though it was merely a question affecting traders. It is a great deal more than that. If it means anything, it is to be the machinery whereby the public at large and the country as a whole are to get any gain out of this Bill. Part I satisfied the railway shareholders and directors; Part IV makes valuable and necessary concessions to labour; but Part III affects the country as a whole. If a revival of industry is to be brought about by reduced rates, it is important that every line and every Clause of Part III should be carefully considered. The right hon. Gentleman suggested that it was really a question of machinery, but there are also vital matters of principle in Part III. There is the question of the constitution of the Rates Advisory Committee. Unless that is carefully considered and the various interests affected are properly represented, the protection that is necessary against Part I and Part IV will not be provided. There is the procedure pro vided by the Rates Tribunal. Under the Kangaroo you cannot tell what particular Amendments may be closured completely. Again there is the very big principle for traders of the abolition of exceptional rates. It is a most complicated and intricate question. The whole of that is to be wiped away, and something else is to be substituted.
When you are making a fundamental change in the whole rating system of the country, it is essential that full protection should be given to all the interests concerned and to the public. In this matter we are going into dangerous paths. The right hon. Gentleman's excuse for dealing with this question in this somewhat unusual way was that he had the consent and agreement of the traders. I wonder whether he is quite accurate in stating that. It is true that the traders as a whole are anxious to get the whole Bill, but that does not say that the traders and the public are anxious to have this particular form of procedure. I hold here a document which has been circulated by a very large body of traders, the Federation of Iron and Steel Manufacturers, and I have letters from firms in my own district, emphatically protesting against this procedure. What they suggest is, that, in order that full consideration can be given to the various and complicated claims and principles which are at stake, there should be either an Autumn Session or the Bill should be dropped.
The hon. Member is proceeding a little wide of the Amendment.
I was using an illustration as to the complicated interests of trade and public which are at stake, and was arguing that those were so great that there should be full discussion of the Bill. The point I was making was that the traders of the country are not agreed as to this procedure.
What I said was this: That the traders as a whole, so far as one can get trading opinion in this House, were in favour of separating Part III, with Clauses 52 and 53, and putting them under a different procedure. They agreed that it could be separated and was not an integral part of the Bill, but they thought it was necessary that the pro visions of Part III should come into force simultaneously with the rest of the Bill, as otherwise it would be unfair to them, because they had agreed to other pro visions of the Bill, to which the rating Clauses were a complement. There was a large meeting of those representing trading opinion in this House and outside, and to it they invited my officials. That meeting agreed that Part III should be split off, but they could not agree to its being split off unless it passed simultaneously with the rest of the Bill. They raised no difficulties at all; in fact, they advocated its being separated in this way.
I understood the right hon. Gentleman to refer to traders generally, not in this House but in the country. The traders in the iron and steel industry are opposed to this arrangement. There is particular need for care that nothing should be rushed. By rushing the Bill you may unwittingly set up machinery which will work most disadvantageously to trade and commerce and industry as a whole. At a time like the present certainty is required above everything else. To create uncertainty by hasty legislation which may have to be undone in a few months is not wise. It would be better to give full time to the Bill by means of an Autumn Session, but if that is not possible, the Government could extend the present Session to the end of September and so enable Members to thrash out this Bill thoroughly.
I think we ought to consider this Amendment in conjunction with the steps taken to force through this Bill. On the Second Reading a great many Members wished to speak, but the Debate was brought to an end under the Closure. Hull has a particular interest in this Bill, and that interest I was unable to put before the House on Second Reading. The Minister of Transport would not even refer to the subject in his reply at the end of the Debate, and said that the matter would be dealt with in Committee. It was dealt with in Committee, and I make no complaint about the time allocated to it. None the less, under the Closure it might very well have been passed over. If we divide this Bill and send it to two Committees, each under the Kangaroo, suppose the next Government brings in a Bill for the nationalising of the land of the country—which would be a Bill of great complexity—why should they not send it to four Committees and use the precedent of to-day's proceedings—disastrous proceedings, as I think—as a reason for doing this, and give to the Chairman of each of the four Committees the power to use the Kangaroo ruthlessly? When the Bill we are discussing comes downstairs for the Report stage and the Third Reading the time will be utterly inadequate. The Committee which is considering the Bill is a large Committee with a great many Members representative of all parties, and we seldom have a straight party vote; but not even the Minister of Transport would say that the time allowed for report is anything like adequate.
The point is the Committee stage.
The question of the Kangaroo has a bearing on the short time for the sub sequent proceedings, but I will not pursue that. I referred just now to the precedent that this sets up for forcing through highly contentious and, possibly, very novel measures under a different Government. We will suppose that we bring in four Bills, one for nationalising land, a second for nationalising rail ways—which I know the right hon. Gentleman the Minister for Transport will support—a third for nationalising mines, and a fourth for nationalising shipping. I may say I am not in favour of all these measures, although I would be in favour of some of them. They are four long, complicated, and controversial Bills—that is, if any of the hon. Gentlemen opposite are fortunate enough to be returned to form an Opposition, and I hope they will be for the sake of Parliament. Each of these Bills could be sent to two or three Committees. Each Chair man would have the power of Kangaroo, and, observe this, that if you are going to Kangaroo in Committee, it is necessary for the Members of that Committee to be there the whole of the time. It is possible now for the Member who has some important matter to attend to on the Floor of the House to be able to say with some certainty when certain Amendments will be taken. He can come down and pay a little attention to what I consider are his legitimate Parliamentary duties. You have a small Opposition already, we may have in future Parliaments equally small Oppositions. Eight Committees on four Bills would tax an Opposition to the uttermost, and if these Committees sat at the same time as the House, and the Kangaroo was in operation upstairs, practically the whole Opposition would be upstairs. While that is being done we bring in a measure for a Capital Levy and the Abolition of the Second Chamber on the Floor of the House under the Kangaroo and the closure, and what becomes of Parliamentary safeguards from the Opposition? They are swept away. That is what this proposal for the Kangaroo does. I think it is very fatal. What is being done was really outlined by the Prime Minister during the General Election of 1918. I am sorry the right hon. Gentleman has only paid one of his fleeting visits to the House this afternoon, and has not sat through the Debate. He said during the General Election that he hoped there would be no Opposition, and that the House of Commons would become a mere recording machine.
We are dealing with the Committee, and I think the hon. Gentleman is out of place with his remarks.
I look upon this proposal of the Kangaroo in Committee as so serious an attack upon the rights and powers of Parliament that I was searching for the author of the proposal, and I hope I have found him. We were told on the Second Reading that certain points which could not be dealt with then would be dealt with in Committee. We were told in Com-
mittee that there was always the Report stage. I am not going to deal with the attack on the Report stage now, but we cannot be certain of particular points being raised in Committee. From the Chamber of Commerce in ray own constituency I have received proposals for Amendments for the later stage of the Bill. I have not put them on the Paper; I am waiting to see how the Bill shapes. There are only half a dozen of them, and they affect specially the shipping interests of my constituency. They will not take long, and I will not obstruct, but I have no guarantee that the Chairman can understand the importance of each Amendment to the constituency I am trying to stand up for in the Committee. I really think that position is intolerable, and I hope hon. Members will not go blindly into the Lobby in this Division as they did the last time. If all the Members who cheered the hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormbsy-Gore) and the Noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton), had gone into the Lobby where their hearts guided, and not where their pockets or head guided, we would not have to be discussing this now. The Government would have been beaten—as they have been beaten in argument this afternoon—but their faithful followers have saved them in the Lobby.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 164; Noes, 85.
Division No. 227.] AYES. [9.35 p.m. Adair. Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Hallwood, Augustine Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Clough, Robert Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Armstrong, Henry Bruce Coats, Sir Stuart Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Barlow, Sir Montague Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hood, Joseph Barnes Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.) Hopkins, John W. W. Barnett, Major Richard W. Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Barnston, Major Harry Edgar, Clifford B. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Hudson, R. M. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Bigland, Alfred Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Hurd, Percy A. Blair, Sir Reginald Ford, Patrick Johnston Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Borwick, Major G. O. Forestler-Walker, L. Jephcott, A. R. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Fraser, Major Sir Keith Jesson, C. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Jodrell, Neville Paul Breese, Major Charles E. Gardiner, James Johnson, Sir Stanley Briggs, Harold Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Brown, Major D. C. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Goff, Sir R. Park King, Captain Henry Douglas Carew, Charles Robert S. Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Lane-Fox, G. R. Carr, W. Theodore Green, Albert (Derby) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Casey, T. W. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Lindsay, William Arthur Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Lloyd, George Butler Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Sturrock, J. Leng Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Parker, James Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Lorden, John William Pearce, Sir William Sugden, W. H. Lort-Williams, J. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Taylor, J. Loseby, Captain C. E. Perkins, Walter Frank Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) M'Connell, Thomas Edward Perring, William George Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A. Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Tryon, Major George Clement Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Waddington, R. McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Pratt, John William Wallace, J. McMicking, Major Gilbert Prescott, Major W. H. Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Raeburn, Sir William H. Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Macquisten, F. A. Randies, Sir John Scurrah Waring, Major Walter Maddocks, Henry Raper, A. Baldwin Warren, Sir Alfred H. Magnus, Sir Philip Ratcliffe, Henry Butler Wheler, Col Granville C. H. Mallalieu, Frederick William Reid, D. D. White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Manville, Edward Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Williams, C. (Tavistock) Middlebrook, Sir William Rodger, A. K. Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Mitchell, Sir William Lane Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Wise, Frederick Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Morgan, Major D. Watts Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Morris, Richard Seager, Sir William Young, E. H. (Norwich) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Seddon, J. A. Murray, William (Dumfries) Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Neal, Arthur Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Dudley Ward.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hayward, Evan Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Remnant, Sir James Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Rendall, Athelstan Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hirst, G. H. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hogge, James Myles Robertson, John Briant, Frank Irving, Dan Rose, Frank H. Bromfield, William Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Royce, William Stapleton Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Cairns, John John, William (Rhondda, West) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Johnstone, Joseph Sitch, Charles H. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Spencer, George A. Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Kenyon, Barnet Swan, J. E. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Kiley, James Daniel Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Lawson, John James Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Entwistle, Major C. F. Lunn, William Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Galbraith, Samuel Lynn, R. J. Waterson, A. E. Gillis, William Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Glanville, Harold James Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Wignall, James Gould, James C. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Gritten, W. G. Howard Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Grundy, T. W. Myers, Thomas Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Winterton, Earl Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) O'Grady, James Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l, W. D'by) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Hartshorn, Vernon Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Hayday, Arthur Raffan, Peter Wilson TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Sir F. Banbury and Mr. Inskip.
I beg to move, in paragraph "Report Stage and Third Reading," to leave out the word "Three " ["Three allotted days"] and to insert instead thereof the word " Six ".
This Amendment asks the Government to allot six days instead of three to the Report stage and Third Reading of the Bill. If the mind of the Government is open to any impression at all, one thing that should be impressed clearly upon it, as a result of to-day's Debate, is the importance of the Report stage. I do not say it is the most important, but it is as important as any other stage of the Bill. Hon. Members have already been informed a good many times what the number of Clauses is—75, and schedules. There are hundreds of Amendments on the Paper, but they are going to be disposed of under the selection power in the hands of the Chairman, and after that process has been completed the mosaic is to be fitted together on the Floor of this House. I remember very well when we were discussing the question of the further development of Grand Committees in 1919, the procedure rules under which we were then operating were reviewed, and it was stated over and over again in Debate that while there was considerable force in withdrawing the consideration of Bills from the Floor of this House and sending them upstairs, the then Leader of the House several times said, "At any rate, we have always got the Report stage on the Floor of the House," and we were led to believe that the Report stage would remedy many of the defects of the Committee stage upstairs and that all would work well in the interests of the Mother of Parliaments. Whatever may be said for the Bill which has gone upstairs, we have all been conscious of one thing, and that is that, notwithstanding the desire of the Chair to assist Members in discussing Amendments on the Report stage, the most important Amendments received but scant consideration, and the Report stage was not the useful review which we anticipated it would be; but what is going to happen with this Bill, coming down from two separate Committees, dealing with parts of a Bill which, though interlocked and closely related, have been dealt with by Members who have not heard one word of the Debate which goes on in another Committee room?
