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Commons Chamber

Volume 144: debated on Thursday 14 July 1921

House of Commons

Thursday, July 14, 1921

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Private Bills [ Lords ] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:

Rhymney Valley Water Board Bill [ Lords ].

Bill to be read a Second time.

Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (Ossett and Wakefield Extension) Bill [ Lords ].

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Newcastle-under-Lyme Extension) Bill [ Lords ].

Bills to be read a Second time Tomorrow.

Provisional Order Bills (No Standing Orders applicable),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:

Paisley Gas Provisional Order Bill.

Bill to be read a Second time Tomorrow.

Experiments on Living Animals

Address for Return "showing the number of Experiments on Living Animals during the year 1920 under licences granted under the Act 39 and 40 Viet., cap. 77, distinguishing the nature of the Experiments (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 166, of Session 1920)."—[ Sir John Baird. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Naval and Military Pensions and Grants

Royal Field Artillery (J. E. Crossley)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that Mr. James E. Crossley, late No. 700,425, shoeing smith, Royal Field Artillery, has been refused a pension, although he has gone totally blind since demobilisation; that. Mr. Crossley was under shell fire in September, 1918, near pres, being only 10 yards away when a shell burst, killing 12 drivers and 24 horses, and destroying four wagons, and from that date he has suffered from severe headaches and shell-shock; that an eye specialist of repute has certified to the Ministry that Mr. Crossley must have suffered from optic neuritis during his period of military service; and will he have the case reconsidered?

As the Pensions Appeal Tribunal, whose decision is final, found that the disability in respect of which this man claimed pension is not connected with his service, I regret that I am precluded from having this case reconsidered.

Is it possible for the Minister, while not able to recommend that the case be reconsidered, to take steps to have some grant made?

Perhaps my hon. Friend will see me personally in reference to that afterwards.

Temporary Grants

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he is aware that the provision in the local committee's handbook enabling committees to give temporary grants pending awards by appeals tribunals is practically a dead letter in consequence of the failure on the part of the Commissioners of Medical Services to notify the result of the medical boards to the committees, which is a condition precedent to any such grants; whether he is aware that in only 6 of the 300 Manchester cases now awaiting hearing by the appeals tribunals have such notifications been made; and whether he will take steps to redress this grievance?

I would remind my hon. and learned Friend that advances in these cases are only permissible if the Board find in the man's favour, and I have no information to show that the instructions to Boards to notify the local committee in such circumstances are not obeyed. I am, however, having inquiry made into the position in the Manchester area and will communicate the result to my hon. and learned Friend.

Desertion (Allowances to Wife)

asked the Minister of Pensions if he is aware that William Chapman, 16, Gales Gardens, late private G/6534, Middlesex Regiment, who has on four separate occasions been deserted by his wife, and has two young children to care for, has been. refused allowance for his children at motherless rates, although owing to his wife's desertion he has to pay a woman to attend to them; and if he will state why allowances are paid to a wife who has deserted her husband and children, instead of to the husband who is left with them and who has to pay for their care?

The general question as to the issue of allowances where a wife is separated from her husband is under consideration. I will communicate with my right hon. Friend when a decision has been reached.

Will the Minister express an opinion as to the last part of the question, namely, why allowances are paid to a wife who has deserted her husband and children, and not to the husband who is left with the custody of the children?

Royal Army Ordnance Corps (C. M. Byrne)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether a decision has yet been reached in the case of Mr. C. M. Byrne, late L2328, a sub-conductor, Royal Army Ordnance Corps, 42, Canterbury Road, Worthing, which was sent to the Ministry by the Worthing local war pensions committee on 19th March last?

A considerable amount of investigation has been necessary in this case, but the local committee have now been informed of the decision arrived at.

Royal Air Force

Airships

asked the Secretary of State for Air what has been the total cost since the Armistice for the construction, maintenance, housing, personnel, staff, and overhead charges of air.-ships; the number of miles flown by airships; and their estimated present capital value?

It must be remembered that the Air Ministry only became responsible for the airships on 22nd October, 1919. It is not possible, therefore, without an expenditure in time and money out of all proportion to the value of the results obtained, to collect the information asked for in the first part of the question. Moreover, a large proportion of the expenditure was on war contracts, which would, in any case, have had to be liquidated, and the figures would need elaborate analysis according to the purpose for which they were to be used. With regard to the second part, the total number of miles flown by airships since they were handed over to the Controller-General of Civil Aviation is 12,000, the majority of the flights being in connection with mast-mooring experiments, and strictly limited as to duration. The approximate cost of the two airships (R.33 and R.80) now in use is £700,000.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give us the information sought for in the first part of the question for the period during which the airships have been under his control? Will he also answer the last part of the question as to the present value of the airships?

I can obtain the information desired by the hon. Gentleman as to what the cost has been since they were taken over by the Ministry, but it will take some days to do so. As regards an estimate of the present, capital value of the ships, I am afraid it is quite beyond my capacity.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that a figure showing the cost of the ship is quite valueless for the purpose of the answer, and can he not give an estimate based on the cost minus any damage they have suffered?

No, sir. As regards these two, R.33 is in perfect order, and R.80 is the same.

Swoed Equipment

asked the Secretary of State for Air why a sword, belt, and slings are part of the Air Force uniform, in view of the fact that no tradition attaches to the arme blanche in the Air service and that swords cannot be used in aerial combat?

As stated in reply to a similar question on the 15th June, 1920, the wearing of swords on specified occasions is at once the privilege and the duty of every officer in the service of the Crown who wears His Majesty's uniform, including the members of the Privy Council and the Corps Diplomatique. I do not see any good reason why an exception should be made in the case of the Royal Air Force.

Is it not a fact that in other arms the sword has a tradition and possesses a traditional value from history, but in the case of the Air Force it has none?

An HON. MEMBER: Will spurs be added to the force's uniform?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the sword is not carried by these other persons, as the descendant of the principal arm used by them in days gone by. and under the same reasoning would it not be more fitting and more dignified if the members of the Air Force carried automatic pistols?

Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the question I have put? Is there not a tradition attaching to the arme blanche in the Army, which does not obtain in the case of the Air Force at all, and, if so, what is the value of this as part of the Air Force uniform?

Passports and Visas

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps are being taken with a view to the removal of the impediment to business and foreign travel caused by the system of visas; and whether the offers made to Great Britain on behalf of the French and Belgian Governments for the mutual abolition of visas have been or will be accepted?

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, seeing that it is now some considerable time since the French Government put forward their proposal to abolish visas on passports for their nationals and ours, and seeing that the holiday season, which normally takes very many British subjects to France, is close upon us, can he assure the House that His Majesty's Government is doing everything possible to expedite a decision in this matter; and can he state the reasons for the continuance of these Regulations which are causing so much annoyance and delay to the members of the travelling public?

Everything possible is being done to expedite a decision in this matter, which, however, involving, as it does, financial and other considerations of importance, can only be settled in consultation with the other Departments of His Majesty's Government concerned, for which adequate time must be allowed.

International Negotiations (Cost)

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can inform the House of the duration and cost of the negotiations concerning the boundary between Alaska and British Columbia, and also the duration and cost of the negotiations conducted under the auspices of the League of Nations at the instance of Great Britain between Sweden and Finland concerning the Aaland Islands?

In the form in which the question is put, it cannot be answered. The boundary question formed the subject of negotiations extending over years. As these were carried on in the ordinary way through the regular diplomatic channel, it is not possible to determine their cost. The negotiations ended in the Convention of 24th January, 1903, under which a tribunal was set up, which sat at the Foreign Office and held 20 meetings, the first taking place on 3rd September, 1903, and the last on 20th October following, when the award was given. The cost of the arbitration to His Majesty's Government was £6,893 6s. 7d. The negotiations concerning the sovereignty of the Aaland Islands, conducted under the auspices of the League of Nations, commenced in July, 1920, and were concluded in June of this year, although discussions regarding the neutralisation of the islands are still proceeding. His Majesty's Government have no information with regard to the cost of the negotiations, which is a matter for the League.

Questions to Ministers

The following question stood on the Paper in the name of Lord R. CECIL ( who was not present ):

18. To ask the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that Mrs. Stan Harding, a British subject and a journalist of high standing, was, in June of last year, thrown into prison by the Soviet Government in Moscow whither she had proceeded relying on the safe conduct of that Government; whether she was condemned to death on a baseless charge of being a British spy; whether she was kept for months in solitary confinement under foul conditions in order to induce her to enter the espionage service of the Soviet Government; whether the British Government have made any application for re- dress for these injuries to the Soviet Government; and, if so, with what result?

On a point of Order. When an hon. Member places a question on the Order Paper containing allegations against other persons, should he not be here to put the question and to hear the answer?

I do not know what reasons may have detained the Noble Lord in this case. As a general rule that is so.

