House of Commons
Tuesday, July 12, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Private Bill [ Lords ] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with)—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Beading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:
West Ham Corporation Bill [ Lords ].
Bill to be read a Second time.
Waltham and Cheshunt Gas Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
Wandsworth, Wimbledon, and Epsom District Gas Bill [ Lords ],
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.
Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Sheffield Extension) Bill (changed from "Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (Botherham and Sheffield Extension) Bill"),
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time To-morrow.
Oral Answers to Questions
India
Indian Colonisation, Fiji
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he can give the House any information regarding the Committee the Government of India proposes to despatch to Fiji?
The Government of India and the Government of Fiji have agreed that a Committee, composed of Mr. V. S. Srinivasa Sastri, Member of the Indian Council of State; Pandit Hirday Nath Kunzru, Member of the Legislative Council, United Provinces; and Mr. G. L. Corbett, C.I.E., Indian Civil Service, should visit Fiji in the autumn of this year.
The terms of reference to the Committee will be:—
Press Legislation
asked the Secretary of State for India whether, in view of the fact that at present only the printers and publishers of newspapers in India are required by law to be registered, steps will now be taken to require the proprietors and editors of news papers in India to be similarly registered?
The whole question of Press legislation in India is now under consideration by the Government of India, in consultation with a Committee specially appointed for the purpose. I understand that the point which my hon. and gallant Friend has in mind is not being overlooked.
Will the right hon. Gentleman impress the necessity of this upon the Government of India?
I do not think there is any necessity to impress it upon the Government of India. I have ascertained that it is not being overlooked, but it Is being considered.
Cotton Goods (Import Duties)
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he is aware of the dividends paid by Indian cotton mills as exampled by Sholapore Company, 1,000 per cent. per annum, Lakshmi Company and Maneckji Company each 500 per cent., Kohinoor Company, 375 per cent., Morarjee Goculdas Company and Swadeshi Company, each 350 per cent., Madras United, 300 per cent., and many others from 100 per cent. to 300 per cent.; whether, as these dividends were declared shortly before the Indian Budget was introduced, the Indian Government considered these large profits when framing schemes to raise revenue and, if so, what additional taxes have been imposed upon and what additional revenue is expected from cotton mills companies; and, if such revenue is not in fair proportion to the increases in import duties, will he represent to the Indian Government the need of reconsidering the import duties on cotton goods in view of such large sources of internal revenue being available?
I am aware that the Indian cotton mills have recently paid large dividends, but the figures given by my hon. Friend appear to be greatly in excess of those published in the Press. The only additional tax specifically imposed on the cotton mills companies in connection with the recent Indian Budget lay in the withdrawal of the concession under which machinery and stores imported for use in a cotton spinning or weaving mill were admitted free of duty. The additional revenue anticipated from the change is 10 lakhs. With regard to the last part of the question, I can only refer my hon. Friend to the reply I gave on 23rd March to a deputation from Lancashire regarding the Indian cotton duties.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the figures given by the hon. Member, though they may be in excess of the figures published in the British Press, are correct from the official accounts of the companies concerned?
I am informed that they are greatly in excess of any figures that we have.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he can get confirmation of these figures from the "Times of India" in any issue for the last two months, and that these figures are published and are available for the information of anybody connected with the Indian Office; and, if these figures are justified, and considering that the question of the Indian Import Duties was purely one of revenue and not of protection for India, is it not desirable that these duties should be reconsidered and that the burden should be placed on the available revenues in India?
I will investigate the figures further, but I do not think they affect the principle laid down, after discussion by a Committee of this House, that the Government of India should have fiscal autonomy.
Is it not possible for the firms to pay these dividends in consequence of the low wages paid to textile workers and the long hours worked?
Any further questions must be put on the Paper.
Army Reduction
asked the Secretary of State for India if he will give a list of the pre-War infantry battalions of the Indian Army which have been earmarked for disbandment, with the date on which each battalion was raised; whether these disbanded battalions are to be replaced by fresh battalions; if so, how these fresh battalions are to be constituted; and for what reason the change is to be made?
The only pre-War infantry battalion which has been reported as having been already disbanded is the 44th Merwara Infantry, which was raised as a local battalion in the year 1822. It is understood that the 80th Carnatic Infantry is to be disbanded in September. This unit was raised in 1777. Beyond these two battalions, I regret that I am unable to give my hon. and gallant Friend a list of pre-War infantry units earmarked for disbandment, as no final decision on the subject has been reached. The remainder of my hon. and gallant Friend's question therefore does not arise.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether his undertaking, given to me some months ago, that no further reductions would take place pending the decision of the Committee of Imperial Defence, is valid?
Yes. The undertaking which I gave to my hon. Friend will be strictly observed.
What is happening to the officers of these disbanded battalions which are being retrenched?
I understand that a committee is working out the details of disbandment. I think I answered a question of the hon. Baronet the day before yesterday.
Will the right hon. Gentleman be able to give me a more explicit answer upon that point soon, in view of the great anxiety amongst these officers in India upon that question.
Yes. I want to give my hon. Friend and the House an explicit answer, and I hope to be able to give it soon.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer my question as to whether these disbanded battalions are to be replaced by fresh battalions, and how they are to be constituted?
I am sorry that I overlooked that part of my hon. Friend's question. Perhaps he will be good enough to repeat it. I have not the information, but I believe the disbandment is due to reduction, and therefore I do not imagine that the battalions will be replaced.
Was not a promise given that no pre-War battalions would be reduced?
No. Perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will refresh his memory.
Speeches (Rev. W. Sanderson)
asked the Secretary of State for India whether his attention has been called to alarmist statements regarding India made by the Rev. W. Sanderson, who is understood to be an agent of the European Association; whether this gentleman is responsible for the circulation of an invention to the effect that a Sikh regiment had mutinied and had been disbanded after the execution of 18 sepoys, in which from whomsoever proceeding there was not a word of truth; and, if so, whether, in view of the very serious results of such misstatements, any steps can and will be taken to restrain the reverend gentleman from giving rein to his imagination upon public platforms?
I have seen reports of a number of utterances by this gentleman, to some of which I have found it necessary to take exception, but I have no information connecting him with the circulation of the false report referred to which was telegraphed from Calcutta to certain London newspapers.
Public Services
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he has received a memorial sent by telegram to him by the Indian Civil Service Central Association, representing a large majority of the officers of the Indian Civil Service now serving in British India; whether the said memorial sets forth their profound dissatisfaction with the increasing difficulties of the public service since the passing of the Government of India Act; and what reply he has given to the memorialists, in view of the personal responsibility to them under his pledges given at the time of the passing of that Act?
I have received the telegram referred to and will send a copy to the hon. Member. I think this will be a better plan than commenting on his description of it in the second part of the question. The Government of India are about to issue a comprehensive resolution dealing with the whole question of the pay of the all India services. The substance of my reply to the memorialists will be indicated in the Resolution, which I would ask the hon. Member to await.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I have got a copy, and does he consider that the increasing difficulties of the public service set forth by the gentleman in question in this telegram do or do not exist?
I am anxious to avoid disputation as to the meaning of the telegram. The memorialists refer to a passage in the Montagu-Chelmsford Report. I have nothing to withdraw from that.
Are the salaries and allowances sufficient to meet the increases in the cost of living, and is it not rather the financial question that causes dissatisfaction, than the new situation in regard to the Government of India?
I think there is a good deal of economic dissatisfaction.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say on what date he will be able to give us the Government of India Resolution?
I am afraid I cannot. It is a matter of practice and precedent that any communication must be made through the Government of India.
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he has had any report from India as to the growth of bureaucracy since the institution of the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms; and whether he can give any estimate as to the additional cost of governing the country incurred in consequence of such increase in officials?
I do not follow the first part of my hon. Friend's question. I do not understand how the scheme of Government instituted by the Government of India Act to which this House assented in 1919 could have led to a growth of bureaucracy. As to the cost of that scheme, I will certainly endeavour to furnish the House with a statement.
Does not the question say "since," and not "in consequence of"?
I find it difficult to understand how it is possible that a measure for the institution of a democratic form of government in India can possibly have led to a growth of bureaucracy.
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he can give any assurance that if an officer submits an application for permission to retire on proportionate pension on the ground of his dissatisfaction with the new conditions, and his application is refused, the application will, in no circumstances be treated as implying willingness to retire without a pension, and that steps will be taken to ensure that the fact that he has submitted such an application will not be disclosed?
Yes, Sir; I can give an unqualified assurance on both points.
Will the right hon. Gentleman soon be able to answer the question as to the terms on which men may retire, if they wish to do so?
I have decided the matter. A despatch has been sent to the Government of India. I hope it will be only a short time before the receipt is acknowledged, and it can be published.
Will the right hon. Gentleman be able to publish it in this country?
I will take steps to see that any Resolution published by the Government of India is published at the same time in this country.
Non-Co-Operation Movement
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he can make any statement as to the activities of Gandhi and the Ali brothers; and whether any disturbances have arisen owing to the direct or indirect activities of these individuals since they were received by the Viceroy?
I do not think there is any detailed statement that I could make in reply to the first part of the question. The Government of India have not indicated to me, that in their opinion the undertaking to refrain from encouragement to violence has been disregarded since it was given. As regards the last part of the question, disturbances have occurred since the Viceroy accorded an interview to Mr. Gandhi. The reports of these have been communicated to the Press immediately on receipt from India. There is nothing in the reports to show that the outbreaks were directly attributable to the three persons mentioned.
British Army
Officers' Pay (India)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that, owing to the fall in exchange, the sterling value of rupee pay of British service officers in India is less than the home rates; that the Government of India have decided not to adopt any of the suggestions made to meet the situation; and whether, seeing that the War Office is responsible for ordering British service officers to India, he will take steps to safeguard their financial position?
I am in communication with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for India on this matter.
Are not officers entitled to receive the rates of pay laid down in the Royal Warrant, wherever they may be serving?
That is one of the questions as to which I am in communication with the Secretary of State for India.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether there is any reason why British service officers in India should not receive a full equivalent for the allowances which they receive when serving at home, to be paid in rupees calculated at a fixed rate of exchange?
My hon. and gallant Friend is repeating himself in this question.
When will a decision be arrived at?
As soon as possible.
Royal Arsenal, Discharges
asked the Secretary of State for War whether adherence to the order of priority of discharge recently announced will result in an abnormal proportion of old, disabled and comparatively inefficient men being retained, to the detriment of efficiency in the Arsenal; and, if so, whether a due number of exceptions will be made in the order of priority?
The order of discharges which has been announced from time to time is the fairest that can be devised, having regard to all the circumstances of the case. It may, to some extent, have the effect mentioned in the question, but every effort is being made to maintain efficiency at the highest possible level consistent with fairness to all concerned.
Defence Force
asked the Secretary of State for War if he will give the total number of Defence Force troops stationed in the various coalfields during the recent strike; what is the total cost of these units; and how often the military has been called upon to supplement the police in the preservation of order?
The total number of officers and men of the Defence Force stationed in the various coalfields during the recent dispute was approximately 12,000, and the total cost of these troops, for the full period for which the force existed, is estimated at £770,000. As regards the last part of the question, troops were called upon to support the civil power and they provided guards for stores of, explosives, etc. The presence of the troops in the various areas undoubtedly produced a steadying effect.
In view of the history of the coal dispute as we now know it, was this expense really necessary?
At the beginning of the dispute, it was impossible to say what would happen, and precautions were taken which, on the whole, I think were justified and successful.
Is the pay of officers who were not called on to serve included in this amount?
No officers were paid who were not called up. Some surplus officers were called up and their money was stopped after about ten days.
Is it a fact that some of them had notice to report themselves?
It is not.
Cadets (Transport)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether authority will be given to general officers commanding districts to use their discretion in allowing available motor lorries to convey cadets to and from their camps provided no expense is incurred by the public and when the application is recommended by the Territorial Force Association concerned?
I regret that the amount of mechanical transport retained for the use of the Regular Army in peace does not admit of the adoption of my hon. and gallant Friend's suggestion. It would not he possible to carry out such a service without incurring additional expense.
May this be done if commanding officers in districts find that there is transport available?
No. It is obvious that the use of transport for this purpose is bound to cause additional expense.
Yeomanry Regiments
asked the Secretary of State for. War whether yeomanry cavalry regiments which are converted into other arms will as yeomanry still retain their precedence amongst Territorial units?
These units will continue to be shown in the Army List in the Yeomanry Precedence List, in their old order and as yeomanry regiments. A note will be made against each regiment stating the arm of service to which it has now been converted. As regards precedence as artillery, it is proposed to reprint in the Army List the County Precedence Li3t of the Territorial Royal Artillery, that appeared in the 1914 Army List, and the converted yeomanry regiments will take their precedence in the artillery of their county in accordance with their precedence as yeomanry. That is to say, they will become the senior artillery units in their respective counties.
Lady Cowans (Pension)
asked the Secretary of State for War if anything is to be done for the widow of the late General Sir John Cowans who, it is understood, has been left unprovided for; and whether, though not in accordance with custom, he will recommend that an adequate subsistence be given to Lady Cowans, in view of the invaluable services rendered to the nation by her late husband?
I hope that it will be possible to award to Lady Cowans a widow's pension at the rate of £225 a year; the question of the grant of some special recognition, over and above what is contemplated by the regulations, is under the consideration of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister.
Is it a fact that this lady is left unprovided for?
I believe that that is a fact.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the case of widows of private soldiers and non-commissioned officers who have been left in necessitous circumstances?
I am not sure that this arises, but the widows of private soldiers and non-commissioned officers are entitled to pensions on exactly the same terms and conditions as Lady Cowans, if she is entitled.
Royal Warrant for Pay
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the latest edition of the Royal Warrant for Pay is of 1914; that since that date there have been over 700 amendments; that whereas the book cost 6d. in 1914, it is now sold complete at £2 2s. 6d.; and whether, in view of the burden cast upon officers who will have to pass examinations on this as well as other military books in order to get promotion, he will cause an up-to-date edition of this and other military books to be printed at a reasonable cost?
The answer to the first part of my hon. and gallant Friend's question is in the affirmative, but I would point out that collected amendments to 1st August, 1918, have been published by His Majesty's Stationery Office at a charge of 9d. The 1914 Edition (reprinted in 1919 without amendments) is published at 1s. net, and I am not aware that £2 2s. 6d. is charged for the book with amendments. The revision of the Royal Warrant is at present in hand, and every effort will be made to bring all volumes of Army Regulations up to date as soon as possible.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman not aware that, although the Amendments have been published, they have been inserted in the book in such a form as to make a study of them impracticable, and is he also aware that on inquiry it is ascertained that £2 2s. 6d. is wanted for the complete book?
No, Sir, I was not aware of that.
I will send my hon. and gallant Friend a copy of the Bill.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when the order was cancelled whereby officers could obtain three copies of these Regulations?
I would like notice of that question.
Wool Sheds, Hull
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will state the sum spent in the years 1919–20 in the erection of sheds for wool storage at Hull; whether these buildings have been completed; whether the contract was open to tender; and whether Treasury sanction was given for the scheme?
I have been asked to answer this question. The amount spent on the erection of sheds for showing (not storing) wool in Hull during the year 1919–20 was £157,397 16s. 8d. The buildings have since been completed. Tenders were not called for, as a special type of building was required; the erection, however, was carried out on a costing basis. The Treasury did not at the time feel able to share responsibility for the action taken. I should add, however, that the case is now under the consideration of the Committee of Public; Accounts.
Has any action been taken against the officials responsible for this transaction, to which the Treasury consent was not invited, and which has now been strongly condemned by the Report?
I am sure that my hon. Friend will understand that I desire to wait for the Report of the Committee on Public Accounts, to whom the Comptroller and Auditor-General himself reports.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these sheds are of very great importance to Hull in connection with the direct wool trade with Australia?
I am sure that the facts are as stated by my hon. and gallant Friend.
West Indies
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to a public meeting held at San Fernando, Trinidad, on the 31st May of this year, at which resolutions were passed in favour of representative government and West Indian federation; whether these resolutions have been transmitted to him; and, if so, what action he proposes to take?
The reply to the first two parts of the question is in the negative. The third part, therefore, does not arise.
How is it that the Governor of Trinidad is not keeping in touch with the state of public opinion on those two subjects, and will the hon. Gentleman issue instructions to the Governors of West Indian colonies to keep in touch with public opinion on the matters which form the subject of the question?
My hon. Friend is aware that communications with Trinidad are not so satisfactory as we would wish to see them. I shall be glad to make inquiries on the point referred to in this question, and I can assure him that after those inquiries are made the matter will receive careful attention.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there have been full reports of this meeting in the local Press? Is there no one in the Colonial Office who reads the local West Indian Press?
I cannot say whether anyone in the Colonial Office reads the West Indian Press. I cannot claim that I do so myself.
Would it not be a good thing if the Colonial Office kept in touch with West Indian questions and the West Indian Press?
Yes; and I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that that is done.
Will the hon. Gentleman communicate with the Governors of the other colonies as well as with the Governor of Trinidad?
I cannot undertake to send out a circular questionnaire to all the Governors. I do not know exactly what my hon. and gallant Friend would imply that the questionnaire ought to contain. On the point raised in the question, whatever information is available, or ought to be made available, will certainly be given.
Will the Colonial Office start a publication and call it the "Weekly Summary"?
Letters (Official Examination)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether letters between the headquarters of trade unions and their branches have been opened and read by Government agents during the recent dispute in the coal industry; whether this practice is being continued; and will he explain the reasons for this practice?
The answer to the first question is in the negative. The others do not therefore arise.
Does that apply to the officials of the Department, one of whom is stationed in the Post Office in London?
That question ought to be addressed to the War Office.
Do I understand that the hon. Gentleman or his Department would not be aware whether War Office officials were opening letters?
No. They could not be opened without the permission of the Home Secretary.
Provocative Speeches
asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been called to the revival of the so-called unemployed agita- tion, as shown by outdoor meetings, whereat violent and provocative speeches are being delivered; and what action, if any, he proposes to take to check violent propaganda, all tending towards a breach of the peace?
I do not think it can be said that there has been a revival of the unemployed agitation, but certain persons still continue to make provocative speeches at the meetings of the unemployed. Any speeches heard by the police which contain direct incitements to violence are brought to the notice of the Director of Public Prosecutions.
Are not many meetings of unemployed held, at which no provocative statements of the sort alluded to in the question are made, and will the hon. Gentleman refrain from causing action to be taken against those meetings?
Who is going to decide whether a speech is violent or not?
Sir Hamar Greenwood.
Motor Vehicles (Liquor Supplies)
asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the prevalent and apparently increasing practice of running motor lorries along the main roads leading into London at week-ends and of filling them with liquors of varying descriptions, which are apparently supplied to customers regardless of all licensing laws; and whether he proposes to take any action to check such an abuse?
I am informed by the Commissioner of Police that he is ready to take action if in the circumstances indicated in the question any breach of the law is brought to his notice, but he cannot assume that there is a breach of the law merely because liquor is carried on a motor vehicle and consumed by the passengers.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these travelling public-houses are to be seen on all the main roads around London at week-ends, and will the police not direct their energies towards dealing with the matter?
The police cannot interfere unless there is a breach of the law. The mere fact of carrying liquor on a motor and drinking it does not constitute a breach of the law.
May I ask if any instructions given in reference to this matter are to be all-embracing, and if the attention of the police will be directed to private cars as well?
Scotland
Foreign Trawlers, Moray Firth
asked the Secretary for Scotland to what extent the damage done to the nets of about 60 local boats in the Moray Firth in the months of February, March, and April, has been recovered from the foreign trawlers who caused it; and whether any legal proceedings are pending in connection with the matter?
My right hon. Friend presumes that the question refers to the damage done to nets belonging to cod fishermen. So far as my right hon. Friend is aware no compensation for damage of this nature has been recovered from foreign trawlers. In view of the difficulties in obtaining the necessary evidence against individual vessels, and in view also of the fact that in many cases the Regulations as to marking nets by flags and lights have not been observed by the fishermen whose nets have been damaged, my right hon. Friend fears that legal proceedings are not likely to be effective. None, so far as he knows, are pending.
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether negotiations with the Foreign Office are now proceeding in regard to the prevention of trawling in the Moray Firth by foreign trawlers; and, if so, what progress has been made?
My right hon. Friend is in communication with the Foreign Office, but he is not yet in a position to make any announcement on the subject.
Land Settlement Act, 1919
asked the Secretary for Scotland how many men placed on holdings under the Land Settlement (Scotland) Act, 1919, have not yet had their rents fixed; how many of these men have had their holdings for two years or over; how many have had them for one year or over; and what is the reason for the continued delay in fixing these rents?
All except 12 of the holders established under the Land Settlement (Scotland) Act, 1919, have been informed of the rents payable by them but, pending completion of the buildings, the ultimate cost of which may involve adjustments in the rents, interim rents only have been notified in 180 cases. Fourteen holders established under the Act of 1919 have been in occupation for two years or over, and 69 for one year or over.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think it fair to these ex-service men, to leave them in their holdings for two years, without allowing them to know what the expenditure on the holdings is going to be?
The answer to that is that it is impossible to fix the rents definitely until all the facts have been ascertained, and that will be done as soon as possible.
Is not two years a long enough period in which to fix the rent of a small holding?
I have no doubt it has been done in all cases within that time if it could be done.
asked the Secretary for Scotland how many ex-service men placed on holdings under the Land Settlement (Scotland) Act, 1919, have' been given the landholder's tenure as defined by The Small Holdings (Scotland) Act, 1911; whether any of these holders have been informed that they must purchase their holdings at a price to be fixed by the Board of Agriculture; and, if so, what action he proposes to take in the event of any holder refusing to purchase on these terms?
557 ex-service men have accepted or have been offered landholder's tenure. As holders do not purchase their holdings on becoming landholders the latter part of the question does not arise.
Allotments
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether the £4,000 per annum which was allocated to assist the plot-holders in allotment gardens in Scotland is now being made full use of; and, if so, in what manner it is being used?
The power conferred upon the Board of Agriculture for Scotland by Section 18 (3) of the Land Settlement (Scotland) Act, 1919, to expend a sum not exceeding £4,000 in any year for the purpose of encouraging the allotment movement has not yet been exercised. My right hon. Friend gave approval last year to a proposal by the Board of Agriculture for Scotland to appoint three qualified horticultural instructors and organisers to be paid from the special fund for the purpose of developing the allotment movement, but in view of the general financial position and on the suggestion of the Treasury, these appointments have not been made. My right hon. Friend proposes to defer consideration of schemes which might be assisted out of the fund referred to until the Committee on Allotments, which is about to be appointed, has reported.
Is it quite clear that the £4,000 will be available and will not lapse to the Treasury again?
I think so.
It is very important it should not lapse.
Housing
Schemes and Prices, Scotland
asked the Secretary for Scotland what is the present position of the housing scheme in Scotland; what are the present-day prices for constructing the various types of houses authorised; and how do those figures compare in each case with 1919–20 prices?
As the reply is rather lengthy and contains a number of figures, I propose, with my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the reply:
Up to the 9th July the Scottish Board of Health have approved tenders for the erection by local authorities and public utility societies in Scotland of 20,625 permanent houses. At 30th June, 1,968 of these houses were occupied, 117 were ready for occupation, and 10,357 were under construction. In addition, 429 temporary wooden houses were occupied, 81 were ready for occupation, and 146 were under construction. At the same date, certificates had been issued, in respect of approval of plans, etc., for 2,203 houses to be erected by private persons under the Housing (Additional Powers) Act, 1919, and subsidy had been paid on 594 houses so erected.
The estimated average cost per house during June, 1921, of the various authorised types was as follows:
£ 3 apartment flats 804 3 apartment single storey cottages 835 3 apartment double storey cottages 823 4 apartment double storey cottages 962 5 apartment double storey cottages 994
For particulars as to the cost of the various types throughout 1919 and 1920, I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to Appendices I and XX respectively of the Board's annual reports for 1919 and 1920.
Roofing Materials
62 & 63.
asked the Minister of Health (1) whether tiles of foreign manufacture are being recommended and purchased for use on housing schemes; whether he is aware that several hundreds of slate quarrymen are unemployed in North Wales and in receipt of unemployment pay;
(2) whether he is aware that the cost of covering a pair of houses with Belgian pan-tiling, as now used on public housing schemes, is about £119, and that the same houses might be covered with Welsh slates for £91; and will he, in the interests of economy, take steps to reverse this policy?
In many districts building has been considerably delayed by the difficulty in obtaining roofing materials, and in some cases imported tiles have been used, in order that houses may be completed and occupied. Subject to reasonable consideration of local custom and preference, the policy of my Depart- ment is to encourage the use of those roofing materials which are available and can be supplied at the most reasonable cost. The information in my possession as to the comparative costs of roofing houses with Belgian pan-tiling and with Welsh slates does not bear out the suggestion in the hon. Member's second question, but if he will give me particulars of the case he has in mind I will have it investigated.
Are we to understand that there is a scarcity of Welsh slates?
Yes, in certain districts.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say where there is a shortage of Welsh slates?
There are certain districts where there is a shortage owing to difficulties of transport.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that stacks of Welsh slates can be purchased all over North Wales?
Another injustice to Wales!
Government Policy
asked the Minister of Health whether there has been a change in the housing policy of the Government; and whether, if any more houses are to be built, he will give the same treatment to rural and industrial areas?
I hope to be in a position to make a general statement as to the Government's housing policy on Thursday next.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the second part of my question?
I think I had better postpone that until I deal with the whole question.
Has the right hon. Gentleman issued instructions to local authorities and private builders stopping these buildings and the House of Commons has not even been informed?
My instructions were to suspend operations while the policy is being considered and discussed.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many of us have got particulars of cases within the last few days where building has actually been stopped by the Minister on account of the new policy of the Government, while the House of Commons has not yet even heard of it; and yesterday the right hon. Gentleman was not in a position to tell us.
As I have said, we have given instructions to suspend—
You yourself will be suspended one of these days!
—the issue of new certificates under the subsidy scheme—
Eton: He has got to follow "his Master's voice!"
—till the question has been discussed and settled.
I ask the right hon. Gentleman why this has happened, while the Minister responsible for the policy was not in a position yesterday to inform the House, and is not to be in a position till Thursday?
A certain policy having been adumbrated, I thought it only right to advise the local authorities not to issue any new certificates which would have to be cancelled, but to hold them over for a short time, till the policy was dealt with and declared.
May I ask the Leader of the House, in view of the important statement that the Minister of Health is going to make on Thursday— on which there can be no debate— whether he will give an early opportunity to the House of Commons for debate—
Will the right hon. Gentleman please defer that inquiry till the end of Questions, so that hon. Members may not be deprived of the opportunity of putting those which are on the Paper?
At the end of Questions—
May I now ask the Leader of the House the question which you, Mr. Speaker, asked me to defer until the end of Questions—whether, in view of the important announcement to be made by the Minister of Health on Thursday, involving a reversal of the housing policy of the Government, an early opportunity will be given next week for the House to debate the subject, and whether that opportunity will be one provided by the Government outside the ordinary Supply days?
My right hon. Friend's question illustrates the difficulty of putting a question upon which the right hon. Gentleman is not yet fully informed. I do not accept his description of the character of the statement which my right hon. Friend hopes to make on Thursday next.
It is notorious.
As regards an opportunity for discussion, I certainly could not give one of the days reserved for Government legislative business next week. The House may prefer to take that subject on Thursday week instead of the Scottish Estimates. Thursday is a Supply day, and if the House prefers to take the Supply that raises the housing question instead of the Supply which is arranged for that day, of course we will conform to the wishes of the House. I am not at all desirous of imposing that upon the House, or of depriving the Scottish Members of the day set apart for their business, but in this matter the Government will try to meet the wishes of the House. Short of that, we must postpone it until another Supply day, or we must take it on one of those occasions when the general policy of the Government is open to discussion, among which would be a Motion for the Adjournment of the House immediately after my right hon. Friend has made his statement.
I do not think any Scottish Members would object to a postponement of the day given for discussing the Scottish Estimates, so long as an opportunity is afforded for their discussion. The right hon. Gentleman will remember that under the Standing Orders he has power to give an extra three days to Supply. Since this important question of policy has arisen— whether it is a reversal or not we shall hear on Thursday—does the right hon. Gentleman not agree that it is of sufficient importance to give one of these extra days and thus increase the already too limited opportunities which the House has got of discussing questions in Supply?
I have already promised one additional day for Supply. I do not wish to refuse this request to consider the addition of yet another day to the number of days for Supply, but at the same time I am aware that in all quarters of the House there is a desire to finish our business before the end of next month, and every demand for additional days makes this more difficult.
Will the statement to be made by the Minister of Health include the housing policy in Scotland, and will the policy in Scotland be identical with that in this country?
I think the statement which my right hon. Friend proposes to make is an answer to a question on the Paper which he has asked should be postponed. Perhaps my hon. Friends will wait until they have heard the answer, and then see whether any supplementary questions are necessary.
Post Office
Postcards
asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that his staff have apparently no system in inflicting or not inflicting a penny supercharge on picture postcards bearing five-word messages, but occasionally fine mere words of greeting, and pass messages of commercial import; and whether he will take measures to formulate an easily-comprehensible rule on this subject and to circulate it to all post offices?
This rule has been administered for some 20 years without serious difficulty and I see no occasion for modifying it. The conditions under which a packet is transmissible at the printed paper rate are well understood by the staff, but I have no doubt it is possible to construct doubtful cases upon which opinions may differ.
Will the right hon. Gentleman be surprised to know that there is a notice headed South Western District, Victoria, to the effect that you can put any five words you like on a picture postcard, and in view of the doubts which exist—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order!"]
The hon. Member must not continue to speak after I rise.
I apologise.
I wished to point out to the hon. Member that he is now giving information, not asking for it.
asked the Postmaster-General whether he has any data as to the effect of the rise in postage rates upon the number of postcards (inland) now being despatched as compared with the number at the old penny rate?