One of the most useful functions on the Report stage of Members who served on Committees upstairs was that they spoke with an authority which was not accorded to other Members who had not served on those Committees, and they were able to put a conspectus of the Bill and its various Amendments before the House, because they knew the whole Bill and understood it, but here there will be two sets of Members, one in the existing Committee, who will have considerable knowledge of the Bill as far as it has gone, but as far as the rates part of the Bill is concerned, they will have been shut out of its consideration altogether, and we shall have thrown on the Floor of this House a Measure which has only been partly considered. Does anybody seriously imagine that the time limit, which is in the mind of the Government, that is, that we must get this Bill down here under three weeks, in not more than twelve sittings of each Committee, will not leave many things over for consideration on the Report stage? I speak with some knowledge of this matter. The pages of the OFFICIAL REPORT of the proceedings of the Committee are, I was going to say, spattered with promises by the Minister.
No.
Well, several most important undertakings have been given, every one of which requires consideration.
Only three.
Three, on 12 Clauses. How many more will there be on the remaining 60 odd Clauses of the Bill, with a lot of Schedules? I never was very quick at mental arithmetic, but I will say that there are at least 25 pledges going to be redeemed on the Floor of this House.
No.
Not going to be redeemed? Is it the arithmetic or the promises which the right hon. Gentleman objects to?
I meant the promises would not be made.
At any rate, that is a nice prospect for the House. There are two days for the Report stage, as I suppose you are giving a whole day for the Third Reading.
Half a day.
You are too generous! Two days for the redemption of pledges given by the Minister of Trans port and by his deputy in another room What will he do? He cannot consult his chief.
I shall be there.
Are you going to be in both places?
Yes.
At the same time? Well, there is a good deal of my right hon. Friend to divide up, but all the same he will have great difficulty in galvanising it into efficiency. I know what will happen. He will be constantly cornered and in difficulties, and he will have to get out of them by saying he will consider them on the Floor of the House. In addition to that, there will be a very large number of Amendments which, given the best intelligence in the world, have not been selected by the Chairman, but which will be pressed very strongly on the Floor of this House to you, Sir, for selection, and 2 days are to be given for the Report stage! I feel compelled to repeat an argument which I addressed to the House on a previous Amendment with regard to the selection of Amendments by the Chairman. That selection of Amendments upstairs must be done largely in the dark by the Chairman of each of those Committees, because he is dealing with a part of the Bill which is closely related to and interlocked with a part of the Bill with which he has nothing to do, and he is bound to make mistakes. I speak with the most profound respect to you, Mr. Speaker, and I have the very happiest recollection of the time during which I had the honour of serving under you, but good, extremely good, as you were, I submit that there were times in our common experience in which we made mistakes. The mistakes which Chairmen upstairs are bound to make with a much less experience, and with a complete lack of that correlated knowledge of the Bill as a whole, may be on large and most important issues which can only be remedied or fairly debated on the Floor of this House. Two days to do it in! And 10.30 too! You do not actually give us the Parliamentary day; you take off half an hour. It is quite certain that a large number of Members of this House who have nothing to do with the Opposition at all will be compelled, in view of the pledges given outside to various public interests, to divide the House on many occasions. The whole of this great Bill—that is, the wreckage of it, for that is what it will be—this what might have been a very fine Bill for us, we shall have half a day to discuss. I cannot imagine what view another place will take. I am quite certain of this: While it would not be in Order here to discuss the proceedings in another place, yet they are bound to be affected by the conditions under which we are working. I could not really believe I was reading aright when I saw this limitation of the time on the Report stage and Third Reading. I am not astonished, I am absolutely appalled at my own moderation, when I suggest six days for it.
Too few!
I am astounded that my right hon. Friend in charge of the Bill has not already got up and said, "I will take you at your word; now let us get to some other business." Not at all! He is determined to give us the whole dose of this executive tyranny.
10.0 P.M.
I trust hon. Members present will agree that this is a moderate proposal, but it serves its purpose as an opportunity for debating the proposals of the Government on this question of Report and Third Reading. I have had the advantage of serving on this Committee. I do not think I have addressed the Committee as often as some Members. I have tried to assist the Bill through the Committee to the best of my ability. Nothing could have exceeded the patience of the Minister of Transport, and the way in which he has dealt with the almost —I was going to say innumerable— Amendments placed on the Paper. I am sure that neither on the one hand nor the other has there been any want of courtesy and consideration that would help to put this Bill through, were it not so extraordinarily complicated. The proposal to divide the Bill into two parts did not have my opposition. The proposal to adopt the Kangaroo in Committee up stairs is a much more debatable one in my opinion. But the House has decided that.
When, however, we come to this last proposal to give three days to Report and Third Reading, we have reached the point at which we are only to have a travesty of Debate, indeed no Debate at all. The Kangaroo upstairs is just tolerable when we have down here the opportunity of correcting the mistakes of human nature which the Chairman, being only human, is practically bound to make; perhaps not only mistakes on decisions which he will give, but in respect to the duty of the Chairman who believes that he has to get the Bill through. Some Amendments of importance therefore are bound to be left out. They may be of no importance to the State, but they are to a Member's constituency. If when we come down here, you, Mr. Speaker, are to have the opportunity of considering whether some important Amendments have been omitted upstairs from lack of time and are able to give us an opportunity of Debate, then, as I say, the Kangaroo might be tolerable upstairs. But when we are to have 2½ hours for a Debate on Part III of the Bill, is it possible to say that that is any opportunity at all? Really, I wonder when that was put down whether the Leader of the House, if he considered the question at all intended to give—and perhaps he would indicate whether that is so or not—any further opportunity for Debate than that which would be required to enable the Minister of Transport to redeem his promises made on the Committee stage. I cannot conceive ½ hours as more than necessary to enable the Minister to redeem those promises. If so, the House is being deprived of any opportunity at all of debating the Bill. The objection which I have to this proposal to limit Debate on Report stage is that I apprehend the Government Amendments on the Paper will secure, not only the advantage of having a decision upon them, according to the terms of the Motion, but they will secure a preference, probably Mr. Speaker in your mind.
The Government will certainly have an opportunity of reversing a decision in Committee, either directly or indirectly, because their Amendments will have a two-fold preference; first of all a preference in Debate, and also in consequence of the opportunity which the terms of the Resolution give by reason of the fact that Divisions can be taken upon them though there has been no Debate. That seems to me to be depriving this House of the Report stage at all. I hope the Leader of the House will allow me to say so without offence, but it would have been more candid if they had come down here and said, " Owing to shortness of time it is not possible to have a Report stage," because this is a pretence and a sham! They preserve the form and destroy the substance of the Standing Orders of the House. Then we have the curious humour of the Prime Minister saying that this procedure was the only way to rescue the House from the impotence and paralysis which would otherwise overtake it. This is to be guarded against by giving the House an opportunity of debating some 40 or 50 Sections of the most important parts of the Bill in 2½ hours, and this time will be chiefly—and properly—occupied by the Minister of Transport in redeeming the pledges made in Committee. If I thought that was the sort of health which, as a Member of this House, I was expected to preserve to prevent succumbing to impotence and paralysis, I am not sure I would not prefer the impotence and paralysis which the old forms of the House would permit me to enjoy. I have received Amendments or suggestions from traders in my constituency as to the proposals of Part III, and I have received, as the Minister of Transport knows, proposals with regard to Part II. I do not know whether I shall be allowed to remain on Committee B, or be put on the new Committee which is to consider Part III. In either case I shall be deprived of the advantage of moving Amendments in which my constituents are interested. There might have been an opportunity to move those Amendments if there had been a Report stage. I mention these matters to illustrate the position in which Members are put, and the answer I propose to give to those constituents is that the Leader of the House, who lately came to my constituency to enlist supporters for the Coalition, has put down a Motion on the Paper which will deprive me as their representative of giving any expression to their views or representing their interests on the Floor of the House. I shall be precluded from attending one Committee, and I shall be precluded from raising my voice or moving an Amendment on the Floor of the House, and the result is that the whole of that constituency and the other constituencies which private Members represent will be struck dumb; they will be paralysed and they will be impotent because of the Motion which the Leader of the House has put on the Order Paper to-night.
What discourages me is that after I and others have given our time and labour to try and make this a better Bill we are met by the Resolution which is an the Order Paper to-night. I cannot believe it is agreeable to the Minister of Transport, whose courtesy and goodwill could not have been exceeded, but it is discouraging to us, and I can only say that if we are to have a repetition of this procedure on other Bills, when the position is equally critical, the time will come when I and others will have to go to our constituencies, and perhaps sooner than the General Election, and to ask whether we are expected any longer to support a Government who prevent us from having the opportunities of debate which alone ensure the proper and democratic government of the country.
I confess I have listened with regret to the tone of my hon. Friend's speech. I have come to respect my hon. Friend, to value his interventions in Debate, and to try and meet the views which he expresses. But he makes it a little difficult to preserve those relations. If he thinks that I went down to his constituency of my own seeking, he is mistaken. I was asked by the constituency and the representatives of the party to go there, and if my hon. Friend had intimated that he, as a Member of that constituency, did not wish my presence, I should have been—
I do not think, if the right hon. Gentleman adopts that tone, if he will allow me to say so, he is likely to be invited.
I think it quite possible. I do not want an unwilling invitation, and I do not want to be told, when, at some sacrifice to myself, I have gone down at the request of Unionists in the locality, that I am forcing myself on that constituency.
I never suggested it.
Most unfair.
My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister said earlier in the day, that in relation to a Bill of this kind, which is not a subject of party politics, and which is not in its principles contentious, he would always be desirous of securing agreement if that were possible. I can assure right hon. Gentlemen opposite who appear to think we made no effort to secure such an agreement among the parties in the Committee that we made every effort, and we only desisted because the representatives of the principal interests there concerned found it impossible, with all the goodwill in the world, to make an arrangement which would expedite the proceedings of the Committee.
I never heard a word of that. [HON. MEMBERS: "Who were they?"]
Had it been a party controversy, my right hon. Friend could not have failed to hear of any attempt to come to an arrangement between the parties. This is not a party controversy.
Who were the people who were coming to an arrangement?
The representatives of the traders and the representatives of the railway companies found it impossible, with all the goodwill in the world, to concentrate on particular Amendments to the exclusion of others in a manner that would enable the Bill to be carried through.
I am extremely anxious not to intervene, but it is suggested that, had it been a party matter, I should have heard about it. But because on the Railway Bill I did not take up a party attitude, I am not to be consulted. Of course, I am just like any other Member there. I am very seriously anxious to help my right hon. Friend with his Bill. I have done so, and I think that if those arrangements were on foot I ought to have heard about them.
Who were the traders concerned?
I have no special influence, but what influence I have would have been most earnestly exerted in an effort to help the Minister of Transport.
I hope my right hon. Friend will not take any words I use as conceivably derogatory to himself or other Members of the Committee who were not directly concerned. If I want to make an agreement on a party issue I naturally go to the Leaders of the party, either directly or through what are called the "usual channels." If you want to make an agreement about a Bill in which certain great interests are affected you look first to see whether you can bring the great interests which at certain points are in conflict into harmony. That does not bind anybody else but them; but there is no possibility of agreement unless you can get that sort of common basis between the interests mainly affected. We tried to get it, and we failed. I am not making complaints. I do not say, and I do not think, that anyone acted unreasonably in the matter. There is a multitude of things concerned, and the complexity of the questions involved makes it very difficult to find anybody who can speak with authority for anybody but himself. Is there anybody who can speak for the railways and bind his fellow railway directors? Nobody. Is there any organised body of traders who can speak for the traders?
The London Chamber of Commerce.