Cinema Films (Import Duty)

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether representations will be made to the United States of America Government that the calculation ad valorem based upon cost of production of similar work in America of import duty upon imported cinema pictures is unfair to British films, for the reason that the cost of production in the former is upwards of four times more costly than in the latter country, or whether he will consider the desirability of subjecting the importations of American films into this country to an import duty based upon the cost of production in America, so that both industries will be placed upon a fair footing?

I understand that the proposed change in the basis of calculation of ad valorem duties would, if adopted, be of general application. The complete text of the proposed changes in the United States tariff is awaited, and on its receipt the question whether any representations on the part of His Majesty's Government are desirable in the interests of British trade will be considered.

Headmasters' Salaries (Lindsey)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether the Lindsey Education Committee submitted to the Board of Education early in this year a salary scheme for headmasters in secondary schools within their area; whether the Board have not yet sanctioned this salary scheme; what leasons they have for refusing their sanction; and whether the Board is aware of the great hardship caused to the headmasters by this delay?

The Board have now informed the local education authority that they will recognise the proposed salary scale as a basis for grant.

Is it a fact that the assistant masters have been granted three or four increases of salary and the head masters of secondary schools have not been granted any?

Russia and Poland

asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs, if any information is to hand of a threatened mobilisation in Moscow directed against Poland; and whether he can state the comparative strength of Polish and Russian armies at present?

I have been asked to answer this question. I have no information of any Russian mobilisation directed against Poland. As regards the last part of the question, it is estimated that the strength (rifles and sabres) of the Russian army is between three and a half and four times that of the Polish Army.

Is it a fact that the Russian Foreign Secretary has categorically denied the rumours which have been printed in the "Times," and can the right hon. Gentleman state the source of those rumours?

No, Sir, I have no information as to that, and the rumours have only been mentioned by the hon. Gentleman himself.

Police Pensions (Liverpool)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is aware that at the time when it was stipulated that payment of pensions to certain ex-members of the Liverpool Police Force should commence on the termination of the War it was generally anticipated that the War would be officially terminated within a short time, but as the War has not yet terminated, according to the official interpretation of that term, these ex-policemen and their families are suffering protracted hardships; and, as these arise from causes entirely out of their own control, will he take steps to enable these police pensions to be paid without further delay?

The grant of the pensions is regulated by Statute and I have no power to do what my hon. Friend suggests.

Coal Industry

Outcrop Workings (Fencing)

asked the Home Secretary what steps are being taken to see that outcrop coal workings are fenced or filled in to prevent accidents to children; and whether local authorities have any power to order this?

This question should have been addressed to the Secretary for Mines, but my right hon. Friend has asked me to reply. The urban and rural district councils have full powers in the matter and it is on them that the responsibility rests for enforcing the statutory requirements for the prevention of danger to the public.

Staveley Coal and Iron Company

( by Private Notice )asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that the directors of the Staveley Coal and Iron Company, Derbyshire, refuse to re-open their collieries until the miners consent to use forks instead of spades in filling the wagons in the pits with coal; is this refusal to re-open the pits a violation of the recent settlement of the coal stoppage, and a victimisation of the men; and can the Prime Minister bring some influence to bear upon the directors in order to end this unhappy condition of things?

I am aware of the dispute referred to. My latest information, however, is that work is now being resumed, or is about to be resumed, almost immediately.

Central Conteol Board (Liquor Traffic)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, as representing the Central Control Board (Liquor Traffic), whether he is aware that the Liquor Control Board in the Carlisle area has recently acquired a lease of the Crown Inn, Wigton, for a period of five years; that in the lease there is a covenant to dislicense the premises at the end of five years; that the Control Board, although it has no trading transactions with the Crown Inn, has already compensated the owner on account of the licence lapsing in five years' time; and whether he will state to the House, in the event of the Liquor Control Board being disbanded, what authority will be responsible for the enforcement of the covenant in question, for which public moneys have already been expended?

The Board have recently acquired a lease of these premises for a term of ten years, with power to determine the lease at the end of five years. The Board have also agreed with the owner that the premises shall be dislicensed on the expiration of the lease, and the rent has been agreed with reference to the compensation paid to the owner for this prospective dislicensement. As regards the last paragraph of the question, I cannot anticipate the provisions of the proposed Bill.

Can the hon. Gentleman tell me whether the money has already been paid as compensation?

Can the hon. Gentleman inform us upon what Vote it will be open to the House to discuss this very remarkable transaction?

Can the hon Gentleman say why a body that is in articulo mortis makes contracts for five years ahead?

In view of the tremendous and long-continued drought, will the hon. Gentleman not suspend the Liquor Control Board entirely, so that the people need not be dry, as well as the weather?

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Home Secretary stated to me some time ago that there would be re extension of the Carlisle experiment pending legislation on the question; when did this transaction take place; and was it after the date on which that promise was made?

This is the culmination of negotiations that were started more than a year ago.

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply I shall raise this question on the Motion for the Adjournment of the House to-night.

Metropolitan Police (Searches)

asked the Home Secretary whether the Metropolitan Police have any instructions to search the house of a man who has been arrested for felony without a search warrant or the written authority of a chief officer of police?

There are no specific instructions given to the Metropolitan Police on this subject. It has from time immemorial been the practice for police officers to search the dwelling of an accused person whenever it is thought likely that any material evidence, for or against the prisoner, is likely to be so obtained. The practice is brought to the cognizance of courts almost daily, and has never, so far as I know, been adversely commented on by a Judge—much less held to be illegal.

Egypt

asked the Prime Minister whether he will give an assurance that ,no binding agreements will be made with the Egyptian delegation now visiting this country until a full opportunity of discussing such agreements has been given in the House of Commons?

The point raised by my hon. Friend will be borne in mind.

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the momentous issues to be discussed between the representatives of the Egyptian Cabinet and the British Government, he will consider the desirablity of himself conducting these negotiations rather than leave them in the hands of a subordinate Department?

The negotiations are not in the hands of a subordinate Department, but of the Foreign Office, and are conducted by the Secretary of State, who represents His Majesty's Government in the matter.

Will the House be consulted before any drastic steps are taken in regard to Egypt?

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that a distinct pledge was given by His Majesty's Government that this House shall have the opportunity—the words were "ratified by the Parliament of the United Kingdom and the Egyptian Legislature"?

I have no doubt there will be abundant opportunity before anything is concluded.

Far Eastern and Pacific Policy

asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government will further explain their present policy with regard to the renewal or otherwise of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and to the conference to be held with the other Pacific Powers on the reduction of armaments and kindred subjects to the House of Commons before the House rises; and whether an opportunity will be given for a discussion?

I can add nothing to the full announcement which I made on Monday last, nor do I think that a Debate in this House at the present time on the many issues involved in the matters to be treated at these international meetings would be in the public interest.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this Eastern question has not been discussed in this House for over eight years?

The hon. and gallant Gentleman can himself get a reply to his question by consulting the records.

asked the Prime Minister whether the year's notice for abrogating the alliance with Japan has now to be given from the definite date of 13th July or whether it can be given on any date so as to terminate the alliance one year from that date?

There is in the agreement no limitation as to the date upon which the notice may be given.

asked the Prime Minister if he is in a position to state whether the Washington Conference will be able to discuss all questions which have a vital bearing on the peace and tranquillity of the Far East, such as the question of Shantung?

It would clearly be inopportune to make any statement of the kind in the present stage of the negotiations.

Nationality Law

30 and 31.

asked the Prime Minister (1) if the Government are aware that there is a widespread demand from the organised women of the United Kingdom and the Dominions for the granting to women of the right to retain their British nationality on marriage with an alien, which was lost by the Act of 1870; whether he will take active steps to satisfy such demand;

(2) whether it is the intention of the Government to hold a further conference with the Dominion premiers on the question of nationality, including that of married women; and will women be included as members of this conference?

As has been stated in answer to various questions recently, the question of the nationality of married women is under consideration in consultation with the self-governing Dominions, with a view to legislation at an early opportunity, but it is feared that it will not be possible to deal with the matter at the present Conference of Prime Ministers.

Assuming that the present Conference does not deal with this question, will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of treating it as a purely English question, and deciding whether it is not desirable to amend the Naturalisation Law of 1870?

I think it is very desirable that we should keep in touch with the Dominions upon the subject; failing that, I will consider what my hon. and learned Friend says.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman consider that what was important before 1870, when women had very few rights, is still more important to-day?

Can the right hon. Gentleman give an assurance that on this postponed question of nationalisation, which possibly cannot be dealt with by the Colonial premiers now, that negotiations should be continued with the Dominions so as to be able to produce the appropriate Nationalisation Bill.

asked the Prime Minister if he has received a cable from the British Chamber of Commerce in Argentina begging him to restore the right of the children of British subjects to British citizenship, which was taken away by the War-time Act of 1914; and if he can give a definite promise of this being done?