I have nothing to add to the answer given to the hon. Member on the 21st June.
Was not the right hon. Gentleman's answer on that occasion rather in the nature of a non possumus, and is it not a rule, when the price of a commodity is raised, to find out at the earliest possible moment what effect the rise in price has on the sale of the commodity?
Certainly, but I am sure my hon. Friend realises the difficulty of the task of taking a census of the millions of postal packets passing through the post every day. It can only be done at that time of the year when members of the staff are not on leave and it is in order that additional staff may not have to be taken on, that the matter is being deferred, but it will be done as soon as possible.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give us an approximate idea of when it will be possible?
Yes, I think in the late autumn.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise how big a burden it is upon the public to have to pay an additional fifty per cent., and is it not only fair that they should know as soon as possible?
I agree, and they shall know as soon as possible.
First Class Sorters (Wages)
asked the Postmaster-General what were the average weekly wages of a first class sorter at the General Post Office, St. Martin's le Grand, in the financial year 1913–14, and what they are at present, inclusive of bonuses, allowances, and other increments?
As the answer is a lengthy one, I propose to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the answer:
The wages paid to sorters at various points of the wage scale in 1914 and at present are as follows:—
1914. 1921. At 18 years of age 20s. 24s. 0d. At 21 years of age 26s. 30s. 0d. At maximum (after 15, and 14 further years' service) 65s. 67s. 6d.
At 18 years of age … … 39s. 8d. At 21 years of age … … 49s. 6d. At maximum … … 82s. 6d.
The bonus payments are in accordance with the general Civil Service cost-of-living bonus scheme, and will be substantially reduced as from the 1st September next.
Bilharzias1s (Christopher-Son Treatment)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in view of his recently expressed sympathy with the proposed treatment of pre-recent war sufferers from bilharzias is by the Christopher son treatment, he will inform the House of the result of his communication with the Secretary of State for War on this subject?
I am glad to say that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War is in agreement with the proposals made by my right hon. Friend in this matter; and, accordingly, the necessary arrangements are being made to provide the modern treatment for men still suffering from bilharziasis contracted as a result of their service in former wars.
Will the hon. Gentleman tell us what is bilharziasis?
It is a tropical disease for which a new remedy has been discovered. It would be unwise to embark on the technical medical details.
National Stud
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he can state the number of thoroughbred yearlings sold recently at New market from the national stud; what was the average amount for which they were sold; and what was the total amount realised?
Eleven thoroughbred yearlings were sold at Newmarket on the 29th ultimo from the national stud. The average amount for which they were sold was 2,410 guineas, and the total amount realised was 26,520 guineas.
Royal Air Force (Uniform)
asked the Secretary of State for Air who was responsible for passing the designs of the new full dress uniform for officers of the Air Force; if he is aware that in the case of the Royal Navy the full dress uniform is a survival of the old fighting uniform worn by officers in action; why the full dress of the Air Force is not adapted from the fighting uniform of that force; what is the cost of the full dress officers' uniform of the Air Force in the various ranks; and what proportion of this cost is borne by the State?
The design of the full dress uniform for officers of the Royal Air Force was passed by the appropriate members of the Air Council. The cost, no part of which falls on public funds, ranges from about £55 to about £65, according to rank. I am fully aware that the principle suggested by the hon. and gallant Member has had much to do with the creation of the uniforms of the various Services. In the case of the Air Force the governing principle held in view was the creation of a distinctive uniform which should not be too expensive.
Have any steps been taken to sound members of the Air Force themselves as to their opinion of this uniform, and if they are opposed to it, is it too late to have it altered and made more simple?
Yes, as far as it has been possible the opinions of a great number of the officers of the service were invited. Considerable weight was paid to their views, and the result is as the hon. and gallant Member has seen.
Government Offices, Whitehall Gardens
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether the scheme for erecting new Government offices in Whitehall Gardens is permanently abandoned?
The answer is in the negative, but in view of the financial situation consideration of this scheme must inevitably be postponed indefinitely.
Royal Parks
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, why the Green Park is shut at 10 o'clock p.m. in the height of summer, to the inconvenience and disadvantage of those who have no other means of obtaining fresh air and country amenities?
Any extension of the hours during which the Parks are open is rendered impossible on account of the additional expense involved.
Is that sufficient reason for depriving the public of the use of the park, which Lord Palmerston said was maintained for their unrestrained use and enjoyment? What would the extra expense be, and why should it be more than that of keeping open Hyde Park, for instance?
We try to consult the interests of the general public, but, in view of the stringency in expenditure at the present time, the extra expense of police and park keepers is felt to be undesirable.
Would it not be a useful opportunity for giving some much needed work to the women police?
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether, in view of the present shortage of water, the necessity of watering the roadway around the Queen Victoria Memorial can be reconsidered?
Instructions have been given for the strictest economy in the use of water in the Royal Parks, especially where the supplies of the Metropolitan Water Board are concerned. The water used for the roads in question is not drinking water, but is pumped from the Department's own wells in St. James's Park.
Russia (British Claims)
asked the Prime Minister what steps have been taken, and with what result, to obtain compensation from the Russian Soviet Government in respect of the property of British subjects repatriated from Russia after the revolution, large numbers of whom have had to be maintained by the British Government, as their property, of which inventories were supplied to the Foreign Office, had been appropriated by the Russian Soviet authorities?
It would be impossible to consider the claims against Russia of repatriated persons apart from the claims of other classes of British subjects. All British claims against Russia-will be dealt with in accordance with the declaration attached to the trade agreement of 16th March.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say why we maintain friendly and diplomatic relations with a nation which has robbed our nationals and will not pay up?
Is it not a fact that many of these persons referred to are quite destitute, and now that the Government have ceased to maintain them are being maintained out of the Poor Law?
That may be so.
A new experience for them.
Criminal Law Amendment Bill
asked the Prime Minister if he can make any statement as to facilities to be afforded by the Government for passing into law this Session various Measures of social reform now before the House, including the Criminal Law Amendment Bill?
I do not know what other Measures my hon. Friend has in mind beside the one named in his question. I hope to give first place on Friday to the Criminal Law Amendment Bill. If this should not prove possible, I will make an announcement on Thursday.
When may we expect a Measure dealing with the reform of the Upper Chamber?
Parliamentary Secretaries to the Treasury
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether he will state in detail what Departmental duties fall on the Patronage Secretaries to the Treasury in connection with the work of the House of Commons; and how these duties are at present distributed between the two Patronage Secretaries?
With regard to the first part of the hon. Member's question, I would refer him to my reply of the 29th June. With regard to the second, I can only say that there cannot possibly be any hard and fast rule in this matter, but the distribution of work is a question for the Patronage Secretaries to settle in the best interest of public business.
Is it a part of the duty of the Patronage Secretaries to organise the forces of political parties in the country when they should be at their posts in the House of Commons?
Are there any substantial departmental duties attached to these offices?
I have already answered that question. The duties are the same as they were under previous Governments.
Then why pay twice the sum for them?
Government Contracts (Specifications)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that several contractors to Government Departments are of opinion that many specifications cause undue expense in manufacture, and that equally good results and considerable savings will be obtained by amended specifications; is he aware that several manufacturers decline to tender for Government work because of the unfair conditions attached to contracts; and will he invite suggestions from contractors and others?
I have no information which would lead me to believe that the views described in the question are generally held by contractors to Government Departments. If such views be held, the most satisfactory procedure would be for contractors to make representations to the particular Departments calling for tenders, and I am sure that these would receive the fullest consideration.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, as one example, the cleaning cloth supplied to the Navy is specified to be made from the most expensive bleached Egyptian yarn when American yarn 30 per cent. cheaper would be equally satisfactory, and—
The right hon. Gentleman could not possibly answer that question without notice. Will the hot). Member put it down?
Income Tax
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the Income Tax payer, having made his return in the precise and laborious method laid down by the Inland Revenue authorities, receives within the course of a few weeks a request from the Special Commissioners of Super-tax to make a precisely similar return of his income; and what steps does he propose to take to put an end to this expense to the public and needless trouble to the payer of Income Tax?
I would invite the attention of my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply which I gave on this subject to the hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. A. Shaw) on the 9th June. I am sending my hon. and gallant Friend a copy of that reply.
asked the Chancel for of the Exchequer what immunities co-operative societies enjoy from the ordinary Income Tax laws of the country?
A co-operative society registered under the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, is entitled, under the provisions of Section 39 (4) of the Income Tax Act, 1918, to exemption from Income Tax under Schedules C and D, unless in so far as it sells to persons who are not members.
Was not this concession made as a matter of administrative expediency rather than as a favour to the co-operative societies, in that it was anticipated—
That is an argument, not a question.
Cost of Living
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what is the estimated weekly consumption of butter allowed for in estimating the present cost of living as compared with the cost pre-War?
The figures relating to cost of living which are prepared in the Ministry of Labour indicate the percentage increase in the cost of maintaining unchanged the average pre-War standard of living of the working classes, and do not attempt to determine any absolute level of pre-War or present cost of living. The average weekly expenditure on butter shown by nearly 2,000 budgets of working-class expenditure, which were collected by the Board of Trade before the War, and are utilised, together with other information, in the process of calculating the index figure, was approximately 4½d. per head. At the prices prevailing in 1914, this would represent an average weekly consumption of about 5 ozs. per head.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the total consumption of butter throughout the country for the past six months is only 4 ozs. per head?
Is butter to be the monopoly of a single class?
Is the hon. Gentleman aware, therefore, that the Ministry is calculating for an ounce per head of the population more butter than is actually consumed?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the first portion of my answer, which is to the effect that these index figures are not intended to be the absolute figures of the amount consumed; they are intended to afford an index showing generally the rise and fall in prices, but, even if an extra ounce was taken into consideration, it could not possibly affect the figures by more than a very small decimal point.
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware of the general desire in the country on the part of both employers and employed that a committee of inquiry should be set up in order to inquire into the cost-of-living index figures; and whether he will arrange to set up an independent committee for this purpose on the lines of Lord Sumner's Committee which reported in 1918?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave him on 28th June in reply to a similar question.
Does that mean that the question of appointing a Committee is still under the serious consideration of the Ministry of Labour?
That is so. I indicated to my hon. Friend on that occasion that there were certain figures in connection with the Report of the Labour party that were to be considered, and after those figures had been considered the question of a possible Committee would then be taken into consideration.
How long will it take to consider those figures?
I do not think the Report has at present been received.
asked the Minister of Labour whether he will consider the desirability of setting up a Committee to inquire into the method of preparing the cost-of-living index figures, in view of a wide-spread feeling that these figures are not in all cases accurate?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply which I gave on 28th June to a similar question by the hon. Member for the St. Rollox Division (Mr. G. Murray). I am sending my hon. Friend a copy of that reply.
Sanatorium Treatment, Lancashire
asked the Minister of Health whether he has refused to allow the Lancashire Insurance Committee of the National Health Insurance to assist the County Council financially from their credit balances in providing and equipping a new sanatorium to make further provision for the treatment of insured persons and their dependants; and, if so, will he state the grounds for this refusal?
I presume the hon. Member is referring to the action taken by my Department in connection with the proposal of the Lancashire Insurance Committee for the application of the estimated surplus standing to the credit of the Sanatorium Benefit Fund of the Committee on the 30th April last. The disposal of that surplus is governed by the provisions of the National Health Insurance (Termination of Sanatorium Benefit) Regulations, 1921, and I am unable to sanction any departure from those Regulations. Substantial grants are available from the Exchequer in aid of the provision made by the Lancashire County Council for the sanatorium treatment of tuberculosis.
Has not the right hon. Gentleman power to give permission to grant the County Council the sum for the purpose?
I should like notice of that question.
Day Continuation Schools
asked the President of the Board of Education if it would require legislation to permit the few educational authorities at present carrying out the day continuation schools schemes to change the system from a compulsory to a voluntary one?
When an appointed day for bringing into operation Section 10 of the Education Act, 1918, has been fixed for any area under Section 52 of the Act, the effect is to establish in that area a system of continuation schools on a basis of obligatory attendance, and I apprehend that legislation would be required to bring that system to an end.
In view of the fact that there are only 5 out of the 145 education authorities in England and Wales that are working Part II of the Education Act will the Minister bring in the required legislation?
That is not a question for me, but for the Leader of the House.
Ireland
Rates
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether, having regard to the fact that the local Government of the South of Ireland is now in the hands of avowed rebels to the authority of the Crown, he will give facilities for the loyal section of the population to to make payment of the rate levied on them not for the purpose of its being spent at the discretion of the persons named but to compensate and support those who have been turned out of their homes by the action of rebels?
The whole question of compensation is under consideration. I am not, however, in a position to make any statement on this matter at present.
Will a statement be made before the end of the Session?
I cannot say whether the matter will have been decided before then or not.
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that demand notes for a rate which exceeds 10s. in the £ are being served on the loyalist ratepayers in the County of Cork; that, amongst other things, the rate is intended to cover the cost of the upkeep of roads which, as a fact, by the action of bands of rebels, have been made impassable; whether in a number of cases the demand for payment of a 10s. rate is made on persons who have had their homes burnt and their cattle stolen; and whether it is proposed to exact payment from loyal citizens who have thus suffered at the hands of the rebels?
The demand notes in County Cork are served upon all classes of ratepayers, and the rate includes the estimated cost of repair and upkeep of roads, irrespective of the cause of the destruction or injury.
How does the hon. and learned Gentleman think that a man who has had his house burned down and his cattle stolen can pay a rate of 10s. in the £.
I do not think he can pay it at all.
Does not that apply to the North of Ireland as well as to the South?
Prison Regulations
asked the Home Secretary whether any prisoner describing himself as an agnostic or atheist is allowed to have a representative of a recognised ethical or rationalist association in lieu of a prison minister?
A prisoner who declares himself to be of no religious persuasion may be visited for the purposes of moral assistance, or guidance, by some person of repute approved by the Prison Commissioners for that purpose.
asked the Home Secretary whether the rule prohibiting prisoners serving the first month of their sentence from having any exercise on Sundays has now been abolished?
There is no rule, and, as far as I know, there never has been a rule prohibiting exercise on Sundays during the first month of a sentence.
asked the Home Secretary how many hours of labour are now prescribed per day for a hard labour prisoner during his first month and in subsequent months; and whether prisoners are now compelled to perform specified tasks?
The hours of labour prescribed by the Statutory rule are not more than 10 or less than 6 per diem, exclusive of meals. Where the nature of the work permits, a specified task is enforced.
Emergency Powers Act (Arrests)
asked the Home Secretary what are the difficulties which stand in the way of giving to the House of Commons particulars as to persons arrested in England under the Emergency Powers Act; and whether, in view of the present improved industrial position, he would favourably consider the release of prisoners convicted under this Act?
The only difficulty is that it involves a good deal of labour and some expense to collect information of this sort from more than 180 police authorities and at least 900 police divisions; but my right hon. Friend thinks the matter is of sufficient importance to justify his asking for the return. As regards the latter part of the question, the Home Secretary is always willing to consider any representation on behalf of any convicted prisoner. More than this I cannot say.
Will the right hon. Gentleman favourably consider representations in view of the improvement in the industrial outlook, for the release of these men?
My right hon. Friend is always willing to consider any representation on behalf of any convicted prisoner.
Agricultural Labourers (Wages)
asked the Minister of Agriculture what was the average weekly rate of wages of agricultural labourers in 1913; what is the rate this year; and what is the estimate of the Government as to the fall likely to be brought about by the repeal of the Corn Production Acts?
There are no complete returns of the rates of wages of agricultural labourers in 1913, but from such data as are available it is estimated that the average weekly cash wage of an ordinary adult male worker in England and Wales was between 16s. and 17s., excluding allowances or extra earnings. The average minimum wage for adult male workers of 21 years and over this year is 46s. 7d., which includes the value of " benefits and advantages" ( i.e., a cottage, potatoes, or milk) which, if provided, may be deducted from the cash wage. I am unable to make an estimate of the future rate of wages, but I understand that the employers' representatives on the Agricultural Wages Board last week proposed a reduction to a flat minimum rate of 40s. throughout England and Wales.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not justified in assuming that at least 5s. a week will have to be added to the cash wage to show the actual amount received per week by the agricultural labourer?
I should not like to attempt to give the actual sum, but there is no doubt about it that a considerable addition will have to be made.
Milk
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the decision of the Court of Appeal that the Food Ministry acted illegally in exacting a tax of 2d. per gallon on milk exported from Somerset, Devon, Cornwall, and Dorset; how much money was actually collected from these counties; and whether it will be returned to those to whom the law now declares that it belongs?
I have been asked to reply. The decision of the Court of Appeal reversing the decision of the King's Bench Division is now under the consideration of the Law Officers of the Crown. Until their opinion is received I am unable to make any further statement.
Manchester Customs House (Discharged Clerk)
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that a young female clerk, in receipt of a salary of under £3 per week, was discharged from the Manchester Customs House to make room for an ex-service man early in this year; and whether, seeing that she was subsequently given a post in the Excise, old age pensions branch, at a salary of £4 per week, that she is the daughter of a Customs official, and unmarried without any family responsibilities, he will make an inquiry into the case?
The clerk referred to in the question is the daughter of a retired surveyor of Customs and Excise. She was employed for 4¾ years in the Customs House at Manchester, and, when under notice with other female clerks to be displaced by ex-service men, she was one of a number recommended by heads of offices to fill vacancies of temporary women pension officers. The recommendations were examined by a committee at headquarters and she was among those selected. Her pay at the end of her service as a temporary clerk was 57s. 6d. per week and as a woman pension officer £3 10s. per week, rising to £4 after three months' approved service.
Why could not an ex-service man have been appointed to the post of pension officer which was subsequently filled by this clerk?
It was a female pension officer.
Must it be a woman?
Why not?
Drought (High Explosives Experiment)
( by Private Notice )asked the Prime Minister whether it can be arranged that an expert or experts from the Meteorological Office may be present at an experiment which is to be made by a London newspaper on Hampstead Heath to-night to attempt to induce showers of rain by means of high explosives in the air, so that should the experiment be successful, this scheme may be immediately developed throughout the country upon a large scale?
Are we to understand that private individuals are to be allowed to use high explosives merely for advertising purposes?
I have been asked to reply. Yes, Sir. Representatives from the Meteorological Office will attend the demonstration to-night.
Can you guarantee any rain?
In face of the stringent Regulations with regard to the carrying of firearms, are we to understand that permission has been given for this experiment to be carried out? Apparently private individuals on advertising stunts can do what they like.
Legal Practitioners
I beg to move, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill to unify the legal profession in England and Wales."
The legal profession looks with suspicion on all fundamental changes, but I submit that the time must come when the ancient practices are no longer able to meet the requirements of the age, and when it must be tuned up for the reconstruction of a new area. I submit that the time is now ripe in one important aspect, and that is the necessity for amalgamating—
On a point of Order. Is it not very rude for Members to leave the House when an hon. Member is on his feet introducing a Bill?
I have heard a proverb about "glass houses!"
I was submitting, when I was interrupted, that the time has now arrived in one important aspect, and that is the necessity for amalgamating the two branches of the profession in the public interest. When I speak of the public interest, I include the interests of the Members themselves, for I submit that the greater is not antagonistic to the smaller. A barrister and a solicitor, before they can practice, have both to pass certain legal examinations—examinations similar in character. But there is a great difference between the services which the barrister and the solicitor can render to the public. A barrister can fill all public offices of State. He may become Master of the Rolls, Lord Chancellor, a Judge of the High Court, or a County Court Judge. But a solicitor, by the perpetuation of a vicious monopoly which is a great injustice, is absolutely prohibited from filling any of these posts. May I give one example? Suppose a judgeship were vacant to-day. The Attorney-General, the Solicitor-General and the Home Secretary would all be competent to fill the post, but if the Prime Minister himself, with all his legal knowledge, his wonderful eloquence and his mastery of affairs, were to make application for it, he would be turned down and squashed and smothered, possibly for the first time in his existence.
Is it not most desirable that when a Bill of this important character is being introduced, the Law Officers of the Crown should be present?
It is not usual on the occasion of a First Reading.
Is it not necessary for the House to be guided by the legal experience of its paid Law Officers, in order that it may determine how it should vote, if the Motion be challenged?
That is a question which would arise on a Second Reading rather than on the First Reading.
If a solicitor wants to become a barrister, we shall be told, it is perfectly easy for him to get himself struck off the Rolls and to pass a barrister's examination, and thus begin afresh. But what does that mean? A doctor can become a specialist in his profession, and still not be disqualified from being a general practitioner. Indeed, he could go to the Bar and still continue his general practice, or he could become an accountant, or a shipowner, or go into any other form of business. But if a solicitor wants to go to the Bar, he has to give up his practice. He has to give up the income derived from it. He has to sacrifice the rewards which years of labour have brought to him, and he must climb down the ladder of success to the bottom rung, and begin again to carve out a new career. I submit that the injustice to the man becomes equally an injustice to the State, if it is prevented from engaging in the service of the State the best brains and ability, wherever they can be found. In America, in France, in the United States, and in all British Colonies, if a man wants to get justice in Court, he goes to his solicitor, who carries his case through for him from beginning to end. But it is not so in England. Here he is compelled to employ a middleman. The solicitor may appear in the lower Courts, but as soon as the case goes into a higher Court, he cannot appear. He has to prepare the case in writing, embody it in a brief, and pay large fees to a barrister to conduct the case for him. What is the result? It is a waste of time, a waste of money, and a leakage in efficiency, owing to the case having to go through two minds before it gets before the Court. That is the cause, I submit, largely of the enormous cost of litigation in this country, which is known to be the dearest country for that purpose in the world. Such is the effect of custom! One more point. A barrister is not responsible to his client for the due discharge of his duty. He is supposed not to take a reward for his services, but to accept an honorarium. He may not read the brief at all. He may not appear in Court at all. Yet his client has no remedy against him, even for the return of the fee which has been paid! The Bill I am asking the House to read a First time seeks to remedy that by making all members of the legal profession liable for the due discharge of their duties to their client. It also gives permission to every member to appear in any Court in the land and likewise makes him capable of filling any office in the land. We have heard a good deal of liberty and equality. What I seek now is, that the fullest equality should be introduced into an honourable profession. I ask that the path shall be clear to all grades, and shall be open to rich and poor alike. I have received many letters from eminent men at the Bar in reference to this matter. I have one specially from Lord Harrowby. I will not trouble the House by reading it, but the Noble Earl says he considers the time has now arrived in the public interest for the fusion of the professions. I beg to move.
I rise to oppose the Bill. I am exceedingly sorry that I should be compelled to take this form of expressing my views on the proceedings that are now taking place, because I am sure we have all been deeply moved by the very eloquent speech delivered in support of this Measure by the hon. Gentleman opposite. The hon. Gentleman, as I understand, is one of the chief props of the Coalition, and he is entitled to claim that the House should seriously consider the proposals contained in this Measure. He might have brought his influence to bear on the Government, I should think, to secure the attendance of some of the Law Officers of the Crown on this historic occasion. This Bill was printed on the agenda of the House, and the Attorney-General for England, the Attorney-General for Ireland, and the Lord Advocate and Solicitor-General for Scotland, I have no doubt, possess the ordinary knowledge which we all obtain when we read the Order Paper to see what the House is to be called upon to consider, and they should therefore have been here to-day to give the House some guidance and advice as to what attitude it ought to adopt in relation to this Bill.
It would be out of order for them to speak.
Whether it would be out of order or not, they owe some respect to the House of Commons, and if I, an Irishman, Member from a lawless country, choose to come here, and sit with all due patience at the feet of the hon. Gentleman who has delivered this powerful speech, which has touched and moved me profoundly, surely the least that we can expect is that the Law Officers of the Crown should be here. I know that one of them is very busy at present and cannot be here.
The hon. Gentleman's speech does not come within the Standing Order. A short speech only is allowed to an hon. Member definitely opposing the Motion, "That leave be given to bring in the Bill." If the hon. Member opposes the Bill, will he devote himself to the Bill?
Yes, certainly I will. Of course, the House will clearly recognise my difficulty. I am not a lawyer, and, therefore, I cannot discuss the proposals submitted by the hon. Gentleman with analytical examination, and you will, perhaps, forgive me if I slightly stray from the clear discussion and criticism and analysis of this Measure. I myself think that there is a great deal to be said for the proposals of the hon. Member.
That concludes the matter. The hon. Member is out of order.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. PERCY; supported by Sir Francis Blake, Sir Thomas Bramsdon, Mr. Bottomley, Major Barnes, Sir Harry Brittain, Sir William Joynson-Hicks, Major Christopher Lowther, Sir George Renwick, Mr. Rose, Sir William Seager, and Mr. Sugden.
Legal Practitioners Bill,
"to unify the legal profession in England and Wales," presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 169.]
Lee Conservancy Bill
Reported, with Amendments, from the Joint Committee on Water (Charges) Bills; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Committee to be printed.
Representation of the People (No. 2) Bill
Reported, without Amendment, from Standing Committee D.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.
Bill, not amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration upon Thursday.
Selection (Standing Committees)
Standing Committee D
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had added the following Ten Members to Standing Committee D (in respect of the War Pensions Bill): Colonel Bowles, Major Breese, Major Cohen, Mr. Thomas Griffiths, Mr. Hogge, Mr. Lawson, Captain Loseby, Mr. Macpherson, Major Tryon, and Sir Frederick Young.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Message from the Lords
That they agree with the Amendment made by the Commons to one of their Amendments to the Dentists Bill, without Amendment.
Public Health (Officers) (No. 2) Bill
Motion made, and Question, "That the Lords Amendments be considered forthwith," put, and agreed to.—[ Sir P. Magnus. ]
Lords Amendments considered accordingly.
CLAUSE 7.—(Provisions as to London.)
(1) The provisions of paragraphs (b) and (c) of Sub-section (2) of Section one hundred and eight of the Public Health (London) Act, 1891 (which relate to the removal and appointment of medical officers of health of metropolitan borough councils), shall apply to the sanitary inspectors of metropolitan borough councils and to the medical officers of health and the sanitary inspectors of the port sanitary authority of the Port of London as they apply to the medical officers of health of metropolitan borough councils, and those provisions shall have effect accordingly.
Lords Amendments:
In Sub-section (1), after the word "the" ["shall apply to the sanitary inspectors"], insert the words "chief or senior."
"After the word "the" ["the sanitary inspectors of the port sanitary authority"] insert the words" chief or senior."
Agreed to.
Orders of the Day
Safeguarding of Industries Bill
[3RD ALLOTTED DAY.]
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 4.—(Remission and repayment of duty in certain cases.)
Where an Order has been made under this Part of this Act applying this Part of this Act to goods of any class or description, on the ground that goods of that class or description being sold or offered for sale in the United Kingdom at prices below the cost of production thereof, the following provisions shall have effect:
(1) If any person by whom any duty would be payable proves to the satisfaction of the Commissioners that the goods in respect of which the duty is payable have already been sold in the United Kingdom, at a price which was not less than the cost of production, the payment of duty shall be remitted.
(2) If any person by whom any duty has been paid proves to the satisfaction of the Commissioners that the goods were on the first sale thereof within the United Kingdom sold at a price which was not less than the cost of production of the goods, or where there has been a change in the market conditions of the country of manufacture, not less than the amount which would, on the date of sale, have been the cost of production in that country of similar goods, he shall be entitled to repayment of the duty so paid.
(3) No such remission or repayment of duty shall be made, unless and until there is produced to the Commissioners a declaration in the prescribed form made by the consignor of the goods stating the cost of production, at the date of the declaration, of the goods, and the country of manufacture of the goods, certified by a British consular officer, or by some other person duly authorised by the Board to give certificates for the purposes of this Part of this Act, to be to the best of his knowledge and belief a true declaration.
(4) Where goods which have been charged with duty are, without being sold, used in the United Kingdom for any purpose, they shall, for the purposes of this Section, be deemed on being so used to have been sold, and in such a case the sale price shall for the purposes aforesaid be taken to be an amount representing the price at which the goods were actually purchased from the exporter, together with freight and insurance and the amount of any import duty, other than the duty under this Part of this Act, which may have been paid in respect of the goods.
The first Amendment on the Paper—after the word "under" ["where an Order has been made under"] to insert the words
"Section two, Sub-section (1), paragraph (b) of this Act the duty shall be remitted or repaid if the parties by whom the duty is payable proves to the satisfaction of the Commissioners that the goods in respect of which the duty is payable were on the first sale thereof in the United Kingdom sold at a price not less than thirty-three and a third per cent, above their value as defined in Section two of this Act, and where an Order has been made under—"
is not out of order in substance, but it should come in as a new paragraph after the word "declaration" ["to the best of his knowledge and belief a true declaration"].
While, of course, accepting your decision, may I ask whether there will be an opportunity before the Guillotine falls of some discussion on this Amendment?
That is a point on which no Chairman can give an absolute assurance, but I will bear in mind the importance of this Amendment in making my selection. The next Amendment—to leave out the words
"on the ground that goods of that class or description being sold or offered for sale in the United Kingdom at prices below the cost of production thereof—"
is out of order for the same reason. It should come at a later stage.
I do not think that the second Amendment raises the question of the cost of production at all.
I think it does. How would it read:
"Where an Order has been made under this Part of this Act applying this Part of this Act to goods of any class or description, the following provisions shall have effect."
The following provisions all deal with the cost of production.
May I explain? The point of the Amendment is that it is possible under the Bill to make an Order on the ground that goods of that class or description are sold or offered for sale in the United Kingdom at prices below the cost of production. That is only one of two conditions; only one has been put into the Bill. The suggestion is that both conditions should be put in, or none at all. It is a very substantial point.
All the provisions in the first two paragraphs rest on the supposition that the Order has been made on the ground of the cost of production. It would be perfectly in order to bring in provisions applying to an Order made on other grounds, but the Clause would not read if it were inserted here.
May I submit that the Clause is inconsistent with that which has gone before if it be left in its present form. Two conditions have to be fulfilled and not only one, and this Clause says, "if an Order has been made on one ground."