Is there any body of traders who can speak for the traders of the country and bind their fellow traders? Some proposals of the Government have been supported by one hon. Member who speaks for, at any rate, a majority of the railway companies, and by another hon. Member who speaks as President of the Associated Chambers of Commerce, but they cannot bind. Neither body can bind all the interests comprised within their own body, let alone anybody outside. As to the Committee procedure, the House has already decided.
I come back now to the point that I am anxious to get agreement on, and proceed by goodwill if I can. I cannot accept the proposal which my right hon. Friend opposite has made, but there is upon the Notice Paper another proposal for an extension of time standing in the name of the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood), giving a schedule for five days in place of the three allotted by the Government. I feel the difficulty of finding more time, but I am very anxious to meet the feeling of the House. I think, on this point, the House does desire more time for the Report stage, and if by common agreement hon. Members will accept the five days' scheme of the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme, I will substitute it for the three days' scheme of the Government. I make that offer with an earnest desire to meet the general wishes of the House, and to give as much time as possible compatible with the reasonable progress of Government business, and I hope it will be accepted in the spirit in which I have offered it. May I say, if, when speaking with some little feeling a few moments ago, I said anything which would prevent the acceptance of this proposal by my hon. Friend (Mr. Inskip), I wish to express my regret.
If I said anything provocative in reply to my right hon. Friend I also wish to express my regret.
I am glad my hon. Friend has so soon accepted my suggestion. I have really tried to meet the wishes of the House, and I hope hon. Members will feel that I have done my best and will see their way to accept the compromise I have proposed.
I am sure the House will be grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for the way in which he has endeavoured to meet us. I wish to ask, however, if he is tied to the particular allocation of time pub down in the name of the hon. and gallant Member for New-castle-under-Lyme. Does he not think if the Minister of Transport, without fixing this particular Schedule consulted with Members on the Committee we might arrange a better distribution of the time. The scheme proposes to give only half a day for the whole of Part III, that is to the consideration of about 40 Clauses dealing with rates and all those great interests. It seems to me that more time should be given to that and less to the remainder of the Schedule. Similarly Part I altogether outweighs in importance Part II because it is in Part I that we have all these big outstanding issues. The right hon. Gentleman has postponed to the Report stage the whole of the important part of Clause 10 which deals with the distribution of the £60,000,000 voted by Parliament.
That is a thing which ought to be kept within the cognisance of this House. Approval is asked for a Vote of £60,000,000, not a a gift to the railways, but in return for certain services rendered. The question how that money is to be distributed ought to be discussed, but if we are only to have half a day for Clause 6, it will never be reached, because that Clause raises the question of the basis of amalgamation as between the larger and the smaller railways. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Durham (Major Hills) is still dissatisfied with Clause 6 in the form in which it-left the Committee, and so are the great railways of the country represented by him—the Midland and the North Western group—one of the most important groups in the country.
I would urge there should be a rather more scientific and rather more exact distribution of the five days. It seems to me it is essential, as the right hon. Gentleman has met the wishes of the House in this respect, that the House should be sure that the best use is made of the time given. I do not wish to dogmatise. I am one of the least interested Members of the Committee. I have no connection with railway companies, with traders, or with any particular interest concerned. I am just one of the general public, but I am quite sure from my experience on the Committee that if we attempt to separate the Bill into five parts, and give an equal amount of time to each, a large number of questions will be discussed for a long time which need not be debated on the Report stage, and a large number of questions which ought to be discussed will never be reached.
Of course on the matter of the distribution of time I shall desire, as far as possible, to meet the wishes of the House and if there is any distribution of the five days which would better suit the House than that proposed by the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme, if it can be presented as the general opinion of the House so as to be included in the Resolution, I shall be ready to accept it. But we have little time if we are to conclude the discussion on the Resolution to-night. I must ask that the scheme be settled tonight and that there shall be no decisions left to be taken when 11 o'clock is reached.
I am a railway director and I am not on the Committee, but I want to say a word or two from the public point of view. I was sorry to hear the remarks of the hon. Member for Bristol (Mr. Inskip). I have been in this House for 26 years and I have seen a growing abuse of the Report stage. The object of the Report stage originally was to give fruition, by appropriate Amendments, to pledges given by Ministers in the Committee stage, whereas year after year we have seen the Report stage made the occasion for fresh proposals to be brought in—proposals which ought to have been advanced on the Committee stage. From an outside point of view where are we to-night? This Railways Bill has been in Committee for a good many days, and apparently it will be there a good many days more. Why is that? It is partly because of one town in the North. I have watched the Hull and Barnsley Railway before the hon. and gallant Member was born, and I know all about that question; but they are afraid that they are going to be swamped by another town in the North. My right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) is vice-chairman of the Railway Companies' Association, but he has the greater part of that Association against him, and does not represent more than about a fifth of it. Yet these two hon. Gentlemen have held up the Committee stage, and have produced a state of things which has compelled the Government to come down and ask for three days on Report. It is agreed that they shall have five days, which means that-all of us who have business in the country and homes to attend to will have to come here for to days longer than before, on a Railways Bill which is wanted by nine-tenths of the traders, by nine-tenths of the railway people, and by practically the whole of this House, and which those two hon. Gentlemen are holding up We ought to get it done, and if those two hon. Gentleman would do what they ought to do we should get it done. It is an abuse of the Standing Committee procedure that they are keeping this Bill from the House. The complaint has been made to-day that we were to have only three days on Report. Why not?
Because you will not serve on the Committee.
If more of my kidney were on the Committee it would have gone on more quickly, but I happen to be serving on a more important Committee still. After all, we get, sometimes, into a little party in this House, and we think that a Bill is a very important Bill, forgetting the rest of the country and the rest of the world. We forget that the Government have other work to do. They have tremendous responsibilities. Our Government at the present moment has a world-wide position which no other Government has, and the sooner we can manage our own affairs the better. We none of us want an Autumn Session—[HON. MEMBERS: "Yes."] I am inclined to tell my hon. Friends opposite a little story—
The hon. Member will pardon me, but I think the House has practically come to an agreement as to the five days, and that the question now is as to the allocation of the time within that period. We have not very much time now to settle that point.
May I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to withdraw his Amendment and to move it for five days, proposing the allocation of the five days which he and those with whom he has been consulting think will best serve the interests of the country?
It is well understood how dissatisfied I am with the whole business, but it is much better to get what we can rather than get nothing and I conceive it to be in the public interest to get two extra days if we cannot get four, and I ask leave to withdraw my Amendment in order to move another giving five days to the Report stage.
First … … New Clauses 7.30 PartI 10.30 Second … … Part II 7.30 Part III 10.30 Third … … Remainder of Bill and Schedules, and any other matter necessary to bring the Report Stage to a conclusion. 7.30 Third Reading 110
and to insert instead thereof
First … … New Clauses 6.30 Part I — Second … … Part I 7.30 Part II 11.0 Third … … Part III 11.0 Fourth … … Part IV 7.30 Parts V and VI 11.0 Fifth … … Schedules and any other matter necessary to bring the Report stage to a conclusion. 7.30 Third Reading 11.0
I do not wish to interfere in this matter. I am not a member of the Committee. I am only a Member of the House of Commons, a representative of the general interests, I suppose. Therefore, clearly I am not entitled to be considered. I suppose it concerns those who represent railway companies, the traders, and the Government, and as I do not belong, fortunately for myself, to any of those interests I imagine that my remarks will be received with some impatience. I must say that a more blatant travesty of Parliamentary proceedings I have never seen. At the last moment we have a rearrangement of time. The right hon. Gentleman has courteously said, "Arrange it as you like," and some right hon. and hon. Members get into a corner and produce a time table. It may be a good time table, or it may be a bad time table. I do not know; but it is a very strange way to conduct business in the Imperial Parliament, and I enter my protest against that way of conducting business. The proper plan would be to give fair notice of these changes, even if it meant another hour's Debate to-morrow, so that the House may really consider what it was deciding, rather than take this kind of
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Amendment made: In paragraph "Report stage and Third Reading," leave out the word "Three" ("Three allotted days ') and insert instead thereof the word " Five."—[ Sir D. Maclean. ]
I beg in the Table to move to leave out
arrangement, made at the last moment. Though I do not suppose it is any use asking the Government to respect the traditions of the House of Commons, I do protest.
I do not rise to reply to my Noble Friend's observations, though I commend them to the House as an illustration of the difficulty with which Ministers are confronted when they try to make an arrangement. I rise only to thank the right hon. Member for Peebles and the other hon. Members who have been critics of the Government's course, but, who have contributed to make possible this arrangement, which I believe is more in accordance with the wishes of the House than the proposal originally put forward by the Government.
To take a Bill of 75 Clauses and seven Schedules in five days is impossible. It will not work. At any rate, the responsibility must rest upon the Government, and Members like myself can accept no responsibility for it.
The statement of the hon. Baronet (Sir R. Williams) that the Report stage of late years is gradually extending is incorrect. The reverse is the fact. When I first came into the House we had a Motion before the Report stage, "That this Bill be now considered," and that was debated. Then, as to the length of the Report stage, the Debates on the Report stage of the Death Duties Bill and the second Home Rule Bill were of great length. I am glad that we have got some concession, but it is a very small one. I agree that the only result of this resolution will be that an already unworkable Bill will be made still more unworkable, and Parliamentary institutions will have received a blow from which it will be very difficult to recover.
I think that those remarks are more relevant to the Motion as a whole.
May I suggest that there is some ambiguity in this table? Referring to the first and second days, you will see the heading in the third column, "Time and proceedings to be brought to a conclusion." That means that Part I should be brought to a conclusion on the first day, and also on the second day at 7.30.
I can explain that. For the first day there is a blank in the third column, and Part I is not brought to a conclusion.
Amendment agreed to.
Main Question, as amended, proposed.
Before the House parts with this Motion I wish to associate myself in the fullest possible manner with the remarks of my right hon. Friend the Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert). Speaking, as I understand, on behalf of private Members of this House, who are not Members of the Committee upstairs, the hon. Baronet (Sir R. Williams) made some reference to the relations between the Committee stage and the Report stage. Since my hon. Friend entered this House the relations of this House to the Report stage have been entirely altered. The institution of Standing Committees upstairs has entirely altered the whole position. The vast majority of Members, although they may be intensely interested in questions coming before Standing Committees, have no part or lot in the Standing Committees' deliberations. The consequence is that far greater emphasis is necessarily thrown upon the Report stage of a Bill, and that is why I very strongly support any Amendment for the prolongation of the Report stage of this Bill. The majority of Members parted with this Bill on Second Reading. Since that moment they have had no part at all in the deliberations on the Bill. Naturally, they desire, when the Bill comes back to the House, to have an opportunity of moving Amendments. The Debate of to-day has redounded to the credit of the House, and I hope the effect of it will not be lost upon the Government. The Government have made a graceful concession. It is no part of my desire to look a gift horse in the mouth, but I hope that these proceedings will not be repeated.
Like other hon. Members, I am grateful for what we have got. It is more than I expected, after a previous experience. I was not fortunate enough to catch Mr. Speaker's eye, and was therefore not able to put before the House certain facts which I think would have made the original Schedule even more nebulous than it was. When the Standing Committee first sat, very lively opposition was manifested by Scottish Members, who objected to the proposed grouping. Behind the backs of the Committee, for a period of several days, certain negotiations took place between the Minister of Transport and the Scottish Members, and, as a result, the whole grouping of the railways as laid down in the original Bill was completely altered. Under the procedure now proposed the time for discussing the Schedules of the Bill is utterly inadequate. We have had a very sincere and fiery attack on the Government from the hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore), and the Noble Lord who represents Horsham (Earl Winterton). But when a proposal was made to Guillotine and damp down discussion on the Safeguarding of Industries Bill, the hon. Member for Stafford did not vote with, let alone speak for, us. The appetite grows with eating. The time given for the Report and Third Reading of the Safeguardnig of Industries Bill was exactly the same as the time proposed for this Bill, but because it did not suit the party principles of the hon. Member for Stafford we did not get his support.
I voted against the Guillotine.