I am well aware of the interest taken in this subject by, among others, the British Chamber of Commerce in the Argentine, and I have received the cable referred to. I cannot, however, give the promise asked for, and have at present nothing to add to the answer which I gave my hon. Friend last Thursday.

Armaments (International Conference)

asked the Prime Minister whether he proposes to attend in person the forthcoming conference at Washington on disarmament and the problems of the Pacific?

Peru (British Emigrants)

asked the Prime-Minister if the claims by British emigrants against the Peruvian Government on account of loss sustained by the failure of that Government's emigration scheme, which resulted in a large number of workers having to return to this country with their families in a state of destitution, have yet been assessed; and if a sufficient sum of money has been received from the Peruvian Government to adequately meet all the claims?

I have been asked to reply to this question. The advance of £2,000 promised by the Peruvian Government has now been received. This sum is, of course, inadequate to meet all the claims in full, but a distribution based on the circumstances of each case is now being made through the local employment committees. I understand that a further party of returning, emigrants are on their way from Peru. When the nature of their claims, if any, against the Peruvian Government can be ascertained, His Majesty's Government will submit to the Government of Peru a further claim for compensation.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at the' present time a Mr. Salomon, who describes himself as the Consul-General for Peru, is engaged in a propaganda to persuade people to go to Peru, and will he in view of that fact take steps to warn intending emigrants?

Emergency Powers Act,. 1920 (Arrests)

asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that a number of men have been arrested under the War Emergency Act, which was brought into operation by the Government prior to the coalminers' lock-out, and that the-Government have now decided not to enforce the Act any longer; and, in conse- quence, whether he will recommend to the Government the advisability of having the men and women who were arrested and convicted under the Act in question at once released?

The Prime Minister has asked me to reply to this question. I presume the hon. Member refers to the Emergency Powers Act, 1920. Regulations under that Act were put in force simultaneously with the outbreak of the coal strike and expired automatically when the emergency arising from the coal strike ended. I am ready, as I always am, to consider any representation on behalf of any individual offender, but I could not give any countenance to the idea that all persons who offend against the law during an emergency may expect an amnesty when the emergency is over.

Ireland

Conspiracy Charges (Manchester Assizes)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the Irish negotiations now going on, the Crown will discontinue the charges of conspiracy against certain Irishmen now being heard at the Manchester Assizes?

The trials must be concluded. The prisoners have pleaded not guilty and are entitled to a verdict.

How can the present Government reconcile their attitude in taking proceedings against certain Irishmen in England for conspiring with other Irishmen when the Government themselves are at the present time entering into open negotiations with these Irishmen during a period of truce?

Charges have been brought against these men and they have pleaded "not guilty." They are at the present moment defending themselves and surely they are entitled to a verdict.

Would it not be fairer that the truce which we all welcome and desire should be observed in England as well as in Ireland, and could not these charges at any rate be postponed or withdrawn?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say if he is prepared to consider the cases of men like the Brothers Carr, against whom no charges have been made, who have been sent over to Ireland and interned?

I think I should have notice, of that question. I do not know the case referred to, but if the hon. Member will give me the particulars I will consider it.

Whatever may happen elsewhere, will the right hon. Gentleman see that there will be no variation of the law in this country?

Conference

asked the Prime Minister what recognised organisations, voicing large bodies of minority opinion, are represented by the four Southern Irish gentlemen invited by Mr. de Valera to meet him in conference?

I do not think it would be desirable at the present moment to make any statement bearing either directly or indirectly upon the conversations now taking place with Mr. de Valera. I trust, therefore, that my hon. and gallant Friend will not press me for a reply.

Does the Prime Minister not think it a pity that questions of this kind should be asked which can only have one result, that is, to undermine the authority of the Southern Unionists who are negotiating the peace; and is he further aware that two of the Southern Unionists are elected Members of the Southern Parliament?

The hon. and gallant Member is just doing what he complains of other people doing.

This is a matter of great importance. These gentleman represent a large body of moderate opinion in the South of Ireland, and the question having been asked, will not more harm have been done by the right hon. Gentleman's answer than by asking this question?

This is a matter of controversy. The Noble Lord (Earl Winterton) has made his protest, and I think we had better leave it there.

Is it not allowable for an hon. Member to put a supplementary question?

Disturbance, Cookstown

( by Private Notice )asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he has any information with reference to the disturbances in Cooks-town, County Tyrone, on the night of Tuesday, 12th July; whether he is aware that "B" special constables, accompanied by an Orange mob, attacked the Catholic quarter of the town, burning a house from which an invalid had to be carried; whether these specials and the mob kept up rifle fire for a couple of hours in the Catholic quarter and generally created a reign of terror in the town; and whether, in view of the conduct of these specials in this and other parts of Ulster, he will take steps to have the force immediately disarmed and disbanded?

I am informed that at 8.30 p.m., on the 12th instant, Albert Creighton, an Orangeman, was returning from a demonstration wearing a sash, when he was attacked by 12 men of the other side, two of whom were armed. This party took the sash from Creighton, whose sympathisers gathered and demanded its return. This demand was refused. The police arrested a man, a Catholic named Devlin, but were rushed, with the result that Creighton's sympathisers and Devlin escaped. During the struggle shots were fired from Orritor Street, the Sinn Fein quarters. The police kept the crowd in hand for two hours, but it ultimately got out of control and rushed Orritor Street. Shots were fired from both sides. One house was burned and some windows were broken. The occupant left from the back of his house and went into a barber's shop. The statement that he was carried out of his house is not confirmed. The police offered to bring him to hospital, but he refused as he was not injured. No "B" specials were on duty. All their arms were in the police barrack, and none were issued.

Was it these intelligent special constables who offered to bring a man to a hospital who was not injured?

No. The only police engaged were ordinary Members of the Royal Irish Constabulary.

Is it not a fact that three of four of the Royal Irish Constabulary went up the street and arrested this man Devlin to placate the armed mob which was standing at the bottom of the street, and brought this man down an his way to the barracks, and that this armed mob took the man from the Royal Irish Constabulary and threatened them and gave the man a most unmerciful beating on the street? Is the hon. and learned Gentleman also aware that after that took place the Orange mob went about halfway up the street, sprinkled eight or nine doors with petrol and set them on fire, and then in self-defence two revolver shots were fired from the Catholic quarter which had the effect of saving the whole street from being burnt down? Is he also aware—he should be informed—

Unemployment

Relief (Boards of Guaedians)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the varying practice of boards of guardians with regard to the relief of the unemployed, under which in some areas the relief takes the form of a gift and in others of a loan; and whether, in view of the discontent likely to arise from such difference of practice, the Government will consider the advisability of making the system of relief uniform throughout the country?

I have been asked to answer this question. I am aware of the difference of practice referred to, but I have not heard that it has caused discontent and I doubt whether this would be an opportune moment for interfering with the discretion which has always been vested in the guardians.

Benefit (Miners)

asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that miners who had received notice of the termination of their contracts prior to the date of the recent stoppage are now having their claims for unemployment benefit disallowed; and if he will state the ground upon which miners generally, who are now unemployed, are being refused unemployment benefit?

So far as I am aware there is only one group of cases in which benefit has been disallowed in the circumstances described in the first part of the question. In these cases there is stated to be a dispute as to the conditions on which the men are to resume work, and the chief insurance officer has disallowed benefit. The men or their association are, of course, entitled to the usual rights of appeal to the Court of, Referees and the umpire. With regard to the cases of other miners not now entitled to benefit, although unemployed, I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given to the hon. and gallant Member for Rotherham (Major Kelley) on the 6th July.

In cases in which it has been decided that pits shall not be re-opened, will the miners and labourers be entitled to unemployment benefit?

I should not like to make any general statement, but if there is any question involved I will give every facility for the case being sent to the referees and the umpire.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that there are many pits which it has been decided not to reopen, and when that has been decided are not the miners and labourers entitled to benefit?

Yes, but there are certain cases, for instance, where the work cannot be resumed because of the injury done to the pit as a result of the stoppage. I am not prejudging any decision, but am only telling my hon. Friend that the cases are not quite so simple as he may think. I have taken, and will take, every means to have the matter decided forthwith, so that there may be no delay.

Will the miners of the Brandon Colliery be paid unemployment benefit, where the owners have definitely said that there is no opportunity for them to work?

The hon. Member had better give me notice of that question. If I cannot myself, on a ruling already given by the umpire, give an answer, I will get authority to give an answer forthwith.

When will these people know whether they are to get unemployment benefit?

In view of the circumstances referred to in this question, would it not be advisable to give some ruling or instruction which would cause uniform action to be taken throughout the country?

Yes; I may tell my right hon. Friend that the cases taken for consideration are typical cases, so that we may thereafter forthwith have a general ruling as far as possible.

What is the position in the case of those mines which the management say they are not going to re-open because they are not profitable?

That is the case which has been put to me, I think. I will do all that I can to get a decision as early as possible, and if any hon. Members have cases which they wish to submit to me I shall he glad to receive them.