No, I think it is an alternative ground.
The word "are" has been dropped out after the word "description" ["that class or description being sold "]. It does not make sense. Shall I move to insert it now?
Yes, the right hon. Gentleman had better move the Amendment now.
There is no consistent reading in parts of the Bill that have been passed, and we, as private Members, have no opportunity of moving Amendments on these points, because, when the Guillotine falls, the Government only have power to move Amendments. May I ask what remedy we have?
The course pursued by all hon. Members who have reason to complain of the conduct of the Government. As a matter of fact, if the vigilance of the hon. and gallant Member had been directed to the first words of the Clause, he might have had the honour of making the correction instead of the right hon. Gentleman.
I had observed it.
Amendment made: After the word "description" ["class or description being sold"], insert the word "are."— [ Mr. Baldwin. ]
Are you going to call my Amendment—to leave out the words, "cost of production" ["at prices below the cost of production thereof, the following provisions"], and to insert instead thereof the words, "current sale price in the country of manufacture"—it is a very substantial point.
I have considered the Amendment, but how would it read?
"Where an Order has been made… on the ground that goods of that class or description are being sold or offered for sale in the United Kingdom at prices below the current sale price in the country of manufacture."
No such Order is possible under the Bill. It is not one of the grounds already specified, so that the hypothesis on which the Amendment is based falls to the ground.
Is not the cost of production defined in the Bill as being the wholesale price in the country of manufacture?
That point must be argued on the Definition Clause and not here.
Do you rule it out of order on the ground that it is outside the Title of the Bill, or on the ground that it is not important?
It would be inconsistent with that which has been already passed. The words of the hon. and gallant Gentleman may mean the same thing as "the cost of production," or they may be interpreted differently. It is a point which must be raised on the Definition Clause.
May I appeal to you? This is a subject to which I attach importance. I had an Amendment to an earlier Clause on which no discussion was possible owing to the fall of the Guillotine. This is the first opportunity that I have had of raising the matter, and, in view of that fact, may I not move it now in order to get the Government's point of view? I believe it is a proposition which might be accepted.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman will have an opportunity of debating the matter on Clause 8.
I beg to move, in paragraph (i), after the word "sold" to insert the words "or bought for delivery."
The purpose of the Amendment is to ensure that the purchaser shall not have to pay duty on the freight or cost of transit, but merely on the goods themselves. It is only a small Amendment, and I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will see his way, in the interests of business and trade, to accept it. The duty, obviously, is on the goods themselves and not on the freight and charge for transit.
The Amendment goes a good deal further than the hon. Member suggests. The present words are, "have already been sold in the United Kingdom," and the hon. Member wants to insert the words "or bought for delivery." That would be contrary to the whole system upon which this Clause is to work. The test which it applies is the first sale in the United Kingdom. If the person be going to use it in his own business, that is covered by paragraph (4). If, on the other hand, he is not so going to use it but has resold it, that is dealt with in paragraph (1). Then the sale has already taken place, and there is a remission of the duty. If there has not been a sale in the United Kingdom, then the test which has to be applied is the first sale in the United Kingdom after entry, and if that be at a price which is not a dumping price, then he is entitled to recover under paragraph (2). If the words proposed were to be accepted, it would negative the whole of the machinery under which this Clause is going to work, and which is quite consistent throughout.
The point raised by my hon. Friend covers a good many issues. Let us imagine a consignment of goods brought to a port but not cleared and not sold. Eventually the goods may be sold, or part of them may be sold and part of them may be re-exported. It is necessary to get the consignment opened, and for that purpose you have to get delivery. Before the Customs will allow you to take delivery you must pay whatever duty they deem to be essential, and that duty will be based, not upon the value of the goods alone, but also upon the cost of freight, commission, rent, clearing charges, and many other obligations. Part of the goods may be going out again, or perhaps the whole may go out, but it will be necessary to get delivery of them in order that they may be redistributed. I have in mind a firm which is entirely a collecting centre for redistribution of goods to different parts of South America. They import whatever goods they require from different parts of the world, take them into their warehouse in London, and mix them with other goods. It is to meet complications of that kind that one wants to make the difficulties as little as possible. If the goods are to come in and the duty must be paid, that duty should be as little as possible. In making claims for rebate, there may, perhaps, be no great difficulty in getting back part of what has been paid on the goods themselves, but considerable difficulties will arise when it comes to a question of what has been paid for freight, rent, and other charges. That, I think, is the object behind this Amendment.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, to leave out paragraph (2).
I move this Amendment for the purpose of inviting the Minister in charge to tell us exactly what paragraph (2) means. In the discussions on this Bill we sometimes find ourselves in considerable difficulty through the smallness of the amount of information given to the House by those in charge. I think it would be helpful if, on each paragraph of importance, the Minister would tell us what is intended by it. I invite hon. Members, to look at paragraph (2) and see if it is clear to them. I venture to say that, of every thousand business men in this country who will be called upon to deal with it, not more than a mere fraction will understand what it means. The small traders of the country will have to put their brains to work to understand it, and I defy many hon. Members of this House to say what effect it will have. If hon. Members of this House find difficulties, one can imagine a small provincial trader finding himself in trouble. Therefore, in order to afford the Minister an opportunity of giving us his view of the matter, I move the deletion of the paragraph.
I do not think that this paragraph presents any serious difficulty. Like the other paragraphs in the Clause, it is designed to protect the man who is doing business, and to see that wherever he can get repayment of the duty he shall have the benefit of it. The object of the Bill, of course, is to prevent loss of employment in this country by the introduction of goods and their being placed on the market here at a cost under the cost of production. Therefore in the first part of this paragraph it is laid down that when it is shown that goods have been sold in this country at a price which was not less than the cost of production in the original country, then the duty shall not be paid; and, similarly, it goes on to deal with the question of a change in the market conditions of the country of manufacture, that being for the purpose of meeting cases where goods are sold at some time after they have been landed, and where, between the time of the goods having been bought and landed and sold, there has been such a substantial change in the conditions of manufacture in the country of origin that goods are coming in at a less cost, so that the man who bought the original consignment might be undersold by a person who has bought at a subsequent date and who is quite legitimately selling at a price not below the actual cost of production. In such cases he will be entitled to repayment of the duty, as in the first case.
The President of the Board of Trade certainly sets out in a manner that we can understand what the intention of the Government is, but the point is whether anyone would be able in practice to work out the provisions of this paragraph. We admit that it is a remission granted to manufacturers to enable them to secure repayment of duty that has been paid in cases where that appears to be desirable. I should like to examine the paragraph purely as a matter of English. There is no real opportunity of amending the phraseology. If we do not discuss important Amendments very quickly, the Guillotine will fall, and they will be entirely neglected without any public Debate in this or in the other House. The paragraph refers to cases
"where there has been a change in the market conditions not less than the amount."
How a change can be less than an amount is a matter that I do not understand, although I understand what it is-that is aimed at.
Read on.
I have read the whole Bill many times. The paragraph says
"or where there has been a change in the market conditions of the country of manufacture, not less than the amount which would on the date of sale have been the cost of production.…"
A change has to take place which is "not less than the amount," and so on. Although I understand clearly what the Board of Trade wants, I do not think that the phraseology is particularly satisfactory or clear. In fact, I believe that in regard to several parts of this Bill there will be many law cases which will stultify such fractions of the Bill as may survive. If a man has bought something and his trade rivals allege that he is selling it at less than the cost of production —that is to say, the wholesale price in the country of origin—and if his trade rivals can persuade the five persons appointed on the Committee to make an Order, and then if anything happens to alter the market conditions in the country of production, he has to show that that is the case. It is not a question of the Board of Trade being satisfied; the trader will have to show, according to an Amendment standing in the name of the right, hon. Gentleman later on, that the price at which he is selling the article is not a dumping price. I would ask hon. Members to turn to Clause 8, in which the cost of production is defined as the wholesale price in the country of manufacture. It then goes on to say that, if there is not a wholesale price, it means an, imaginary price which, for goods
"as near as may be similar "
—whatever that may be—
"when so sold, or when sold for exportation to other countries, would be so charged if the goods were sold in that country."
If an Order is made in respect of goods which have no wholesale price in the country of origin, it is made on the allegation that goods as near as may be similar would be sold at a certain wholesale price, and are being sold at less than that price in this country. Turning back to Clause 4, we find that, when the market conditions of this totally imaginary price alter, the trader can secure a remission of the duty. The whole thing is foggy and obscure in the last possible degree, and no man in a small way of business, whose time is entirely occupied in trying to make a profit—a very difficult matter, and, apparently, according to this Bill, almost a criminal offence—will possibly be able to find time to read, interpret and take advantage of these provisions as to remission. Taking into account the very artificial definition of the cost of production, it is so obscure that, although the remission is kindly meant, it will benefit very few of the victims of this extraordinary legislation.
There are some points in the first part of paragraph (2) which ought not to be allowed to escape notice. This paragraph is obviously designed to encourage profiteering. It says have had to realise their stocks at whatever price they can get. We ought to be able to have the advantage of that, especially when the articles required are semi-manufactured.
Let me give one example. At the present moment there is on the Continent a slump in agricultural machinery, and in certain continental countries it is possible to buy very good agricultural machinery to-day at a good deal below the cost of production. Why should not the British farmer have the benefit of that? Is it any disadvantage that he should be able to get his reapers, threshing machines, and drills cheaply. He has to face foreign competition to-day, and we have to subsidise him already out of the Treasury to an amount anywhere between £15,000,000 and £35,000,000. Why not help him by letting him have cheap agricultural machinery? But no, the Government say that if a merchant buys this cheap machinery and dares to sell it to the British farmer at a cheap price, he must pay this duty of 33⅓ per cent. They say, "We will teach him to benefit the British agriculturist by giving him cheap agricultural machinery." But if this grasping villain puts up the price to the original inflated value of 1919, when everything was costly and people were prepared to pay very high prices, and if in doing that he reaps an enormous profit, the Government will come along and say, "Good fellow; pat him on the back; we will remit the duty," and I suppose they will give him an O.B.E. The first part of this paragraph really shows the hollow-ness and corruptness of the whole vicious proposal contained in the Bill. With regard to the second part, hon. Members will observe that there is a later Amendment in the name of the President of the Board of Trade, after the word "where" ["where there has been a change in the market conditions"], to insert the words " he shows that," and perhaps, Mr. Hope, you will allow me, in discussing this paragraph to mention that Amendment, as I presume the Government propose to move it.
If the hon. and gallant Gentleman does not mention it again when the Amendment comes on.
No. It is necessary to mention it in order to ask what I am going to. The words are "Where he shows that there has been a change in the market conditions in the country of manufacture," he being the person who has paid the duty on the goods coming in. I think we ought to ask the Government for some example of what is meant. Would it be a fair example that the labour conditions have changed and wages have dropped or gone up, as the case may be in the countries from which the goods are bought. It seems to me that the wording is altogether vague, and I cannot for the life of me understand what really is meant. Have the persons who are responsible for the Bill informed the right hon. Gentleman what sort of cases they have in mind? Have they given him any examples? Have they satisfied him? And if so, can he give me any examples and satisfy me? What is going to happen to the importer of goods of a similar nature to the goods manufactured in this country, when, owing to a slump the manufacturers in this country are forced to realise at a loss? Owing to the glut of boots in this country, certain manufacturers are being pressed by their banks for repayment of overdrafts and are forced to realise their stocks for what they will fetch. [ Interruption. ] I am not talking of all manufacturers, but some of them are. I had a case brought to my knowledge in the West Riding last week of a man who had a stock of the nominal value of £120,000, which to-day stands at an actual value of £40,000. That man may be forced to sell for what the goods will fetch. We will suppose a retailer in this country has purchased goods of a similar sort from abroad and the deliveries have taken place at the time of a slump, and the wholesalers in this country are forced to reduce their prices tremendously. What is this unfortunate importer of foreign goods to do? He cannot sell under the cost of production, or he cannot get back his duty. He is penalised to the extent of 33⅓ per cent. I suppose the fact of the matter is that the Government look upon a man who buys from abroad as a criminal, and they mean to punish him. They will teach him to take part in foreign trade. They will teach him a lesson. How dare he be so unpatriotic as to buy goods which his customers may in their wickedness desire from abroad, when he can get them at home? That sort of attitude is going to absolutely kill our prosperity as a country.
I cannot imagine for a moment that these two paragraphs are put in in order by Act of Parliament to secure a dealer a profit. On the face of it, that seems to be their principal result. An importer, so long as he sells at a higher price here, does not have to pay the duty. Although that looks to be the object of the paragraphs on the face of it, I am sure that cannot be so, because no one wants by Act of Parliament to increase the profits of the dealer. But, on the other hand, I cannot help imagining that the Government may think some protection is required under this sort of conditions. Supposing there is a short supply of these particular articles in the country, one can imagine that this sort of Clause might come in with some effect and might be useful. Again there might be some kind of trade preference. But I have really serious doubts in my own mind whether what the Government get by these Glauses is sufficiently valuable to go for, and whether it would not be much better, in the interests of the smooth working of the Bill, for the Government to consider between now and Report whether a good deal of these two Clauses could not be dropped.
I think the hon. Gentleman's point is in substance the point made by the hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Kiley) in moving the Amendment. The hon. Gentleman has applied his mind to this Bill on several occasions. The point put by the hon. Member for Whitechapel is that every trader in the country, every shopkeeper in Glasgow, Edinburgh, Manchester and London, will have to go carefully through the Bill and study it, and will have to find out its exact meaning, and if hon. Members experience some difficulty in understanding the correct meaning of the Bill, the disadvantage placed on traders, in being taken away from their livelihood and serving their customers in order to study the Bill, will not be in the best interests of the trade of the country. This paragraph raises a point of some substance. If the importer can show that there has been a change in the market conditions of the country of manufacture which has led to a reduction in price, the duty will not be paid. That opens up the vista that every big importer of goods will have attached to his staff, and every association of traders will have attached to their organisation, skilled investigators. These men will go to foreign countries and try to show to the satisfaction of the Commissioners that there has been a change in the market conditions in the country of manufacture. That advantage will not accrue to the small importers all over the country. I suggest, therefore, that the true reading of the paragraph will place in the hands of a wealthy firm an advantage which they will use, rightly, to the disadvantage of the small trader.
It really shows also that the Commissioners are going to decide the taxes to be paid by the people of the country. They are to decide whether the duty is to be remitted. The poor traders are to be left to the judgment of the Commission whether these large duties are to be repaid. Is it not rather too large a power to place in the hands of any body of Commissioners? There will be big sums involved—the duty is one-third—and the Commissioners will have to decide, to their satisfaction, whether these duties are to be repaid. I had some experience of that matter during a few years before the War. A firm I know in Scotland exported goods to America. The competing firms in America thought the prices charged to the importing houses in New York were too low, and they sent investigators to this country, who went round to find out the rate of wages paid and the price of the raw material in the articles which were being imported. After full investigation, involving the employment of many officials—which will be borne by the taxpayers of this country—the price was modified and the duty was altered. That will occur when this Bill becomes law, if it ever does, and our traders here will be sending out representatives to try to show to the satisfaction of the Commissioners that there has been a change in the market conditions of the country of origin, so that the fortunate importer will be allowed to import his goods free of duty, or rather, will have the duty remitted to him, while the less fortunate importer, without the skilled assistance, without the knowledge which large firms possess, will be burdened with this heavy duty. It is grossly unfair to the small importer at the expense of the large importer.
There is one other point I will put to the President of the Board of Trade. If there is a fall in prices in Great Britain, how will this paragraph operate? Will the duty be remitted in that case also? Prices are falling, and I should think are likely to fall for a few years still. If they continue to fall, will this duty be remitted? In his reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Whitechapel, the right hon. Gentleman stated that what would be in the minds of the Commissioners, no doubt, was the question whether the importation of these goods would have brought about loss of employment. The Government evidently think that by maintaining high prices, by artificially rigging the market, they are gong to bring Great Britain back to her proud position of pre-War days, and are quite ignorant of the fundamental position of this country.
This seems rather a large argument to build on this paragraph as to the power of the Commissioners to remit duty under certain conditions.
I was led away by a remark which fell from the President of the Board of Trade. I am quite content to leave the point where I have left it.
Into the question whether there should or should not be dumping legislation, it would not be proper to enter at this stage. Anyone who is opposed to any legislation against dumping naturally would oppose the whole of this part of the Bill. That is not the view of the Government or of the majority of the House. But even those who oppose that view ought to see what it is that we are legislating against, and what are the real conditions of the Bill. The hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut. - Commander Kenworthy) drew a lurid picture which bore no relation whatever to the facts of the Bill. It was based on the assumption that selling, not even below the cost of production but below what had been the cost of production a long time ago, in any individual case was going to be a penal offence and was going to be subject to the Duty. Of course that was a pure fiction of his own imagination. It bears no relation whatever to any provision which is in this Bill at all.
Clause 2.
It bears no relation whatever to Clause 2. It is absolutely at variance with it. Clause 2 enacts that in order that a dumping Order shall be made at all, it has got to be proved that there are sales of goods in this country at prices below the cost of production and on such a scale as to be likely seriously to affect employment in this country.
Where does the hon. Gentleman find the words "on such a scale "?
"Employment is or is likely to be seriously affected." If the importation is on a negligible scale, of course, it cannot seriously affect employment. It has got; to be on a scale sufficient seriously to affect employment or it does not come in.
Thirty men?
That really shows how wilfully the hon. and gallant Gentleman is misrepresenting the whole Bill. Of course, turning 30 men out of employment is not seriously affecting employment. The hon. and gallant Gentleman knows as well as I do that that is not the meaning.
A hundred men?
The hon. Member has himself enlarged the scope of the Debate.
I apologise, and bow at once to your ruling. But I was trying to show that Clause 4, which is the machinery on which the remission of duty comes in, cannot come into operation at all until a general dumping Order has been made under Clause 2, and that cannot be made unless there is a likelihood of employment being seriously affected in the industry. Therefore the fear that the machinery of Clause 4 is going to apply in all these trivial cases is impossible, because Clause 4 only comes into operation when the general Order has been made. Is it, or is it not, reasonable that, having got the dumping Order made, we should give this remission in those particular cases? I submit that it is; otherwise what would happen is, that where a dumping Order is made against a given commodity from a given country, unless you have such a provision as this, it would mean that all articles of that character owning from that country are to be subject to duty whether, after importation, they are sold below the cost of production or not. What we are legislating against here is the actual sale in this country below the cost of production. Unless you are going to apply the duty generally all round you must have some such machinery as we are establishing under this Clause. When you come to the test, which is the test of the first sale in the United Kingdom, then you can say whether, in fact, that sale is below the cost of production or not in the area in respect of which the general Order has been made. I think it is reasonable to allow the importer to take advantage of a change of conditions. If you do not do that you put two importers in an unequal position. You would get the first importer who imports the day after the Order has been made and does not sell the goods for a little while at the price he has bought them. Three months later another importer imports goods at a lower price. The second importer is quite entitled to sell at a lower price, but the first importer would not be so entitled. There cannot be any question of this encouraging profiteering. The test which is going to be employed is the cost of production at the time.
We. are all very much interested in the picture the Minister has just drawn of the difficulties in which the Bill is involving both traders and the Government. We always sympathise with an insect struggling in the web. If it is a fly, one has a great deal of sympathy for it. If it is the spider which is caught in its own web, our sympathy is somewhat diminished. But the Minister has done us a service in pointing out the very great difficulties in which the application of the Clauses of this Bill are going to involve the traders of this country. This Clause does strip rather bare the nakedness of the real motives behind the Bill. This part of the Bill is introduced to deal with the evil of unemployment. The spectacle of unemployment has properly moved the hearts of the Government, and this is their remedy for it. But, apparently, under this paragraph, if goods have been brought into this country, they may be sold, and on a sale at a price which is not less than the cost of production of the goods, the duty is returned to the person who has paid it. In the old days we were always presented with the two attractive possibilities under a scheme of Protection—either you kept the goods out, in which case you increased employment, or you allowed them in and you got a remedy. But in this scheme you get it neither way. I understood the Minister to say that this paragraph is put in in order that if the reason for the duty has disappeared, the duty may disappear with it.
That is a very good thing, but looking at the Clause, it seems only to deal with only one of the reasons for which a duty has been imposed, and if the Government is going to make it a really effective paragraph, it seems that it requires explanation. I would ask why relief should be given in respect of one operating cause, and not in respect of the other. The point is still left open as to whether this paragraph should not take into account not only a change in the market conditions of the country of manufacture, but also a change in the manufacturing conditions in this country. I would ask the Minister whether the Government would not be prepared to extend this paragraph with that object.
The hon. Member will observe that there is power to make an order.
The reply of the Parliamentary Secretary will encourage dumping. He made it clear that if the importer can show that he has imported goods when the prices have fallen in the country of origin he can then pass on the duty to the consumer and appear before the Commissioners and claim the duty he has already paid. I wonder whether the Parliamentary Secretary foresees the far-reaching nature of this proposal. I think that is quite open to question. If the price falls—and prices will fall for a long time—the importer can reclaim the duty, sell his goods, and, his stock having disappeared, he can then purchase dumped goods, and by that reason forestall and check the object of the Government, which is by maintaining high prices to improve the conditions of trade in this country.
5.0 P.M.
There is no doubt the intention of the Government is good. They wish to assist in reducing the inconvenience and loss that will undoubtedly arise in connection with the working of this Bill to those engaged in the import, export, and manufacturing trades, but I think some other form of words is necessary to achieve the object they have in view. Take the question of the test. One test is the reduction of cost in the country of origin, and the other one, I suggest, must be the reduction of the cost of production in this country; it is impossible to have one without the other. Let me point out what will happen. A firm in London will import their goods and put them into bond. Another firm, say, in Manchester or in Bedford, will want their goods, will pay the duty, and will take them to their destination, but on account of the fall of values in this country their price, plus the duty, will be so much in excess of the market value that they cannot dispose of their goods. They will get no rebate; but the firm who have left the goods in the bonded store will have such facilities. It is impossible to conduct business in that way, and I suggest to the Minister in charge that he might well postpone further consideration of Clause 4 to consult those who are interested in the matter, and who, I am sure, will be ready to assist him in arriving at some workable arrangement under which every trader will know exactly what is before him, and receive equal facilities and equal treatment.
I am quite willing to admit that this is an attempt on the part of the right hon. Gentleman to try and find a way out of some of the difficulties into which he himself has entered, but I cannot get out of my mind the impression that he wishes to go down to history as a rival of Mr. Lewis Carroll, and that he is really constructing an immortal work which will remind us of "Alice through the Looking Glass" or "Alice in Wonderland." The explanation of the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department bewilders me even more than the words of the Sub-section itself. I asked him just now whether or not the buyer, that is the person who is wishing to trade with the other person who is in a mystery or quandary as to what the price is to be, is to be affected by this or not? As has just been said, this kind of Bill is going to be a direct hindrance to the manufacturing businesses of this country. People who have to buy articles and estimate for manufactured goods on the basis of the cost, have to know all the mysteries of this Bill before they will begin to understand what the cost of the material, which they will use in the course of their manufacture is going to be. First, they will have to know whether or not there is a Treaty with the country, and then they have got to know and understand all the mysteries of Clause 4. Somebody, not they, somebody else, makes a complaint, on the admission of the Front Bench, in order to increase prices and give better employment to a larger number of men. If that is the case, and they have sold goods to somebody else for manufacture on that supposition, then this wonderful Clause 4 is to come into operation to remedy or relieve somebody who has got himself into these difficulties by reason of some set of circumstances. I do not claim to have much intelligence, but as one who has had some business experience, I say that I am absolutely mystified as to what it all means. A set of investigators will have to be employed by every firm, and a legal staff engaged to understand what the investigators have to do and, when they have investigated, what should be the consequences of their investigation. There have been muttered protests. There was the protest just now of my hon. Friend who, in many ways,
differs from me; he is a big business man and he cannot understand it, and does not think he ever will understand it. Therefore I join in the very sincere hope that the right hon. Gentleman and his brilliant assistant, who is kind enough to think that possibly some of us are honest in our opposition to the main principles of this Bill, will put their heads together and try to find some rather more intelligible words.
As far as I am able to judge, the conditions under which an order will be given under this Bill will be so exceptional that the possibilities of the question of the rebate ever being claimed are so far removed as to make the points that have been raised rather like a quibble. The hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Kiley) talks about goods remaining in bond, and the man being able to get his duty back; but he must not talk nonsense to this House. No duty is paid while goods remain in bond. How can a man who has kept his goods in bond claim the duty back? All the points, or nearly all the points, raised in this discussion have no basis whatever, they are quibbles, and I hope the Government will stick to the point and pass the Measure as proposed.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out, to the word 'where' ['goods, or where '], stand part of the Clause."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 215; Noes, 71.
Division No. 233] AYES. [5.10 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Burdon, Colonel Rowland FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Astor, Viscountess Campbell, J. D. G. Foreman, Sir Henry Atkey, A. R. Carr, W. Theodore Forestier-Walker, L. Bagloy, Captain E. Ashton Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Forrest, Walter Baird, Sir John Lawrence Casey, T. W. Ganzoni, Sir John Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Cautley, Henry Strother Gardiner, James Balfour, George (Hampstead) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Gardner, Ernest Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Gee, Captain Robert Barnston, Major Harry Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Beauchamp, Sir Edward Coats, Sir Stuart Gilbert, James Daniel Beckett, Hon. Gervase Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonol Sir John Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Colvin, brig.-General Richard Beale Glyn, Major Ralph Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Craig, Capt. C. C (Antrim, South) Goff, Sir R. Park Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Grant, James Augustus Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Curzon, Captain Viscount Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Bethell, Sir John Henry Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hackn'y, N.) Betterton, Henry B. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Bigland, Alfred Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Greig, Colonel Sir James William Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Gretton, Colonel John Borwick, Major G. O. Doyle, N. Grattan Hailwood, Augustine Bowles, Colonel H. F. Edgar, Clifford B. Hall, Captain Sir Douglas Bernard Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Breese, Major Charles E. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Harris, Sir Henry Percy Broad, Thomas Tucker Falcon, Captain Michael Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Farquharson, Major A. C. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Fell, Sir Arthur Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E Hills, Major John Waller Molson, Major John Elsdale Simm, M. T. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Smith, Sir Harold. (Warrington) Hohier, Gerald Fitzroy Morrison, Hugh Smithers, Sir Alfred W. Hood, Joseph Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.) Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Murray, William (Dumfries) Stanton, Charles Butt Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Neal, Arthur Steel, Major S. Strang Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Stewart, Gershom Hurd, Percy A. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Nicholl, Commander Sir Edward Sugden, W. H. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Sutherland, Sir William James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Oman, Sir Charles William C. Taylor, J. Jephcott, A. R. O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Jesson, C. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Parker, James Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Pearce, Sir William Tickler, Thomas George Kidd, James Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers King, Captain Henry Douglas Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Tryon, Major George Clement Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Pennefather, De Fonblanque Waddington, R. Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster) Percy, Charles (Tynemouth) Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley)) Lane-Fox, G. R. Phillpps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Larmor, Sir Joseph Pickering, Colonel Emil W. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Pilditch, Sir Philip Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Lindsay, William Arthur Poison, Sir Thomas A. Watson, Captain John Bertrand Lloyd, George Butler Pratt, John William Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Purchase, H. G. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Rae, H. Norman Williams, C. (Tavistock) Lorden, John William Raeburn, Sir William H. Wilson, Capt. A. S. (Holderness) Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Lyle, C. E. Leonard Raper, A. Baldwin Wilson-Fox, Henry M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Remnant, Sir James Wise, Frederick Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Renwick, Sir George Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Wood, Major Sir S. Hill-(High Peak) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Woolcock, William James U. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Magnus, Sir Philip Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Manville, Edward Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Seager, Sir William Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Mitchell, Sir William Lane Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) McCurdy.
NOES. Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Hinds, John Rose, Frank H. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hirst, G. H. Royce, William Stapleton Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hogge, James Myles Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Irving, Dan Spencer, George A. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Briant, Frank Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West} Bromfield, William Kennedy, Thomas Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton. E.) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Cairns, John Kenyon, Barnet Tootill, Robert Cape, Thomas Lunn, William Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Waterson, A. E. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Wignall, James Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Myers, Thomas Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) France, Gerald Ashburner Newbould, Alfred Ernest Wintringham, Thomas Galbraith, Samuel O'Grady, James Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Grundy, T. W. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Halls, Walter Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hancock, John George Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Dr. Murray and Mr. Kiley. Henderson. Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Robertson, John
I beg to move, in paragraph (2), after the word "where" ["or where there"], to insert the words "he shows that."
I have been advised that if these words are not inserted the onus of taking action would rest upon the Customs, and there might be a chance that the importer would not get the benefit to which he is entitled.
I understand that the right hon. Gentleman suggests that this Amendment is in the interests of the importer. I cannot see that that is so, because it is going to throw upon the importer the onus of proving that there is a change of market conditions in a foreign country. How is the small importer to be able to know and to follow the changes that go on in the market conditions of a foreign country? The Government should have taken it upon themselves to show that there had been a certain condition of affairs which would justify the Order, and they ought to follow the situation, and if conditions change again so as to make the Order unnecessary, it should rest upon them to take the initiative and have the Order reversed, so that any repayments may be made. The Board of Trade or the Commissioners of Excise are the only people who can properly be called upon to perform that duty. To say that there is to be no repayment until the small importer comes forward and proves to the satisfaction of the Board of Trade or of the Commissioners that a change has taken place, is not giving the importer any advantage at all, but the reverse. If the words remain as they are in the Bill, the Government would have to watch the situation and intimate to the Commissioners any change that takes place. This Amendment takes away that duty, and to that extent penalises the importer.