I am delighted and I withdraw my statement.
Is the hon. and gallant Member in order now in referring to another Bill, and should I be in order in following him in alluding to the procedure on the Home Rule Bill, which was also Guillotined?
I do not think the hon. Member was out of order in drawing a parallel between the proceedings on one occasion and another.
I was not in the House when the Home Rule Bill was guillotined. I apologise to the hon. Member for Stafford (Mr. Ormsby-Gore); I forget he had voted for us in the Lobby. I do welcome the non-party attack upon the Government for the attempt to belittle the rights and privileges of Members of this House. I hope any further attacks will be resisted in the same way.
Before we come to a final conclusion I would make a suggestion to the Leader of the House. The Third Reading of this Bill will be dealt with in three or four hours. Would it be possible to suspend the Eleven o'clock Rule in case of necessity, as one does not know what complications may arise?
Main Question, as amended, put.
The House divided: Ayes, 184; Noes, 99.
Division No. 228.] AYES. [10.55 pm. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Gardiner, James McLaren, Robert.(Lanark, Northern) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Goddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Gee, Captain Robert Macquisten, F. A. Armstrong, Henry Bruce Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Mallalieu, Frederick William Astor, Viscountess Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Green, Albert (Derby) Manville, Edward Barlow, Sir Montague Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Mason, Robert Barnes Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Middlebrook, Sir William Barnett, Major Richard W. Hailwood, Augustine Mitchell, Sir William Lane Barnston, Major Harry Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H (Devizes) Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Morden, Col. W. Grant Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Bigland, Alfred Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Birchall, Major J. Dearman Hills, Major John Waller Morrison, Hugh Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Murray, John (Leeds, West) Borwick, Major G. O. Hopkins, John W. W. Murray, William (Dumfries) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Neal, Arthur Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Breese, Major Charles E. Hudson, R. M. Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hurd, Percy A. Parker, James Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Jephcott, A. R. Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Carr, W. Theodore Jodrell, Neville Paul Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Casey, T. W. Johnson, Sir Stanley Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A.(Birm., W.) Johnstone, Joseph Perkins, Walter Frank Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Phillpps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Clough, Robert Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Coats, Sir Stuart Kenyon, Barnet Pratt, John William Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) King, Captain Henry Douglas Prescott, Major W. H. Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Lane-Fox, G. R. Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Purchase, H. G. Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Raeburn, Sir William H. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lindsay, William Arthur Randies, Sir John Scurrah Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lloyd, George Butler Rankin, Captain James Stuart Falcon, Captain Michael Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Raper, A. Baldwin Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Ratcliffe, Henry Butler Farquharson, Major A. C. Lorden, John William Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Lort-Wllliams, J. Reid, D. D. Ford, Patrick Johnston Loseby, Captain C. E. Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Forestler-Walker, L. M'Connell, Thomas Edward Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Rodger, A. K. Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Sturrock, J. Leng Warren, Sir Alfred H. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Norwood) Sugden, W. H. Wheler, Co!. Granville C. H. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Sutherland, Sir William Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Taylor, J. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Seddon, J. A. Townley, Maximilian G. Wise, Frederick Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Tryon, Major George Clement Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Waddington, R. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Wallace, J. Young, E. H. (Norwich) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Starkey, Captain John Ralph Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Steel, Major S. Strang Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Dudley Ward. Stewart, Gershom Waring, Major Walter
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Gretton, Colonel John Newbould, Alfred Ernest Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) O'Grady, James Balfour, George (Hampstead) Gritten, W. G. Howard Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Grundy, T. W. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Raffan, Peter Wilson Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Remnant, Sir James Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l, W. D'by) Rendall, Atheistan Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hartshorn, Vernon Renwick, Sir George Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hayday, Arthur Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Briant, Frank Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Bromfield, William Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Robertson, John Brown, Major D. C. Hirst, G. H. Rose, Frank H. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Royce, William Stapleton Cairns, John Hogge, James Myles Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Holmes, J. Stanley Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Irving, Dan Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Sitch, Charles H. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) John, William (Rhondda, West) Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Spencer, George A. Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Kiley, James Daniel Swan, J. E. Curzon, Captain Viscount Lawson, John James Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Davies, A (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Lunn, William Waterson, A. E. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lynn, R. J. Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Entwistle, Major C. F. McMicking, Major Gilbert Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Winterton, Earl Galbraith, Samuel Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Gillis, William Mosley, Oswald Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Glanville, Harold James Murchison, C. K. Goff, Sir R. Park Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Gould, James C. Myers, Thomas Mr. Lambert and Mr. Marriott.
Ordered,
That the following provisions have effect with relation to the Committee stage, Report stage, and Third Reading of the Railways Bill: —
Committee Stage
Part III (excluding Clauses 52 and 53, but including the Schedules in Part III referred to, namely, Schedules 4 to 6, and any new Clauses dealing with the subject matter of Part III) shall be allocated by Mr. Speaker to such Standing Committee, other than Standing Committee B, as Mr. Speaker may determine, and such Part of the Bill shall be considered by the Standing Committee to which Mr. Speaker so allocates it as if such Part had been a separate Bill which, after committal by the House, had been so allocated.
The remaining provisions of the Bill shall continue allocated to Standing Committee B.
Notwithstanding anything in any Standing Order of the House, Standing Order 27A, relating to the power of the Chair to select Amendments shall apply with respect to proceedings in each Standing Committee to which any provisions of the Bill are so allocated.
When the provisions allocated to Standing Committee B and the provisions allocated to such other Standing Committee as aforesaid have been reported to the House the Report stage of the Bill shall be proceeded with as if the Bill had been reported to the House as a whole.
Report Stage and Third Reading
Five allotted days shall be given to the Report stage and Third Reading, and the proceedings on each of those allotted days shall be those shown in the second column of the following table; and those proceedings, if not previously brought to a conclusion, shall be brought to a conclusion at the times shown in the third column of that Schedule.
After this Order comes into operation any day shall be considered an allotted day for the purposes of this Order on which the Bill is put down as the first Order of the Day and then proceeded with.
TABLE. Allotted Day. Proceedings. Time for Proceedings to be brought to a conclusion. P. M. First … … New Clauses 6.30 Part I — Second … … Part I 7.30 Part II 11.0 Third … … Part III 11.0 Fourth … … Part IV 7.30 Parts V and VI 11.0 Fifth … … Schedules, and any other matter necessary to bring the Report stage to a conclusion 7.30 Third Reading 11.0
For the purpose of bringing to a conclusion any proceedings which are to be brought to a conclusion on an allotted day and have not previously been brought to a conclusion, Mr. Speaker shall, at the time appointed under this Order for the conclusion of those proceedings, put forthwith the Question on any new Clause, Amendment, or Motion already proposed from the Chair, and shall next proceed successively to put forthwith the Question on any new Clauses, Amendments, or new Schedules moved by the Government of which notice has been given, but on no other new Clauses, Amendments, or new Schedules, and on any Question necessary to dispose of the business to be concluded, and in the case of Government new Clauses, Amendments, or new Schedules, he shall put only the Question that the Amendment be made or that the Clause or Schedule be added to the Bill, as the case may be.
The Question on a Motion made by the Government to leave out any Clause or Clauses of the Bill shall be forthwith put by Mr. Speaker after a brief explanatory statement from the Minister in charge and from any one Member who opposes the Motion.
On any day on which any proceedings are to be brought to a conclusion under this Order proceedings for the purpose shall not be interrupted under the provisions of any Standing Order relating to the Sittings of the House.
Any Private Business which is set down for consideration at 8.15 p.m. and any Motion for Adjournment under Standing Order No 10 on an allotted day shall, on that day instead of being taken as provided by the Standing Orders, be taken at the conclusion of the proceedings on the Bill or under this Order for that day, and any Private Business or Motion for Adjournment so taken may be proceeded with, though opposed, notwithstanding any Standing Order relating to the Sittings of the House.
On an allotted day no dilatory Motion on the Bill, nor Motion to re-commit the Bill, nor Motion to postpone a Clause, shall be received unless moved by the Government, and the Question on such Motion, if moved by the Government, shall be put forthwith without any Debate.
Nothing in this Order shall—
( a ) prevent any proceedings which, under this Order, are to be brought to a conclusion on any particular day or at any particular time being proceeded with on any other day or at any other time, or necessitate any particular day or part of a particular day being given to any such proceedings if those proceedings have been otherwise disposed of; or
( b ) prevent any other business being proceeded with on any particular day, or part of a particular day, in accordance with the Standing Orders of the House, after any proceedings to be concluded under this Order on that particular day, or part of a particular day, have been disposed of.
Corn Production Acts (Repeal) [Expenses]
Considered in Committee.
[Sir EDWIN CORNWALL in the Chair.]
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That, for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to repeal the Corn Production Acts, 1917 and 1920, it is expedient to authorise the payment, out of moneys provided by Parliament, of—
The Resolution which I am asking the Committee to carry on the present occasion, is necessary for the purposes of the Bill which we read a Second time last night. It divides itself into two parts: the first provides for the payment in respect of the crops for this year, and the second provides for a million of money to be devoted to agricultural education and research—£150,000 for Scotland and £850,000 for England and Wales—and that is an object, I think, that will have the general approval of this House. With regard to the first, which is by far the greater part of this charge, this is really no new charge at all which we are asking the House to impose. It merely varies the method by which the crop of this year will be paid for. If we allowed the existing Act to be carried out, the result would be this, that we should have first of all to ascertain the guaranteed prices. Commissioners would be appointed to discover what were to be the guaranteed prices of this year's crop. If you took the prices put in the Act for 1919, and then ascertained to what extent the cost of production has varied since 1919, you would vary the guaranteed prices for wheat and oats accordingly. Instead of adopting that somewhat cumbrous method, we agreed to leave it to the organisations of the farmers of England, Scotland and Wales and have arranged for compensation at the rate of £3 per acre for wheat and £4 per acre for oats. The result of the bargain is that the State may be called upon to pay a sum which I do not think will exceed £19,000,000—it may be less. But I am practically certain that it will be a great deal less than the State would have had to pay if the terms of the Act had been carried out. I repeat figures there periodically given for the benefit of hon. Members who perhaps were not present. The Wheat Commission reckoned that the guaranteed price for wheat for the present year's harvest was likely to be somewhere about 80s., and the market price for oats about 53s. If we take the present market price of wheat and oats and also that of last year, which we do not think will be largely departed from—personally I believe there will be rather less wheat and really more oats—while I have no absolute figures, I must take the average for last year, then the market price may be put at about 6/6 in respect of wheat, and 11/1 in respect of oats. That would land us at present-day prices in the payment of approximately £12,000,000. It is, however, fully anticipated that there will be a much further fall when the new harvest comes in. Very likely wheat may come down to about 60s., and in that case the payment in respect of wheat would be about £9,600,000; and it is thought that oats would come down to about 30s. per statutory quarter, or. 32/3 per customary quarter, the payment for which would be about £17,350,000. If these figures are correct—and there is every indication that they are approximately correct—it may be that the payment the State would have to make would be very nearly £27,000,000. We have made a bargain—a very fair bargain for £19,000,000. We have not done badly from the point of view of the State, while from the point of view of the farmer the position has its advantages. He gets a certain profit and he knows the amount. He will be paid these it may be four months earlier than would have been the case under the Act, for in all likelihood the market price would not have been ascertained till the 31st March, and profit could not have been made before the end of April or the beginning of May, or perhaps later. Therefore, this particular proposal does not really mean any new charge upon the State, but, by a composition, and by a variation of the process, it arrives at a definite figure which, I think, will be advantageous all round. The million which is to be devoted to agricultural education and research in England and Wales and Scotland, is a new charge, but it is a new charge I am very glad the country is to undertake. It is, perhaps, the most satisfactory clause in the Bill. Everybody, and nobody more persistently than hon. Members opposite, has asked that we shall do more in the way of agricultural education and research.
All education!
All I am concerned with is one particular aspect of it.
Fishery research?