Sittings of the House

asked the Lord Privy Seal whether he can give an assurance that the present Session will not be prolonged to deal with any Bill not already announced to the House?

I cannot give an absolute pledge in the terms suggested by my hon. Friend, but he may be certain that I will do what I can to secure the earliest possible termination of the Session.

Ancient and Historical Monuments Commissions

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the publication of the remaining Reports of the Commissions on Ancient and Historical Monuments can be postponed until the costs of publication have been materially reduced?

The Treasury are at present in communication with these Commissions with a view to reduction of their expenditure.

Government Staffs and Offices

Treasury

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer why three officers of the Treasury —the Controller of Establishments, the Controller of Supply Services, and the Controller of Finance—have each been given this year a salary increase of £1,000, making the salary of each of these officials £3,000 per annum, exclusive of bonus?

In 1919 the arrangement under which there had been three Joint Permanent Secretaries of the Treasury was carefully reconsidered by the Government after one of the Secretaries had retired and the other two had accepted appointments outside the Treasury. It was then decided to place the Treasury under the general control of a single Permanent Secretary who, in addition, would be the permanent head of the Civil Service; at the same time the Treasury was organised in three Departments (Establishments, Supply Services and Finance) corresponding to the natural subdivision of its duties, and in charge of each Department was placed a Controller who, under the general directions of the Permanent Secretary, was to be specifically responsible for the work of his Department. The Controller of each Department was given the status in the Civil Service and the remuneration of the permanent heads of the chief Public Departments with whom it was necessary for the efficiency of the scheme that they should rank in authority and prestige; and they accordingly are paid the salary mentioned in the question.

Does my hon. Friend not think it very inadvisable now to give such very large increases to already highly-paid civil servants, in view of the general reduction of wages throughout the country?

My hon. Friend will remember that these increases were based upon a Report of the Asquith Committee.

Is it not a fact that this was a Government Committee for which the Government were responsible? Does the hon. Gentleman mean that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley is responsible, or the Government?

As I was the Chancellor of the Exchequer at the time, perhaps my hon. Friend will allow me to answer. As this was a matter of vital consequence to the Civil Service, I asked the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley, with his great experience, to help the Government by taking the chairmanship of that Committee. He did so, and I am deeply grateful to him for it. We accepted their recommendations, and the responsibility rests with me and my colleagues in the Government.

Will the Financial Secretary to the Treasury withdraw his statement?

Would the Leader of the House lay before us a statement showing the number of years that the Civil Service existed on low wages before any recognition was made on increased prices?

I can answer that off-hand. The salaries of the higher officials in the Civil Service have not been raised for 100 years, and they were wholly uncommensurate with the salaries paid elsewhere.

Will these salaries be reconsidered, or are they to be regarded as permanent?

Was not the Government of the country more economically conducted 100 years ago?

Will the right hon. Gentleman give the House an opportunity of considering, and if necessary reducing, these very inflated salaries?

We have already undertaken to give a day on which to put down the Treasury Vote, in order that this matter may be discussed. Certainly the Government will not take the responsibility of paying inadequate salaries to the higher officials, on whose efficiency the Government service so largely depends.

Civil Liabilities Department

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when the Civil Liabilities Department will be closed down; if he is aware that certain highly-paid officials of this Department have already been transferred to the Ministry of Labour, and that others are about to be transferred; and how it is expected that economies can be effected if this is permitted?

I have been asked to reply. The date for the closing of the Civil Liabilities Department is receiving my careful consideration. Eleven officers of the Department (which is a branch of the Ministry of Labour) have since January last been transferred in a temporary capacity to fill definite vacancies in other branches of this industry. Forty-three officers have during the same period definitely terminated duty, their names being at once sent to the Joint Substitution Board.

As regards the last sentence of this question, let me say at once that while we are bound to adjust administrative charges to the work to be accomplished, we shall certainly continue to endeavour to requite our obligation to the ex-service men to the full limit of our resources.

How are economies to be effected if when you close down one Department you transfer the officials to another Department?

The Civil Liabilities Department had in hand 17,423: cases, and to-day they have only 5,304. Therefore I am reducing administrative expenses according to the work in hand, but I do not propose that the ex-service men shall be worse off in any way than they were before.

Why are the officials who are not needed now in the Civil Liabilities Department to be transferred to the Ministry of Labour? Is it to make jobs for them?

These officials are sent to the Joint Substitution Board to see whether there is still work which can be properly given to them, and that will continue. It is quite wrong to say that jobs are made for them.

Hours of Duty

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what are the hours of work prescribed for the different classes of the Civil Service; whether they are more or less than those of the banking institutions of the country; and what means the Treasury uses to enforce these hours and so avoid excessive staffing?

The hours of work prescribed for the various classes of the Civil Service vary from 42 hours a week, with a Saturday half-holiday when the state of public business permits and a normal luncheon interval of three-quarters of an hour, to 48 hours a week or somewhat more in certain cases. The actual hours worked by large numbers of civil servants are believed to be greatly in excess of those commonly worked in banking institutions. It is the duty, not only of the Treasury, but of the various Departments with which the Treasury is kept in close and constant touch, by personal communications and consultations, inspections, etc., to see that the hours prescribed for the several classes of employé are fully worked and that staffs are regulated accordingly.

Will the hon. Gentleman kindly make inquiry whether it is the fact that there are a not inconsiderable number of civil servants who work six, and sometimes only five, hours a day? Cannot that state of things be put an end to?

My information is entirely to the contrary. I shall be glad to consider any information the hon. Member may have to give me.

Board of Trade

asked the President of the Board of Trade how many officials of the Food Ministry Wheat and Sugar Commissions are still employed in his Department; whether the Wheat Commission is continuing to make purchases; and, if not, when will a Report of its transactions be presented.

The Royal Commission on Sugar Supply is not under the control of the Board of Trade, but I have ascertained that the staff numbers 49. The Food Department of the Board of Trade and the Royal Commission on Wheat Supplies employ a staff of 1,344. A. Report on the work of the Royal Commission on Wheat Supplies, which has made no purchases since 21st March, is in course of preparation.

Housing

Local Loans

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will consider the expediency of offering to take over from local authorities, for Government purposes, the large amounts of loan money which have been raised in excess of housing requirements?

My right hon. Friend has asked me to answer this question. There is still a large amount of money to be raised in the aggregate by local authorities to complete existing commitments, and the number of cases in which an amount in excess of requirements has been raised is, I believe, small. I am considering this question in connection with the general question of housing policy.

Clayton, Manchester

asked the Minister of Health, whether he has received a report as to the progress made in the erection of 100 houses at Clayton, Manchester, by the Building Guild; if so, whether the progress of the work and its quality is satisfactory; and, if so, why he has refused the urgent request of the Manchester City Council to be allowed to complete the housing scheme on the Clayton site?

I am informed that the progress and workmanship of the Building Guild, on the erection of 100 houses. at Clayton, Manchester, is satisfactory. The application of the Manchester City Council to be allowed to enter into further commitments is under consideration, in connection with the general question of future housing policy.

Flats, Marylebone

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that Councillor A. Davis has been employed by a public utility society to erect flats in Marylebone, including a block of flats known as Addison House, Grove End Road, and that he practically controls the society, from whom he has obtained the building contracts; whether any housing grant has been made to the public utility society in question, whether he is aware that intending tenants of the flats in question have been required to take shares in the society, and that the flats in question are let at rents which working classes could afford to pay; and whether the amount of profits which Councillor Davis has made on the building contracts has been supervised by the Ministry of Health?

I understand that Mr. Davis has contracted to build houses for the Public Utility Housing Society, Limited, of which he is chairman. No grant has yet been paid in respect of this scheme. Under the approved rules; of the society all tenants are entitled to membership, and every member on election is required to take up at least one share of the value of £l. This is a usual: provision in the rules of public utility-societies. As regards the last part of the question, both the tenders for the erection of the houses and the rents to be charged have been approved by my Department. I have no information as to the profits accruing to the contractors..

Rates, Liverpool

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if his attention has been drawn to a statement made by the chairman of the Liverpool Parish Assessment Committee at the National Conference of Assessment Committees recently held at the Caxton Hall, Westminster, to the effect that in Liverpool rates amounted to £6 10s. per head for every man, woman, and child, which with the national taxation of £23 per head made the average taxation in Liverpool nearly £30 per head of the population; and whether he can hold out any hopes of reducing this burden of taxation?

The average national taxation per head for 1921–22 on the basis of the Budget Estimate comes to rather under £21, not £23 as stated in the question. Mr. right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer is well aware of the heavy burden of rates and taxes, not only in Liverpool but elsewhere, and of the urgent necessity for securing reduction in public expenditure.

Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake to see that taxation is equalised among various classes of the community? [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] You will have to pay more.