The last person to be accused of lack of candour is the President of the Board of Trade, but I am afraid he is not quite candid in this matter. He says that if these words are not inserted the onus may fall upon the Customs, and that they might not move, and the importer would not get the benefit of the paragraph. The right hon. Gentleman must know perfectly well that there has been sitting a sort of Imperial Conference, representing the Customs of this country and the Dominions, considering this question of the cost of production in foreign countries. A very large part of their consideration has been how to find out the cost of production, and there has been a very interesting publication on the subject. At that conference the question came up of appointing investigators who would go abroad and report home on the conditions of trade in the different countries, in order to enable the people to make up their minds on this question of the cost of production in foreign countries. Obviously, if the Customs authorities of any country have to act upon the cost of production in a foreign country, they must know something about it, and must send investigators. The question was raised as to whether the countries in the British Empire should pool their investigators, but it was decided that that could not very well be, and that each country would have to have its own investigator. Therefore, in the principal towns you will have somebody investigating the cost of production in all the countries concerned.
The President of the Board of Trade says that the British trader in this country is to carry out that duty; that he is to show to the Commissioners that there has been a change in the market conditions of the countries from which he has been buying his goods. Is that fair to put that responsibility upon the British trader? He has been buying from these countries in the past, and because he has been buying in these countries he has to bring forward evidence that will satisfy the Commissioners as to whether there is a change in the market conditions. What is the position? An inquiry has been made, and upon that inquiry an Order has been made, and upon that Order a certain duty has been levied, and money has been paid under that duty, and that money is in the pockets of the Commissioners, on its way to the Treasury, and the trader is to show to the Commissioners that there has been such a change in the markets of the country of manufacture as to justify them in returning the money. It is a pretty tough job to get money back from the Government under any circumstances when you have paid a tax of any kind. The President of the Board of Trade suggests that this is a job so tremendous that the Commissioners are likely to shirk it, and that if the onus is put upon them they may not move, and the trader would not get the benefit to which he is entitled. It is not fair to put the responsibility upon the trader. It is bad enough to involve him in all that this Bill involves, without saying that he must prove that the market conditions of the world have so changed as to entitle him to the benefit of the paragraph. Are not the operations of this Bill such as to put the Commissioners in the position of having this information? Once this Bill is in operation the Commissioners will have to consider what are the market conditions at the time in respect of any goods that come under any one of the Orders. The cost of production has reference, not to the date on which the Order is made, but to the date on which the goods come under the operation of the Orders. If there is a continuous flow of goods coming from these foreign countries into this country, it would seem that the Commissioners ought to be aware of what are the market conditions. The President of the Board of Trade has his officers behind him, the Commissioners, and the Consuls, and the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department has his Department and officers at his back, and surely they ought to have the information. Yet the right hon. Gentleman wants to impose upon my hon. Friend the Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Kiley) the responsibility of saying what are the market conditions in Germany or in any other country in the world. The words of the Amendment would be interpreted to mean that the trader is to bring forward the volume of proof to establish his case. That ought not to be so. The responsibility ought to be upon the Government Department itself.
I cannot see how the importer can be expected to do that which he is asked to do here. Will the information which is in the possession of the authorities when they make the Order be placed at the service of the importer? Would the importer have to make inquiries in the country of origin without having any official information to go upon? There is the greatest difficulty in getting to know what is the cost of production. Moreover, the Bill says that the basis shall not be the cost of production, but the wholesale price in the place of origin. This information could far better be obtained by a Government Department than by an individual. If it is right that a citizen should be relieved from a tax which has been wrongfully imposed upon him, or because the basis upon which it was imposed has altered, surely it is only fair that the importer should not be put in the unfavourable position of having to get the information.
This rather interesting discussion illustrates to perfection the different coloured glasses which we use when we are surveying these economic matters from different positions. In the discussions which used to take place on Free Trade and Tariff Reform, we used to be asked, "Does the English manufacturer want tariffs? Is not the English business man the best man in the world, full of intelligence and snap, and able to make a living in spite of adverse tariffs imposed by foreign countries?" But when I have a little paragraph in a little Clause in a small Bill, attempting in my own simple way to give a benefit to the importer, hon. Members get up one after the other and call him the small importer. We have heard a great deal about the small importer, and from what I have heard, I gather that he is a man who can hardly read or write, and cannot look after his own affairs and generally is in the last stages of lassitude and debility. These pictures are over-coloured. I must apologise to the hon. Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) for introducing my Amendment with such brevity, but may I say in excuse that I have been trained in a good school, because I had the honour and privilege for about three years of sitting with and receiving a great part of my political education from my right hon. Friend the Member for Central Glasgow (Mr. Bonar Law), who never used to waste a word when introducing Amendments to Finance Bills.
It may be perhaps that I did indulge in too great brevity, and I may expand on it for a moment. It seems to me that where a case of concession to the subject is involved the onus must lie on the subject. He cannot expect the revenue collecting department to do the work of the subject. When he wants a refund of Income Tax he has got to make returns, and he generally has sufficient intelligence to make out the papers and to get what he wants. In the same way in a case like this when the interests of the individual are concerned it is certain that a man who has sufficient knowledge of trade and industry to go to every remote corner of the continent and undersell his neighbours, will be able to get the information required, so I propose to leave the words as they stand. My hon. Friend the Member for East Birkenhead (Mr. Bigland) made the observation that it would be very difficult to get an order for ordinary dumping. I said very much the same thing at an early stage of this Bill. I believe that hon. Members opposite are making themselves unnecessarily alarmed about the fate of the small importer. No order can be made until serious unemployment is caused.
Where employment is seriously affected.
I am again too brief— where employment is seriously affected, and in those cases it will be found that the large importer is much more likely to be affected by this Bill than the small importer. There may be cases where the small importer is affected, but I preserve
that faith which my hon. Friends have lost for the time being, and only for the time being, in the ability of the small importer, as well as the small anything else in this country, to take care of himself.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 218; Noes, 74.
Division No. 234.] AYES. [5.37 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Gee, Captain Robert Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Morrison, Hugh Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynts Gilbert, James Daniel Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Glyn, Major Ralph Murray, John (Leeds, West) Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Goff, Sir R. Park Murray, William (Dumfries) Astor, Viscountess Grant, James Augustus Nail, Major Joseph Atkey, A. R. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Greig, Colonel Sir James William Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Gretton, Colonel John Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Balfour, George (Hampstead) Gwynne, Rupert S. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Balfour, Sir R. (Glasgow, Partick) Hailwood, Augustine O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Hall, Captain Sir Douglas Bernard Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Barlow, Sir Montague Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Barnston, Major Harry Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Parker, James Beauchamp, Sir Edward Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Beckett, Hon. Gervase Harris, Sir Henry Percy Pearce, Sir William Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Haslam, Lewis Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Betterton, Henry B. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Pennefather, De Fonblanque Bigland, Alfred Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Percy, Charles (Tynemouth) Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Borwick, Major G. O. Hills, Major John Waller Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Pilditch, Sir Philip Breese, Major Charles E. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Pratt, John William Broad, Thomas Tucker Hood, Joseph Purchase, H. G. Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n, W.) Raeburn, Sir William H. Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Hopkins, John W. W. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Home, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Raper, A. Baldwin Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Remnant, Sir James Burdon, Colonel Rowland Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Renwick, Sir George Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Campbell, J. D. G. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Carr, W. Theodore Hurd, Percy A. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Casey, T. W. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Cautley, Henry Strother James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Jephcott, A. R. Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jesson, C. Seager, Sir William Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Simm, M. T. Clough, Sir Robert Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Coats, Sir Stuart Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Smithers, Sir Alfred W. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) King, Captain Henry Douglas Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Lane-Fox, G. R. Stanton, Charles Butt Curzon, Captain Viscount Larmor, Sir Joseph Steel, Major S. Strang Daiziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Lewis, Rt. Hot. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Lindsay, William Arthur Stewart, Gershom Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lloyd, George Butler Sturrock, J. Leng Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Sugden, W. H. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Sutherland, Sir William Doyle, N. Grattan Lorden, John William Taylor, J. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lyle, C. E. Leonard Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Falcon, Captain Michael M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell (Maryhill) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Farquharson, Major A. C. McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Tickler, Thomas George Fell, Sir Arthur M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Tryon, Major George Clement Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Turton, Edmund Russborough FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Waddington, R. Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Magnus, Sir Philip Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Foreman, Sir Henry Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) Forestier-Walker, L. Manville, Edward Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Forrest, Walter Mitchell, Sir William Lane Watson, Captain John Bertrand Ganzoni, Sir John Molson, Major John Elsdale Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Gardner, Ernest Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Wise, Frederick Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Wilson, Capt. A. S. (Holderness) Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading) Woolcock, William James U. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Mr. McCurdy and Mr. Dudley Wilson-Fox, Henry Young, E. H. (Norwich) Ward.
NOES. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Hinds, John Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Armitage, Robert Hirst, G. H. Robertson, John Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Hogge, James Myles Rose, Frank H. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Holmes, J. Stanley Royce, William Stapleton. Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Irving, Dan Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) John, William (Rhondda, West) Spencer, George A. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Swan, J. E. Briant, Frank Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kennedy, Thomas Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cairns, John Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Cape, Thomas Kenyon, Barnet Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Kiley, James Daniel Tootill, Robert Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Lunn, William Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Waterson. A. E. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Wignall, James Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Entwistle, Major C. F. Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Finney, Samuel Myers, Thomas Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Galbraith, Samuel Newbould, Alfred Ernest Wintringham, Thomas Glanville, Harold James O'Connor, Thomas P. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Grundy, T. W. O'Grady, James Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Parkinson, John Alien (Wigan) Halls, Walter Rae, H. Norman TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hancock, John George Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Mr. T. Griffiths and Mr. Nell Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Maclean.
The next selected Amendment is that in the name of the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell) in paragraph (2), after the word "manufacture" to insert the words "other than depreciation of the currency." The debate on this Amendment must be limited to Clause 4. It must not go into the general question of international currency, save in so far as it applies to the Clause which we are now discussing.
I have another Amendment which raises the whole question as to whether these remissions shall be given to people who can show that they are importing goods from a country which is suffering from a depreciated exchange. I take it that the debate on this Amendment will be narrowed to the issue raised by it in the paragraph, and that it will not be a general debate.
We cannot have a general discussion now. It will be limited in its application to this Clause.
I beg to move, in paragraph (2), after the word "manufacture" ["country of manufacture ''], to insert the words "other than depreciation of the currency."
This Amendment is quite a simple one, and I hope my right hon. Friend can see his way to accept it. I propose that depreciation of currency shall not be taken as one of the changes in the market conditions, which entitle a man who has paid duty, to the repayment of the duty. As we all know, the depreciation of the German currency is a matter which is being more or less controlled by the German Government, and it would be very undesirable that a further depreciation of currency should entitle people who have paid duty to a repayment. I daresay the duty will want a lot of getting back. It will be something like getting butter out of the proverbial dog's mouth. But I do not think that depreciation of currency should be made a ground of application for its return. The point can be easily tested in this way: Assuming a man has paid £1,000 in duty, it is conceivable that by additional depreciation of currency he might become entitled to the repayment of that £1,000. [An HON. MEMBER: "How?"] If the hon. Member who asks that had been present through this Debate he would understand at once how it could be. I will not waste the time of the Committee by going into details of that kind. It is fairly clear that the man who has paid his duty would by further depreciation of the currency become entitled to repayment, and that is an undesirable state of affairs. In some cases it would almost constitute an insurance, and might be used in a variety of different ways. I do not wish to elaborate the reasons why this Amendment should be accepted, and even if my right hon. Friend is unable to accept in the crude form in which I have put it down, I beg him to consider it, and he will find the point will call for some Amendment when we come to the Report stage.
I do not think it would be practicable to accept this Amendment. My hon. Friend has put very clearly the proposition which he has in mind and the possibilities which he has envisaged. I am not inclined to quarrel with the general proposition, but I do not think it would be convenient, merely because of the possibility of further depreciated currency, to introduce an Amendment of this kind in this particular place for several reasons. In the first place, it will be remembered that the dumping provisions, dealing with what I may call ordinary dumping, are of a permanent character, and the exchange provisions in the Bill are limited to a duration of three years.
Perhaps.
We will repeal it next year.
Probably more stable Members of this House, like the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell), will prefer to take a more settled view than is suggested by the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull. As I was saying, to put a temporary provision with regard to the depreciated exchanges into the permanent provisions with regard to dumping would not be the proper course to adopt. My hon. Friend will see that there is a distinction between cases where there is dumping in the ordinary sense of the word, namely, selling at below what is the cost of production in the country of origin, and cases where there is a depreciated exchange, which enables the goods to be sold at a low price, either in their own country of origin or here. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am very glad to find that on the economic facts on which this legislation is founded my hon. Friends and I are at one.
My point is as to the claims for the repayment of duty.
I am aware of that. But my argument is that it would be unnecessary, and, if unnecessary, therefore, unwise, to introduce a further complication into the provisions relating to the remission of the duty. While I do not dissent from some of the general propositions made by the hon. Member, I do not really think that what he has in mind-is in the least likely to arise, and therefore I cannot accept this Amendment.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in, paragraph (3), after the word "declaration" ["a true declaration "], to insert the words
"Where an Order has been made on the ground of the depreciation of foreign currency, the duty shall be remitted or repaid, if the person by whom the duty would be payable, or has been paid, proves to the satisfaction of the Commissioners that the goods in respect of which the duty is payable, were on the first sale thereof in the United Kingdom, sold at a price not less than thirty-three and one-third per cent. above the value as defined in Section 10 of this Act."
The object of this Amendment is to give the advantage of these remissions to importers from countries where the exchange has depreciated, in the same way as remission is given to importers of so-called dumped goods who can show that the sale price is not, in fact, a dumped price. If that is a good argument in the case of persons importing so-called dumped goods, why is it not equally good in the case of persons importing from countries with depreciated exchange? If the Government say that we need goods from countries where the exchange has depreciated, in order to "flatten the curve," to use the expression of the Minister of Health, and if it can be shown that the importer has raised the price by 33⅓ per cent., why should he not enjoy the same repayment and the same immunity as the person who imports the dumped articles? Indeed, there is a stronger reason for it in his case than in the other, because, whereas it may be held desirable to discourage trade in dumped articles, if you are to restore the exchanges, then importation from the countries with the depreciated currencies is one of the chief elements. If you are going to give remissions or immunities, surely the trader who imports from a country where there is a depreciated currency is as much entitled, if not more entitled, to them compared with the trader importing from another country at a dumped price. I hope I have made the purpose of the Amendment clear.
6.0 P.M.
The Amendment practically says that a man when he has bought goods and adds 33⅓ per cent. to the price of those goods before he offers to re-sell them should be in a preferential position, but every man who imports goods and pays a duty of 33⅓ per cent. must add that duty before he offers them for sale, because no trader deliberately tries to make a loss. How does Clause 10 affect the price?
The hon. Member opposite puts the point as to whether the Amendment assumes that the person receiving the goods for sale in this country must necessarily add to his price the 33⅓ per cent. duty which he has been charged.
He is to have a rebate, according to the Amendment, when he has been good enough to do that.
Are not the Government going to reply?
I was waiting to see if the hon. Member had finished. I think this Amendment is founded on a misconception of what the character of this duty is. It is intended that when an order is made a duty of 33⅓ per cent. should be imposed, because, owing to these bounty-fed industries, it is impossible for industries in this country to compete. That is the basis on which the duty is imposed. It can only be imposed if these industries have proved that unemployment is likely to be serious because the depreciation of the currency in the country from which these imports come creates in effect a bounty. That duty remains constant, once it is established. Hon. Members may, of course, argue, if they oppose it in principle, that in no case ought such a duty to be put on, but we have passed beyond that stage now, and we have arrived at the question as to whether remissions ought to be granted. I submit that no case has been made out for the remission of the duty here. Indeed, the hon. and gallant Gentleman (Captain W. Benn) or one of the hon. Members behind him on a recent occasion twitted us with the fact that because in some cases, on the normal dumping duty, we gave a remission we were neither protecting the industry nor getting our revenue, but here we quite definitely put on a duty, and if we were to grant the remission which is asked for now, we should make the whole provision perfectly nugatory. The only result would be that where the entrepreneur succeeded in putting up his prices, because he had succeeded in making an increased profit, he should also be let off from paying any duty towards the State at all, so that he would not only profit by reason of the increased price, but he would also profit by being let off the duty. If we acceded to that, we might indeed come under the condemnation of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy), who suggested that one of the objects of this Bill was to enable people to make unduly high profits. That is not the position. The position is that where this duty is put on it is put on to counteract the bounties which exist, and it is not proposed to give the remission suggested in this Amendment.
The hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill has put an entirely different complexion on the whole object of the Bill. I thought it was a sort of philanthropic Bill, to increase employment and to assist our industries, and that no such sordid motive even entered into the head of the Government as to raise revenue, but now the hon. Gentleman tells us that if this Amendment were accepted it would be depriving the State of the revenues and the tariffs so imposed. It is quite clear that this is a Bill for raising revenue and that the philanthropic motives have all disappeared, and it is quite obvious that the only reason for this provision is that the goods are being offered, by reason of the depreciated currency in the country of origin, at a price below those of British manufactures. It follows that if the importer puts up his price to the price of the British goods, the only reason for the duty has disappeared, and I cannot understand the objection of the Government to accept this Amendment. It must be for the reason that this is a Bill to grab revenue and not for the encouragement of industry.
I cannot understand what hon. Members opposite are driving at.
We cannot understand what you are driving at.
If you describe this Bill as philanthropic, it is poor philanthropy to do what hon. Members opposite suggest. They merely suggest that in the case supposed by them we should give the English importer of these goods from the countries with depreciated exchanges the additional 33⅓ per cent. profit. That is the only proposal of my hon. Friends opposite, and therefore I can only assume that this Amendment is a joke, because it is entirely inconsistent with the general line taken by hon. Gentlemen opposite in regard to anti-profiteering and so on, and I cannot believe they are really in earnest. I am ready to support them upon any Amendment which seems to me to have a reasonable basis, but this has none and is entirely inconsistent with the line they have taken up all through the proceedings on this Bill.
If the hon. and gallant Member for the Isle of Ely (Captain Coote) had been here in the more heated hours of the afternoon, instead of being on the Terrace, he would have heard our arguments on paragraph (2) of Clause 4, in which we made the very point about profiteering against the Government that he is now making against us. It might interest him to hear that, having challenged a Division and been beaten, paragraph (2) stands, and therefore, if he objects to the encouragement of profiteering on the part of the miscreant in the shape of the entrepreneur, who is always a person to be attacked and browbeaten and persecuted by the Government, according to the hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill, if it is right to let off this wicked person who buys dumped goods paying the duty when he puts up the price in this country, when he sells these goods at a price which does away with the effects of the dumping, as the Government proposes, and as the hon. and gallant Member and his Coalition Liberal friends have steadfastly supported them in proposing, if it is right in that case, why should not the man who buys goods from the wretched Polish or Austrian producer with the depreciated exchanges, who, in order not to cause unemployment in this country, puts up the price, in order not to injure the English manufacturers, why should he not equally claim back the duty? If you give him back his duty for buying dumped goods, if he does not play the game with the dumper, but puts up the price accordingly, if you let him off in that case and give him, besides his profits, the O.B.E. and a coupon for the next election, why should you not do it for the gentleman who does a good turn for these wretched countries in Europe that have depreciated exchanges, but at the same time says, "Although I am prepared to buy Polish goods with the mark at 8,000 to the £, as it stood recently, although I want to encourage British exports by buying goods from Poland to pay for them, I still do not want to depress the home market to a tremendous extent, and therefore I put up the price"? No. This man is an entrepreneur, and he is not to be given any of his duty back.
The fact of the matter is that if the hon. and gallant Member for the Isle of Ely is defending the Government in the first part of paragraph (2), he must support us in the much better case that we bring forward for a man getting a remission for goods bought from the injured countries in Europe to-day. The Parliamentary Secretary stands up at the Treasury Box and is obviously caught out over this Amendment. The Government answer is no answer, for they have no answer, and all the hon. Member can do is to use my argument about profiteering. All he can do is to seize one of my weapons and use it against the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn). The fact of the matter is that neither the hon. Member nor his chief, the President of the Board of Trade, nor even the Leader of the House, could possibly explain to us, intelligently and honestly, why it is that a man who buys dumped goods and fulfils certain conditions by raising the price should get back the duty, and why you should refuse a like relief to a man who buys goods from a country with a depreciated exchange. It shows that here we have a Bill that was drafted about eighteen months ago in a vain attempt to satisfy the hon. and learned Member for Chippenham (Mr. G. Terrell), and since then there has been tacked on to this Bill Sub-section (1, b ) of Clause 2 dealing with the depreciated exchanges, and they have not altered the other Clauses accordingly, with the result that the Government are in a terrific mess over this Clause 4. The fact of the matter is that the depreciated exchanges in those countries, which are erroneously described by the Government as a bounty to the manufacturers in those countries, are being used as an excuse to put up a tariff wall by underhand methods, which they cannot and dare not justify to the country. The more we look into the results of this Bill, especially the parts that attempt to deal with the depreciated currency, the more it is manifest that the Bill is not worth the paper it is written on, and, of course,-it will follow the fate of their housing policy, and their Railway Bills, and their Agriculture Bills, and all their other madcap, grandiose schemes, and I wish them joy of it.
I notice that a French word has been used by the hon. and gallant Gentleman when a good English word could have been used and better understood by some of us. I have no doubt, however, it is accurate French. But on the main point, the difficulty is this: it appears to me that the argument in support of the Amendment is that if a man will charge a sufficiently high price to the consumer he shall have his duty remitted. But it is no argument to say, "A villainous Government has done something in a certain Clause, why cannot we do it in this one?" I do not see any reason, if I have understood the argument correctly—and if not I hope to be corrected—I do not see that anything the Government has done will justify me voting for an Amendment which is equivalent to saying to the importer, " If you will only make the British public pay a big enough price we will let you off." Whether they pay the price or not, quite frankly if this protection system is to be persisted in, I would rather have the benefit for the funds of the State than have it for the funds of the private individual. If I am wrong in my deduction that the whole object of the Amendment is to say to the importer that his duty will be remitted if he makes the British public pay a big enough price I would like to be enlightened. If I am not wrong I shall go into the Lobby against the Amendment.
The hon. Member for Ely (Captain Coote) could not quite understand what this Amendment was about. Apparently he does not know those ex-Liberals who sit beside him quite so well as some of us do. What is happening this evening is that the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) is laying down another plank in the platform of his party. The other day he initiated the first plank by turning himself into a sort of super-waster and by obstructing the Estimate Committee. To-day in this particular Amendment, as we have just had pointed out, the idea is that if a man can prove he is making sufficient profit out of an article, he can go to the State and get remission of the duty—in other words, that is the second plank of the hon. and gallant Gentleman. He now proposes that his party shall be a sort of super-profiteer. I can quite understand why it is that his party, or his section, is bringing in this Amendment. I sincerely hope that in these days, at any rate, the Government will stand out strongly against the position he has taken up.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in paragraph (3), after the word "shall" ["as aforesaid shall be conclusive evidence"], to insert the words "unless proved to have been obtained by fraud."
This Amendment has been inserted to meet the request of a number of traders for provision to be made in the Bill that in the event—I think the very rare event—of there being a case of fraud in the declaration of facts entered in the consular certificate, it shall be open to the Customs House to go into the case, and if fraud has been proved, to allow a new decision to be made.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move in paragraph (4), after the word "purpose" ["for any purpose, they shall"], to insert the words This Amendment is moved so that where the goods come in here direct to the manufacturer for the purpose of being manufactured, and for the purpose of finding employment to hundreds of thousands of people, that such industry shall be safeguarded by this Amendment. If such Amendment be not promised, and this protection be not given in this Clause to seek remission in certain special conditions, then a very serious blow will have been struck at a large number of manufacturers and workpeople at present engaged in manufacturing various products that come in from abroad.
During the last 20 or 30 years a large industry has been built up in this country in the light sections of rolling and steel products. This employs men of specialised skill and is an industry which has been cultivated. These men are entirely dependent on these works for their employment and on the raw materials which come in purely for the purpose of manufacture, and to be re-exported and re-sold in this country and elsewhere. I submit that if the Government are really anxious to safeguard employment and are really anxious to protect the workers of this country they will gladly accept this Amendment, because if you do not have such protection for these manufacturers you are going to strike a most serious blow at a very large industry, and one which will be damaged beyond repair, with no compensating advantage whatever to other industries in the country.
It was suggested on Second Reading that by excluding these particular goods you were going to find employment for the large steel manufacturers. I give this as an illustration. As Members we have received information from experts in the trade, and hon. Members know of their own knowledge gained by being connected with these classes of industry, that whilst the Bill as it stands may and probably will succeed in keeping out of the country some millions of tons of material which came in before the War, but which yet are not coming in to the same extent; whilst, I say, you may succeed in keeping these out and throwing out of work a large number of men engaged in working up these various semi-manufactured products and this semi-raw material, whilst you may throw these men out, you would not find increased work for a single man in the heavy steel industry, because long before the War or any question of depreciated currency or dumping arose, these manufacturers in our own country were unable to produce this particular class of goods at a price which enabled them to compete in the markets of the world. Therefore I submit that if we are really anxious—and I am sure we are—to support our industries and to protect employment it is necessary in the interests of the State that we should insert a safeguard for the State and that this Amendment should be passed.
I rise to support this Amendment, which seems to me to raise a very germane point, and a point upon which I have specially found cause to quarrel with this Bill. It seems to me that throughout this Bill there are provisions that will probably mean cutting off our nose to spite our face. In seeking to safeguard some industries from unemployment you may be causing much more employment in a wider sphere. If some such provision as this is inserted, it will have the effect, as I take it, of securing that in the cases of goods which are imported and used as raw materials for the manufacture of other goods which are to be sold in this country are imported into this country free of duty, that will be helpful to unemployment and in no case be detrimental. This is one of the things which, I suggest to the Government, they should be most particularly careful about. We have had no chance up till now on this Bill to discuss the possible bearing of this Bill upon the question of employment and unemployment in the various industries. We were refused an Amendment which would enable evidence to be given before the Commissioners about unemployment and in relation to other particulars. This Amendment raises substantially the same point. I do suggest to the Government that now the time has come to reconsider this question. We ought not to be in a position, as a House of Commons, to declare our intention to safeguard employment amongst British workers, and while seeking to do that really be doing the British workman far more harm that we could ever do him good.
The Amendment before the House and the way it has been argued rather makes me think that the Mover of the Amendment really does not under stand the object of this Bill at all. His argument is sophistry, because the proposal is that the advantage of the foreign competitor over the home manufacturer shall be proved to the hilt to be far more than 33⅓ per cent, before an Order is made. I presume the hon. and gallant Gentleman is a Liberal and he has always stood for equality of opportunity. The Bill, as the Minister of Health said, has for its object the flattening out of a curve. The foreign manufacturer under depreciated exchanges has not equality of opportunity, but has an enormous advantage; while the Amendment might have some force in regard to the manufacturer in England who sends a portion of his products overseas. I take it that this Bill will carry out what I understand to be the law of England that if any manufacturer pays the duty on a portion of his manufactured goods which he exports overseas, he can claim back the whole of the duty he has paid. I take it this Bill will not in any way increase the difficulties our manufacturers have in keeping up their overseas trade. With regard to their home trade, it will to a certain extent remove the unfair advantage. I am a great believer in competition where both parties have equality of opportunity, but if by some strange chance of depreciated exchanges a man in Germany has an opportunity far in excess of our men for that trade, and it amounts to 99 per cent., we say that one-third of this opportunity shall be taken from him in order to equalise to some extent the effect of the fiscal position of the two countries. Therefore, the whole of the argument which the hon. Member for Middlesbrough has used is absolute sophistry. They have not allowed to enter into their mind the real object of the Bill, which is to some extent to equalise the opportunity of our men at home and the men abroad.
I am afraid I cannot follow the hon. Member who has just sat down in his argument. He says that goods which have paid the duty and were then exported could have the duty remitted on the application of the exporter. Where is that in the Bill? I rather think if that proposition had any support from the Front Bench it would have been put forward before now. We have now got the trinity behind this Bill in front of us. It has been claimed that this is a Bill to assist unemployment and to provide employment. I think they have claimed throughout that that is the object of the Bill. That is the basis on which they have professed to put forward this Measure. There are many hon. Members who support this Bill who really believe that by fiscal measures it is possible to add to employment in this country. Here we have certain words proposed which are simply an addendum to your own words, and they provide that where you enforce these provisions for this purpose in the case of a certain process of manufacture and thereby add to employment in this country, then this duty shall be remitted.
I happened to be in a works yesterday morning, and I saw a natural illustration of the possible working of this Bill. In one department they had a considerable number of highly-complex machines directed to the object of making hats, and they were mostly of Austrian or German manufacture. If this Bill is right at all, so far as it is a considered Bill, that is a kind of import which would rightly come under it. In another department in the same works they had a large amount of raw material, which was imported partly from Italy and partly from Austria, and that raw material was being worked up, and it gave employment, so far as I could see, to the larger number of employés on this. particular work. The work when finished was intended to be used in the proportion of one-third here and two-thirds abroad. Apart from the import of this raw material and its use in this form of employment, so far from detracting from employment, it was providing employment. It appears to me that unless you mean it to be a purely Protectionist Measure excluding raw material, this is an Amendment which the Government might very well accept. They have not accepted very much up to now. They have gone in for the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill. This is an Amendment quite consistent with their object, and I urge that it should be considered from that point of view.
We require a little further explanation from the Government on the subject of the Amendment, and the attitude which hon. Members should take up. After all, this Amendment proposes to raise one of the fundamental issues in any Measure of this kind, namely, some attempt at a definition of raw materials. That is one of the most difficult things to define. On this point it is interesting to look at the figures for 1913 when they were not complicated by depreciated exchanges. In that year we imported 859,000 tons of steel slabs and we exported 4,500 tons. Of steel sheets we imported nothing at all while we exported 120,000 tons. If we are going to cut off the imports on which some of our industries depend we are not going to improve employment, but we are going to cause more unemployment. With certain key industries it may be necessary that they should be made in this country, and we have to face the fact that it is going to create a certain amount of hindrance to our trade, but we have to do it because it is security in war. On the other hand, to say that we are going to improve employment by cutting off a huge import trade is surely carrying the ludicrous arguments in favour of this Bill to an absurdity.