Fishery research we are doing. Obviously I could not include that in this Bill, because it has nothing to do with the subject, but if the right hon. and gallant Member wishes to know my opinion, I think a great deal more might be done in the way of fishery research, and I have never ceased to impress it upon my Department and upon my colleagues. I have always held that the way in which the State can best help agriculture is first by obtaining the most exact scientific knowledge, and secondly by disseminating the knowledge amongst the practical cultivators of the soil. We are spending a great deal more money on agricultural education and research than we did a few years ago. Then our position was lamentable. We as a State were spending about £13,000 a year, while France was spending £800,000, Canada £1,000,000, and the United States £4,000,000. Now we are spending about £400,000 a year, and it is money well spent, and it will give us a good return. We have been compelled by financial exigencies to go slow in many of our schemes. I remember pointing out with regret when I introduced the Agricultural Vote this year that we had to go slow in respect of some of our farm institutes, our research schemes, and our College schemes because the capital was not available. Now, through the fact that we have been allowed by the Treasury to have this additional grant, some of those most excellent schemes will be restarted I think the best way in which we can help is by farm institutes. They are farms, with accommodation attached, where students can go in winter time and in the off period—sons of farmers and farmers themselves—to have their courses near their homes, and where also the women folk can go in the summer months and have courses in dairying, poultry-rearing and other matters. We have had to stop some of these schemes; we shall be able to restart them now in conse- quence of this grant. It is a satisfaction that in a measure for which, I confess, I cannot feel any great enthusiasm, but which is necessary and imperative having regard to the financial situation of the country, that I have been able to save something out of the wreck in the shape of £1,000,000 for agricultural education and research. Under these circumstances I ask the Committee to pass this Resolution. We are bound in honour to pay for the crop of this year which was put in and cultivated, and it will be harvested under the conditions of the Agricultural Act and under the conditions of control of the Wages Board. I ask the Committee to support the Government in their payment of a composition which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Cam-borne (Mr. Acland) admitted was a fair and reasonable composition, and I ask also for the money which is necessary for the work of educational research.
The Minister of Agriculture referred to this as a bargain, but I think the Committee should limit the amount to what the Government say it is going to cost, and I intend to move an Amendment limiting the amount to £19,000,000. I believe that amount is based on a sound calculation. The calculation I have made is not quite the same although the amount is the same. The Government estimate for 2,000,000 acres of wheat and 3,000,000 acres of oats, and I think it will be 1,850,000 acres of wheat and 3,500,000 acres of oats. It comes to about the same amount and I do not propose to limit the Government to any less sum than that. It is quite possible that we are both wrong, and in that case the Vote should be limited to the Estimate laid before the Committee. The Government were very much wrong in a certain instance a year or two ago when they asked us to approve of a Vote for £100,000 for Inspectors under the Corn Production Act. In this case I admit that there is not quite the same margin for error. The amount to be paid depends upon the acreage of corn now in the ground and whether the full percentage of the farmers will put in their claims for the money. There is a certain liability to error in the estimations, but I think the Committee will do well to limit the Vote to £19,000,000, and if the Government find that they have made an error they can come back to the House for a Supplementary Estimate if it costs more than that. That is all I wish to say now, because if I said any more I should be inclined to use very strong language about the whole thing, because I regard it as tainted money. I will not move my Amendment now as I understand that course would limit the scope of the Debate.
I want to call the attention of the Committee to the words in the Resolution—
"such expenses as will be incurred by the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries."
Does that mean that some of this money is going to the Fisheries? Surely this is an agricultural question, and fisheries should not be mentioned in connection with it. And then it goes on to say "and by any other Department." What are these other Departments? Are they Departments connected with the Board of Agriculture or has it something to do with expenditure incurred, by the County Councils?
The reference is to Departments connected with the Board of Agriculture—the Scottish Board, for instance.
Has it nothing to do with the work done by the County Councils?
No.
Is this money then to be handed over to the Development Commissioners? If so, as far as I know, they have complete control over the expenditure of it and this House will have nothing whatever to say about it. Is that the wish of the Committee? I should say not. I do not like handing over to the Development Commissioners large sums of money and losing all control over the disbursement. If we do that we shall know nothing about what is done with the money until the Development Commissioners issue their annual report—some eighteen months usually after the work has been done. What has the right hon. Gentleman to say on that point? If he cannot give me a satisfactory answer I shall have to move a reduction of the Vote.
Shall I be in order in moving a reduction of the sum asked for by the amount of £1,000,000.
It depends on the form of the hon. Member's Amendment. I do do not see how he can put it in the form he has suggested. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) did not move his Amendment because he thought—and I agreed with him—that by doing so he would interfere with the general discussion and limit its scope. I think the general discussion might proceed.
I want to express disapproval of this Resolution. I desire to oppose it and I do so for many reasons, the principal of which is the total want of faith on the part of the Government—their absolute failure to carry out their obligations to the farming industry. The Minister has told the Committee that he has made an arrangement with the farmers, but I do not believe that the farmers have made this arrangement with free hands. So far as the farmers are concerned, they are deserving of the sympathy of this House. Our memories are proverbially short. The War seems quite a long way off now, and in these days, when the desire to save is very commendable, we ought not to forget that justice demands that we should carry out our bond. It is alleged that the farmers are satisfied, but I am sure that their organisations accepted this settlement, because they thought that they would get the money sooner and could not see anything better; but if this money is paid, immediately it is. absorbed there will be the same amount of discontent expressed and you will hear from the farming community a great deal about their experiences during the War.
It is not a fair deal with the farmer, and is not treating him with moderate justice. During the War he was restricted in his prices, and, although a good many farmers have done very well—and I think that perhaps in my district they have done better than in most—still, over the whole of England, the farmers have not done well. Consequently they have a claim upon the Government, for during the period of the War they were selling their produce at very much less than the prices which the Government were compelled to pay outside. They were restricted in their prices. If they did well, it was good for them, but still that restriction existed. I have heard it said in this House, and it has never been contradicted, that during some years, on cereals alone, the loss to the farming community in this country was £40,000,000. That was the difference between the price they received and that which the Government had to pay for imported grain. That is something to the credit of the farmers, at any rate. I hold no special brief to fight the farmer's battle, but he has done very well for the country during the period of its greatest necessity, and he ought not to be deserted at this time. He ought not to be thrown on the mercy of free imports into this country, which possibly will very much reduce his income and bring him back to the unfortunate condition that subsisted in the 'Seventies. That is not a condition to which the British agriculturist should be reduced. We knew his worth during the War, and we ought to appreciate it now that the War is over. I say that it is not treating the farmer fairly.
When I come to the agricultural labourer's case, it is infinitely worse. The right hon. Gentleman has told us that the agricultural labourer has received in wages his share of the £20,000,000 which it is proposed to give to the farmers, but that is not the case. The labourer's wages have been much below those of other sections of the community. It is true that latterly he has had what has amounted to a standard wage of 48s. in my part of the country, and 46s. in other parts, but that does not represent any payment on account of the £20,000,000 which the right hon. Gentleman proposes to devote to the farming community of this country. The labourer has been badly used. He was a party to this agreement. There were three parties to it, as the right hon. Gentleman has told us many times. They were the farmer, the State, and the agricultural labourer. The agricultural labourer has not been consulted in connection with this agreement, and if he has not, I ask why? He has just as much right to be consulted as the farmer. He is to be thrown to the wolves at a time of year when he cannot defend himself. It is a most scandalous betrayal of the interests of the agricultural labourer, and he does not deserve it. No one knows better than I, and, indeed, everyone connected with agriculture, what sacrifices he made for the country. He has seen his sons go to the War—
If I allow the hon. Member to develop that argument, I am afraid that the Debate may become a Second Reading Debate on the Bill. We are now only discussing the Financial Resolution and the financial aspect, and must not enter upon a Second Reading Debate.
I was trying to develop that argument, but I will not proceed further, except to show the Committee that this financial arrangement on the part of the Government will reduce the agricultural labourer's wages immediately. The farmer will take the amount that is to be paid by the State, and one of the very first effects will be the reduction of the labourer's wages and the increase of his hours of work, and, consequently, a worsening of his conditions. That will be the effect of this grant if it is paid. The Government has been very badly advised in this matter. They have made a settlement which has no finality in it. I cannot see how the settlement they have made with the Farmers' Union can bind the whole agricultural community. There are hundreds and thousands of farmers who are not members of the union. How can this agreement bind these men, when they have not been heard? Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that he has got a complete acquittal, of all the claims which may be made against the Government by the agricultural community, through the abandonment of their legislative promise, their word, their bond—
We are not now discussing the merits or demerits of the policy of repealing the Act of last year. We are only considering the financial arrangements in the Bill of this year. Whether the amount is or is not sufficient is a proper question for discussion, but the form of the Bill in repealing the Act last year is not a matter for discussion.
I am sorry if I am unable to express myself clearly. My point is that the amount now asked for will not be a liquidation of the Government's bond. There is no authority that can enter into an agreement with the right hon. Gentleman as to a liquidation of that bond.
We are not now discussing the merits or the demerits of the Corn Production Act of last year. This Bill has passed its Second Reading, and we are now providing for the financial Clause in the Bill. To go into the question of the effect of repealing the Act of last year is out of order at this stage. Whether the amount of money is sufficient or not sufficient is a matter for argument and complaint now.
We are discussing a money Resolution, and the money is to be devoted to liquidating a contract incurred in an Act of Parliament. In the Act there is not only the farming, but the farm labouring interest. Are we not in order in arguing that some part of the £20,000,000 should go to the farm labourer?
I do not think so. That is not the point we are discussing now. The point under discussion is that it is expedient to provide certain money for a Bill which has passed Second Reading and will be considered by a Committee of this House. It is not in order to take the whole questions which arise out of the Bill, and discuss them as though this was a Second Reading Debate.
I will deal with the question of the £1,000,000 to be voted for agricultural education. Here is a flagrant, bare-faced illustration of the efforts of the Government in throwing a sop to Cerebus to stop criticism of their scandalous action in bringing in this Resolution. To suggest that they can buy off agricultural criticism by giving a doubtful million for agricultural education is too contemptible a sop to be seriously considered. Surely if we are so short of money, if we are so poor, this is not the time to increase the amount spent on agricultural education, especially considering that it was refused a few weeks ago. The Minister told us that he could not get the money then, and he had to curtail his schemes. He has managed to get it now. Why was it given? Was it because the Government think that the agricultural interests will be satisfied by the grant of £1,000,000 for agricultural education? How does that help the agricultural labourer? How does it help the farmer at this particular juncture? We are all in favour of educational facilities, but I am not sanguine that this money will be spent wisely. To mark my disapproval, and the feeling of the Labour party, I wish to move that the amount be reduced by £1,000. Agriculture is being let down, and as far as possible we desire to oppose this Vote. I understand that my Amendment would limit discussion, therefore I will not move it.
The Minister of Agriculture, with whom we all sympathise in the extraordinary position in which he is placed, made one notable remark in moving the Resolution. He said that we are bound in honour to pay the £19,000,000. Of course, we are bound in honour to pay, not that amount for one year, but that, more or less, for four years. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Yes, bound in honour by a Parliamentary people. [HON MEMBERS: "NO."] I am sorry to be so persistent, but when we are asked to vote £19,000,000 because it is a debt of honour, it ought to be said that we are not fulfilling our bond by doing this. It has been ruled from the Chair, in accordance with all the traditions of the House, that it is impossible to go into the question as to whether the agricultural labourer did or did not receive any portion of the £19,000,000 we are asked to vote. My hon. Friend (Mr. Royce) fell into the trap by stating that he did not receive any of it, which promptly put him out of order. It is quite clear, if I may differ from my hon. Friend, despite his wider agricultural experience, that the £19,000,000 must in the long run go into the pockets of all parties in agriculture, and if it be reduced both labourers and farmers will be damnified, and if it is increased, as it may be, we understand, they will both get more money. If that is so, what shall we be doing if we accept the statement that we are fulfilling our obligations to the farmer and the agricultural labourer by paying the sum proposed? I was challenged on the previous occasion to say whether one would defend this in an urban constituency. I am sure one could defend it. Parliament decided to vote a sum bigger than £19,000,000 if such a sum should be required. In my judgment, probably not a greater sum would have been required. The point was that it was a continuing obligation, not to be finished by voting a block sum in this year. That comes to the point where I want to appeal to the Government, to the Minister of Agriculture, to the Chief Whip, and to members of the Cabinet who are present, whether they will not reconsider their position in this matter. The discussion of the Financial Resolution is the right time to make the appeal and the right time for them to give an answer. They say that we are fulfilling our debt of honour by voting this £19,000,000. He says that he will fulfil that bargain to the farmer and the agricultural labourer, and my right hon. Friend admits that the farmer and the agricultural labourer are equally involved, and that the sum which we are voting to-night will go into the pockets of both.