Wireless Telegeaphy

asked the Postmaster-General what progress has been made with the wireless enterprises of the United States, Germany, and France; how this progress compares with that of the British Post Office; and whether the Trench Government has come to the conclusion that the State cannot carry on the organisation as well as private enterprise?

It is difficult to deal with this matter by means of question and answer, but if the hon. Member will allow me, I will circulate a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

The statement is being prepared, and I will let the hon. Member have it as soon as possible.

Ministry of Food (Trading Accounts)

asked the President of the Board of Trade who were the persons responsible for fixing the commission to importers of bacon, hams, and lard for which £1,523,896 is stated by the Comptroller-General in his report on trading accounts to have been paid for the year 1918–19; who were the two firms to whom over £200,000 each was paid in commission; and how many firms in all received over £50,000 each in connection with this business in the year in question?

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General stating that the Food Ministry trading accounts for the year ending 1st March, 1920, are still unavailable, and that some of those for the year ending 1st March, 1919, are not yet complete; and whether he can give the reasons for this delay?

These matters are now before the Public Accounts Committee, and I would ask the hon. Members to defer their questions until after the issue of the Committee's Report.

Food Control Department

asked the President of the Board of Trade how many regional and transport officers are now employed by the Food Control Department; what salaries they are in receipt of; and when their services can be dispensed with?

The answer to the first part of the question is 170, and to the second an estimated annual amount of £45,000. I am unable at present to reply to the last part, but the number of these officers will probably be reduced by 20 per cent. in the course of next month.

Can the right hon. Gentleman himself spare time to look into this matter? If he is satisfied that these officers must be kept on, I for one shall have confidence in his findings. I want the right hon. Gentleman's personal intervention in the matter.

Government Food Stocks

asked the President of the Board of Trade what is the total quantity of the various stocks held by the Food Control Department; what is the value; and how long the liquidation will take?

For reasons frequently explained to the House, it is not desirable, while liquidation is in progress, to disclose quantities of stocks in hand. With regard to the second part of the question, I would refer to the answer given yesterday to the hon. Member for Dover; and as regards the third part, it is anticipated that the disposal of stocks will be complete by the end of November, but the liquidation of accounts will not be finished until some time later.

Has the right hon Gentleman considered the advisability of handing over the liquidation of this Department to a business firm of repute, as any business firm entrusted with the task would have wound the Department up long ago?

Will the hon. Gentleman undertake that clerical members of the Anti-Waste League shall be asked to do the job for nothing?

The time of the House should not be taken up with questions of that kind.

Royal Navy

H.M.S. "Glatton."

asked the Financial Secretary to the Admiralty whether he has received a copy of a resolution passed by the executive committee of the Dover branch of the British Legion insisting that a Christian burial be given to the remains of their late comrades of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines lying in H.M.S. "Glatton"; and whether he will state what steps he proposes to take to comply with the spirit of the resolution?

I have not yet received a copy of the resolution referred to. I would point out to the hon. and gallant Member that burial at sea is recognised as constituting Christian burial no less than burial on land. A service on behalf of those lost in H.M.S. "Glatton" was held on shore at Dover at the time; and on receipt of the resolution referred to by the hon. and gallant Member I will inquire whether its spirit could be complied with by the Form for Burial at Sea being publicly read over the bodies still remaining in the ship. I think the hon. and gallant Member will agree with me that an attempt to recover the bodies still remaining in the wreck of H.M.S. "Glatton" would only be likely to give rise to painful scenes and to cause distress to the relatives of the lost men.

Naval Attache, Helsingfors

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what post is now held by Captain J. Wolfe Murray, D.S.O., Royal Navy; has the scope or title of his appointment been changed since December, 1920; which northern capital is at present considered the headquarters of this officer or of the Naval Attaché in the Baltic; how much time has he spent in Finland since 1st January, 1921; whether his duties are purely naval, and, if not, what other duties does he perform; and what is the total annual cost of this appointment, including staff, assistants, travelling expenses, office and other expenses?

Captain Murray holds the post of Naval Attaché for Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and Finland. No change has been made in the scope or title of his appointment since December, 1920. Helsingfors is the present headquarters of this officer, where he has spent about 85 days since the beginning of the year. His duties are purely naval. He receives £2,555 per annum, i.e., £3 a day (the full pay of his rank) plus £4 a day consolidated allowance. This latter covers all expenses at headquarters. No claims for travelling expenses have been received

Does not the Navy of Finland consist of three torpedo-boats only? Why is a post-captain and Naval Attaché required there?

He is stationed there because it is the most convenient centre for his duties.

Is it not the fact that this officer's duties are largely connected with the Secret Service in Russia?

Royal Fleet Reservists (Gratuity)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty when a decision is going to be come to as to the granting of a portion of the Reserve gratuity in cases of death to meet the cases of those Royal Fleet Reservists where no gratuity for their 20 years' service has been granted on account of their not having reached the age of 40 at time of death?

I regret that I cannot yet state when a final decision will be arrived at. I can assure the Noble Member, however, that it will not be unduly delayed.

Has the hon. Gentleman's attention been called to the very serious situation caused by the delay of the Admiralty in giving a decision? Is it not the case that a considerable number of War Pension cases have not been proceeded with because the Admiralty have not yet come to a decision? Is it not the fact that the matter has been under consideration ever since the Armistice—now two and a half years ago?

I can only repeat that we are trying to come to a settlement at the earliest possible date.

What reasons prevent a decision being given? Evidently the hon. Gentleman does not know.

Royal Marine Schools, Portsmouth

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether, with reference to the proposed closing of the Royal Marine schools at Portsmouth, the expense of educating the children in these schools, which now is provided by the Treasury under the Admiralty Vote, will fall on the ratepayers of Portsmouth; if not, from what other source it will be made good; and what are the advantages of closing these schools?

On the closing of the Royal Marine schools at Portsmouth and elsewhere the duty of educating the children now attending them will automatically devolve upon the local education authorities. The expense of their education will fall upon the rates and taxes in the same proportions as obtain generally in England and Wales. The decision to close the Royal Marine schools was taken in consequence of the requirements of the Education Act of 1918 in regard to provision of practical and advanced instruction, the fulfilment of which would have involved expense out of proportion to the advantages obtained from the continuance of the schools. It may be pointed out that the Royal Marines and their families, and also the Admiralty as ratepayers, are already entitled to the benefit of all educational facilities afforded by local education authorities.

Vaccine Lymph

asked the Minister of Health how the carcases of the calves used for the production of vaccine lymph at the Government Lymph Establishment are disposed of after the lymph has been taken from them and the animals have been slaughtered?

The calves used for the production of lymph at the Government Lymph Establishment are hired, and after slaughter the carcases are examined by the veterinary surgeon of the Establishment. The carcases sold for food are subject to further examination by officers of the local sanitary authorities. I am advised that there is no evidence whatever that the carcases of vaccinated calves are unfit for food.

Tuberculosis Treatment (Whipps Cross Hospital)

asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that a good deal of correspondence has taken place between the representatives of the West Ham Board of Guardians and the Ministry of Health, in connection with the accommodation at Whipps Cross Hospital for insured persons suffering from tuberculosis; if he is aware that, as far back as 18th January last, the Guardians invited the representatives of the Ministry of Health to visit and inspect the institution in question with a view of getting better consideration of the proposals advanced by the Guardians purely in the interests of the community; and if he will take action in the matter?

The answer to the first two parts of the question is in the affirmative. The difficulties in the way of giving effect to the proposal of the Guardians have already been explained to that body, but I will consider the suggestion that the institution in question should be visited by a representative of the Ministry with a view to the further consideration of the proposal.

Manual Instructors, Scotland

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he is aware that in December last, as a result of a departmental inquiry, the Home Office issued to managers of English schools a circular defining the status and pay of manual instructors, handicraft instructors, teachers of domestic subjects, and teachers of other special subjects, such as physical exercises, instrumental music, etc.; that no such circular has been issued by his Department to managers of Scottish schools, with the result that many of these trade instructors in Scotland are at present working for far below the standard rate of pay; and whether he will help to rectify this by issuing a circular similar to the one issued in England?

The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The question of issuing definite Regulations dealing with the status, remuneration, and superannuation of the instructors referred to in the question is under the consideration of the Department. In view, however, of the wide variation in qualifications among existing instructors and teachers of special subjects in certified schools, the terms of the Regulations present considerable difficulty.

Venereal Disease (Seamen)

asked the Minister of Health if he is yet in a position to announce that the Government are prepared to allow facilities for the passing into law this Session of a one-Clause, non-contentious Bill to amend the Merchant Shipping Act, 1906, Section 34, Subsection (1), so that British seafarers may no longer suffer under disabilities, unshared by their fellow countrymen or by foreign seamen, in being penalised if they seek treatment for veneral disease; and whether he is aware that such a Bill is non-contentious, would occupy no considerable amount of Parliamentary time, and is very much desired by all the interests concerned?