Can the Government give us some definition of raw material? They have said that they do not intend to take any evidence on this question before the Committees as to what is, or what is not, going to cause unemployment, and therefore that question has to be threshed out here. Those who have seen the pressure at which the Parliamentary machine is working just now must quail at the thought of these orders being brought before the House of Commons to be justified. None of us believe it can be done. Just as was the case with some other legislation recently, I believe this legislation will also have to be repealed or allowed to lapse into desuetude. Some people take these things seriously and do not recognise that all of them—
The hon. and gallant Member appears to be getting a long way from the Amendment on the Paper.
The same manufactured product used for a further industry is to be charged a duty, and that is a matter of the highest importance which is causing great alarm and dis- turbance, and will cause an increasing-amount of unemployment, which this Bill is intended to remedy. The incredible argument has been put forward that a rebate is payable on all the goods exported from this country. Supposing that argument holds good.
I believe it is part of the law of the land that when an article has paid duty the exporter is allowed to claim the amount which has been paid in duty.
This only shows the value of debate here. We find that there is a great difference of opinion as to the effect of one of the Government's own proposals, and we are not getting any light upon it at all. I want to know if that is the law of the land? Surely that is a plain question upon which we should have an answer. Will a rebate be payable on manufactured steel brought into this country and made into sheet steel, commonly known as corrugated iron, and, then exported? Will a rebate be paid on all those goods sold in foreign countries? I pause for a reply. Perhaps the Treasury Bench have not considered that point, as they do not give an answer. It is very likely, even with their keen acumen and study of the situation, that they have not investigated this point, but surely we ought to have an answer upon an important matter directly cutting across the trade of the country. The only speech which has been made so far in support of the case for the Government has been made on the supposition that the rebate will be paid. If that is so, it means that a man in Argentina who wants to buy corrugated iron will get it at a lower price from the British manufacturer than the man who wishes to roof his own house in this country.
It seems to me strange that this should be brought forward as a reason for supporting the position of the Government. That is the only support the Government have so far received, and I beg the Government honestly and sincerely to give us a little more light on this point. If we are not to have evidence laid relating to industries as a whole before these Committees, at least let it be made clear what is the intention of the Government with regard to semi-manufactured materials imported into this country which is to be used as the groundwork of other British industries which is not affected by depreciated exchanges or any special conditions arising out of the War. We want to know, in short, whether this is a Protectionist Bill, which is a perfectly logical theory, or whether it is, as is claimed, a special attempt to meet the special circumstances arising out of the War with a view to increasing the protection of this country.
I have attempted several times to rise and take part in this Debate, but have been prevented by the ready flow of my hon. Friend's eloquence. I do not know if my hon. Friend remembers his Horace, but if he does he will perhaps have in memory the lines
"Rusticus expectat dum défluat amnis:at ille
Labitur et labetur in omne volubilis ævum."
The point which has been raised on this Amendment is a very important one, and one which has been discussed at considerable length at earlier stages of our Debates. Having failed to secure the passing of their Amendment the other day, my hon. Friends opposite have now put down this Amendment, although they know quite well it would knock the bottom out of the Bill. They are also aware that I am unable to accept it. I am going to speak very briefly on this point, as I do not desire to stand in the way of others who wish to address the Committee. But let me remind my hon. Friend that during the discussion the week before last I acknowledged the difficulty and complexity of this problem, and I said quite frankly it would be impossible for me to go the length some hon. Members desire, and at the same time preserve the Bill. But I promised that I would investigate the question as well as I was able between then and the Report stage, and if I could find any method of meeting, to however small an extent, their wishes, I would bring it up on Report. I have found such a method, and I have drafted a Subsection which I shall introduce on Report and which will go some way towards meeting the demand which has been made.
Read it.
It does not arise on this Clause at all. It comes up on Clause 2. Undoubtedly it will be debated at some length on the Report stage. In this part of the Bill I cannot accept these words. It has been said over and over again in this House that we want to stop dumping. I hope and believe that this Bill will act as a deterrent. We do not want an introduction of dumped goods in this country which will cause unemployment of a serious nature. We want to stop it. You must either leave the whole thing alone, or pass such legislation against dumping as we believe will be effective. We believe that this Bill will be effective. As I have said again and again, it will be mainly effective as a deterrent. Whether it will or not remains to be seen.
It is a scarecrow.
That may be a very good platform interruption, but I repeat that if we put these words in it will knock the bottom out of the Bill. I cannot, therefore, accept the Amendment. As I said the week before last, such an Amendment would lead to so complicated a series of investigations that no order of the kind would ever be made. I stated that frankly then; I state it again now. I do not think it would serve any useful purpose if I were to go into any details as to the so-called half-manufactured articles. I dealt with the subject the week before last at great length, and I hope my hon. Friends will not think me lacking in courtesy if I do not extend my present remarks.
Was I wrong in the statement that under the Finance Act, if duty is paid on goods coming into this country which are re-exported, even if they are not kept in bond, an allowance is made to the manufacturer who has paid the duty and re-exported the goods?
I am afraid I shall have to look at the Finance Act before I can give an answer to that question.
:We can give you 200 cases where it has been refused.
I am sure my right hon. Friend would have felt much happier if he had not had to speak on this Amendment at all, because he feels the full force of the arguments which have been addressed to him from both sides of the Committee.
And I am going to try and meet them by my Amendment.
Yes, by an Amendment which is not even remotely explained, an Amendment which you propose to bring in upon the Report stage. We have not heard one word with regard to its merits, scope or intentions. I have never heard a weaker defence made on behalf of a Government than the right hon. Gentleman has made in regard to what he admits to be a most important Amendment. My right hon. Friend the Minister of Health is here. Perhaps he will help the Government, and if he has any quotation from Horace or Virgil, or any other classical source of a commercial kind, we shall be delighted to hear it. Really, the whole thing is a, farce. This Amendment proposes in terms to say that goods which) come into this country, and which are used in the process of manufacture, and therefore increase employment, shall be exempt from the provisions of this Bill. The only answer my right hon. Friend has given is, "Wait until we reach the Report stage, and then I will tell you how I propose to meet you." I do not see how any hon. Member who has listened to this Debate with an open mind can do otherwise than support the Amendment.
I cannot see how any hon. Member who has listened to this Debate can fail to have been surprised at the wiliness of the supporters of the Amendment. The arguments which they have put forward in its favour would lead anyone who did not know them to suppose that the object of the Amendment was merely to exempt from duty such goods as steel bars or semi-manufactured steel. But if one looks at the actual words of the Amendment they will find it says that goods which are used for the purpose of manufacture shall be excluded from the duty. What does that mean? It means fully finished manufactured articles. A machine may be included as goods which are used for the purpose of manufacture, because it is used to manufacture something else. I notice that one of the supporters of the Amendment cries "Hear, hear," but he was very careful not to mention that fact when he spoke on behalf of the Amendment. He simply spoke about semi-manufactured steel being necessary for further processes of manufacture. The President of the Board of Trade has told us that this Amendment, if passed, will knock the bottom out of the Bill. I agree with him. The hon. Member for Oldham (Sir W. Barton) mentioned the case of hats. He said that machines were used in order to manufacture hats. Now, a hat consists of the felt, of the band, of the ribbon, and of the lining. It would be possible, if this Amendment were passed, for a man to import the felt free of duty, because it is material used for the purpose of further manufacture. Another man could import the lining, because that is also used for purposes of manufacture. Another man could import the hat band, and another the ribbon, and all the labour which would be required in this country would be for the purpose of assembling the parts, every one of which would, under the Amendment, come into this country free of duty. The same might be done with regard to yarns. Cotton or woollen yarns could be sent from this country into Germany and woven, dyed, and finished there, and re-imported into this country, and, so long as the cloth was to be made up into dress goods or clothing here, it could be said to be used for the purpose of manufacture, and be admitted free of duty. Therefore, this Amendment would knock the bottom out of the Bill, and I hope it will not be accepted.
We attach a very great deal of importance to this Amendment, because we realise that if it is defeated it is going to have a very serious effect on employment in this country. I have been almost inundated with letters from people who speak with some authority, not only with regard to the steel trade, but with regard to the paper and other trades which use raw material or some semi manufactured article in the course of their industry. They are alarmed at the possibilities of this Measure. I want to give one illustration only from my own particular industry. A great deal has been said both inside and outside this House about bringing down the price of coal. You are not going to bring down the price of coal unless you bring down the cost of production, especially with regard to stores. The other evening one of the representatives of Wales was speaking with regard to this particular trade, and he said that one of the main reasons why the price of coal was so high was that production per man had fallen. But in the very district from which that hon. Member comes in the very last month in which coal was produced before the stoppage took place, it was costing £1 per ton to get it. Among the stores necessary for the mines are iron bars, iron rails, and things of that kind. If you are going to bring down the cost of coal you can only bring it down not merely by reducing wages but by reducing the cost of stores. This Bill will have the opposite effect, and I cannot conceive anything which will more seriously affect the industries of this country than to keep high the price of production as far as stores are concerned with regard to coal mines. Our object should be to bring down prices as rapidly as possible.
But that is not going to be the only effect. Every householder, every woman who wants to buy a tin or a pan or any requisite for her house for domestic purposes, is going to have to pay an enhanced price for it. The Minister of Health has disguised the fact that this
Bill is going to increase the charges on all commodities. There is a general tendency to bring down wages, but at the same time the Government are responsible for attempting to enhance prices. How are we going to reconcile the two things? How are we going to bring down wages and at the same time enhance prices? The thing is an impossibility, and it will prove in the long run that the Government themselves by legislation of this character are doing the utmost possible evil so far as stabilising prices is concerned. I venture to assert that, instead of giving more employment, the Bill will cause less employment, not only because you will not allow raw material to come in, and semi-manufactured articles as well, but it will mean less employment because you then—
It being Seven of the clock, the Chairman proceeded, pursuant to the Order of the House of 13th June, to put forthwith the Question on the Amendment already proposed from the Chair.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 87; Noes, 270.
Division No. 235.] AYES. [7.3 p.m. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) O'Grady, James Armitage, Robert Grundy, T. W. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Rae. H. Norman Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Halls, Walter Raffan, Peter Wilson Carton, Sir William (Oldham) Hancock, John George Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hayday, Arthur Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Robertson, John Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Hinds, John Royce, William Stapleton Briant, Frank Hirst, G. H. Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Bromfield, William Hogge, James Myles Spencer, George A. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Holmes, J. Stanley Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Cairns, John Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Cape, Thomas Irving, Dan Swan, J. E. Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) John, William (Rhondda, West) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kennedy, Thomas Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Kenyon, Barnet Tootill, Robert Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Kiley, James Daniel Wallace, J. Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Lunn, William Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards. C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D.(Midlothian) Wignall, James Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) McMicking, Major Gilbert Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Morgan, Major D. Watts Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Mosley, Oswald Wintringham, Thomas Entwistle, Major C. F. Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Finney, Samuel Murray, John (Leeds, West) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) France, Gerald Ashburner Myers, Thomas Galbraith, Samuel Newbould, Alfred Ernest TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Glanville, Harold James Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Mr. T. Thomson and Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy.
NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Atkey, A. R. Barlow, Sir Montague Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Barnston, Major Harry Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Baird, Sir John Lawrence Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Beauchamp, Sir Edward Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Beckett, Hon. Gervase Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Sell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Harris, Sir Henry Percy Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Haslam, Lewis Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Pennefather, De Fonblanque Bigland, Alfred Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Perkins, Walter Frank Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Perring, William George Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Blades, Sir George Rowland Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Pickering, Colonel Emil W. Borwick, Major G. O. Hills, Major John Waller Pilditch, Sir Philip Bowles, Colonel H. F. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Pratt, John William Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Prescott, Major W. H. Brassey, H. L. C. Hood, Joseph Purchase, H. G. Breese, Major Charles E. Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n, W.) Raeburn, Sir William H. Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hopkins, John W. W. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Home, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Raper, A. Baldwin Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Remnant, Sir James Burdon, Colonel Rowland Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Renwick, Sir George Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hurd, Percy A. Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Campbell, J. D. G. Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Carr, W. Theodore Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Casey, T. W. Jephcott, A. R. Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Cautley, Henry Strother Jesson, C. Rothschild, Lionel de Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Johnson, Sir Stanley Roundell, Colonel R. F. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J A. (Birm. W.) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Churchman, Sir Arthur Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Kidd, James Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Clough, Sir Robert King, Captain Henry Douglas Seager, Sir William Coats, Sir Stuart Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Cobb, Sir Cyril Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster) Simm, M. T. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Lane-Fox, G. R. Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Larmor, Sir Joseph Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Lindsay, William Arthur Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Lloyd, George Butler Stanton, Charles Butt Davidson. J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Steel, Major S. Strang Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Stewart, Gershom Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tinfid'n) Sturrock, J. Leng Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lorden, John William Sugden, W. H. Dean, Commander P. T. Lowe, Sir Francis William Sutherland, Sir William Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Taylor, J. Doyle, N. Grattan Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lyle, C. E. Leonard Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Elveden, Viscount M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Falcon, Captain Michael McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Tickler, Thomas George Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Townley, Maximilian G. Farquharson, Major A. C. M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Tryon, Major George Clement Fell, Sir Arthur McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Turton, Edmund Russborough Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Waddington, R. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Magnus, Sir Philip Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel. Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Foreman, Sir Henry Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) Forestier-Walker, L. Manville, Edward Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Forrest, Walter Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Watson, Captain John Bertrand Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Meysey-Thompson, Lieut.-Col. E. C. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B. Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Ganzoni, Sir John Mitchell, Sir William Lane White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Gee, Captain Robert Molson, Major John Elsdale Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Williams, C. (Tavistock) Gilbert, James Daniel Montagu. Rt. Hon. E. S. Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claue Goff, Sir R. Park Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Wills, Lt. Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Wilson, Capt. A. S. (Holderness) Grant, James Augustus Morrison, Hugh Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Wilson-Fox, Henry Green, Albert (Derby) Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wise, Frederick Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Murray, William (Dumfries) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Nall, Major Joseph Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Greer, Harry Neal, Arthur Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Greig, Colonel Sir James William Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Woolcock, William James U.' Gretton, Colonel John Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Gritten, W. G. Howard Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Nield, Sir Herbert Young, E. H. (Norwich) Gwynne, Rupert S. O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Younger, Sir George Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Parker, James Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Dudley Ward. Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Pearce, Sir William
The Chairman then proceeded, successively, to put forthwith the Questions necessary to dispose of the Business to be concluded at Seven of the clock at this day's sitting.
Question put, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 276; Noes, 78.
Division No. 236.] AYES. [7.11 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Farquharson, Major A. C. Lorden, John William Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Fell, Sir Arthur Lowe, Sir Francis William Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Ainsworth, Captain Charles FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Lyle, C. E. Leonard Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camiachie) Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Foreman, Sir Henry McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Atkey, A. R. Forestier-Walker, L. McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Forrest, Walter M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Ganzoni, Sir John Magnus, Sir Philip Balfour, Sir R. (Glasgow, Partick) Gee, Captain Robert Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Barker, Major Robert H. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Manville, Edward Barlow, Sir Montague Goff, Sir R. Park Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Barnston, Major Harry Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Meysey-Thompson, Lieut.-Col. E. C. Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Grant, James Augustus Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B. Beauchamp, Sir Edward Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Mitchell, Sir William Lane Beckett, Hon. Gervase Green, Albert (Derby) Molson, Major John Elsdale Bell, Lieut.-Col. W C. H. (Devizes) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Greer, Harry Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Betterton, Henry B. Greig, Colonel Sir James William Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Bigland, Alfred Gretton, Colonel John Morrison, Hugh Birchall, Major J. Dearman Gritten, W. G. Howard Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chicnester) Gwynne, Rupert S. Murray, William (Dumfries) Blades, Sir George Rowland Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Nall, Major Joseph Borwick, Major G. O. Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Neal, Arthur Bowles, Colonel H. F. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Brassey, H. L. C. Harris, Sir Henry Percy Nield, Sir Herbert Breese, Major Charles E. Haslam, Lewis Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Broad, Thomas Tucker Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Bruton, Sir James Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Buchanan, Lieut. Colonel A. L. H. Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Parker, James Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Pearce, Sir William Burdon, Colonel Rowland Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Campbell, J. D. G. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Pennefather, De Fonblanque Carr, W. Theodore Hood, Joseph Percy, Charles (Tynemouth) Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Casey, T. W. Home, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Perkins, Walter Frank Cautley, Henry Strother Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Perring, William George Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Philipps, Sir Owem C. (Chester, City) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hurd, Percy A. Pickering, Colonel Emit W. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Pilditch, Sir Philip Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Pratt, John William Churchman, Sir Arthur Jephcott, A. R. Prescott, Major W. H. Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Jesson, C. Purchase, H. G. Clough, Sir Robert Jodrell, Neville Paul Raeburn, Sir William H. Coats, Sir Stuart Johnson, Sir Stanley Rankin, Captain James Stuart Cobb, Sir Cyril Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Raper, A. Baldwin Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Rées, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Remnant, Sir James Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Renwick, Sir George Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Kidd, James Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) King, Captain Henry Douglas Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster) Rothschild, Lionel de Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lane-Fox, G. R. Rounded, Colonel R. F. Dean, Commander P. T. Larmor, Sir Joseph Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Doyle, N. Grattan Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lindsay, William Arthur Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Elveden, Viscount Lloyd, George Butler Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Falcon, Captain Michael Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Seager, Sir William Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Simm, M. T. Townley, Maximilian G. Wilson, Capt. A. S. (Holderness) Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Tryon, Major George Clement Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Turton, Edmund Russborough Wilson-Fox, Henry Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Waddington, R. Wise, Frederick Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Stanton, Charles Butt Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Steel, Major S. Strang Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Stewart, Gershom Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Wood, Major Sir S. Hill-(High Peak) Sturrock, J. Leng Watson, Captain John Bertrand Woolcock, William James U. Sugden, W. H. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Sutherland, Sir William Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Taylor, J. White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Younger, Sir George Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Williams, C. (Tavistock) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Thorpe, Captain John Henry Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Tickler, Thomas George Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. McCurdy.
NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Rae, H. Norman Armitage, Robert Halls, Walter Rattan, Peter Wilson Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hancock, John George Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hayday, Arthur Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Robertson, John Ball, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hinds, John Royce, William Stapleton Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hirst, G. H. Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Briant, Frank Holmes, J. Stanley Spencer, George A. Bromfield, William Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Irving, Dan Swan, J. E. Cairns, John John, William (Rhondda, West) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Cape, Thomas Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Kennedy, Thomas Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Tootill, Robert Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Kenyon, Barnet Wallace, J. Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Kiley, James Daniel Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoin) Lunn, William White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Wignall, James Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) McMicking, Major Gilbert Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Entwistle, Major C. F. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Finney, Samuel Mosley, Oswald Wintringham, Thomas France, Gerald Ashburner Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Galbraith, Samuel Myers, Thomas Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Glanville, Harold James Newbould, Alfred Ernest Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) O'Grady, James TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Grundy, T. W. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. Hogge.
Question put, "That Clauses 5 ( Power to require proof of origin of goods ), and 6 ( Exceptions ), stand part of the Bill."
On a point of Order—
No point of Order can arise under the Order of the House.
The Committee proceeded to a Division.
( seated and covered ): On a point of Order. Should not these Clauses be put separately? We want to vote against Clause 5, but not against Clause 6.
The Order of the House says that the Chairman, in the case of a series of Clauses to which no Notice of Amendment has been given by the Government, shall put the Question that those Clauses stand part of the Bill, without putting the Question separately as respects each Clause.
( seated and covered ): Notice has been given of an Amendment to Clause 5.
Not by the Government.
The Committee divided: Ayes, 275; Noes, 73.
Division No. 237.] AYES. [7.21 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Bowles, Colonel H. F. Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Beauchamp, Sir Edward Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Beckett, Hon. Gervase Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Brassey, H. L. C. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Breese, Major Charles E. Atkey, A. R. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Bruton, Sir James Baird, Sir John Lawrence Betterton, Henry B. Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Bigland, Alfred Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Balfour, Sir R. (Glasgow, Partick) Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Burdon, Colonel Rowland Barker, Major Robert H. Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Barlow, Sir Montague Blades, Sir George Rowland Campbell, J. D. G. Barnston, Major Harry Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Carr, W. Theodore Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Home, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Casey, T. W. Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Pickering, Colonel Emil W. Cautley, Henry Strother Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Pilditch, Sir Philip Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Hurd, Percy A. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Pratt, John William Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Prescott, Major W. H. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Purchase, H. G. Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Jephcott, A. R. Raeburn, Sir William H. Churchman, Sir Arthur Jesson, C. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Jodrell, Neville Paul Raper, A. Baldwin Clough, Sir Robert Johnson, Sir Stanley Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Coats, Sir Stuart Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Remnant, Sir James Cobb, Sir Cyril Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Renwick, Sir George Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Roberts, Rt. Han. G. H. (Norwich) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Kidd, James Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. King, Captain Henry Douglas Rothschild, Lionel de Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Roundell, Colonel R. F. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Dean, Commander P. T. Lane-Fox, G. R. Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Larmor, Sir Joseph Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Doyle, N. Grattan Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Seager, Sir William Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Lindsay, William Arthur Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Elveden, Viscount Lloyd, George Butler Simm, M. T. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Falcon, Captain Michael Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Lorden, John William Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Farquharson, Major A. C. Lowe, Sir Francis William Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Fell, Sir Arthur Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Stanton, Charles Butt Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Steel, Major S. Strang FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Stewart, Gershom Flannery, Sir James Fortescue McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Sturrock, J. Leng Foreman, Sir Henry M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Sugden, W. H. Forestier-Walker, L. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Sutherland, Sir William Forrest, Walter Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Taylor, J. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Magnus, Sir Philip Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Ganzoni, Sir John Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Gee, Captain Robert Manville, Edward Thorpe, Captain John Henry Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Tickler, Thomas George Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Meysey-Thompson, Lieut.-Col. E. C. Townley, Maximilian G. Goff, Sir R. Park Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B. Tryon, Major George Clement Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Mitchell, Sir William Lane Turton, Edmund Russborough Grant, James Augustus Molson, Major John Elsdale Waddington, R. Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley)' Green, Albert (Derby) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Morrison, Hugh Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Greer, Harry Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Watson, Captain John Bertrand Greig, Colonel Sir James William Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Gretton, Colonel John Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Gritten, W. G. Howard Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Murray, John (Leeds, West) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Gwynne, Rupert S. Murray, William (Dumfries) Williams, C. (Tavistock) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Nall, Major Joseph Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Neal, Arthur Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Newman, Colonel J. R P. (Finchley) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Wilson, Capt. A. S. (Holderness) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Nield, Sir Herbert Wilson-Fox, Henry Harris, Sir Henry Percy Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Wise, Frederick Haslam, Lewis O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Henderson. Major V. L. (Tradeston Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Hennossy, Major J. R. G. Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Parker, James Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Woolcock, William James U. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Pearce, Sir William Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Pennefather, De Fonblanque Younger, Sir George Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Percy, Charles (Tynemouth) Hood, Joseph Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Hope, Sir H.(Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.) Perkins, Walter Frank Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Hopkins, John W. W. Perring, William George McCurdy.
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Cairns, John Armitage, Robert Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Cape, Thomas Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Briant, Frank Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Bromfield, William Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) John, William (Rhondda, West) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Spencer, George A. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Kennedy, Thomas Swan, J. E. Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Entwistle, Major C. F. Kenyon, Barnet Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Finney, Samuel Kiley, James Daniel Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) France, Gerald Ashburner Lawson, John James Tootill, Robert Gaibraith, Samuel Lunn, William Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Glanville, Harold James Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D.(Midlothian) Wignall, James Grundy, T. W. MacVeagh, Jeremiah Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Halls, Walter Mosley, Oswald Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Hancock, John George Myers, Thomas Wintringham, Thomas Hayday, Arthur Newbould, Alfred Ernest Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Hinds, John O'Grady, James Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Hirst, G. H. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Hogge, James Myles Raffan, Peter Wilson TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Holmes, J. Stanley Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. Arthur Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Robertson, John Henderson Irving, Dan Royce, William Stapleton
CLAUSE 7.—(Constitution of Committee.)
(1) A committee for the purposes of this Part of this Act shall consist of three persons selected by the President of the Board from a permanent panel of persons appointed by him who shall be mainly persons of commercial or industrial experience.
(2) Any person whose interests may be materially affected by any action which may be taken on the report of a committee shall not be eligible for selection as a member of the committee.
(3) A committee to whom any matter is referred under this Part of this Act shall forthwith inquire into the matter so referred and report thereon to the President of the Board.
The first Amendment—in Sub-section (1), after the word "A" ["A Committee"], insert the word "Select"—appears to be out of order in the absence of any consequential Amendment. It provides that there should be a Select Committee appointed by the President of the Board of Trade. The expression "Select Committee" has a special Parliamentary sense, and the President of the Board of Trade is not empowered to appoint one.
I gave notice of a consequential Amendment in the terms of the Amendment in the name of the hon. Member for Middleton (Sir E. Adkins) and others—in Sub-section (1), to leave out all the words after the word "Committee" and to insert instead thereof the words
"shall be appointed by the House of Commons at the instance of the Committee of Selection in the first Session of each Parliament for the lifetime of such Parliament, to consist of at least twenty-one Members—
I am informed that the reason my name is not against that Amendment is because it is not the custom to put more than six names against any such Amendment. But I gave notice, and in consequence of such notice I submit that my two Amendments would hang together and they would be in order.
After the hon. and gallant Gentleman's explanation, if he is prepared to argue the case of the Amendment in the name of the hon. Member for Middleton (Sir B. Adkins) in connection with his own, I am willing to take the discussion of both together, but that same Amendment of the hon. Member for Middleton is somewhat out of place. It should come after the word "Act." Otherwise, it would set up a Committee in vacuo without assigning any functions to it.
May I be allowed to hand my Amendment in at the Table, altered in accordance with what you have just said, so that it would be in order and could be discussed. I am not asking for two discussions at the same time—as part of the general subject-matter raised by my hon. and gallant Friend?
Yes, I have no objection to that whatever, but there must be the one discussion of the two Amendments.
Will that safeguard the Amendment in the name of myself and the hon. Member for Middlesbrough (Colonel P. Williams)?—in Sub-section (1), to leave out all the words after the word "of" ["shall consist of"], and to insert instead thereof the words
"the following persons:
The President of the Board of Trade;
The Financial Secretary to the Treasury;
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs;
The Secretary of the Department of Overseas Trade;
The Permanent Secretaries of the Board of Trade;
The Comptroller of the Department of Overseas Trade;
Ten persons, being Members of the House of Commons, nominated by the House of Commons;
to be members of the Committee."
No, the discussion laving once taken place and it having been decided whether there should be a Committee appointed by the President of the Board of Trade or the House of Commons—whether, technically, I could bring that Amendment in I am not sure without more reflection, but, in any case, I shall not select it.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (1), after the word "A" ["A Committee"], to insert the word "Select."
I suppose this is one of the most important Clauses in the whole Bill. It is a Bill for imposing taxes on goods imported into this country, and in this Clause we come to the machinery which it is proposed to set up for the purpose of deciding what those taxes shall be and who shall pay them. I think I am entitled to call attention to the extreme difficulty under which we are labouring in attempting to amend or even to discuss the Bill. We are working under an Order of the House itself which does not even permit us to divide on individual Clauses. That, of course, is without the power of the Chair to alleviate in any way. We are working without the assistance of a single representative of the Treasury. We have been here the whole day discussing whether there should be remissions of duty, whether inquiries should be conducted by the Treasury or by traders, and we have never had the advantage for one second of the presence of the Financial Secretary, under whose control the whole of this business must necessarily be. We are not accustomed to being treated with very great respect by the Government. We have not had the advantage of the presence of the Leader of the House on this machinery for taxing the people of the country. The right hon. Gentleman pays a furtive visit and disappears. He used to come, but then he used to move the gag. Now that the gag has been instituted at regular intervals, without even his intervention, he has absented himself from the Debates which are intended to set up the system of Protection which he makes it his special joy and pride to have introduced.
This does not appear to have anything to do with the question of a Select Committee.
I was trying in a preliminary way to envisage the importance of the Clause and the importance of the Ministers who are going to be responsible for its application when it is passed being present at the Debates. Before we can decide what is the best Committee to set up, what is the best way to use it, and what its functions should be, we are entitled to ask ourselves what has been the history of the Government's own proposals in reference to the powers of this Committee. Their first proposal was that the Committee should be appointed by the Board of Trade to make Orders which would have the effect of taxing laws, practically without any control by the House of Commons at all. The Orders were to share the fate of those numerous Orders which are lodged in the library, or sometimes in the Vote Office, and automatically acquire the force of law if no one is enthusiastic enough to sit up till 12 o'clock to discuss them, and if they do, they are lucky to prevent the House being counted out. That was the first proposal. Taxes were to be imposed by order of a private Committee sitting in secret and saying, "This class of the community shall be taxed and that class shall be exempt" and all that the House of Commons was to do was to find the matter laid on the table and, if it could, within a certain number of days persuade the House to declare them invalid. At any rate we have got a little distance past that, and I gratefully acknowledge that the President of the Board of Trade, whose sympathies in all these Debates appear to us to be more on our side than on the Government side, has put down an Amendment which to some extent limits the powers of this Committee and brings the thing more in accord with the practices and prerogatives of this House, because, after all, we are the taxing authority. We have no right to delegate our taxing power to any Committee. We were sent here primarily for the purpose of regulating taxation and supply, and it would not be too much to say it would be almost a breach of trust if we con- ferred on some other body outside ourselves, and largely outside our control, these powers which are the heritage of this House alone.
The President of the Board of Trade has altered his original plan and the orders made by the Committee are at any rate to be laid on the Table of the House, and instead of becoming operative unless checked, they do not become operative unless confirmed. That is a big step forward, but there is still a great deal to be said by way of criticism about the powers of the Committee. We are deciding now what sort of Committee we intend to set up. The Committee is to have the power, during the whole of the Recess, to levy taxation without any reference to the House of Commons whatever and without any power conferred on the subject to have the taxes remitted, even if the House of Commons unanimously decides that they have been improperly imposed. We are constantly told by the Leader of the House that we must rise about the middle of August and probably will not meet again until February. That is six months—half the fiscal year. Thirty-three and a third per cent might be levied at the end of August by this Committee on some partly manufactured goods. The Minister of Health, whose precise Departmental connection with the application of this tariff I have never yet been able to understand—he is probably put there as an instance of political fidelity and constancy; that seems to be his only claim—laboured to show that this tariff could not apply except to manufactured articles. That is not in the least true. Immediately a question was put to the President of the Board of Trade asking whether it could be applied to partly manufactured goods, in fact to everything in the Board of Trade figures except food and drink, he said it could be so applied.