The labourer will have had it by the maintenance of the Wages Board. The question is whether the farmer can get what is due to him if the £19,000,000 is not voted In these circumstances the farmer will have paid the wages and will not have received any payment.
Therefore the labourer has already received a sum which he would not have received but for this Act for which we are asked to substitute £19,000,000. Both parties receive a portion of that sum, which we are now asked to vote, either last year or next year. The labourer receives it because the Agricultural Act has been in operation. The farmer will receive a further sum if we vote this money, but the money is and must be divided between the farmer and the labourer. The farmer can pay the wages, only if the price which he gets is sufficient to enable him to pay it. That being agreed will the Government let it rest at this and say, "We fulfil our debt of honour to the farmer and the agricultural labourer by simply voting the £19,000,000 and scrapping all the rest"? I cannot believe it, for we know that whereas the farmer may be satisfied with the £19,000,000 for this year the labourer will be left without protection for the years to come. Is the right hon. Gentleman going to allow this debate to go by and is this House to vote this sum, in extrordinary circumstances for which no parallel exists in the annals of Parliament without making any further provision for the other parties to the bargain?
My right hon. Friend is confusing the issue entirely. We are dealing simply with this year and nothing else. If he deals with what is going to happen in future years, that is a point for Second Reading, and it has nothing to say to this debate. The point is, we are now dealing with the provision which is to be made in respect of this year's crop. As regards that, instead of paying in the terms of the Act, we have made a certain proposition. That proposition involves £3 an acre in the case of wheat and £4 an acre in the case of oats. If the money is not voted, the only way we can proceed is by allowing the Act to be carried out in respect of this year as it would have been if it had not been repealed. But in any case the position of the labourer is not altered in any way whatever. My right hon. Friend must see that that is so. The labourer will have been paid his wages according to Wages Board conditions up to the end of this year's harvest. He will have had the money. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Of course he will. He will have been paid according to Wages Board conditions for the whole of this harvest, from the moment the land was prepared for this harvest until the moment when the harvest is gathered in. If the harvest is early he will be paid for a period after the harvest. But if the farmer is to get neither the money under this composition nor the money under the Act what will be his position? He will have paid the labourer and got nothing for himself. As regards this year, the labourer is safeguarded. As regards future years, it is a question for Second Reading and not for this Debate.
I am sure we are very much obliged to my right hon. Friend for having usurped the position of the Chair in order to inform me that my speech was more suited for a Second Reading Debate. I think you, Mr. Chairman, would have told me so if you had thought so, and as you did not tell me I may claim that I represent the views of the Chair rather better than the Minister. What he has said provided a contradiction of his own statement and, of course, the justification for your tacit ruling that my speech was in order. The right hon. Gentleman said that we had to choose now whether we spend this £19,000,000 or spend the money under the Act. Those are the alternatives that the Committee has to face. Suppose we continue the Act, the fortunate position of the agricultural labourer (as the right hon. Gentleman described it), who has got already a portion of the money, due to the higher price of corn, under the Wages Board, will continue, but if we accept the proposal put forward by my right hon. Friend to accept this £19,000,000 as what he calls the fulfilment of a debt of honour, of course the labourer will be left out in the cold after this year. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] Of course he will. If we accept this proposal we scrap the Act. There is nothing confining our discussion to one particular period. We have to decide here and now, as guardians of the public puree, whether we shall spend £19,000,000 now and "be done with it" or whether we shall continue the Act. This is a plan by which the Government seek to get out of their obligations by payment of a lump sum, and it is commended to us as an alternative to the Act, which would have involved a large sum. The advantage which the right hon. Gentleman claims for his proposal is that it will be cheaper for the State. The objection to it is that it is unfair to all portions of the agricultural community, who had reason to expect that the Act would continue in operation. It is most unfair to that part of the agricultural community with whom no bargain has been made, but who rely on the honourable undertaking of Parliament that they would continue to receive a larger sum and have the Wages Board to protect them. I protest. I shall oppose the Resolution in every shape and form, and unless the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues make, some concession I assure them that we shall never rest until we see justice done to the least well paid portion of the agricultural community.
Without discussing policy, which we debated yesterday and the day before, I may say that I do not think we are concerned, on this occasion, with the agricultural labourer. In one sentence only I would say to those of his friends who sit on the opposite side of the Committee that they ought to realise that the real danger is not in his being underpaid, but losing his job. I rose, however, to ask a question of my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture. Regarding paragraph ( b ) of this Resolution—it is a sum of £1,000,000—I notice that in paragraph ( a ) it is definitely stated that it is under the control of the Minister of Agriculture and others. We are informed that "others" means only the Department of Agriculture in Scotland. But under paragraph ( b ) there is nothing whatever to say who is to control that money or who is to spend it. I do not think that is an intentional omission. It is to be spent by someone on certain objects. Again we have legislation by reference, which is very unfortunate. I do not think it would be desirable from the Minister's point of view, or our own, that when we get into Committee that the Committee should be told that what may be desired is outside the terms of the Resolution. We are about here to pass Resolutions on purely financial grounds, and then find our hands tied because the Resolution does not cover what we unanimously wish to do Therefore it is very necessary to make clear that this Resolution may cover anything we think necessary.
It would be the general wish of the House that the agricultural labourer-should be given a share of this million. For his benefit a million is not a very large sum as there is a very large number of agricultural labourers. Again, perhaps,, a desirable proposition would be that the children of the agricultural labourers, or other small occupiers who work their own land, should have the chance of getting a good agricultural education and that they should receive something in the nature of scholarships so as to improve their position. That seems to be the kind of thing which should be within the terms of the Resolution, so that when we go into Committee, and suggestions of that kind are-made, we shall not be debarred from considering, or accepting, them because they are shut out by the Resolution. I should like also to ask, who is to allocate this money? May I say that I do not think the Development Commissioners are at satisfactory body for the purpose? They are a body of men to distribute money for the encouragement of industry. I think this money might be used in the direction I have indicated. I think it would be far better that the Ministry should at any rate be made responsible for the expenditure of this money itself, and then we should have direct control over the expenditure in Parliament, and be in a much better position to see that it was spent in the way that we desired. Therefore, I suggest to my right hon. Friend that the same authorities as are entitled to spend the money under paragraph ( a ) should also have the authority to spend their share of the money under paragraph ( b ). I should also like to ask the right hon. Gentleman what he thinks about these terms in the Development and Road Improvement Funds Act:
The right hon. and gallant Gentleman who spoke from the Front Bench opposite (Major-General Seely) and the hon. and gallant Member for Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) behind him both attempted, one with considerable skill, the other with not so much skill, to make this Resolution a peg on which to hang a Second Reading speech, and they both of them found a good deal of difficulty in keeping in order.
I was never called to order by the Chair.
12 M.
I only mention it to say that I wish I could do the same, because, although I voted against the Bill, I am sorry I had not an opportunity of expressing my reasons fordoing so. Although I am quite as strongly opposed as the right hon. and gallant Gentleman to the policy of the Government in this respect, I must say I was astonished at the way in which he appeared to me to fail to understand the particular point we are discussing, because I think the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Agriculture was entirely right in pointing out that, so far as this Resolution is concerned, the farm labourer is not affected in any sort of way. After all, what is the position? It is perfectly clear. Under the existing Act the farm labourer is assured of the wages fixed by the Wages Board up to the time of the repeal of the Act. Those wages, which he would not be getting had it not been for the operation of the Wages Board, have been, so to speak, advanced to him, and are being advanced to him.
No.
I disagree entirely.
It is only under the existing Act, or under this Resolution, that the farmer can recoup himself, for "the money he has advanced, and is, week by week, advancing to the farm labourers. Secondly, this Resolution does not matter in the least to the farm labourer one way or the other. He is not affected. I agree entirely with some of the criticisms made by the hon. Member for Holland-with-Boston (Mr. Royce). For example, I really do not know what attitude to take up with regard to the composition which has been made. A debt of honour is due to the farmers all over the country. I do not know how much farther that debt of honour extends, but it certainly extends to the payment of this year's guarantee. As has been pointed out by the hon. Member, there are farmers who do not belong to any of the representative bodies, through whom an arrangement may have been made with the Board of Agriculture.
I do not know whether the substitution which is being made by the present Bill is, or is not, a fair arrangement, but if there are any individual farmers who have not been consulted—and, of course, they cannot have been consulted individually—then there is no reason why any single individual may not feel aggrieved. It would be no answer to that individual to say that some organisation, of which he was not a member, had made an arrangement with the Board of Agriculture. So far as I have been able to ascertain the opinion of the farmers in the part of the country which I represent, I think, on the whole, they are satisfied—at all events the great majority of them are—but it places the representatives of agricultural constituencies in a very difficult position. If we are to accept the assurance of my right hon. Friend that he has made this arrangement with the whole farmers of the country—
indicated dissent.
Either my right hon. Friend must say that or else his assurance comes to very little. Either the arrangement was made with practically the whole body of farmers, or else my right hon. Friend had no right to make it. I do not want to press any objection upon that point, because I am entirely in the dark. It is a very doubtful arrangement, getting rid of an obligation which is cut and dry, and perfectly clear in the existing Act, and substituting for it an arrangement which my right hon. Friend now admits has not been made with the whole body of farmers of the country. On one other point I agree with the hon. Member for Holland-with-Boston. I share the scornful view he takes of this £1,000,000. I do not object to the expenditure of £1,000,000 for the purposes of research and education and the other desirable objects which my right hon Friend has in view, but surely this is not the way to do it, nor the time to do it. It would have been perfectly right if my right hon. Friend had brought it forward as part of the annual policy of his Department and included it as an item in the Estimates for the year. Had he taken that course, I do not believe he would have met with any opposition in the House, and certainly it would not have been opposed by those who represent agricultural interests. It is admitted to be thrown in as a sort of sop—I will not say to whom—but, at any rate, as a sop to somebody. It appears to me that it is a very inappropriate way of doing it. My right hon. Friend feels, of course he must feel, that the agricultural community as a whole, both farmers and labourers, have their genuine grievances against the Government. He thinks that by throwing out mere largesse of £1,000,000 for agricultural education in this Bill, with which it has nothing whatever to do, and is altogether apart from the general regular policy of his Department, it will conciliate some part of the indignation which people all over the country are feeling at the way they have been treated. Therefore, I agree with the hon. Gentleman opposite that this is a most inappropriate proposal. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman opposite that this Resolution goes a very small way towards redeeming the debt of honour, but certainly it is all required to redeem that debt of honour. There is no reduction at present before us; therefore, I hope that everybody, however dissatisfied they may feel with the policy of which this Resolution is for the moment the expression, will support the Government in giving, at all events, this amount towards the reduction of the debt which they already owe to the industry.
This is a Financial Resolution, and I think we are entitled to complain that a Financial Resolution, involving £19,000,000, is taken at this time of night. The excuse the Government have for taking it after eleven o'clock is that they have pre-ordained the end of the Session, and they must, therefore, compress the business into a certain period of time. I am not a farmer, or a farm labourer, but I represent a good many people who are paying an increased price for bread, and we want to know certain things in regard to this Financial Resolution. My queries on that point will be entirely confined to the question of the finance of the Bill. I should like to know first what the Government have estimated their real liability to be under this Act for this year's crops. We have only estimates on that. We are told in the Memorandum circulated to Members that the amount is calculated at £19,000,000. Working that out it means, so far as I can make out, 2,000,000 acres devoted to wheat, and 3,250,000 acres devoted to oats. We are told by the Minister in charge that he cannot give accurate figures in regard to these acres until next month. Next month the House of Commons will have risen. In order to provide for the £19,000,000 we must have a Supplementary Estimate.