I have been asked to reply. A Clause dealing with this matter will be included in the next general Merchant Shipping Bill that is introduced, but I am afraid it is not possible to introduce legislation this Session.

Seeing that this is an urgent matter in relation to infectious disease, would it not be possible, if agreement could be come to in this House, to have it dealt with even this Session, it being a matter in regard to which there could be no objection from any quarter of the House?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Shipping Federation and the Seafarers' Joint Council are both in agreement on this matter, and that it is almost a non-contentious matter?

Questions with reference to the introduction of legislation should be addressed to the Leader of the House.

7th Royal Scots

( by Private Notice ) asked the Secretary of State for War whether the decision to disband the 7th Royal Scots was based on the fact that the strength was only 126 men; whether, since the decision, nearly 500 recruits had joined; whether the battalion was now at full strength; whether, in view of these facts, he would rescind the order to disband the battalion?

As I explained in the statement which I made on this subject on Monday last, the decision was based on various considerations, of which that mentioned by the hon. and gallant Member was one. I have had no return as to recent recruiting for this battalion. As no order to disband the battalion has been issued, the last part of the question does not arise.

Is the hon. Baronet aware that effectively an order has been issued, and will he take the facts I have brought to his notice into consideration before giving final sanction?

I will take every relevant fact into consideration, but I explained the case fully on Monday last.

If the battalion is at full strength, will the decision to disband it be persisted in?

There is no decision to disband it. The Associations of Edinburgh and Midlothian have been told that they must reduce their number of battalions from four to two, and have been requested to do that by amalgamation, and not by disbandment. Only in case of amalgamation failing will there be any resort to disbandment, which we are very anxious to avoid.

Government Housing Policy

Statement by Sir A. Mono

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government have decided that no housing subsidies will be paid in respect of any schemes submitted after the 1st July?

asked the Prime Minister whether any decision has been arrived at by the Government as to the future of the housing schemes?

asked the Minister of Health whether he has decided to reverse the policy of his predecessor in making provision for 300,000 new houses as a contribution towards the estimated shortage of at least 500,000 in 1919; and, if so, what is the maximum number he is prepared to sanction under the Government's various Housing Acts?

The number of houses built, building and contained in approved tenders under the housing scheme for local authorities and public utility societies is now about 176,000. Under the scheme of subsidy to private builders the number of houses built or to be built is estimated at about 23,000. The annual cost to the State under the local authorities and public utility societies' schemes is about £10,000,000 per annum, and the amount required for payment of subsidies to private builders is about £5,000,000.

In view of the immense difficulties confronting the nation during and after the War the Government think that they have no reason to be dissatisfied with the scale of their contribution to the housing problem—a contribution, notwithstanding the grave embarrasments of the War, without precedent in our history. The Government is under its housing schemes performing at great cost a work of supreme national importance which private enterprise could not carry out.

At the present time the houses which are being built or are to be built under the Government housing scheme will utilise all available labour for at least 12 months, including a considerable number of ex-service men to be absorbed in the industry. By the end of 12 months conditions may have changed very greatly, prices may be stabilised, and the considerations upon which Government action should be based may be fundamentally altered.

Reconsideration is, moreover, imperative when regard is paid to the present financial condition of the country. Very grave financial difficulties will confront the nation for the remainder of the present and throughout the next financial year owing to the unparalleled and world-wide depression in trade and the unfortunate industrial troubles which have so seriously affected both expenditure and revenue.

The Government have, accordingly, decided that, for the time being, at any rate, the following limitation must be placed on housing expenditure. The number of houses to be constructed by local authorities and public utility societies with Government assistance under the present scheme will be limited to 176,000, that being the number built, building, or for which tenders have been approved, and assistance will not be given under the scheme in respect of any houses in excess of that number. It would appear that on a final examination of the present approved tenders some adjustments will be possible to meet cases of hardship without exceeding this total.

All expenditure in connection with the housing schemes which has already been incurred by local authorities with the approval of the Ministry of Health will rank for financial assistance under the present scheme, which limits the liability of local authorities to the produce of a penny rate, and where work undertaken by local authorities with the approval of the Ministry of Health cannot for reasons outside the control of the authorities be completed by July, 1922, the time for completion will be extended by the Ministry as may be necessary.

A regards the scheme of subsidy to private builders, the powers taken under the recent Act will be exercised to the extent of making payment in full for houses completed within the four months after the expiration of the previous Act, i.e., by 23rd April last, and additional houses will be subsidised only if begun before the 1st July under a certificate or the promise by a local authority of a certificate. There will be cases in which commitments have been entered into, although construction has not actually been begun, in anticipation of the continuance of the subsidy. In order to meet these cases I shall, in the exercise of my discretion, pay subsidy where commitments have been entered into if work is started within six weeks of the present date.

The Government recognise the urgent necessity of making what improvements are possible under present financial circumstances in slum areas. To this end they are prepared to provide an annual contribution not exceeding £200,000 towards the deficiency on local authorities' accounts for the improvement of slum areas. This annual contribution will continue for the whole term of such loans as may have to be raised by local authorities to defray the necessary expenditure.

It is the intention of the Government to keep the housing problem closely under review. They fully recognise the importance of that problem from the point of view of the health and social conditions of the people, but it is impossible to incur greater commitments than our finances will allow.

In view of the comprehensive nature of that reply, and the new questions it raises, will my right hon. Friend say that we shall have a day next week in Supply for discussing it?

Perhaps I had better deal with that in my statement about the business of the House.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say how many schemes of slum improvement he has now under his consideration?

I had no idea this statement by the Minister of Health was, to be made in answer to these questions, and I suggest that any further points upon it should be taken at the end of question time.

Arising out of the right hon. Gentleman's statement that all available labour is being utilised for housing, if it can be shown that in any district there is a large amount of available labour—bricklayers, plasterers, and others—will he consider a request by that locality to make up the shortage of houses which exists in that neighbourhood?

We have a very large number of houses all over the country in an incomplete condition, and labour should, as far as possible, be pooled to complete houses rather than to start new ones which cannot be completed for a very long period.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say where local authorities have purchased land for the erection of houses and are not able to use it for that purpose—the main expenditure came, I understand, from State sources—will that land be earmarked for houses, or will the local authorities be. able to use it for other purposes?

What is the position of the local authorities where large sums of money have been raised for local housing schemes, the schemes not having yet been finally approved by the Ministry of the right hon. Gentleman; and what is the position of the people who have subscribed money towards the schemes?

Will housing accommodation be considered for workmen who are willing to transfer from one place to another to supply needed labour?

I would suggest that questions like that should be dealt with in the Debate.

asked the Prime Minister what, if any, modifications are intended in the Government's housing policy in Scotland?

Modifications on lines similar to those announced by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health will be made on the housing policy of the Government as regards Scotland. In Scotland the number of houses completed, in course of construction, or for which tenders have been approved by the Scottish Board of Health under the Local Authority and Public Utility Society Schemes is 21,749, to which have to be added 2,220 houses built or being built under the Private Builders' Subsidy Scheme—a total of 23,959. It is intended that financial assistance by the Government should be limitel to a total not exceeding 24,500 houses. This number will absorb all labour and materials likely to be available for the next two years.

As regards the subsidy to private builders, all houses for which Certificate A has been granted will rank for subsidy if completed within the specified period. It is estimated that the annual charge on the State for houses erected by local authorities in Scotland will be £1,087,450. The total cost to the State of the subsidy to private builders for commitments to date is £550,000.

The Government propose that the Bill which has passed this House and is now under consideration in another place, should be proceeded with so far as it is concerned with crofter housing.

So far as slum areas are concerned, Scotland will get an equivalent of any sum voted by Parliament for England.

Will it be possible on the day to be given to a Debate on the question to discuss together the Scottish and the English situation?

Resignation of Dr. Addison

( speaking from the second Bench below the Ministerial Gangway ) asked leave to read the following letter which he said he had that day addressed to the Prime Minister:—

DEAR PRIME MINISTER,

At the last General Election and afterwards on several occasions, definite pledges were given to the people, and in particular to ex-service men, with regard to measures relative to national health and to the housing of the people. These pledges were subsequently ratified by Parliament without distinction of party.

Until recently I had the honour to be responsible for giving effect to these undertakings, and I endeavoured to do so on lines approved by the Government. It will be within your recollection that, until about a year ago, I was subject to considerable pressure from many quarters —from yourself included—to make the most rapid progress possible, especially with regard to Housing. This pressure arose because abundant inquiries had established the fact that the cessation of house building during the War and its diminished progress for some years previously had rendered even more deplorable the already unsatisfactory conditions under which great numbers of the people have to live, and had become a potent cause of much avoidable physical disability and of social discontent.

In view of our straitened financial circumstances, however, it is evident that great curtailments of public expenditure must be obtained. To this end, therefore, earlier in the year, as you are aware, I reached an agreement with the Lord Privy Seal (then Chancellor of the. Exchequer) in respect to housing expenditure which had the effect of strictly limiting our commitments financially and involved a reduction to less than half of the number of houses asked for in the returns from local authorities. No one questioned at that time but that this represented the minimum contribution that ought to be made in the period during which the Government are under statutory obligation to assist housing schemes.