The growers of timber, to take an extreme case, may come to this Committee, after the House rises, and point out that their woodmen are out of work because of the importation of foreign timber and demand that a tax should be put upon this partly manufactured article, because of course felled timber is partly manufactured, and the Committee being convinced by the plausibility of their arguments, and being precluded by the reference of the Board of Trade from hearing anything from builders, joiners and cabinetmakers, that the growers of home timber are suffering severe hardship impose a duty of 33⅓ per cent on imported timber. By the end of the year that will represent a very substantial sum, which the Treasury might be very unwilling to forego. Many millions would be represented by a tax of that kind. We find we come to the necessity of moving Amendments to this Clause which shall keep within the grasp of this House the sole power to impose taxation.
Let us look first at the Committee as. proposed in the Bill. It is to consist of five individuals for the permanent panel. As far as I can make out it will sit in private. The panel will consist of persons who have commercial and industrial interests. They will be manufacturers. It lays down later on that if a member's trade is materially affected by any matter which is before the consideration of the Committee he does not sit on the panel, but everyone knows what happens. The interests of all these manufacturers, as manufacturers, is the same. They want to be freed from foreign competition, and so a glove manufacturer will vote for a duty on glass and a glass manufacturer will vote for a duty on gloves, and the so-called protection provided by Subsection (2) will be absolutely useless. They will be members of well organised interests responsible to no one. I do not know that anyone has the power to dismiss them, but they are not there in public where everyone can see their actions, know what they are doing, and criticise the propriety of their conduct and the decisions to which they come. The Government has in the past from time to time acted in a manner which was absolutely illegal in their desire to maintain the trade of the country in the interests of the traders. They had such a Committee as this for restricting imports, and they acted on its decisions, and when some trader was bold or rich enough to bring the Government into court—the one free institution which we have in this country is the Courts of Justice—the Government's embargoes were declared to be illegal, and the whole thing collapsed. That is the soŕt of danger that you have to guard against when you are setting up a Committee of this kind. There is not the least guarantee in the Bill that this Committee will be more free from the same sort of influences than have previous Committees. There is not a word in this Clause to say that the consumer of these goods is to be represented at all. "Commercial and industrial experience" must mean people who have been in business or are in business or have some business interests. We do not on this side of the Committee represent the interests at all. We represent the consumers of the goods, and we believe that the Government of the country and the fiscal system of the country should act in accordance with the interests of the consumer and look at the thing from the point of view of the citizen and the consumer. I propose to alter this Committee altogether, and I propose that the House should set up a Select Committee. I am trying to amend the Bill always with regard to decisions to which we have already come, many of which I entirely disagree with. We propose that a Select Committee of this House should be set up.
What are some of the advantages of that proposal? First of all, the members of the Committee will at least belong to the proper taxing authority. Every member who sits on the Committee and imposes a tax by the fiat of the Committee will at least have been elected by the constituents and a member of the proper body to impose taxation. Secondly, I think that probably the evidence will be of a wider and a more general kind and more likely to produce good results in the general public interest. I do not think that a Select Committee of 21 Members of this House will allow themselves to be put in blinkers as to the evidence they are to hear quite so much as a Committee set up by the Board of Trade, presumably meeting at the Board of Trade and under the influence of the Board of Trade. A Select Committee of this House is a dignified body. Another point in favour of this proposal is that when these Orders come down to this House of Commons and are laid on the Table we shall have 21 Members of our own body who can speak with authority in reference to the matter on which the Order is made. That will be an enormous advantage to us in this House. I do not know what the experience of other members of the Committee may be, but my experience is that in these Debates we very seldom hear a man who can put a case which is actually within his own experience. He has to collect the facts and information from those whose experience is that from the trade itself, but if you get a Select Committee of the House of Commons, they will hear from the man who can say that my factory is closed because something is coming in from another country where they are better equipped. In any case the Committee will have the facts before them, they will examine the details, and when they have to decide whether an Order should be made valid or should not be made valid, they will have had expert views.
Above all, and this is my final point, this Committee will be a public body sitting in public. It will consist of responsible Members of the House, and Members will be able to go to the Committee Room and see the business going on in public. I always opposed tariffs for many reasons—among others, I think they would be liable to bring to play upon Members of the House of Commons influences of private interests instead of public interests. I think so still. That applies with a thousand times more force to a Committee sitting in private at the Board of Trade offices. If you have a Select Committee, with evidence being heard from all the parties who are affected directly or indirectly, with the Members of the House at liberty to go in and go out and with the Press present, and afterwards Members coming down into this House and guiding Members of the House as to the propriety or impropriety of the Orders made, we shall have done something to make the thing more dignified and more likely to command the respect of the community in this matter.
In accordance with the ruling you gave a few minutes ago I understand that it is desired that the Amendment which has been moved by the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain Benn) shall be discussed with the Amendment which stands in my name and several other Members of the Committee. With regard to the appointment of a Committee by the Committee of Selection to be appointed at the beginning of each Parliament to sit during the duration of that Parliament and to consist of not less than 21 Members; in the few remarks with which I will trouble the Committee I shall refer with your per mission Mr. Hope, to the suggestions which are contained in that Amendment. It is not easy to present an argument on a particular point with the completeness which one would desire to present it and at the same time not to go too widely into any of the many considerations which interplay at almost every point in this Bill. The Committee as proposed to be set up in the Bill is a Committee to deal with two different matters; the question of what are called dumped goods under Clause 2, Sub-section (1, a) and the question arising from the effect of exchanges upon the position in this country with regard to various imported goods. With regard to the first of these, we are of necessity in the difficulty that the complete definition of dumped goods does not arise until later in the Bill, and therefore one cannot argue this proposal now quite so clearly as one could if the questions of what is dumping and what are dumped goods had been finally or at any rate as far as this Bill is concerned, completely settled.
At this moment my position is this: Like many Members of this House one is willing to give power to the Government to deal with dumping provided one is satisfied of the definition of dumping, provided one is particularly satisfied that the dumping in question is international, serious and has a distinct and ascertain-able effect of grave injury on some department of British commerce. But it is quite clear that this Committee is intended to apply to the Sub-section (1, b ) and to the problem which arises with regard to the present remarkable position of foreign exchanges. It is of course possible, in dealing with this Clause and Amendment and one or two Clauses discussed earlier in the day, to look at the Bill as some of my hon. Friends opposite look at it—as a basis and an instalment of a full-blown fiscal system, indistinguishable from what is generally called protection. It is also looked at by the Government speakers and by many other members of the Committee as a Bill, whether good or bad, intended to deal with a special state of things. That is the view presented to us over and over again, the argument that the condition of foreign exchanges at the present time and for months past is something quite unique in economic history. So the argument is developed that there is a case at any rate for consideration of exceptional and of quite novel machinery. I propose in what I have to say to deal with this matter on that second hypothesis. I remember a famous Clause in the manifesto issued by the Prime Minister and by my right hon. Friend who was Leader of the House until his unfortunate illness. There was a sentence in that manifesto that they issued at the last election which I think this Committee may well bear in mind. The manifesto said:
One can understand, in perfectly quiet and normal times, various fiscal systems being adopted by different countries, and it may be even adopted by this country at a given time where you have some fiscal system with universal application intended to be permanent. An argument may be constructed on that. But here you are dealing with an exceptional state of things. You are applying a remedy which, it is claimed, shall be temporary. You are dealing with altogether abnormal conditions. When that is the case, I submit to the Government and to the Committee, it is more than ever important to see the true position of the House of Commons and to see that its Committees shall not be put in jeopardy, and that their influence shall be maintained to the full.
8.0P.M.
What is the position here under the Bill? There is, first of all, to be a complaint to the Board of Trade. So far so good. It is obviously far better to leave to the Board of Trade or any Government Department the initial action. Then the Board of Trade are to consider that complaint, and if they think there is a primâ facie case they refer it to a committee—to a panel of persons three of whom are to form a committee for this purpose. I suggest that a committee so composed is not really a help to the Government, and is not the kind of committee which would lead to satisfactory decisions on questions of this kind. The hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) has described that committee in his inimitable way, who they would be, and who they would not be, and has barbed his description with that political emotion of which he has an unfailing supply. I wish to describe that committee with no emotion of any kind. Under the Bill nothing is left, before the decisions of the Board of Trade, based on this committee's findings, become law, except one brief stage of a Resolution passed in this House. Therefore, the proceedings of this committee, whether the members of it wish it or not, are quite different from the proceedings of a committee called in merely to advise on some technical point. Committees of experts have their value, but they have most value when they have least authority on policy. Committees of interested persons, persons quite legitimately, but financially, interested, are of value in guarding a Government against mistakes, and in making a Government realise certain aspects of a question. But a committee like this, which in practice is taking the place of the greater part of Parliamentary procedure, is a committee far more analogous to Parliament than it is to a mere consultative committee, such as Government Departments are continually calling into being, and from which they receive advantages. Therefore, I submit to the President of the Board of Trade that, in accordance with their plan under this part of the Bill, keeping in mind what it is supposed to deal with, and the grave consequences, this committee should be a House of Commons Committee.
A House of Commons Committee appointed in the way contemplated by the Amendments of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Leith and myself would be useful, as the Committee of Selection would make it a microcosm of the House. You would get different points of view, different schools of thought, different kinds of experience represented on this Committee, and when you are dealing with exceptional matters, with temporary matters, and with a problem at once so complicated and so subtle as the problem raised by the depreciation of foreign exchanges, is it not desirable that the body which has most to do with bringing the Government to the proposals that it makes should be a body representing as many different points of view as is reasonably possible, and a body of far more inherent authority than can possibly attach to a mere handful of eminent persons, who themselves have no specific responsibility either to this House or to the country? A Committee of Members of Parliament, who have their duty to their constituents and to the country generally, would have much more authority and would be far more likely to help the problem forward; and, as has already been pointed out, could not be blind to the very many considerations which have to be taken into account in a matter like this which deals with the effect of foreign exchanges. No one knows better than my right hon. Friend how complicated is the subject matter; how variable is the problem, even from month to month. The exchanges in any country in the world may and do vary almost from week to week, certainly from month to month, owing to a great variety of causes, and to have legislative action largely influenced by a committee of experts or interested persons is, I. submit to the Government, to lead to the certain prejudice and the certain disadvantage of any proposal founded upon their report.
May I further point out to my right hon. Friend that these proposals in the Bill to deal with the problem arising from depreciation of exchange by means of Government action, no. doubt endorsed by the House of Commons, but based largely on the Report of this Committee, are proposals which are arousing the greatest anxiety in all sorts of quarters? You cannot, in the nature of things, have definiteness and certainty as to what is going to happen when it depends on a complaint to the Minister, on the con- sideration of the case, on the recommendation of the Committee, on the decisions of the Ministry after receiving the recommendation, and on the action of the House of Commons after that: all is of necessity hypothetical, problematical, in the future. But if that uncertainty be of the essence of the problem, surely it is as important as possible to have as little uncertainty as possible.
A Committee of the kind contemplated by those who have put down this Amendment would, I submit, do more than anything else to limit the widespread uncertainty and anxiety which now exists as to the probable or possible effect of these proposals, and no one knows better than my right hon. Friend that uncertainty and ill-defined anxiety and want of knowledge as to what is likely to happen, have a deterrent effect upon trade and employment far greater than any specific point on which they arise, they contribute to bring about a frame of mind which is ill-adapted to regain the stability, the certainty and the encouragement of enterprise which Members of this House, wherever they sit and whatever their views may be on these controversial questions, are alike in desiring to see return to this country. On these grounds I submit to the Government that this proposal is one which they can and ought to consider with sympathy and with agreement. It is a proposal supported alike by those who are opposed to every line of the Bill and by others, like myself, who are prepared to support the Bill so far as it carries out the pledges they have given. This suggestion for a House of Commons Committee comes to the Government from a variety of different quarters and is supported by persons of varying opinions and points of view, but whatever difference of view there may be as to the necessity for this Bill, or as to the policy of parts of this Bill or the whole, there can hardly be any difference of opinion as to the high desirability of checking the tendency to have more and more things done by Government Departments, by nominated advisers and irresponsible persons of varying eminence, rather than by the House of Commons and its Members, either in the House or in Committee. Is it necessary for carrying out the objects of this Bill that the bureaucratic machine should be increased? Is there any reason why its machinery should beclogged and deflected by proposals such as this for a Committee of the kind suggested in the Bill? I have tried to put the arguments to my right hon. Friend and the Committee without colour, without heat, and with an absence of adjectives which I know makes one's utterance dull, but I do desire to represent to the Government that it is desirable, nay, that it is necessary, when you are dealing with a problem of this kind, at once temporary, grave, and variable, that you should use to the utmost extent; the machinery of the House of Commons, and discourage as far as possible any increase of bureaucratic machinery which is devoid of the authority and of the width of view which can come from Members of the Legislature only.
I should not have taken part in this Debate were it not for one fact. For a considerable period, now 18 months ago, I was; chairman of the Imports Restriction Committee, and on that account perhaps I am the only Member in the House who has had direct and personal experience of the working of a similar committee to the one proposed to be set up. Hon. Members may have forgotten the constitution of that committee. It was composed of just the kind of people contemplated by the Clause of this Measure—interested parties representative of trade and commerce and finance. After a good deal of experience of this body I came to the conclusion that it was a very unsuitable organisation for dealing with questions of this kind, but not altogether for the reason given by the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite (Captain W. Benn), not because the gentlemen who composed it were self-interested in the decisions they gave. They had a very difficult task to perform, and I can say without fear of contradiction that they carried it out without a vestige of self-interest of any kind. But the serious part about a committee so constituted is not that the members are prompted by self-interest, but that outside they were believed to be so prompted by these motives. They gave their decisions perfectly honestly, but a large body of public opinion outside, seeing business men upon a committee dealing with import restrictions, immediately said, "These people must be self-interested; the de- cisions they give must be prompted by dishonest motives." If this Bill is to become law, the body that is to make these proceedings must not only be above suspicion but must be regarded as above suspicion by the general body of public opinion in the country, and I would ask my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade to keep the experience of that committee in mind. I think he will find that, well as it did its work in the circumstances, the fact that it was composed of people directly interested in these questions did shake confidence in it outside.
Having said that about the Government's proposal, let me say a word about the proposal of the hon. and gallant Member for Leith. I. sympathise to a large extent with his desire to bring these questions under the direct control of the House of Commons. I see that from one point of view there is great advantage in doing that. At the same time I cannot bring myself to support the proposal, and for this reason: that if a Select Committee of Members of this House is appointed, our lives would be made perfectly hideous by lobbying from outside. I do not mind whether it is for a Parliament or a Session, the lobbying will be exactly the same. I cannot support a proposal that would lay us open to lobbying of this kind. I should think that in spite of obvious objections nominated commissioners would be the best. I do not want to dogmatise on this question, but I would ask the President of the Board of Trade, possibly between now and the Report stage, to consider the alternative of independent persons, nominated by the Board of Trade, for whose actions the President of the Board of Trade would be responsible in this House.
What real distinction is there between that alternative and the Government's proposal?
The Government's proposal is a panel of business persons who in one way or another are interested directly in this question. I should like a body such as the Railway Commission was before the Transport Ministry was set up, a body of two or three persons, independent men, nominated for a definite period. I believe the President of the Board of Trade will find that while there are obvious objections to my sug- gestion there are still more forcible objections against the Government proposals and against the proposals in the Amendment.
I feel very strongly that the Amendment is based on wrong lines. There was a good deal in the speech of the mover with which I heartily agree and in favour of which I have certain Amendments on the Paper. I believe that the meetings of this Committee ought to be held in public, and that everybody whose interests are affected by the tax should have the right to give evidence and be represented by Counsel, and also that the tribunals should be absolutely independent. That is not really the purport of the Amendment. The Amendment is mainly justified upon the ground that it vindicates Parliamentary control in matters of finance, but in actual fact there is no real danger in the scheme in the Bill of interfering with the control of finance. The reference which this tribunal or committee has to deal with and report upon does not involve in any way the right to enforce taxation upon the country. Their reference is to find the data upon which the Board of Trade in the first instance and Parliament in the second instance is to decide what action it thinks fit to take. Their reference is confined simply to ascertaining the facts with regard to dumping, with regard to collapsed exchanges, and with regard to the displacement of British labour by foreign imports. The issues raised in that reference are issues of fact and fact alone. It is of the very highest importance that those facts should be decided rightly by a tribunal entirely independent of outside influence, and that does not involve in any degree the right to impose taxation upon the country.
If the Committee will reflect upon the arguments which were advanced by the mover of the Amendment they will see how very wide of the mark they were in relation to this particular section of the Bill. What is the real issue which the Committee is called upon to decide? What is the best tribunal to whom the Board of Trade and Parliament can entrust the important duty of finding the data upon these specific issues? There are two alternatives before the Committee, the one set up in the Bill and the other proposed in the Amendment, which is that of a committee composed of Mem- bers of the House of Commons. The Government alternative is the best, tempered, as I hope, by an Amendment which I have on the Paper infusing a legal element into the tribunal as well as a business element. That would, I think, add very much to the independence and ability of the Committee. It is surely the wish of all sections of the House and of all schools of political and economic thought to have the best possible committee to deal with these issues. Those in favour of the Bill want to have a committee which can look at the matter fairly from their point of view. Those who oppose the Bill, naturally, wish to have the best possible tribunal, assuming that the Bill is to pass. That being so, can it be seriously argued that a committee of Members of the House of Commons, all of whom are ipso facto partisans, would compose the best tribunal to find in the dispassionate light of evidence what are the facts on these specific issues?
I ask hon. Members who are thinking of supporting this Amendment, what are the qualities that they would like to see in members of the tribunal which is to deal with these facts? The first quality is that of detachment from any suggestion of belonging, before the tribunal meets at all, to any specific school of political or economic thought. Secondly, you want to have members who are detached from all local influences on this particular question, so that they have no partiality whatever in favour of particular friends, neighbours or constituents. Thirdly, you want to have, if possible, men of independent experience. Let us look at the suggestion in the Amendment. A Select Committee of 21 would be chosen from the different parties in the country, proportionately to their representation in Parliament. How would they compare with the first attribute required in the tribunal— detachment from political and economic dogmatism? Can any hon. Members seriously suggest that those members if on this tribunal would be men whose minds on this particular question are absolutely blank and dispassionate and detached from all partisanship? The thing is impossible. The Opposition Whips would be asked to name their nominees. They would think which members of their party take the greatest interest in this particular subject, and, of course, they would naturally choose very keen Free Traders. No doubt, the Government would choose men whose views tally on big issues with their own views. Therefore, you would simply get men who are steeped in partisanship called upon to act in a judicial, dispassionate and impartial manner. The scheme breaks down in the first instance.
Then you require independence from local associations. Imagine a Member of Parliament on the Committee who represents a district where an industry is particularly affected by any of the applications which are brought before the tribunal. Would it be seriously suggested that the hon. Member for Macclesfield (Mr. Remer) would look absolutely dispassionately on an application for the protection of the silk trade, and so on through the different constituencies? There are other constituencies whose well-being is bound up in the scheme of free imports. Are Members for those constituencies going to be non-partisan? These facts reveal the weakness of the scheme proposed in the Amendment. The scheme of the Government to have a panel of impartial men of experience is the best, although I earnestly hope that the President of the Board of Trade will see his way to infuse a legal element into the Committee, because a lawyer has no preconceived convictions on these questions, but when it comes to dealing with evidence and deciding on the facts he is invaluable. There is no one in the country so well qualified. If you can get lawyers of experience who have been accustomed to dealing with questions of evidence, they are the right kind of men to put on these tribunals. Then there can be no objection to men whose businesses are remote from the businesses affected by each particular application. The great advantage of having a panel is that you are not bound to put on the Committee, to deal with a particular application, anybody who is likely to have an axe to grind in the matter, and you free the personnel of your tribunal from all charges of having any personal interest in the issue to be decided. On this point, if hon. Members will only address their minds, not to vague generalities as to the power of Parliament, but to the real issue, which is how to devise the best and most impartial tribunal to deal with these pure questions of fact, there can be no real question that a non- partisan tribunal for dealing impartial justice is infinitely preferable to a; tribunal of partisans.
I desire to support the Amendment. I was surprised to hear the previous speaker say that if you select a Committee from this House it would be a partisan committee. That is not my experience. As an instance may I refer to the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury). I do not believe that I could go into the Lobby with the right hon. Baronet on any question which he brings before this House, but my experience of him on Committees is that he is one of the most impartial gentlemen in the House, and I could trust the right hon. Baronet to deal with any of these questions apart altogether from his political views, and this applies not only to the right hon. Baronet, but to a large number of other Members whom I know in this House. I should like to see this impartial Committee set up, and I believe that if it is set up from this House not only will it do justice to this House, but it will do justice to the country as well. I notice that many Members of this House are beginning to get suspicious of the Government, but there are others outside, Tariff Reformers, who used to be speaking Tariff Reform in railway carriages, in offices, and in hotels from Monday morning to Saturday, and these people are getting suspicious of the Government. About a week ago I made a few remarks which were reported in the local paper, and one of the biggest Tariff Reformers sent me a letter asking me if I would send him on a circular in reference to the rolling mills which I had mentioned which I had received, and I sent it on. In his reply this morning, he says:
"In the circular they certainly do produce argument which ought to weigh. I have a further idea, which they do not seem to mention, that such a Bill means the interference from a greater collection of governmental bureaucrats."
That is his way of referring to this Bill being dealt with by a Government Department, and he says:
"The lessons learned from the War should keep us free from that trouble if we are to be producers for the world's consumption."
This is from a very big Tariff Reformer. I do think that the Government ought to accept this Amendment and allow the Committee to be selected from among the Members of this House. The Mem- bers of this House can act quite indepently of their political views. I believe that the right hon. Member for the City of London, the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), the right hon. Member for Widnes (Mr. A. Henderson) could give their decision on evidence brought before them without bringing in any question of their political views. On an outside Committee you have this danger, that you may get a steel man on the Committee who would go there with a prejudiced mind and would not think anything of the rolling mill trade. He is considering the question that a furnace may go down and a certain number of men be thrown out of employment, but he would never consider the people who convert a ton of steel into sheets, tin plates, wire, and scores of other things that are produced for export purposes. I do not know whether the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department has understood the effect of this. You are doing away with corsets, but you may develop crinolines, and you have got to produce hoops for these crinolines. I do not know whether he has consulted his wife as to the corsets, but we do not know where all this is going to lead us. I hope that the Amendment will be accepted.
I rise to support the Amendment. The hon. Member for Middleton (Sir R. Adkins) made a good fighting speech on this occasion, and I hope that I shall see him in the Lobby on this occasion, though I am a little doubtful, but I have greater hope than on previous occasions. We who are opposing this Bill should be given credit for the fact that we wish this Committee to be the very best Committee that can be appointed. We recognise that we have got to have this Bill. It has been passed by means of the Guillotine. Therefore we want as far as possible to protect the interests of the general public by setting up the most impartial tribunal that we can find, and I think that a Select Committee of this House is the best body to deal with this question. I do not agree with the hon. and learned Member for Moss Side (Lieut.-Colonel Hurst). I have considerable experience of private Bill legislation in this House and of Select Committees, and I have always found that the members conscientiously do their duty, that they divest themselves as far as is possible for any man of all partisan ideas, and try to come to an honest conclusion upon the question before them, and I think it would have a good effect if some body were to be able to keep the House informed as to what is going on.
Some time ago the Leader of the House told us that a little experience was worth a ton of theory. That is quite right. Let us look at the experience which we have had with regard to these Committees. During the short time of this Parliament we have had set up two or three special Committees. One was appointed to deal with the dye industries. A Committee was also set up in reference to German Reparations and' that Committees took the extraordinary step of practically scrapping the whole machinery in connection with Reparations without one word to the House of Commons. I am told they had the power to do so under the Act, and they decided that all goods sent from Germany through a neutral country should be deemed, not German goods, but goods of the country from which they were re-exported to this country. That had the effect of practically repealing the Act without the sanction of the House of Commons, and without any explanation to the House of Commons. This all points to the fact that you should be very careful to retain for this House control of the Committees to be set up, especially as this Committee is to have extraordinary powers. Reference has already been made to the power which it possesses of taxing the subject, and it also possesses powers which are superior to those of the Minister. The Committee will have the power to make a recommendation that an Order which has already been made, shall be revoked, and on the Committee's recommendation the Minister is empowered to revoke such an Order, but the Minister himself cannot revoke it without the recommendation of the Committee.
The hon. and gallant Baronet the Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare) told us he was chairman of a Committee on Imports' Restrictions some short time ago, and he put his finger on the weakest point in connection with this Committee in his remarks on that subject. He told us that he found, although he was convinced that the members of that Committee were honestly endeavouring to discharge their duty, they could not pursuade outside bodies that that was so. It is quite impossible for a man who is engaged in a trade on which he is adjudicating, or in any allied trade, to divest himself of the suspicion of partiality. There are very few traders absolutely independent of every other trade, and the influences that will be brought to bear upon members of this Committee will be from the other trades. The member will have to consider that while he is adjudicating on somebody else's trade to-day, somebody else will be adjudicating on his trade to-morrow. I believe, however, the Committee should be composed of Members of this House, and I believe it is the duty of this House to shoulder the responsibility. After all, there is something worth more to a Member of this House than the giving of some favour to his constituents. His own personal honour is worth more to him than the retention of his seat. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] I think so, and I do not agree with the tone of that interruption. I do not care whether a Member sits on this side or on the other side of the House, I believe his personal honour is to him of more value than the retention of his seat, and I think we have found that over and over again in the attitude of Members towards public questions. It is the duty of the Members of this House not to delegate this unpleasant and difficult duty to somebody outside the House, but to shoulder the burden themselves, do their duty to the country, and take the consequences.
I respectfully support the suggestion which is made by the hon. and gallant Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare). It seems to me the Debate on this Amendment has tended to show that, whatever weakness there may be in the proposed constitution of the Committee, the alternative proposed in the Amendment would be at least as bad. There is one fatal objection to this being dealt with by a Select Committee. It is a matter of taking evidence on which to find certain facts, on which ultimately this House can act. A Select Committee composed of a large number of Members of this House, and said to be a microcosm of this House, is about the last body to deal with a matter of that kind. Even as a mere matter of convenience, we all know the principle that when we want to get the work done, the best Committee is a Committee of three with two absent. When you come to hearing evidence and deciding on facts like these a large Committee is a great disadvantage. Beyond that, I should be the very last to say anything against the suitability of Members of this House to act in a position of this kind and to give absolutely impartial decisions, but the difficulty is this, that those Members who would be asked to act merely in a judicial capacity will, many of them, have taken definite sides in Debates in this House beforehand, or may want to take such sides afterwards. Members of this House are not the right people to constitute the judicial body to decide on these facts. By all means have people who have been Members of this House, or people of similar standing to Members of this House, but what you want is a Committee not necessarily composed of people with practical experience in these particular trades or industries, but people with the -kind of experience of those trades and industries, which many lawyers, bankers, and men of business obtain without being themselves personally interested in them. That is the sort of body which is really wanted here.
The hon. and gallant Member for East Middlesbrough (Colonel P. Williams) asked the hon. Member for Chelsea what difference existed between his proposal and that in the Bill? I venture to think that the difference would not have been very great if the Bill had not described these persons as being "mainly persons of commercial and industrial experience," and did not go on in the next paragraph to expressly provide that a person materially interested should be eligible for selection. It may be worthy of the Government's consideration, whether the Clause dealing with the composition of this Committee should not be altered in such a way as to give a smaller and more select body of Commissioners, not necessarily interested, and certainly not financially interested, in any particular trade, but with such general knowledge of business as would enable them to understand and to weigh the evidence brought before them.
I hope the Government will not give way to the Amendment. There are two reasons why they should not accept it, and the first is a constitutional one. I am surprised to find in that quarter of the House the proposal made so unblushingly that the methods of the Russian Revolution should be introduced into our Constitution. It is proposed to set up a Committee of 21 Members of this House, inside the Board of Trade, to deal with these matters under the President of the Board of Trade, and I do not know whether I should say under the poor President of the Board of Trade or over his head. I can imagine all kinds of friction and deadlock arising between any President of the Board of Trade and this precious Committee. In flux as our Constitution may be, I should doubt if we had anywhere, either now or in the past, any considerable precedent for setting up a Committee of this House inside a Government Department in an advisory and half-administrative function, with very certain powers of inquiry and serious possibilities of incommoding, and embarrassing, and blocking the official head of that Department. As far as I have been able to learn about Russia and what the commissaries do, it seems to me something like that. There you appoint a commissary, and then give him an enormous committee to see that he does not do anything, or, at all events, to see that he does not do what he wants to do. I submit to the Committee that this proposal to put 21 men, private Members, I presume, of this House, in charge of the President of the Board of Trade is really a little too Russian and a little too far away from the English way, and I hope the Government will not agree to do it.
Secondly, I feel that we must keep the control of the House of Commons over the Orders which may be made under this legislation and by order of the President of the Board of Trade, and I can see that hon. Members opposite have that in mind too, when they try to bring the House, or rather, 21 Members of it, into the picture at this stage. You might just as well propose to bring Members of this House into any odd bit of administration that was going on anywhere in Whitehall. I am all for bringing this House in and giving it the last word over this legislation, which, to say the least, is confusing; but to bring it in by the mouth of 21 private Members, prematurely, by anticipation, and so inevitably to cut down and undermine the eventual control which this House would have when an Order was 'laid on the Table, seems to me to be putting the cart before the horse. On these two grounds, which I hope will appeal to the Government, and especially the second one, I trust the Amendment will be defeated.