There is nothing about £19,000,000 in the Resolution.
But we have had circulated to us a Memorandum—
We are not voting the Memorandum.
But the Memorandum explains the Resolution, and it is circulated for that purpose by the Government. It says in paragraph 5:
"The total amount payable cannot be stated exactly until all the claims and returns have been received and examined, but on the estimated acreage of wheat and oats this year the amount of the payment will probably not exceed £19,000,000, of which £6,000,000 will be in respect of wheat and £13,000,000 in respect of oats."
So in spite of the interruption of my right hon. Friend opposite (Mr. Prety-man), this Resolution means that we are pledging the liability of the State to £19,000,000. My right hon. Friend shakes his head, but the Minister does not shake his head. The Minister is trying to commit the House to a payment round about—
Hear, hear!
Well, if that will satisfy my right hon. Friend I will put it at round about £19,000,000.
In lieu of a probable bigger payment next year.
I am making the point that the facts are not ascertained. The Minister says they cannot be ascertained. I am also stating that the money cannot be paid without a Supplementary Estimate. Then the House of Commons will have lost control of this Bill. It will have gone to another place and become law before my right hon. Friend (Sir A. Boscawen) is able to ascertain the facts.
But that would be equally so under the present Act.
It states in the Memorandum that the facts are not available upon which the money is claimed. I say in reply to that that the House of Commons will have lost control of the Bill before the facts are received. We are putting out of our control a Bill involving £19,000,000 without the facts being ascertained. From a financial point of view that is thoroughly wrong. And the Ministry which asks us to do this is a Ministry which has a very bad record on the question of Estimates. In the spring of 1919 my right hon. Friend opposite, in reply to a question by myself, dealt with the inspectors under the Corn Production Act, 1917. He brought in a Supplementary Estimate which cost us £100,000 in order to ascertain the acreage on which payment should be made under the Corn Production Act. As a matter of fact, no-payment was made, in spite of that expenditure, because the market price of wheat and oats was very much higher than the guaranteed price.
It might not have been.
That shows how inaccurately the Ministry estimated the situation; and, it having been estimated thus inaccurately, surely we ought to be satisfied that this Estimate of £19,000,000 is accurate. This £19,000,000, unlike the grant under the old Corn Production Act, is going to be a fixed sum—[HON. MEMBERS: "Round about!"]—well, round about. If that will save interruption, I will say it every time.
On a point of Order. Can a fixed sum be described as "round about" anything?
There are a great many things of which we have no cognisance, and which are not in our hands. Even this Coalition Government; which can do so much, cannot interfere with a thing like this. Supposing that the Canadian wheat crop suffered badly from frost, that would send up the price of wheat in this country, as it did in 1919, and we should still be pledged to the payment to the farmers of this sum which is mentioned in the memorandum, despite the increased price that they might get for their wheat. Therefore, the public—the people who eat the loaf—would not only have to pay the market price to the British farmer, but, in addition to the increased price of the loaf, would have to pay the taxation required to provide this sum of money to the payment of which the Government is pledged. I say it is not right that we should be asked, at this period of the proceedings, without the facts, to agree to a Financial Resolution involving so many millions, at half-past twelve in the morning.
Round about!
Yes, round about. Then will the right hon. Gentleman tell us when the Supplementary Estimate is to be presented? If, as has been indicated to-day, the House is not going to meet in the autumn, this Supplementary Estimate cannot be presented before next spring. Do the Committee realise that to-night they are giving sanction to an expenditure of £19,000,000 for which an Estimate cannot be presented to the House until after the next General Election? I should like my right hon. Friend, apart from his views on the Act, to deal with this matter of the Supplementary Estimate and the period at which it will be presented to the House.
My next point is, how is the situation with regard to this £19,000,000 going to be affected by the wheat held by the Government—about which we have heard nothing so far in this Debate, but which is a very material factor in connection with the price of wheat? The Government at the. moment hold 1,100,000 quarters of wheat.
We shall sell that when the frost comes on.
The Government hold 1,100,000 quarters of wheat. I have read —I do not know whether it is true—that they are prepared to sell that wheat at a loss of over £500,000 to the taxpayers of this country. What will happen if the Government throw that quantity of wheat on to the market? The price to the consumer of British wheat will be considerably lessened if they sell it at a loss, and it will bring down the average price of wheat in this country very considerably. Therefore you will lose—
Where are your followers?
It does not really matter who comes into or goes out of the Chamber. However derisive hon. Members may be, we are going to do our duty. We have listened, and we do listen, quite respectfully to the arguments put forward by others. We keep a House for the arguments they put forward, and we are going to state our arguments, no matter how much hon. Gentlemen may laugh. If hon. Gentlemen would think instead of laughing, they might reach more reasonable conclusions. There are in the possession of the Government 1,100,000 quarters of wheat, which they are unloading on the market. That obviously brings down the price of the wheat sold by the farmer. The taxpayer who buys the bread is entitled to the advantage of that—not the farmer, and not the Government. The Government are making a double loss; they are making a loss of £500,000 in selling that wheat, and, because the general price of wheat in the market is brought down, more of this £19,000,000 has to be paid to the farmer to make up his loss. I should like some of my hon. Friends who laugh to tell me what the reply to that is. There is no reply except that, again at the expense of the consumer, those interests are robbing the taxpayers of this country.
I should like to ask my right hon. Friend why £3 an acre is paid for wheat and £4 an acre for oats. What is the basis upon which those figures have been fixed, and why in the one case is it £3 and in the other £4? I will not say any more about that, except that I am interested to know how the figures were arrived at. I should like to know also, whether this £3 and £4 is to be paid on the grain that is produced, or on that which is actually reaped. It is a question of terminology. The Act speaks of wheat and oats which are produced. I have been going up and down the country, like other hon. Members, and have seen that in some parts of the country farmers have turned their cattle into fields of oats which are not ripe. The old Corn Production Act stipulated that both the oats and the wheat should be in excellent condition before the grant was given. Does the Bill mean that these oats and wheat on which the £3 and £4 is to be paid are oats and wheat which are actually reaped and put into consumption, or is it not to be paid on that which the- farmer has used for his own purposes? A good many farmers at the present time are using a part of their grain on the farm for stock, and I am asking for information whether the £3 and £4 will be paid in those circumstances. Then I think it will be noticed in the Bill that the financial Section depends upon certain provisos. It says that this money shall be paid subject to those provisos, and I should like to know how that matter stands. What is repealed is Clause 1 of Part I of the Corn Production Act, 1917, and proviso ( b ) of the Clause reads as follows:
All those provisions apply.
It does not make that clear. It is subject to those provisos, and it is not quite clear, but if my right hon. Friend says that it is so I am satisfied. My final question is with regard to Clause 3, which deals with changes in tenancy, and also with the question of making false statements with regard to what has been done in connection with the farm. Is that repealed?
False statements with regard to entering? That is not repealed.
If that is not repealed I do not want to say anything about it. The main point about which I desire information is the unloading on the market of the 1,100,000 quarters of wheat held by the Government, my theory being that if we had left this, as I think we were entitled to do, to the operations of Nature, we should probably have saved money to the taxpayer. It is not fair to ask us, and I should certainly vote against it, to pledge the credit of the taxpayer to the extent of £19,000,000 without the facts, and while the House cannot maintain the control of the Bill within its own hands.
I will reply to some of the questions that have been put to me. The particular purposes of the developing of agriculture, the promoting of scientific research, instruction and experiments, and so on, will be decided by the Ministry of Agriculture. The money will be handed over to the Development Commissioners to hold just as practically that which we now expend on agricultural education and research is held by the Development Commissioners, but we shall have the decision as to the distribution of the money. I am engaged at the present moment in drawing up a scheme for utilising it to the best possible advantage, and before I adopt it I propose to submit it to the Agricultural Advisory Committee for their consideration and advice. We merely use this money and deal with it in precisely the same way as the money now expended upon these excellent objects, and I certainly hope it may be directly calculated to benefit agricultural labourers and their sons. If we extend the system of farm institutes we shall endeavour, and I have already had a scheme drafted, to give a certain amount in the way of scholarships or free places for selected sons of agricultural labourers.
Is the right hon. Gentleman perfectly sure that that purpose is thoroughly covered by the terms of the Resolution?
I have no doubt whatever about it.
In a roundabout way.
No. I think it is more than roundabout. It is directly about in this case. These purposes are covered by the terms both of the Financial Resolution and of the Bill. It has been said that we brought this forward for a despicable purpose.
I did not say it was a despicable purpose; I said it was a despicable Amendment.
Despicable, anyway. I do not think it was. When I endeavoured to come to what I think a fair composition with the National Farmers' Union in respect of these crops, and when my right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland made a similar arrangement with the Scottish farmers, I think it is greatly to their credit, both of the Scottish and English farmers, that they made a stipulation that in any composition the Government should make an additional grant to agriculture educational research. I do not think the object was despicable, and I do not think it was a despicable action on their part to make that stipulation. We were very glad that that stipulation had been made. It fulfilled an object which was very near to my heart and that of my right hon. Friend's. We thought the object was a good one, and before we made any kind of bargain or arrangement with the Treasury, we said that this stipulation with the farmers should be part of the bargain. I do not think it can properly be described as done with a despicable motive, or was a despicable act in any way.
That is just what I do suggest.
I generally agree with my hon. Friend, but I cannot do so on the present occasion.
I want to ask a question of the right hon. Gentleman. Is it the intention, do I understand, to give some grant out of this money to the county councils, with a view to establishing farm institutes?
No. Precisely the position is this. The money will not all be used for farm institutes, but where it is the general rule is this: Three-fourths of the initial expense is paid by the Government out of this development fund, and one-fourth is raised locally. If a county council wishes to have a farm institute we shall have to provide three-fourths of the initial cost, and we also provide two-thirds of the annual cost. That is the position. It was my hon. Friend the Member for the St. Augustine Division, who is not now present, who raised the question whether we were entitled to make this composition or bargain with the farmers We could not, it is true, consult every individual farmer, and I hope I made it quite clear in my speech on the Second Reading that we consulted the farmers' organisation which certainly did represent the great majority of the farmers who grow wheat or oats. With the National Farmers' Union of England and Wales and the other organisation in Scotland, representing, as they do, a large body of the farmers, we are prepared to make this composition. We believe we are justified in putting it into the Bill and making it a general composition for everybody, and I commend it to the House on the ground of economy. You can, if you like, let the Act operate in regard to this year. If so, we can withdraw the Clause, and we can withdraw the Financial Resolution. The effect, in my opinion, will merely be this, that we shall view a very much heavier expenditure next year. The farmers will have to wait a bit longer for their money. I think, on the whole, it has universally been recognised by those who have closely studied the question, and by nobody more conspicuously than by my right hon. Friend the Member for Camborne, that this probably is a good bargain from the point of view of the State and probably also a fair bargain as regards the farmers. Therefore I do suggest to the House that they are pursuing by far the wisest course if they vote this Resolution and enable us to start this matter here and now instead of waiting till next year, when probably we may have to pay much more. The Member for East Edinburgh (Mr. Hogge) has asked whether this will entail a Supplementary Estimate. My reply is that it will, and we have not the slightest intention of shirking it. We do not mean to put it off to next Session or until after a General Election, as he suggests. I think we shall be compelled undoubtedly to bring forward a Supplementary Estimate before the Adjournment of the House, and the House will then have a further opportunity of discussing the matter. I do not know that I have any other points to answer except as to the question whether the conditions as to negligent cultivation and so on laid down in the Act will apply. Yes, they will apply. If there has been negligent cultivation, or if wheat or oats have not been harvested, there will be no payment. It must be that the grain must actually have been harvested.