On Saturday, 2nd July, however, there were circulated "for information" the decisions of the Finance Committee of the Cabinet with respect to housing. Considerable discussions have taken place upon them, but you have decided to adhere to them. The statement which the Minister of Health has been instructed to make in the House of Commons to-day does not, I think, sufficiently make it plain that the action he will be required to take is based upon a decision that he "should cancel contracts for building of houses" and that whilst "in no event shall the number of houses built by local authorities exceed 176,000" this figure is " to be reduced to the utmost possible extent."

No further subsidies, with a few exceptions, are to be granted to private builders who had not begun building before 1st July, notwithstanding that the Royal Assent was only given on that self-same day to an Act extending the period during which a subsidy might be earned until June, 1922. The limited assistance to be given in regard to "the amelioration of slums " in so far as it represents new housing accommodation, merely reduces the number of houses arranged for under existing contracts.

In regard to the last point, I may inform you that, whilst under the Housing Act of 1919, a great deal of repair work has been undertaken by local authorities and private individuals, it is known that there are at least 180,000 inhabited houses which are unfit for human habitation and which there is no prospect of rendering fit.

. I am sorry the right hon. Gentleman did not submit this to me. It seems to be going a great deal further than is usual.

It is the letter of my resignation to the Prime Minister, which I wish to read to the House.

I hope I may plead that my right hon. Friend may be allowed to state his reasons. Certainly, I should not think of claiming any right of reply.

May I ask—this is a. matter of very great importance—if it is not in accordance with the unvarying tradition of this House that a Minister who has resigned his office should make a full statement to the House of his reasons?

That is so. I was only observing the restlessness of the House, and fearing discussion might follow.

May we know whether the resignation of the Minister has been accepted by His Majesty the King?

I thought it was only right to make a full and frank statement:

"You may be aware that the contracts, which had been entered into for the building of houses when I left the Ministry of Health, were sufficient to occupy the efforts of the building trade, in most places, for a considerable time to come, and that for some months previously a severe check had been placed upon the acceptance of contracts with a view to obtaining reductions in price, and that material success had attended that policy. Similar action has been continued since, and is manifestly appropriate in this time of financial stringency and of falling prices. The longer period for the completion of schemes, which this policy entails, might, therefore, very wisely have been used in concert with those concerned to seek to limit cost in every possible way and to foster such conditions as would encourage a resumption of house building by private enterprise.

The decision reached, however, goes far beyond that, and violates the plain intentions of Acts of Parliament. Apart from existing building contracts, it brings the whole scheme of operation of local authorities, and the policy which I was recently under such pressure to promote, to an abrupt end.

It will widely, and I think rightly, be regarded as a breach of faith on the part of the Government. Spurred on by the Government and by public opinion, local authorities have entered into all manner of commitments from which they must now extricate themselves as best they may. The result cannot but be that the hosts of public-spirited men and women who have thrown themselves whole-heartedly into this work will be dismayed and disgusted, and lose a willingness to co-operate in the public service, and continuity of effort towards solving the housing problem will be broken.

The arrest of this endeavour, which thus occupies with such unfortunate significance the first place in the search for economy, is largely the consequence of great expenditure in other directions. You are aware that in respect of some of them, I have consistently objected, but I must accept the responsibility for concurring in them so long as they did not jeopardise more vital interests. Perhaps my loyalty to yourself and to the Coalition has made me more ready to compromise in such matters than I ought to have been.

This precipitate abandonment of an effort which is so essential to national restoration is not true economy. I regard it also as a betrayal of our solemn pledges to the people, and of our obligations to local authorities and to many individual citizens, as well as being calculated to weaken the confidence of the people in the reliability of constituted authority. However much we may allow for justifiable expediency, I cannot think that government can safely rest on a shifting opportunism to the neglect of conviction.

Under these circumstances, I am compelled, bitterly as I feel this ending of our long and intimate work together, to resign my position in your Government in order to be able freely to devote myself to the promotion of those things which I believe are essential to the well-being of the people and to the limitation of those less urgent enterprises which stand in the way of their achievement.

Believe me,

Yours sincerely,

(Signed) C. ADDISON.

Right Hon. D. Lloyd George, O.M., M.P.,

10, Downing Street,

Whitehall, S.W.I."

In the unavoidable absence of the Prime Minister, I hope that the House will permit me—

I crave the indulgence of the House to express in a single sentence the gratitude of his late-colleagues in the Cabinet to my right hon. Friend for the help which he gave us in-a difficult work and in a difficult time, and our regret that he should have felt it his duty to sever his connection with us.

Business of the House

In asking the Leader of the House to state the business for next week, may I inquire whether he can inform us of the earliest possible opportunity when the subject of the statement which we have just heard can be discussed, whether there is to be any further announcement as to the business down for to-morrow, and whether we can have some statement as to the meaning behind the Motion standing in the name of the right hon. Gentleman for to-day?

The Motion which I have placed on the Paper for to-day suspending the Eleven o'clock Rule is in pursuance of a pledge which I gave on a request from the other side of the House that there should be one hour additional placed at our disposal for the discussion of the Colonial Office Vote. I need not say that, so far as the Government are concerned, we have no desire to ask the House to sit after 11 o'clock unless it wish to do so. It was asked that we should make arrangements for the House to sit not later than 12 o'clock.

With regard to the business for tomorrow, we shall take the Criminal Law Amendment Bill [ Lords ], as first order, and the Report stage of the Representation of the People (No. 2) Bill and other small Measures.

On Monday and Tuesday of next week we shall take the Finance Bill.

Wednesday will be the last allotted day for the Committee stage of the Safeguarding of Industries Bill.

I understand that it will meet the wishes of the House if we use Thursday in order to find an opportunity for discussing the housing policy of the Government and the statement made by my right hon. Friend (Sir A. Mond) to-day. I propose to put down the Report stage of the Ministry of Health Vote and the Scottish Housing Vote, so that the question can be raised both in relation to England and Scotland.

I hope that my meaning will not be misunderstood if I inquire whether the right hon. Gentleman is assured that the Prime Minister can be here next Thursday.

I cannot give a pledge as the Prime Minister's attendance on any particular day at the present time. My right hon. Friend will know how extremely difficult it is for the Prime Minister to fit in all the very important business that he has to do, and both he and I may be obliged to ask great indulgence for the next few days.

Many of us regard the action of the Government in respect of the housing question as simply disgraceful, and it is very desirable that the Prime Minister should be present.

My right hon. Friend is never slow to accept a challenge, and when I report to him the amiable compliment which the right hon. Gentleman has just thrown across the Table, I am quite certain that he will, do his utmost to be here.

May I ask whether next Thursday will be an extra day of Supply, seeing that it is caused by the action of the Government?

I cannot promise that, but, of course, I must find another day for the Scottish Estimates..

May I ask whether, before the Safeguarding of Industries Bill is taken on Wednesday, the Government Amendment dealing with the scope of the Board of Trade inquiries will appear on the Paper?

Can the Leader of the House say when Vote 8 of the Navy will be taken, so that we may discuss the policy of capital ships.

May we take it that before the Session ends there will be a discussion on this very important question?

Will the statement which the Minister of Health proposes to make in regard to housing include what has been done in Ireland?

I do not think that the Minister of Health has anything to do with housing in Ireland.

When we ask questions about housing in Ireland we cannot get any answer, and I want to know why Ireland is not to be included in the statement that is to be made in regard to housing.

I am under the impression that housing in Ireland is a matter for the Irish Parliaments, but I will make some inquiry.

This is a question which does not depend upon the creation or operation of Parliaments; it is a question which affects people's lives and conditions, and, as Ireland is paying her share to these housing schemes, what is going to be done, or what statement will be made. If the Minister of Health does not choose to make a statement with regard to Ireland, will a concurrent statement be made by the Chief Secretary?

On Monday.

Ordered,

"That, notwithstanding anything in Standing Order No. 15, the proceedings of the Committee of Supply be exempted at this day's Sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."— [ Mr. Chamberlain. ]

Territorial Army and Militia Bill,

"to provide for the application of new designations to the Territorial Force and the Special Reserve, and to repeal enactments relating to the Militia and Yeomanry; and for purposes in connection therewith"; presented by Lieut.-Colonel Sir ROBERT SANDERS; supported by Sir Laming Worthington-Evans and Lieut.-Colonel Stanley; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 171.]

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Barnsley Extension) Bill

Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Order confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill, as amended, to be considered Tomorrow.

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to,—

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 4) Bill,

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 5) Bill,

Marriages Provisional Order Bill,

Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 4) Bill,

Local Government (Ireland) Provisional Orders Bill,

Glasgow Deaf and Dumb Institution Order Confirmation Bill, without Amendment.