I support this Amendment, not because it has any Russian complexion, but because, on the contrary, it is entirely in keeping with the British Constitutional and Parliamentary practice, and I do not see how my hon. Friend the Member for West Leeds (Mr. J. Murray) makes it out that these are Russian methods. If they are, I feel a little more kindly towards Bolshevism than I have hitherto done, so I thank the hon. Member for giving me a higher opinion of the Russian methods of government than I entertained hitherto, because I see now that they are quite in keeping with the best traditions of British Parliamentary government. What this House was elected for was the control of taxation, and this Bill can be considered as nothing else than a Bill for the taxing of the people who buy commodities. The hon. and learned Member for Moss Side (Lieut.-Colonel Hurst) gave us an idea of the sort of committee that we ought to have to bring out the facts on which the House would ultimately form a judgment, and the committee he shadowed forth to us was a committee of people who would have absolutely no opinions upon any political, commercial, or economic questions whatever. I think we should want a committee of angels, who would take no note of our mundane affairs, to imagine that you could get three or five people who would be fit to discuss questions of this sort without any opinions on political, commercial, or economic problems. It would be very difficult indeed to discover such men, and we should want the microscope which has been referred to to find them. In order to make this angelic committee which he was proposing perfect, the hon. and learned Member added an archangel in the shape of a lawyer. Of course, my hon. and learned Friends in this House never think any committee is perfect without a lawyer in charge of it, or at any rate a lawyer upon it. It is "pretty Fanny's way" on the part of lawyers, and that is the sort of thing we expect from hon. Members of the legal eminence of my hon. and learned Friend; and even if we could discover those gentlemen or ladies, I suppose, of such engaging and virgin innocence of any knowledge of politics or economics in the country, I do not think it would be the ideal committee to make an inquiry into these questions of fact. After all, these questions of fact have a habit of becoming questions of politics as well, and I do not think such a committee would be a fitting committee. At any rate, I should not be inclined to hand over to an innocent committee of that sort a big question of taxation such as we have involved in this Bill.
The hon. and gallant Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare) objected to the Amendment on the ground that it would involve a great deal of lobbying, people outside trying to influence Members of the House who were Members of that committee. We are not too much afraid of lobbying. We meet all sorts of people, male and female, in the Lobby, and so far as I can discover I do not think they have very much influence upon the opinions of hon. Members. Would the hon. Baronet and those who support him maintain that a committee of this sort would be free from influences comparable to what we call lobbying in this House? Not at all. Their back doors would often be open to the attempt of general interests and particular interests asking for special treatment from the Members of the Committee, whoever they might be. I think they would be much more scared to approach Members of this House in that fashion than they would be to approach the very innocent people which my hon. Friend wants to be members of this committee. By this Amendment we are trying to make this Bill less mischievous than otherwise it would be. This Bill and every other Bill of this Government is composed and compounded of bits. There is the Coalition bit, the Tory bit, the Free Trade bit, and the Tariff Reform bit, and we are endeavouring to strengthen the Liberal element in the Bill, and, therefore, I am sure we shall have the support of the only Liberal representative of the Government (Mr. Towyn Jones) who now faces me on the opposite benches. I notice that my hon. Friend when genuine Liberal views are expressed on these benches always nods his head in approval. He is a Member of a Coalition Government ruled by a tariff, but the Liberalism breaks out in spite of it all. The main question is as to this British House of Commons keeping its grip as firmly as possible upon those who are going to tax us through these commodities, and therefore the best possible way of keeping that hold is to have this committee directly elected from the House—a Select Committee such as adumbrated in this Amendment.
First of all, I should like to join issue with the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down. He has described this Bill as a taxation Measure. In my opinion it is not a question of taxation at all; it is a question of the safeguarding of British industries. I hope the Government will resist this Amendment to the uttermost. It is a Committee which would not be approved by a single Chamber of Commerce in this country. I should like to tell the House that the different Chambers which have discussed this question —some of them, I quite admit, were suspicious of Clause 2, and the chief reason of their suspicion was that they thought that these duties would be settled by Board of Trade officials—have urged me in this House to support such a Committee as is set up in this Bill.
Who are "they"?
I could give hon. Members the names. There is the Associated Chambers of Commerce of the United Kingdom, and the Manchester Chamber of Commerce. But the first practically covers every Chamber of Commerce in the Kingdom. They support this Bill. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I mean this Committee. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] But they also support the Bill. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no!"] The Associated Chambers of Commerce have passed a resolution, as my right hon. Friend representing the Government opposite knows, and, not only so, but for the last 18 months they have been urging on the Government to bring this Bill into the House.
Chambers of Commerce have passed resolutions against it.
And especially are they in favour of this Committee being composed of business men. With all due deference to the names on the Order Paper— [ Interruption. ] Am I not in order in discussing these names?
Yes, we are now taking the whole of these Amendments, and having a general discussion.
9.0 P.M.
I thought I was in order until I was pulled up by hon. Members. If we take these names, in all fairness what, I ask, do these Gentlemen know about the great commercial questions of this country? They have not time to study them. Surely the men who should sit on a Committee like this are the commercial men outside this House? If you have Members of this House, what is going to happen? You are going to have the old discussions over and over again, of Free Trade and Tariff Reform, and you will have prejudice created on one side and another of the House, while in the hands of commercial men the discussions will be absolutely free from politics. It seems to have been forgotten by some hon. Members who have spoken, that this Committee, when it is set up, cannot say that a duty shall be put on and carried out. They only advise the Board of Trade, and the Board of Trade take into consideration whether that advice shall be put into action or not. If the steel trade or any other trade say that German competition is hurting them, they are the people to know it. Surely they are the people to put their experience before the Board of Trade, and see if a case can be made out for dumping, but that is not the only ground, according to this Bill.
The men in the steel trade would not adjudicate on the dumping in the steel trade, they would adjudicate on some other trade, so that there need be no logrolling such as has been mentioned. Again, it has been said that outside commercial men could be lobbied just the same as Members of this House. It would, however, be very difficult for a man chosen from the North of Scotland, another from the South of England, and another from the Midlands to be lobbied, whereas in a general way those concerned could meet most Members of Parliament here. I hope Government will resist this Amendment to the uttermost of their power, and for this reason: there are those, I admit, who do not like this Clause, but this Committee will give them satisfaction of feeling that they will be adequately safeguarded in any duties which may be put upon them.
I have listened to the speech of the hon. Member for West Leeds (Mr. J. Murray), and there is only one thing more pathetic than a Coalition Liberal defending the Protectionist proposals of the Government, and that is a Parliamentary Private Secretary. I thought the speech of the hon. Gentleman was the most emphatic piece of special pleading that I have ever heard in this House. He did not believe a word he said. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] Well, that is the impression I gathered—that he was absolutely insincere.
On a point of Order. Is it in order for a Member to attribute to some other Member that he does not believe a word of what he says?
I gather that the hon. and gallant Gentleman qualified somewhat what he said.
Is an hon. Member not in order in quoting what another hon. Member has said?
It is not in order to be offensive. But I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman qualified his words and put himself in order.
I hope I am not personally offensive at any time, though I do not mind being politically offensive. But I think the hon. Gentleman can hardly be sincere in his arguments—in other words, his loyalty to the Government is only temporary.
Is it in order to say that an hon. Member is not sincere in what he has said?
I have often heard it put in that way in the House.
Before the hon. Member has been much longer in this Chamber he will know that accusations of insincerity are often being made against hon. Members on these Benches. The objection to this proposal is a very real one. No doubt the Board of Trade will take cover behind their panel of business and commercial men who will be chosen by themselves, and five of them will adjudicate on these commercial matters, and if there are criticisms here of the unfair incidence of this Bill, then the Government will be able to shelter themselves behind this special Star Chamber which they are setting up. I would like to know how these people are going to be chosen. The Bill says they are to be chosen from a panel of business men who shall be mainly persons of commercial or industrial experience. Will they be nominated by the Federation of British Industries or will the Associated Chamber of Commerce be invited to nominate people? There is a majority of Protectionists on the Federation of British Industries Council and on the Associated Chambers of Commerce, and the hon. and gallant Member for West Salford has just admitted this.
I said they were in favour at the present moment of safeguarding British industries.
As times change so do the terms used. The hon. and gallant Member said that the majority of the Associated Chambers of Commerce were in favour of this Bill, and they are in favour of Protection without qualification and they will nominate all Protectionists. I have yet to learn that it is an insult to call a man a Protectionist in this House. The hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. G. Terrell) does not mind being called a Protectionist, and we above the Gangway honour him for his honesty in this matter. This panel will be composed of Protectionists and a Protectionist Board of Trade will take care that they are Protectionists. The other five persons to be chosen will also be Protectionists, and they will interpret this Bill in a Protectionist way. I am afraid the Parliamentary Secretary indicates the mind of the Board of Trade on this subject better than his chief.
This Committee will have enormous powers. It will be forced to interpret the meaning of the most complicated Clauses, particularly the paragraphs of Clause 4, which nobody has yet explained fully. They will have to interpret that Clause and they will interpret it just as they please. It has been said that any person whose interest is materially affected by any action to be taken shall not serve on the Committee, but what does "material" mean in this sense? I suppose a manufacturer of sheet iron will be allowed to adjudicate on the import or otherwise of other things. I want to know will he be allowed to adjudicate on the entry of pig iron. The word "material" is one of which I do not believe any skilled lawyer would approve and is a vague term liable to all sorts of misconstruction and misuse. A steel manufacturer would not, I presume, sit on the panel that would decide as to the duties to be paid on steel goods coming into this country, but he might sit on the panel which dealt with the question of manufactured chemicals. He might have business connections with the manufacturers of chemicals in this country, and you will undoubtedly have a certain amount of log-rolling on a panel of this sort. It will be a case of "you scratch my back and I will scratch yours."
These men will be largely Protectionists and they will want to protect any industry which employs British labour. They will interpret the terms of this Bill as widely as they please, and they will take the view of the hon. Member for Chippenham and protect British labour. The professed object of this Bill, apart from the raising of prices, we are told, is to protect the interests of the poor British working men. If that is so, why are there no Labour representatives on the panel? I do not know why the right hon. Gentleman has not put in his Bill a provision that there should be on the panel some representatives of Labour. If he wants them to be Protectionists, I am sure he could find plenty of steel smelters quite as good Protectionists as himself. I do not know whether the word "industrially" would include agriculture, but it is extremely important that this panel should contain some representatives of agriculture, which is going to be hardly hit by having the price of agricultural machinery and chemical manures raised against them, and this applies to all the things used upon the farm.
I want to protest as strongly as I can against the idea that it is only the commercial and industrial interests who have a right to be consulted. Where does the ordinary consumer and taxpayer come in? Why is the Middle Classes Union not represented? This is not simply a matter affecting the manufacturers of this country, but it is a matter in which the whole body of consumers are concerned. It comes to this. If you want the representation of labour, industry, commerce, and agriculture, and of the general body of consumers, the only people who can represent them are the Members of this House, and as the House of Commons jealously guards the right to taxation, so only Members of this House should be appointed by the House to act on a body like this. I think the case for the Amendment is overwhelming. The speeches made against it have only reinforced the arguments in favour of it. I hope the Government will accept the Amendment from the point of view of the country, although, from a mere party point of view, I would prefer to see them stand firm and reject it.
I sincerely trust the President of the Board of Trade will absolutely reject this Amendment. I am certain it would be found in practice that there is no body more incompetent to handle the administration of this Bill, when it becomes an Act, than a Select Committee of this House, because a Select Committee would naturally be representative of all political parties and would include the Wee Frees, and the Socialist and the Protectionist elements as well. In fact every possible element would be represented on the Committee, and, as a result, when any proposal came up as to whether this industry or that industry should receive the benefit of the Bill the discussion would run on party political lines, the question would be argued from a Free Trade point of view, from the Protectionist point of view, from the Socialist point of view, and no business would, in the end, be done. Once this Bill is put on the Statute Book it will become a definitely accomplished fact that certain industries are to receive that measure of protection which is expressed in the Bill. To my mind it would be a calamity and involve a great loss of time if the attention of the Committee were taken up with debates and arguments on the merits of Free Trade or of Protection. I would like to remind the Committee that these were matters which were under the consideration of the Balfour of Burleigh Committee which recommend that key industries should be protected and that protection should be given to various other branches of industry. Paragraph 255 of the Balfour of Burleigh Report states that there should be established some strong competent board to examine into all applications from industries for State assistance and that where a case was made out the claim proposals and precise nature and extent of the assistance to be granted, whether by protection, tariff, duties, or in other ways should be set out. The board should be independent and it should be its duty to place before Parliament its views as to any proposals for tariff legislation which it formulated. The board should have constantly in mind the safeguarding of the interests of consumers and of labour, and should make recommendations as to the conditions which, for this purpose, should be attached to any form of Government assistance whether by means of tariffs or otherwise.
That particularly applies to the Committee which is to be set up in the present Bill when it becomes law. It should be a strong, competent Committee. I assert as a member of a private Committee of this House, consisting of a great number of Members, which had the various aspects of the Bill of 1919 before them, that we examined the provisions of that Bill. Under it it was proposed that the Government should set up a Committee consisting of Members of Parliament and officials. That proposal was universally condemned. We had before us all the material facts, and we came, to the conclusion that the Board should consist of three full-time salaried persons having an intimate knowledge of trade and industry, the Chairman to be someone of standing with qualifications similar to those of a Judge of the High Court. We did not want party politics dragged into the administration of this Bill. We wanted to have it on independent lines, so that whatever committee is set up it will consider every application that is made to it on its merits, and will only make its recommendations to Parliament. After all, that will be the duty of this Committee. It will only make its recommendations to Parliament after having all the facts and all the circumstances placed before it, and after weighing them, not from a party or political point of view, but from the business point of view of what is necessary in the interests of the particular industry. Therefore, I assume that the Committee which is indicated in the present Bill is a Committee somewhat on the lines of the Committee recommended by the Balfour of Burleigh Commission, and I trust that when my right hon. Friend has his Bill, and when it has become an Act of Parliament he will constitute his Committee on those lines. I hope, too, that in the meantime he will resist any attempt made by the Free Trade party to get these matters dealt with by a Select Committee of this House which, in my judgment, for the reasons I have given, would really be a most incompetent body to handle business of this character.
The hon. Member who last spoke has reminded the Committee that the Committee proposed to be set up by the former Bill was of a different nature to the one recommended by this Bill, and I think this should give the hon. Member some cause for self-congratulation because it clearly reveals that the influences behind the hon. Member have received due weight in the Councils of the Government who have been forced, against their first thoughts, to change the composition of the Committee. We are this evening discussing a very different Committee to that recommended in the original scheme. One or two hon. Members, and especially the hon. Member for Salford (Lieut.-Commander Astbury), who spoke this evening on behalf of the Associated Chambers of Commerce, and the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell), have argued that a Select Committee would be a most incompetent body for the purpose of this Bill, because the members would exercise their political views as Free Traders or as Tariff Reformers. I would put it to the members of the Committee who have served on Select Committees upstairs year after year that the great characteristic of those bodies is that where a member leaves this House and works upstairs he divests himself of his political views, and endeavours to bring a purely British and fair point of view to bear on the subject in hand. Everyone who has had experience on these Committees will, I think, confirm that.
I am sorry the right hon. Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) is not in his place, as he would confirm my impressions of every Select Committee in the past. When they approach a subject they divest themselves of all political feeling and endeavour to do justice, not to the interests concerned, but to the object which has been put before them, to the duties which this House has laid upon their shoulders, and the interests of the nation as a whole. I think if that view had been before the Chambers of Commerce, and if every Chamber of Commerce throughout the country had had the same personal experience as hon. Members, they would have more confidence, or I should say, they would have complete confidence in Select Committees to do justice in this matter. I believe that if this Committee is set up it will be the most important Committee in Great Britain. It will have more powers to investigate, and greater authority over trade and individuals, than any committee in this country. If we are setting up a Committee with such powers—powers of levying taxes and powers in some ways of remitting taxes—there could be no more fitting Committee than a Committee consisting of Members of this House.
I know it will be said that Members of this House are not, perhaps, competent to administer any particular Government Department. But this Committee is not particularly an administrative Committee; it is to carry out purposes in this Bill— to decide whether the particular traders who come before it have cases which come within the ambit of the Bill. The hon. Member for Leeds feared that the appointment of this Committee would savour of Russian methods, and he feared it would not be successful. He said there was no precedent for such a Committee I agree there is no precedent, neither is there a single precedent for such a Bill as that which we are considering this evening. There is no precedent for this House transferring its powers to the Board of Trade, and to a Committee sitting in private to deal with the vast industrial situation in this country. I am glad to think there is no precedent for that, and that in a very few years this particular Bill we are discussing to-night will go the way of many other Bills brought in by the present Government. I remember four years ago a Debate in this House in which a charge was made against the Government of the day. In the Maurice Debate certain statements were made, and the Government challenged them. It affected the honour, prestige, and dignity of the House of Commons, and on that occasion I voted for a Select Committee. In this case we are asking the Government to appoint a Select Committee.
If, indeed, this is a new problem, we need publicity. We need the full light of public knowledge and criticism working in this matter. During the War the Board of Trade had numerous committees and, as the hon. and gallant Member for Leith said, we required the Courts to upset their decisions. The experience of the War showed that the public was put more in the power of bureaucracy. Surely it is time the spirit which was engendered during the War and which gave great powers to bureaucracy should be abandoned. Has not the time arrived when the House of Commons should assert itself, and insist that, in a matter affecting every consumer in this country, the final decision should not rest with a committee sitting behind closed doors? We shall rapidly pass in that way to the spirit which animates America to-day. I am anxious that the spirit which has animated this country in the past shall continue. In this House we put forth our views day by day in the full light of our constituencies, and in the full knowledge that our constituencies will each in time hear of our action. All we ask in this matter is that the same principle should be applied by the Government in questions affecting trade. It is not a party question. It is one vitally affecting the good name, power and prestige of the House of Commons, and I hope the Government will be beaten in the Division Lobby if they do not accept the Amendment.
I appeal to my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade to consider the arguments which have been advanced in favour of a change in the form of this Committee. I am very much at one with my hon. Friend the Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins) in what he has said about the Select Committees of this House. I confess I am perfectly amazed at the opinion of some of the Members here of their own contemporaries in the House of Commons. If there was any difficult matter requiring fair judgment which I had to submit to a tribunal, I should select a Committee of this House more readily than any other tribunal I know. I say that as a comparatively new Member. How hon. Members who have been in this House for a considerable number of years should make charges of political partisanship in matters of this kind is beyond my comprehension. I can understand that when a Bill is sent upstairs political partisanship does show itself; I have shown it myself. But when Members of this House are considering cases which come under any provisions of an Act of Parliament, then partisanship comes altogether to an end. I do know a little of what such a Committee as that suggested is in this country. During the War it was my misfortune to have a great deal to do with that Department which dealt with import restrictions, and there was no trading community in the whole country which was satisfied with the administration of that particular Department. Its decisions were always looked upon with suspicion, and sometimes there was good reason for that.
If this Bill is to pass and become an Act upon the Statute Book, it is necessary, above all things else, that the trading community in the country should have confidence in the tribunal which is set up to give trade decisions. Without that confidence, my right hon. Friend may depend upon it that the utmost dissatisfaction, will be caused to some of the most vital trading interests in the country. I also suggest to him that, if there is one thing that people engaged in trade are more sick of to-day than another, it is, not only the present bureaucracy, but the increase of bureaucratic control. I can assure my right hon. Friend that I know that at first hand, and I do beg that the considerations advanced on this subject should receive my right hon. Friend's attention. I believe that he takes at all times the reasonable view, and I suggest that this is a time when the Government should gracefully compromise upon the very good case which has been advanced by the other side. There are some of us who are against many of the provisions of this Bill, but in this particular matter I cannot understand why there should be any difference in any part of the Committee. We have all the same object in view. We may approach the problem from different standpoints, but we all desire an increase of stability in trading interests in this country. I was rather surprised that the hon. Member for Chippenham should have been quite so undiplomatic in his closing sentences. The sting of his speech was in the tail. He advised my right hon. Friend not to pay any particular attention to the Free Traders in the House of Commons. I do not know what are my hon. Friend's convictions on that particular issue, but if he takes the long view, if he takes the really important view from the standpoint of our great trading interests, he will pay rather more attention to the Free Trade point of view in this matter than to the Protectionist point of view which has been advanced by some of the other speakers.
One of the most significant things in this Debate is that those who have been resisting this Amendment, when they have been, making comparisons, have not been making comparisons, and have never thought of doing so, with the original, intentions of the Bill itself. They have invariably compared this Committee with some imaginary committee of their own, that they would set up themselves in place of the Committee which the Government are intending to set up by the Bill itself. That, at least, is an admission that, so far as the Government's intentions are concerned, their own supporters are not satisfied with the Committee that they contemplate establishing. If that be so, it is at least half the case of those who support this Amendment. Why is this Amendment resisted? It has been resisted on a variety of grounds, the first being the ground of function. We have heard that the Committee which is to be set up is going to deal with questions purely of fact, and that it is going to arrive more or less at a judicial conclusion upon definite data submitted to it. Let us see whether that is so or not. I venture to state that the function of the Committee will not merely be to judge purely as to questions of fact. So far as I read the Bill, what the Committee will have to decide is what the House of Commons cannot decide, and what the country has never been able to decide, but what has been one of the most controversial questions that this country has been discussing for many years, namely, whether the entry of certain goods into this country at low prices, or because of depreciated currencies in foreign countries, is likely to cause unemployment. That will be one of the duties of the Committee.
Does any hon. Member think that a Committee such as is contemplated under this Bill will be able to arrive at a decision upon matters which will be purely a question of opinion, whatever may be the decision? There has been going on for a long time in this country—it was more or less abated during the War— a controversy as to whether goods coming into a country do cause unemployment or not, and that has been the issue so far as this Bill is concerned. Can it be said that anyone in the House of Commons or outside is competent to pronounce upon the question whether goods coming into a country are or are not likely to cause unemployment? Hon. Members on the other side say that they are capable of so pronouncing. Hon. Members on this side say that they are capable of pronouncing on the other side. It is not merely a question of fact that is going to be decided, but very largely a question of opinion, and, that being so, the question naturally arises, What kind of Committee should we have? The Government have suggested this Committee. During this discussion what I thought was a very able speech was made by an hon. Member below the Gangway, but I did not agree with all that he had to say. What he did say was that you want a Committee which is more or less detached, which is not in any sense actuated by political or economic dogma, and which is unbiased. Let us apply these tests to the Committee which the Government are going to set up. Does anyone think that the Committee which the Government are contemplating would be an unbiased Committee? Representatives of the commercial and industrial classes of wide experience are to be the arbiters with regard to these questions, not of fact, but of opinion. Does anyone think that they are going to approach these questions with an unbiased mind, that they are going to have a very detached mind, or that they are not going to be influenced in any degree by considerations of political or economic dogma? I cannot accept that point of view. Do I think that the Committee suggested by this Amendment would be free from bias or from political and economic dogma? Nothing of the kind. But what I do say is that the Committee which this Amendment seeks to set up would be a far more representative Committee, and that it would include certain elements of thought which would contribute to a great measure of satisfaction in the minds of those who are interested in questions of this character.
If the Amendment be resisted and the Committee which is proposed under the Bill is going to continue to act, they are going to act in camera and no one is going to know what are the questions which are brought before them except the Board of Trade and Board of Trade officials. No one will know the data submitted to them upon which they base their conclusions. All this will be done in secret and a Committee of this character sitting in secret will not contribute in any degree to a measure of reliability in the efficiency and efficacy of the Committee, but rather the reverse, and the public will lose confidence. If you get a representative Committee sitting in public about whose transactions we shall have the fullest possible knowledge even though we do not agree at any time with the decisions they arrive at, there will be a measure of satisfaction when questions are considered in public. If we do not agree with the decisions we have furnished ourselves very largely with all the facts and knowledge upon which they have based their conclusions. If this House set perpetually in camera and the British public did not know anything about its decisions, a suspicion would be created which would not 'be allayed. Whereas if you give publicity to these things the British public, though it does not agree with the ends that you arrive at, is disarmed from suspicion and consequently more or less falls in naturally with the decisions which are arrived at. If it is done in camera it creates a suspicion as to the probity of your acts and as to the desire for the general well-being. That can be avoided if the Government: accepts this Amendment. If there is this diversity of thought and opinion which seems to be such an undesirable element, but which in my opinion is very desirable, there is a very great compensating feature-about a Committee of that character and that is its wider knowledge of the facts, of any decision which may be arrived at.
This is one of the most important discussions we have had on the Bill. I am sure hon. Members. will realise that no Clause in the Bill has given me more anxiety, because one-essential of such a Committee is that it shall be a body which can be trusted to do the work imposed upon it by the House of Commons and one which, at the same time, will command the confidence both of the House of Commons and of the public at large. A number of interesting speeches have been made, and I think, perhaps, the hon. and learned Member for Moss Side (Lieut.-Colonel Hurst) summed up very well the functions of such a Committee when, he pointed out that, after all, the taxation laid down in the Bill by the House of Commons is to be levied on the finding of certain facts, and that the finding of those facts is the responsibility of the Committee. Perhaps before we consider the fitness of the Committee for the functions imposed upon it, it is well to say a, few words as to the Committee itself. In the first place, I am proposing, by way of Amendment, to increase the number on the Committee from three to five, and I do that because I want to have a rather more widely constituted body to sit in judgment on these questions than I think I could get with a Committee of three. The Bill says: "Persons mainly of commercial and industrial experience," but I wish also to have on that Committee members of the legal profession. I hope they will serve without fee, just as I expect the others will. I am also very anxious to get a number of representatives who are not engaged themselves in industry but who have special knowledge of economics and finance.
What about agriculture? Is that to be left out?
I do not know that every branch of industry in the country can be accommodated, but I will do my best to make the Committee representative.
And no Labour members?
That question has not been put to me by anyone until to-day, but if it is seriously put to me by the representatives of Labour I shall be very pleased to consider it.
I shall seriously press the claims of agriculture if you are going to accept the other.
There is an important Amendment standing in the name of the hon. and learned Member for Moss Side, having reference to making the inquiry public. It has always been my intention, since I first studied the Bill, that the inquiry should be held in public, and on the Report stage I shall either adopt that Amendment or put down one of my own which will give effect to that which the hon. and learned Member desires.
One word, perhaps, may not be out of order here on the scope of the inquiry. The Amendment that I propose to move on the Report stage which I have mentioned in Committee before, though I only settled the final form of it last night, will introduce into Clause 2 new Sub-sections, which read:
10.0 P.M
The suggestion made to-night, in place of the Committee we. propose, is to have a Select Committee of the House of Commons, and I notice that. several Members who have spoken have been strongly opposed to it, and a large number who have spoken have been in favour of it. I myself am not in favour of it, for one or two reasons which I will give to the Committee. I should like to say at once that I regard a Select Committee as likely to be perfectly impartial. I have been so long a Member of this House; I have seen so much of the working of these Committees, and of the Private Bill Committees, to know that if a Select Committee was formed to administer this part of the Bill they would do it with absolute fairness, and they would do their best to see the intentions of the Bill were carried out. But the difficulties I see are these. First of all—perhaps hon. Members may think this is not a very strong reason—but first of all, this House, in my view, is overworked as it is, and I think it quite possible that, at any. rate in the early months of this new Bill, a large number of applications will come before it, and very likely the work for the first few months will be very heavy. I should not like myself to ask Members of this House, who are so much in need of rest from their labours, to sit all through the autumn to hear cases under this Bill.
My object in the selection of this Committee is to choose a Committee quite irrespective of what the political views of Members may be. The real objection to my mind is the one put by the hon. and gallant Member for Chelsea. I do feel it would be a very difficult position for members of such a Committee as this to have constituents. The members of the Committee which I should propose will have no constituents. I have heard words used this evening such as "log-rolling" and "back-scratching." I do not want myself to use either of these words, but I do believe that the political pressure which constituents will try to put on many Members of Parliament who have to decide matters of the kind under this Bill will be extremely unpleasant and extremely difficult to resist. It is not altogether an analogous question, but I do remember how many years ago Members of this House enjoyed a certain amount of patronage in connection with the Post Offices of the country and I remember how that was taken away from them and how profoundly relieved the Members of the House were in having it taken away, because even in a modest business of that kind they found that they were so harried, worried and pestered and that any action they might take in that direction was so often misrepresented. That is not a great thing in itself but it is just an instance showing in my opinion how it is wise of us in this House to keep ourselves so far as we can from direct contact with matters of this kind in which our constituents or the constituents of our friends may have very great interest. Perhaps I feel and my hon. and gallant Friend for Chelsea feels, more apprehensive on this subject than hon. Members on the other side who moved this Amendment. I carefully considered this question of having the House of Commons to administer this Bill in the method suggested. I am sure the Committee will not be surprised to learn that when this Bill was first shown to me, when I first began to examine it, this was a question I could not fail to examine and examine very thoroughly, because there is no doubt it would be a far easier piece of work for me if all the responsibility was taken off my shoulders and put on the Members of the House of Commons. I should like nothing better, but for the working of the Bill, I believe that the Committee with the improvements, as I venture to think them, which I have indicated to the Committee to-night, will do this particular piece of work more effectively than any other body which can be designed for the purpose. Believing that, as I do, and having examined all the alternatives as carefully as I have been able to do, I ask the Committee to support the Government when a Division takes place and confirm me in my view that the Amendment which has been moved so ably is not one to which it should give its support.