But if in consequence of great drought you are going to penalise the farmer for what nature has failed to do and by no fault of his own.
My hon. Friend must remember this, that the object of the whole policy was the production of wheat and oats.
It is not his fault; it is in consequence of the drought, and he cannot fight against nature any more than you can.
In the usual course the farmer will harvest his oats, and he will be paid, but if owing to the excessive and abnormal drought, and it is a question of keeping the stock alive, he will have to do this before harvesting them,, and then be deprived of his subsidy.
Yes, undoubtedly by the terms of the Corn Production Act. If this is not to be the case you will have to move an Amendment amending the Corn Production Act. The Act lays down distinctly, "used for wheat and oats," and they must be harvested. Similarly, if there has been negligent cultivation, there will be no payment. With regard to the point of unloading the corn held by the Wheat Commission, I have no special knowledge of that. It does not come under my Department. I understand that what the Wheat Commission is doing is selling this wheat to the miller at the market price of the day. That being so, it in no way affects the market price, because they take the existing market price as it stands. In any case, if we have this composition, the question does not arise at all.
To go into all the questions arising out of the Corn Production Acts, would lead to a debate extending beyond the terms of the Resolution.
I certainly do pot want to prolong my argument. I was simply answering questions put to me from that side of the Committee. However, I will not continue the subject. I am only too glad to be brought) up. I would merely appeal to the Committee to allow us to get this Resolution now. As I have said before, here will be a further opportunity of debating it on the Supplementary Estimate.
The right hon. Gentleman has raised an extremely important point which it is absolutely essential should be cleared up at this moment. He has stated that the conditions, which are laid down in the Agriculture Act with regard to the question of cultivation, have to be complied with before the money can be paid—£4 for oats and £3 for wheat. The county agricultural committees understood that these conditions had been done away with. I know, as a matter of fact, because I happen to be a member of an agricultural committee, and the inspection of these crops has been dispensed with. The orders to cultivation officers to inspect these crops have been cancelled by the Agricultural Commission. It was understood by them that the payment would be made on the acreage which had been cultivated and on which wheat and oats had been grown. I quite understand that the actual acreage must be certified. What the acreage cultivated is must naturally be inquired into, but it is generally understood that that part of the original conditions had been cancelled by the compromise.
I hardly know whether this arises on this particular Resolution, but I do not understand on what authority any agricultural committee has cancelled the order and certainly not on the authority of the Ministry of which I am chief. The orders were issued some two month? ago and they have never been cancelled or altered.
I hope the right hon. Gentleman is not going to stereotype the money to farm institutes.
No, that is only one thing.
I want it clearly understood that farmers were under the impression that they were going to receive so much for oats and so much for wheat per acre provided they did it in a proper manner. If it goes out to the country that that is repudiated it is going to be very serious to the agricultural community. Let it be clearly understood. I should like the right hon. Gentleman to make it perfectly clear that he is not going to repudiate that obligation. I am sure that the farmers would not otherwise have taken up the attitude they have done. The farmers have come forward in a straightforward, honest manner and said, "We will try to meet you. We will take so much, though it is considerably less than we were entitled to." The landowners of this country have done their share and will continue to do their share in regard to the Agriculture Act. I think it only fair that there should be payment on the acreage for this corn production. You should pay your liabilities, and it is up to the Government to do it. As regards this £1,000,000 which is to be devoted to agricultural education, the farming community will say, "How is it going to be spent?" The very first thing that will be said by the farmers in this country will be, "Is it going to be spent on officials or is it not?" And they will want to know very clearly how it is going to be spent. I think there is only one way in which it can be spent and that is by giving grants to the colleges and other institutes and to county councils to encourage and develop agricultural education. A very clear indication should be given that it is not going to create any more officials and it is not going to be administered too much by a Central Department, but it will be administered more locally. But if you are going to vote money to agricultural education and to agricultural development and in order to produce more there is one thing you have to take into consideration, and that is the question of drainage. That is very important.
We cannot go into the question of drainage now.
I thought the question of education was connected with the production of corn on the land and that is very seriously affected by the money which is being invested in the land.
That cannot be discussed at this stage.
Well, in conclusion—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] —I am very pleased to hear that hon. Members are glad that I am going to sit down, but I am speaking honestly and straightforwardly. What I have said I have meant. The farming community, if they are backed up, will play the game. They only want the Government to play the game, and they desire a consistent policy in this country. They do not want too much Parliamentary interference.
The Debate during the last few minutes has revealed an important point—that the compensation which the farmers are expecting is to be paid to them on the basis of acreage, whether the produce is harvested or not. That raises a most important interesting point—that the farmers in the country this year, whether they have been good farmers or bad farmers, whether they have been wise or unwise, are going to have their profits guaranteed by the taxpayer out of the coffers of the State. I think that at a time when industry is suffering so severely the industry of the country is entitled to protest against the Government subsidising one particular industry at the expense of the whole. I see the Secretary for Scotland in his place and reference has been made this evening on more than one occasion to the two farmers' unions who have been consulted and who have agreed to the price to be paid in this matter. As the Secretary for Scotland knows, during the past few months the Agricultural Department of his Ministry has been very active. There are to-day, or there are about to be placed on the land in Scotland, a large number of smallholders. They have invested their money in these holdings. They are anxious to make farming their livelihood. Has the right hon. Gentle- man consulted them before introducing the Bill? There are a large number of them in Scotland. They have looked forward for a long time to owning their own land, and under the promises of the Government they have invested their money in the land and bought implements. Have they been consulted, or are the large farming interests, the Farmers' Union, the only people consulted in this matter? I think before the Debate closes we are entitled to an answer on this question.
The Minister, in his opening statement, reminded the Committee that this was a debt of honour. The Government compound with their creditors at the rate of 5s. in the pound, or rather less. This Bill is to tear up an Act passed six months ago, which was to guarantee prices for a period of four years.
It has been already ruled that we cannot now discuss the Second Reading of the Bill except upon Second Reading.
I hope the Committee will bear with me for one minute. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"] Some four years ago, when the original Corn Production Act was introduced, I ventured to move a limiting Amendment to the Financial Resolution of that Act, limiting the liability of the taxpayers, I hope, therefore, the Committee will bear with me if, at a very late hour, I venture to draw attention to the heavy liability which the policy of the Government has placed on the taxpayers through not following an ordinary commercial spirit in this matter. Reference has been made more than once as to whose pockets the £19,000,000 will pass into. Part of it will go into the pockets of the landlords, part into the pockets of the farmers, and a certain sum into the pockets of the labourers. But it will all come out of the pockets of the taxpayers of the country, and, as my hon. Friend the Member for East Edinburgh (Mr. Hogge) said, it is levying a burden upon industry generally and transferring the money into the pockets of a particular industry, and of a protected industry. Industry has cause of complaint against the Government, for what is the situation this year if the Bill is passed? Farmers throughout the country are going to be guaranteed a living, guaranteed good profits. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no."] Opinions may differ as to what good profits are, but no one will deny that if this £19,000,000 is not voted they will be smaller profits, and that if this money is voted it will pass into the pockets of the farmers. If this Resolution is passed this year and the policy of the Minister is not repeated next year, farmers have a distinct cause of grievance, because their produce is going to be sold here at the world's price of produce from countries where the exchanges are against this country, and they will be forced to purchase articles which they require at more than the world's price. Therefore, there is a distinct advantage to the farming interest through the policy of the Government this year; but unless the policy of the Government undergoes another change farmers next year will be suffering considerable harm. The point we are entitled to put to the Minister is: Has there been any increased wealth created in this country through the outpouring of this £19,000,000?
I think that is getting rather wide of the general discussion. I have asked the hon. Gentleman once or twice to keep to the Resolution, and I fail to follow him in that direction. He has been very discursive all the time.
On a point of Order. I am about to submit to the Committee
that when the Committee votes £19,000,000' for a particular purpose it is entitled to find out from the Government what advantage accrues to the State through the outpouring of that sum of money.
No, that is general discussion, which I have already ruled out.
I beg to move, in paragraph ( a ), after the word "expenses" ["such expenses as will be incurred"], to insert the words "not exceeding nineteen million pounds."
This is the Amendment which was outlined by my right hon. Friend the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland).
Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman would allow me to say that when the right hon. Member for Camborne proposed to move this Amendment, it was my suggestion that he should not move it then, because I thought it would be for the convenience of the Committee that they should discuss the £19,000,000 and the other points in the Resolution under discussion. I hope that my suggestion will not lead to a prolongation of the Debate.
I do not intend to say another word about it.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 23; Noes, 115.
Division No. 229.] AYES. [12.59 a.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Hartshorn, Vernon Royce, William Stapleton Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hayday, Arthur Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) John, William (Rhondda, West) Sitch, Charles H. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Lawson, John James Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Waterson, A. E. Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) Lunn, William Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Morgan, Major D. Watts TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Mr. Hogge and Colonel Penry Glanville, Harold James Rose, Frank H. Williams.
NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Barnston, Major Harry Falcon, Captain Michael Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Borwick, Major G. O. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Farquharson, Major A. C. Inskip, Thomas-Walker H. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Breese, Major Charles E. Ford, Patrick Johnston Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Forestier-Walker, L. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Brown, Major D. C. Forrest, Walter Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot King, Captain Henry Douglas Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Lane-Fox, G. R. Carr, W. Theodore Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Casey, T. W. Gee, Captain Robert Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm, W.) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Lort-Williams, J. Clough, Robert Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Loseby, Captain C. E. Coats, Sir Stuart Green, Albert (Derby) Lynn, R. J. Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) M'Connell, Thomas Edward Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Gretton, Colonel John McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Macquisten, F. A. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Townley, Maximilian G. Mason, Robert Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Tryon, Major George Clement Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Rodger, A. K. Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Roundell, Colonel R. F. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Murray, John (Leeds, West) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Parker, James Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Stanler, Captain Sir Beville Wise, Frederick Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Steel, Major S. Strang Young, E. H. (Norwich) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Sugden, W. H. Pickering, Colonel Emil W. Sutherland, Sir William TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Mr. McCurdy and Colonel Leslie Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Wilson. Purchase, H. G. Thorpe, Captain John Henry
Main Question put.
Resolution to be reported To-morrow.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
The Committee divided: Ayes, 115; Noes, 18.
Division No. 230.] AYES. [1.8 a.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Gretton, Colonel John Purchase, H. G. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Rodger, A. K. Barnston, Major Harry Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Roundell, Colonel R. F. Borwick, Major G. O. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Breese, Major Charles E. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Brown, Major D. C. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. King, Captain Henry Douglas Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Carr, W. Theodore Lane-Fox. G. R. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Casey, T. W. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Steel, Major S. Strang Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W) Locker- Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Sugden, W. H. Clough, Robert Lort-Williams, J. Sutherland, Sir William Coats, Sir Stuart Loseby, Captain C. E. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Lynn, R. J. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) M'Connell, Thomas Edward Thorpe, Captain John Henry Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Townley, Maximilian G. Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry Macquisten, F. A. Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Mallalieu, Frederick William Tryon, Major George Clement Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Mason, Robert Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Farguharson, Major A. C. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Williams, C. (Tavistock) Ford, Patrick Johnston Murray, John (Leeds, West) Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Forestier-Walker, L. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Forrest, Walter Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Parker, James Wise, Frederick Fraser, Major Sir Keith Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Young, E. H. (Norwich) Gee, Captain Robert Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Glimour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Pickering, Colonel Emil W. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Green, Albert (Derby) Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray McCurdy. Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.
NOES. Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Glanville, Harold James Rose, Frank H. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Hartshorn, Vernon Royce, William Stapleton Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Hogge, James Myles Sitch, Charles H. Davison, J. E. (Smethwick) John, William (Rhondda, West) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lunn, William Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Morgan, Major D. Watts TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Falcon, Captain Michael Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Mr. Waterson and Mr. Lawson.
It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Wednesday evening, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Seventeen Minutes after One o'clock.