My right hon. Friend has made, I admit, the best out of a very bad case, and he has, as far as he could, within the somewhat narrow limits of his own discretion, tried to meet the Committee in some of its principal objections. But, if I may say so with respect to hon. Members who have taken part in the Debate, the whole weight of argument has fallen on the side of those who have been supporting this Amendment. Seventeen Members have taken part in this Debate, and there has been a singularly non-party Debate, and in whatever quarter you looked you found condemnation, either very outright or reserved with difficulty, of the proposals of the Government. My right hon. Friend said quite truly that this is one of the most important issues which has yet been raised in regard to this matter. He is quite right. It is a very important issue because it raises quite sharply the question of how best can he secure even a modicum of public confidence in this the most important part of the whole machinery to be set up. Public confidence is an absolute essential to anything approaching the efficient working of this machinery.
What has been the experience of Committees, Departmental or otherwise, which have been set up during the War for the purpose of regulating the business and commerce of this country? They have not succeeded in any one case in securing a large measure of public confidence. On the contrary, they have been entirely successful in creating a vast amount of suspicion. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare) made a very able speech, and spoke with impartiality and, what is as important as impartiality, with experience, being, I think, the only Member of this House, or, at any rate, the only Member who took part in the Debate, who has actually presided over a committee doing work somewhat similar to this Committee which it is proposed to set up. What does he tell the Committee? He gave us his testimony that his colleagues worked with a single-minded desire to do even-handed justice. But he confessed that, as far as the public and especially the trading public were concerned, they were viewed with profound suspicion. That is the first point he made. I wonder to what extent that suspicion, already existing, which is inherent in the business community with regard to Government Committees endeavouring to regulate their business, would be at all minimised by the publicity my right hon. Friend proposes to admit into the purlieus and dark recesses of some building in Whitehall where this matter is going to be enquired into. It will have very little effect and, as far as I am concerned—and this may detach a certain amount of sympathy from my argument—I abhor the whole of this Bill. Committees either of this House, or Committees sitting in Whitehall, consisting of members other than Members of this House, are both to be condemned when they set up to regulate business and to select from the business community certain units of it which are going to be more favoured than others. Whatever Committee is set up, it will be open to suspicion and to any amount of difficulties from which, hitherto, this country has been happily free.
The Government has embarked on this unhappy experiment and it cannot succeed in it without the support of large numbers in this House who were formerly rank Free Traders. I say unhappily, and here is the first step we are committed to and we must examine the proposal as best we can in the light of the facts. I turn to examine for a few moments the arguments my right hon. Friend has addressed against the House of Commons Committee. As far as I recollect them I will take the points he has made. First of all he promptly showed signs of yielding to suggestions made from one or two portions of the House as to the kind of representatives that should be on this committee. The question was suggested why should not a Labour representative be on it. He said he was going to put a lawyer on it and men of eminence in economics, mixed up with representatives of trade and business who were not materially interested in the immediate matters that came before them. Then, too, agriculture was mentioned by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Kincardineshire (Lieut.-Colonel A. Murray) and he at once showed some signs of an attempt to meet his wishes. . But if you are going to look for representatives of interests like this, either in law, in labour, in agriculture, or in science, and knowledge of economics, or even business, what better assembly is there than this House itself? I say this about the House, that there is no assembly in the world which contains within the ambit of its membership men who have a wider range of general knowledge, or men who have a more complete knowledge, of special subjects—every mortal thing. I have noticed it in this Parliament and in every Parliament of which I have been a Member. No question, how- ever abstruse, can arise here without some Member having special knowledge of it. He may not have spoken for two years in the House, but his question comes up, and to the astonishment of his fellow Members they realise they have got somebody who is a master of that particular subject. It is a very gratifying feature of the House of Commons. If you are going to look for representative men you could not do better than look to Members of the House of Commons. Here they are; we know them. With all our faults and all our virtues, such as they are, we are known to each other, and, in a lesser degree, to the public. Conscious as we are of each other's failings," we can apprise each other's worth, and fitness for such a committee as this. Experience shows that a Select Committee of this House stands higher in the estimation of the country as a whole than any other committee. My right hon. Friend said that we were suffering from overwork.
Hear, hear!
Intimations have come from the Government that if there is to be another Session, and there seems to be good reason to doubt that, it is to be confined to one subject only, namely, the reform of the House of Lords. With only that great subject before us, the rest of our efforts are free, and what difficulty would there be in choosing Members with time and talent to constitute such a committee? There is another strong point about a Select Committee of this House, as distinct from a committee sitting in Whitehall, with all the disadvantages to which I have referred. Any committee sitting in Whitehall would make its recommendations, and they would come to this House with, and I say it with all respect, a very large amount of public suspicion attaching to them. Those recommendations will and must be treated by this House largely influenced by that public feeling. In regard to a committee composed of Members of this House, we must bear in mind that one of the features of this House is that it is very jealous of its committees and of the findings of its committees. It requires very substantial argument, not from one side of the House only, but from all sides, and arguments not of a party kind, before it consents to do anything which shows radical difference from the findings of its own committees. We have an instance of that in regard to Private Bill Committees. Obviously, a Select Committee of this House would report to the very body which set it up. The advantage of that is immeasurable. In its representative character, in the efficiency with which it does its work, and the amount of public confidence which necessarily attaches to it, such a committee is incomparably better than a Whitehall committee. What is called "lobbying" is admitted. My right hon. Friend spoke of the pressure of constituents of hon. Members. Undue pressure will be brought to bear upon any committee that is set up, either inside or outside the House; but the pressure that is going to be brought to bear on the Whitehall committee will be much more secret and difficult to resist than the pressure brought to bear on this House. We should not be able to know the various methods that would be adopted to influence such a committee in favour of one trade rather than another. But here you cannot escape publicity. Once the doors of your committee are flung open to the public and to the Press, the amount of publicity that is secured here is far greater than in any other court or tribunal throughout the land. We must take the responsibility of our own legislation if we are going to enter into this, and not turn the blind eye to difficulties and dangers by passing them on to an outside committee and wrapping ourselves up in the odour of sanctity, and saying that we will not have anything to do with the thing.
This is a thoroughly disagreeable business. The House of Commons ought to do its own dirty work as cleanly as it can. All our experience is that the setting up of trusts behind tariffs gives rise to every kind of insidious commercial disease. We know it in every country that has tried it. What we have to do is, as far as we can, to keep it as clean as we can. The right way to do it is to do it in the open. Hon. Members of this House should serve on these Committees and see what they can make of it instead of pushing it away into the purlieus and recesses of Whitehall. The whole trend of this legislation is to side track the House of Commons, set up a bureaucrat Department, get the whole of your responsibilities shoved off to a Committee outside, and then pay lip service to this House by allowing the Reports of that Committee to come before us on a Resolution to be laid. I ask any Member with any experience what that amounts to? We can only deal with these questions after 11 o'clock. Except there is a great amount of party pressure or public agitation, we cannot get a discussion of that kind in reasonable time. I regard such an issue as this as, to use a hackneyed phrase, an acid test between men who stand for the public interest and men who are prepared to forego their convictions and allow private ends to be served by Departmental Committees and take every step they can to evade publicity and the responsibility of the House of Commons.
The President of the Board of Trade made one or two concessions which will be rather valuable if this Amendment be not accepted. But I hope it will be accepted, because I, like him, feel that we ought to have as a Committee a body that can be trusted. But trusted by whom? By the Government, or by the nation and the different sections of the nation? How does the President of the Board of Trade expect the millions of organised workers to trust a Committee which under the terms of the Bill will be composed mainly of persons of commercial or industrial experience? When the War was over, and the Coalition Government was returned to power, almost every speech made by the Prime Minister had the strain running through it that never again would the organised workers be expected to go without representation on great public issues. That has gone. Why the President of the Board of Trade was surprised that labour should ask for representation, I cannot understand. The experience of the Dyestuffs Act should have taught him that labour would ask for representation on this Committee. If the selection of the Committee be entirely in the hands of the President of the Board of Trade, who is sending through this Bill with a certain object in view, not agreed to by every section of the community, how does he expect the whole community to trust the Committee? Would it not be fair to give to a Committee of this House, in which every view will be represented, sitting in public, the chance of deciding issues of such importance. Then he would have a Committee in which there would be, to a certain extent at any rate, general trust.
The concession made that whatever Committee he appointed, it shall sit in public, is a vital one, I admit, because, after all, publicity is the very life of a body which is to satisfactorily deal with problems of this character. I have only a few moments left before the Guillotine will fall, but I want to deal with the argument that there will be compulsion by political pressure on a Select Committee of this House. I suggest quite plainly, and without any equivocation, that there is infinitely greater danger of business pressure on the kind of Committee that the right hon. Gentleman suggests, and this pressure will be all the greater by virtue of the fact that it can be brought to bear in private ways rather than public ways. If a man submits to political pressure in his own constituency, at any rate, there is something open about it. It is a thing that can be seen. I think, however, we have sufficient confidence in the kind of men who would form a Select Committee, to think that they, irrespective of political pressure, would vote in what they consider to be the best interests of the country. I am sure in every quarter of the House, without exception, there are men who put something higher even than votes. We are told about the difficulty of getting Members to sit during the Autumn. Where are you going to get specialists who are willing to sit through the Autumn unless you have a professional Committee and pay them. Is there any one among the specialists, either of the legal profession or of industry or commerce, who will have a greater amount of time at his disposal during the Autumn, than the Members of this House. I do not think that argument will hold water, but on the contrary, I think it is shown that the Members of the House of Commons are precisely those who will have the time to give to the President of the Board of Trade. A Committee of this House will enjoy greater confidence, and the publicity of its sittings will clear the air and remove prejudice, and all sections of the community will have representation on it. It is for those reasons I intend to go into the Lobby in support of the Amendment.
Question put, "That the word 'select' be there inserted."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 78 Noes, 224.
Division No. 238.] AYES. [10.30 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) O'Grady, James Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Halls, Walter Rae, H. Norman Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Hancock, John George Raffan, Peter Wilson Ainsworth, Captain Charles Hartshorn, Vernon Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hayday, Arthur Robertson, John Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hinds, John Rose, Frank H. Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Holmes, J. Stanley Royce, William Stapleton Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Irving, Dan Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Bramsdon, Sir Thomas John, William (Rhondda, West) Spencer, George A. Briant, Frank Johnstone, Joseph Swan, J. E. Bromfield, William Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kennedy, Thomas Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Cairns, John Kenyon, Barnet Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cape, Thomas Kiley, James Daniel Tootill, Robert Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Lunn, William Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Waterson, A. E. Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D.(Midlothian) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) McMicking, Major Gilbert Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Entwistle, Major C. F. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Finney, Samuel Mosley, Oswald Wintringham, Thomas France, Gerald Ashburner Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Galbraith, Samuel Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Glanville, Harold James Myers, Thomas Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Newbould, Alfred Ernest TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Grundy, T. W. Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. G. Thorne.
NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Cope, Major William Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Hood, Joseph Atkey, A. R. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hope, Sir H.(Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.> Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Hopkins, John W. W. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Dean, Commander P. T. Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Doyle, N. Grattan Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Barker, Major Robert H. Edgar, Clifford B. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Barnston, Major Harry Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Falcon, Captain Michael Inskip, Thomas walker H. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Jephcott, A. R. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Farquharson, Major A. C. Jodrell, Neville Paul Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Fell, Sir Arthur Johnson, Sir Stanley Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Fildes, Henry Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Bigland, Alfred Forestier-Walker, L. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Forrest, Walter Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Blades, Sir George Rowland Ganzoni, Sir John Kidd, James Borwick, Major G. O. Gee, Captain Robert King, Captain Henry Douglas Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Lane-Fox, G. R. Bowles, Colonel H. F. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Goff, Sir R. Park Lindsay, William Arthur Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Grant, James Augustus Lloyd, George Butler Breese, Major Charles E. Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Broad, Thomas Tucker Green, Albert (Derby) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Lorden, John William Bruton, Sir James Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Lort-Williams, J. Ruckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Greenwood, William (Stockport) Lowther, Col. Claude (Lancaster) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Greer, Harry Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Gretton, Colonel John Lyle, C. E. Leonard Campbell, J. D. G. Gritten, W. G. Howard Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Casey, T. W. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Cautley, Henry Strother Hallwood, Augustine M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Chamberlain, Rt. Ht. J. A. (Birm. W.) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l. W. D'by) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Lady wood) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Churchman, Sir Arthur Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Manville, Edward Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spenoer Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Mason, Robert Clough, Sir Robert Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Matthews, David Cobb, Sir Cyril Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Mitchell, Sir William Lane Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Morrison, Hugh Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Tryon, Major George Clement Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Remnant, Sir James Turton, Edmund Russborough Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Renwick, Sir George Waddington, R. Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Murray, William (Dumfries) Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Nall, Major Joseph Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Watson, Captain John Bertrand Neal, Arthur Roundell, Colonel R. F. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Rutherford, Colonel Sir J. (Darwen) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Parker, James Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Seager, Sir William Williams, C. (Tavistock) Pearce, Sir William Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Perkins, Walter Frank Stanton, Charles Butt Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Perring, William George Steel, Major S. Strang Wise, Frederick Phillpps. Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Sturrock, J. Leng Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Pickering, Colonel Emil W. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Poison, Sir Thomas A. Sugden, W. H. Woolcock, William James U. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Sutherland, Sir William Worsfold, T. Cato Pratt, John William Taylor, J. Young, E. H. (Norwich) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Younger, Sir George Raeburn, Sir William H. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Raper, A. Baldwin Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) TELLERS FOR THE NOES — Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Townley, Maximilian G. McCurdy.
It being after half-past Ten of the Clock, the CHAIRMAN proceeded, pursuant to the Order of the House of 13th June, to put forthwith the Questions on the Amendments proposed by the Government of which notice had been given, and the Question necessary to dispose of the Business to be concluded at half-past Ten of the Clock at this day's sitting.
Amendments made:
In Sub-section (1) leave out the word "three" ["consist of three persons"]
and insert instead thereof the word "five."
In Sub-section (3), after the word "forthwith" [" shall forthwith inquire into "], insert the words "in accordance with such rules of procedure as may be prescribed."—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]
Question put, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 225; Noes, 73.
Division No. 239]. AYES. [10.41 p. m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Brown, T. W. (Down North) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Bruton, Sir James Falcon, Captain Michael Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Farquharson, Major A. C. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Fell, Sir Arthur Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Campbell, J. D. G. Fildes, Henry Atkey, A. R. Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Forestier-Walker, L. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Casey, T. W. Forrest, Walter Baird, Sir John Lawrence Cautley, Henry Strother Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Ganzoni, Sir John Balfour, George (Hampstead) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W) Gee, Captain Robert Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Barker, Major Robert H. Churchman, Sir Arthur Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Barnston, Major Harry Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Goff, Sir R. Park Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Clough, Sir Robert Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Bell. Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Cobb, Sir Cyril Green, Albert (Derby) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Cope, Major William Greenwood, William (Stockport) Bigland, Alfred Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Greer, Harry Birchall, Major J. Dearman Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Gretton, Colonel John Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Gritten, W. G. Howard Blades, Sir George Rowland Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Borwick, Major G. O. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Hallwood, Augustine Bowles, Colonel H. F. Dean, Commander P. T. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l, W. D'by) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Doyle, N. Grattan Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Breese, Major Charles E. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Broad, Thomas Tucker Edgar, Clifford B. Harmsworth, C, B. (Bedford, Luton)
Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Manville, Edward Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Mason, Robert Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustavo D. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Matthews, David Seager, Sir William Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Mitchell, Sir William Lane Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Morrison, Hugh Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Stanton, Charles Butt Hood, Joseph Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Steel, Major S. Strang Hope, Sir H.(Stirling & cl'ckn'nn'n, W.) Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) Sturrock, J. Leng Hopkins, John W. W. Murray, John (Leeds, West) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Murray, William (Dumfries) , Sugden, W. H. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Nall, Major Joseph Sutherland, Sir William Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Neal, Arthur Taylor, J. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Thomson, Sir W Mitchell- (Maryhill) Jephcott, A. R. Parker, James Townley, Maximilian G. Jodrell, Neville Paul Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Tryon, Major George Clement Johnson, Sir Stanley Pearce, Sir William Turton, Edmund Russborough Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Waddington. R. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Perkins, Walter Frank Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Perring, William George Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Kidd, James Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) King, Captain Henry Douglas Pickering, Colonel Emil W. Watson, Captain John Bertrand Lane-Fox, G. R. Polson, Sir Thomas A. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Pratt, John William White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Lindsay, William Arthur Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Lloyd, George Butler Raeburn, Sir William H. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Williams, C. (Tavistock) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Raper, A. Baldwin Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Lorden, John William Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Lort-Williams, J. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H., Lowther, Col. Claude (Lancaster) Remnant, Sir James Wise, Frederick Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Renwick, Sir George Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Lyle, C. E. Leonard Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Woolcock, William James U. McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford. Hereford) Worsfold, T. Cato McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Young, E. H. (Norwich) M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford) Younger, Sir George McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Rutherford, Colonel Sir J. (Darwen) TELLERS FOR . THE AYES.- Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy.
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Halls, Walter Raffan, Peter Wilson Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Hancock, John George Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Hartshorn, Vernon Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hayday, Arthur Robertson, John Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hinds, John Rose, Frank H. Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Holmes, J. Stanley Royce, William Stapleton Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Irving, Dan Spencer, George A. Bramsdon, Sir Thomas John, William (Rhondda, west) Swan, J. E. Briant, Frank Johnstone, Joseph Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Bromfield, William Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kennedy, Thomas Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cairns, John Kenyon, Barnet Tootill, Robert Cape, Thomas Kiley, James Daniel Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Lunn, William Waterson, A. E. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) McMicking, Major Gilbert Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Entwistle, Major C. F. MacVeagh, Jeremiah Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Finney, Samuel Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) France, Gerald Ashburner Mosley, Oswald Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Galbraith, Samuel Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Glanville, Harold James Myers, Thomas TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Mr. Arthur Henderson and Mr. Grundy, T. W. O'Grady, James G. Thorne. Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Rae, H. Norman
Motion made, and Question put, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
The Committee divided: Ayes, 214; Noes, 53.
Division No. 240.] AYES. [10.50 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Parker, James Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Hallwood, Augustine Parkinson, Albert L. (Blackpool) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l. W. D'by) Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridye, Mddx. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Astbury, Lieut. Com. Frederick W. Hancock, John George Perkins, Walter Frank Atkey, A. R. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Perring, William George Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Phillpps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City Baird, Sir John Lawrence Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Pickering, Colonel Emil W. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Poison, Sir Thomas A. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Pratt, John William Barker, Major Robert H. Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Barlow, Sir Montague Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Purchase, H. G. Barnston, Major Harry Hinds, John Raeburn, Sir William H. Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Rankin, Captain James Stuart Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Hood, Joseph Raper, A. Baldwin Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n, W.) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hopkins, John W. W. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple Bigland, Alfred Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Remnant, Sir James Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Renwick, Sir George Blades, Sir George Rowland Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Borwick, Major G. O. Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Robinson, Sir T. (Lane., Stretford) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Jephcott, A. R. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Breese, Major Charles E. Jodrell, Neville Paul Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Broad, Thomas Tucker Johnson, Sir Stanley Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Johnstone, Joseph Seager, Sir William Bruton, Sir James Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Stanton, Charles Butt Casey, T. W. Kenyon, Barnet Steel, Major S. Strang Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) King, Captain Henry Douglas Sturrock, J. Leng Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Lane-Fox, G. R. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm, W.) Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Sugden, W. H. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Sutherland, Sir William Churchman, Sir Arthur Lindsay, William Arthur Thomas-Stanford, Charles Clough, Sir Robert Lloyd. George Butler Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Cobb, Sir Cyril Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Townley, Maximilian G. Cooper, Sit Richard Ashmole Lorden, John William Tryon, Major George Clement Cope, Major William Lort-Williams, J. Turton, Edmund Russborough Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Lowther, Col. Claude (Lancaster) Waddington, R. Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Wallace, J. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Lyle, C. E. Leonard Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Doyle, N. Grattan McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring M'Lean. Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Edgar, Clifford B. McMicking, Major Gilbert Watson, Captain John Bertrand Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Falcon, Captain Michael Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Manville, Edward Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Fell, Sir Arthur Mason, Robert Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Fildes, Henry Matthews,- David Williams, C. (Tavistock) Forestier-Walker, L. Mitchell, Sir William Lane Williams. Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Forrest, Walter Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Morrison, Hugh Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Ganzoni, Sir John Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Wise, Frederick Gee, Captain Robert Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Murray, John (Leeds, West) Worsfold, T. Cato Goff, Sir R. Park Murray, William (Dumfries) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Green, Albert (Derby) Nall, Major Joseph Younger, Sir George Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Neal, Arthur Greenwood, William (Stockport) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Greer, Harry Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Gretton, Colonel John O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. McCurdy. Gritten, W. G. Howard Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis. D. Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Bromfield, William Entwistle, Major C. F. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Finney, Samuel Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Cairns, John Galbraith, Samuel Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Cape, Thomas Glanville, Harold James Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Grundy, T. W. Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Mosley, Oswald Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Halls, Walter Myers, Thomas Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Hartshorn, Vernon Newbould, Alfred Ernest Waterson, A. E. Hayday, Arthur Raffan, Peter Wilson White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Holmes, J. Stanley Robertson, John Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) John, William (Rhondda, West) Rose, Frank H. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Kennedy, Thomas Royce, William Stapleton Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Lunn, William Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Swan, J. E. Sir W. Barton and Mr. S. Walsh, Morgan, Major D. Watts Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)
Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.
Ways and Means [11th July]
Resolution reported.
"That in the case of a trade or business formed by the amalgamation, after the fourth day of August, nineteen hundred and fourteen, of two or more trades or businesses the final accounting period of the amalgamated trades or businesses for the purposes of Excess Profits Duty shall be a period ending on a mean date to be fixed by reference to the dates on which the final accounting periods of the constituent trades or businesses would respectively have ended if amalgamation had not taken place, an3 to the respective pre-War standards of profits of the constituent trades or businesses for their last accounting periods prior to amalgamation, and Excess Profits Duty shall he charged accordingly.'
Resolution agreed to.
Ordered, "That it be an Instruction to the Committee on -the Finance ( recommitted ) Bill that they have power to make provision therein pursuant to the said Resolution.—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
Finance Bill
Order for Consideration, as amended, read.
Motion made, and Question,
"That the Bill, as amended in Committee, be re-committed to a Committee of the Whole House in respect of the Amendments and new Schedule standing on the Paper in the name of Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer,"
put, and agreed to.—[
Bill accordingly considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 25.—(Termination of Excess Profits Duty.)
(1) Excess Profits. Duty under the Finance (No. 2) Act, 1915 (in this Part of this Act referred to as "the principal Act"), shall be charged, levied, and paid in respect of the excess profits of every trade or business, and repayment and set-off of duty shall be
(2) For the purpose of the provisions of this Part of this Act, the final accounting, period of a trade or business shall be taken to be the period which commences at the end of the accounting period of that trade or business last preceding the fixed date and ends on the fixed date, and the expression "the fixed date" means in the case of a trade or business which was commenced on or before the fourth day of August, nineteen hundred and fourteen, whether there has or has not been a change of ownership, the date of the expiration of eighty-four months from the date of the commencement of the first accounting period of that trade or business, and in the case. of any other trade or business the thirty-first day of December, nineteen hundred and twenty:
(3) Where any trade or business is, after the termination of its final accounting period, amalgamated with any other trade or business the provisions of the principal Act shall have effect as if the amalgamation hail never taken place, and the profits or losses of that other trade or business shall be separately computed.
Amendment made: In Sub-section (2)r leave out the words
"earliest day on which the final accounting period of any one of the constituent trades or businesses would have ended if it had remained a separate trade or business,"
and insert instead thereof the words "mean date to be ascertained in accord ance with the provisions of the First Schedule to this Act."—[
Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
CLAUSE 28.—(Valuation of stock.)
(1) Any person who is at the end of the final accounting period the owner of a trade or business subject to Excess Profits Duty shall be entitled to claim in respect of that duty relief under Part I of the First Schedule to this Act and also relief either under Part II or under Part III of that Schedule.
(2) No claim for relief under this Section shall be allowed unless notice in writing of intention to claim the same, specifying under which Parts of the said Schedule the claim is to be made, is given to the Commissioners of Inland Revenue before the thirty first day of March, nineteen hundred and twenty-two.
(3) The provisions of Part IV of the First Schedule to this Act shall apply to any claim made under this Section.
Amendments made: In Sub-section (1), leave out the word "First" ["Part I of the First Schedule"], and insert instead thereof the word "Second."
In Sub-section (8): Leave out the word "First" ["Part IV of the First Schedule"], and insert instead thereof the word "Second."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
CLAUSE 40.—(Provisions with respect to redemption of Government stock.)
The provisions set out in the Second Schedule to this Act shall have effect for the purpose of carrying out, and in connection with, the redemption of any Government stock.
Amendment made: Leave out the word "Second" ["the Second Schedule"], and insert instead thereof the word "Third."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
CLAUSE 42.—(Civil Contingencies Fund.)
(1) Whereas advances have been made out of the Civil Contingencies Fund to the body of persons and to the Government Departments specified in the first column of the Third Schedule to this Act for the purpose of the several operations specified in the second column of that Schedule, and the amounts specified in the third column of the said Schedule are now outstanding in respect of those advances respectively, and it is expedient that the said amounts so outstanding should cease to be repayable to, and should not be reckoned as assets of, the said Fund:
And whereas it is expedient that the capital of the Civil Contingencies Fund should be increased permanently from three hundred thousand pounds to one million five hundred thousand pounds:
Now, therefore—
(1) The said amounts so outstanding as aforesaid shall be written off from the assets of the said Fund, and the amount to be repaid to the Exchequer under Section one of the Civil Contingencies Fund Act, 1919, as amended by Section sixty of the Finance Act, 1920, shall be reduced by an amount equal to the sum of the said amounts to be written off as aforesaid; and
(2) The amount to be so repaid to the Exchequer as aforesaid shall be further reduced by the sum of one million two hundred thousand pounds.
Amendment made: In Sub-section (1), leave out the word "Third" ["the Third Schedule "], and insert instead thereof the word "Fourth."— [ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
CLAUSE 46.—(Construction, short title, and repeal.)
(1) Part I of this Act, so far as it relates to duties of Customs, shall be construed together with the Customs (Consolidation) Act, 1876, and any enactments amending that Act, and so far as it relates to duties of Excise shall be construed together with the Acts which relate to the duties of Excise and the management of those duties.
Part II of this Act shall be construed together with the Income Tax Acts.
Part III of this Act shall be construed together with Part III of the Finance (No. 2) Act, 1915.
Part IV of this Act shall be construed together with the Finance Act, 1894.
(2) This Act may be cited as the Finance Act, 1921.
(3) The enactments set out in the Fourth Schedule to this Act are hereby repealed 'to the extent mentioned in the third column of that Schedule.
Amendment made: In Sub-section (3), leave out the word "Fourth" ["set out in the Fourth Schedule"], and insert instead thereof the word "Fifth."— [ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
NEW SCHEDULE.—(Ascertainment of Mean Date in the case of Amalgamated Trades or Businesses.)
1. In this Schedule the expression "separate date" means, in relation to any of the constituent trades or businesses comprised in the amalgamated trade or business the date on which the final accounting period of that trade or business would have ended if no amalgamation had taken place.
2. Tie mean date shall be a date later than the earliest of the separate dates of the constituent trades or businesses by such number of months as is determined in accordance with the provisions hereinafter contained to be the appropriate number.
3 For the purpose of determining the appropriate number of months there shall be ascertained—
4. For the purposes of this Schedule—
Brought up, and read the First time.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Schedule be read a Second time."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
I beg to move, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."
This Schedule is a complicated matter. It really appears to be a, case which ought not to be brought before the House at this time of night when it is not expected by those who are interested in the Finance Bill. The other Amendments were merely formal, but here we come to a matter of real substance, and I must protest against the House being asked to pass a long and complicated Schedule of this kind at a time when nobody is prepared to discuss it. It really seems .to be an abuse of the proceedings of the House.
This Schedule looks a little complicated on the face of it, but I think the hon. and gallant Member has not quite grasped the fact, that it is carrying out what was previously a complicated piece of legislation, in accordance with a concession made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. This legislation refers to the provisions concerning Excess Profits Duty, in relation to the winding up of the duty in the case of amalgamated businesses. In reply to various criticisms made against the original proposal, my right hon. Friend promised that he would make another suggestion, which was that the amalgamated businesses should come out of the Excess Profits Duty on a mean date between the earliest date of any part of the business and the latest date, such mean date being fixed in relation to the importance of the business as measured by the pre-War standard of business profits. The critics of the original proposal regarded this as a satisfactory manner of dealing with the question which had been raised. I might also mention that yesterday this particular proposal came on for discussion in Committee of a Money Resolution which was necessary to give effect to this Clause which is now proposed. I had) an opportunity on that occasion of making what, I hope, was a sufficiently full explanation of the provisions of this Clause to the House which at that time, at any rate, was accepted without criticism as satisfactory.
I am very much obliged to my hon. and gallant Friend for the explanation which he has been good enough to make, but I really do not feel that I can to-night agree to such a proposal. This matter really requires careful examination by those who are expert in the drafting of this very complicated provision, and I am afraid I must. ask you to proceed with my Motion to report progress and ask leave to sit again.
Question, "That the Chairman do-report Progress, and ask leave to sit again," put, and negatived.
Schedule read a Second time, and added to the Bill.
Bill reported; as amended (in Committee and on recommittal) to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 170.]
Performing Animals
Ordered, "That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the conditions under which performing animals are trained and exhibited, and to consider whether legislation is desirable to prohibit or regulate such training and exhibition, and, if so, what lines such legislation should follow."
"Committee nominated of Captain Bowyer, Sir John Butcher, Brigadier-General Colvin, Sir Walter de Frece. Lieut.-Colonel Sir Raymond Greene, Mr. Jesson, Lieut.-Commander Ken-worthy, Captain O'Grady, Mr. Raper, Mr. Frederick Roberts, Mr. Seddon. Mr. Stanton, Mr. Swan, Mr. Trevelyan Thomson, and Lieut.-Colonel Willoughby."
Ordered, "That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records."
Ordered, "That five be the quorum."— [ Colonel Gibbs. ]
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Adjournment
Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Adjourned accordingly at Twelve minutes after Eleven o'clock.