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (Water) Bill, with an Amendment.

Police Pensions Bill,

Harrogate Gas Bill,

Lochaber Water Power Bill,

East Surrey Water Bill,

Sunderland and South Shields Water Bill, with Amendments.

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to Consolidate the Enactments Relating to Education and certain Enactments Relating to the Employment of Children and Young Persons." [Education (Consolidation) Bill [ Lords. ]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to Confer upon Frederick Lord Wolverton and the Trustees of the Property Settled by an Indenture of Settlement, dated the thirty-first day of December, one thousand eight hundred and eighty-eight, Powers to make certain limited Dispositions of the Income and Capital of part of the Settled Property for the Benefit of Lord Wolver-ton's Family, and to raise certain Moneys; and for other purposes." [Wolverton Estate Bill [ Lords. ]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to alter certain of the provisions of the trust deeds, regulating the issue of the Preferred and Deferred (North Eastern Bail-way) Stock of the Stock Conversion and Investment Trust, Limited; to confer further powers on the Stock Conversion and Investment Trust, Limited, and upon the Railway Investment Company, Limited, and upon certain trustees of the Railway Investment Company, Limited; and for other purposes." [Stock Conversion and Investment Trust Bill [ Lords. ]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to authorise the lease by the Minister of Transport to the London and North Western Railway Company of certain lands and works at Holyhead Harbour." [London and North Western Railway (Holyhead Harbour Leasing) Bill [ Lords. ]

And also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a conditional agreement between the trustees of the will of the late Sir Humphrey de Trafford, baronet, and the Manchester Ship Canal Company for the sale of lands forming part of the de Trafford Estates, in the County of Lancaster, on the terms therein appearing." [De Trafford Estates Bill [ Lords. ]

Wolverton Estate Bill [ Lords ],

Stock Conversion and Investment Trust Bill [ Lords ],

London and North Western Railway (Holyhead Harbour Leasing) Bill [ Lords ],

De Trafford Estates Bill [ Lords ],

Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Police Pensions Bill

Lords Amendments to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 172.]

Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (Water) Bill

Lords Amendment to be considered To-morrow.

Public Accounts

Special Report from the Committee, with Minutes of Evidence and Appendices, brought up, and read.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 171.]

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee D

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee D (during the consideration of the War Pensions Bill): Mr. Brassey, Mr. Carr, Major Cope, Captain FitzRoy, Mr. Hanna, Mr. Hannon, Mr. Haydn Jones, Mr. Kerr-Smiley, Lieut.-Colonel Aruthur Murray, Captain O'Grady, Mr. Strauss, Captain Sir Beville Stanier, and Mr. Townley; and had appointed in substitution: Lieut.-Colonel Sir William Allen, Major Brown, Mr. Neville Chamberlain, Mr. Howard Gritten, Sir Henry Harris, Major Vivian Henderson, Mr. Lindsay, Major Molson, Lieut.-Colonel Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Raw, Colonel Roundtell, Mr. Frederick Thomson, and Mr. Robert Young.

Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee D (added, in respect of the War Pensions Bill): Captain Loseby; and had appointed in substitution: Major Barker.

Reports to lie upon the Table.

Orders of the Day

Supply

[17TH ALLOTTED DAY.]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

Civil Services Estimates, 1921–22

CLASS II.

Colonial Office

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £529,104, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1922, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, including Grants in Aid and other Expenses connected with Oversea Settlement."—[ Note. —£325,000 has been voted on account. ]

It was generally agreed, when we had the first discussion on the Vote which provides for the expenditure for what is now called the Middle East, and which was interrupted by momentary conditions that, although the Vote itself was, I believe, formally carried, it would be open to renew the discussion when the Colonial Vote as a whole came on. I propose not at any great length to offer to the Committee some general considerations of a severely practical character which seem to me to be suggested by the statement of my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State. I will say at once, looking back upon similar statements from official quarters during the last two or three years, that I think my right hon. Friend's presentation, both as regards the present and the future, is the most satisfactory, or at any rate the most hopeful, to which the House has yet listened. But, as I shall presently show, the hopeful character of it depends upon the realisation of a number of assumptions which are still, in the classical phrase, "On the knees of the Gods." I want, before I come to the actual situation as presented to us by the Secretary of State, to say a few words of a more general kind upon the position, the duties, and the responsibilities of this country for the whole of what is now called the Middle East. My right hon. Friend, I admit, has proposed a very substantial reduction in the expenditure which has been incurred in that quarter of the world during the last three years. But, at the same time, the figure which he now presents, approaching, I think, £9,000,000 in the case of Mesopotamia, and at least £2,000,000 for Palestine—let us call it £10,000,000—is very large. Supposing that all these economies are realised, that all the assumptions on which these hypothetical economies are based, materialise, it is a very serious demand upon this House of Commons and the taxpayers of this country. It is, therefore, an opportune moment to ask the Committee to consider what general grounds, either of obligation or of policy, demand this expenditure. My right hon. Friend based his speech the other day upon the ground of honourable obligations. He said: British troops which occupied those territories during the years before and following the conclusion of the Armistice have now, I am thankful to say, been withdrawn, and I am not aware that there is any blot or stain on the British escutcheon in consequence of that necessary and wise withdrawal.

I come now to the other two, and the more serious propositions. First of all, the Treaty of Sevres and the mandates which have been issued under it. It might be sufficient to say in regard to that supposed debt of obligation that that Treaty has never been ratified. It is not part of the public law of Europe or of the world. Whether it ever will be, I do not know. I am very strongly of opinion, I will not go further than that, that before it becomes part of the public law of Europe it will sustain very considerable and very substantial revision. At any rate, it is not now part of the public law of Europe, and any mandate issued by the parties to that Treaty under, I think, Article 64, to ourselves or to others in regard to any part of the old Turkish Empire, are mandates which leave nothing more than a purely provisional validity. Under that Treaty we have no title under international law of any sort or kind at this moment to be in Mesopotamia. Now I come to the only remaining source of our supposed obligation, and it is one which by many people is regarded, and I am not sure that it is not so regarded by my right hon. Friend, as the most serious of them all. I mean the pledges given to the inhabitants. I have been reading or re-reading the Proclamation which was issued by that gallant and much-lamented General, Sir Stanley Maude, at the conclusion of his victorious campaign in 1917 when he entered Bagdad. The Proclamation which he issued stands upon record, and it contains the most formal and solemn pledges, the declaration and promises which a victorious Army on behalf of the British Empire gave to the inhabitants of Bagdad, and to Mesopotamia as a whole. My right hon. Friend always calls it, I think, Iraq.

The new name is substantially the same, but it is a contraction, and that is all to the good. What did Sir Stanley Maude say? He told the people of Bagdad in particular and Iraq at large that the British Army had come there, not as conquerors, but as liberators. He used these words:

Let me come to another aspect of the case, not so important, but not unimportant. I mean the question, not of obligation, but of interest. What are our interests in that part of the country? The Prime Minister in a Debate in which I took part in March of last year went into the question of the rich natural resources of Mesopotamia, and spoke of oil. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies in his speech the other day never mentioned the word "oil" from the beginning to the end— a saving grace on which I offer him my hearty congratulation. As a matter of fact, the potential material resources of Iraq is one of the most despicable questions in the whole range of economic speculation. I say nothing about oil and nothing about cotton. At any rate, we had not gone there, we never had gone there, and we certainly are not going to remain there on the chance that sooner or later we might find a profitable field for the exploitation of the country in the interests of British capital and British labour. Nor, I venture to say, have we, except so far as regards the coast line of Basra and the Persian Gulf, any strategic interest there. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for the Wrekin Division (Sir C. Townshend) knows the country better than I do, but I say now, what I said in my first speech on the subject in this House, that, so far as I know, we have no strategic interest of any sort or kind, either as regards the defence of India, or as regards any other of our territorial interests in the Near, Middle, or Far East, in maintaining the occupation of Mesopotamia by a large British force.

Having submitted to the Committee these general considerations, let me, before I discuss the actual proposals, give a brief narrative of the course of events. So long as warlike operations were going on, I have always maintained that, having regard to the circumstances which existed at the time, the advance on Bagdad was justifiable and necessary. I have never wavered in that opinion. Let us look at the situation as it existed when the Armistice was concluded. We had then the Proclamation, the material parts of which I have read, from Sir Stanley Maude, which was then 18 months old, and it was the business of the British Government to carry out in substance and in spirit the declarations of that Proclamation. What did we do? I cannot describe it better than in the words used by my right hon. Friend in his speech the other day: than a year ago on the Army Estimates, to the fact that among the votes then submitted to the Committee was a Vote for £10,000,000 for the acquisition of land and £1,700,000 for the creation and development of works of a military character. That was the policy of that time. It was the Indianisation, or the Anglo-Indian settlement, of Bagdad and of all Mesopotamia, very nearly as far as Mosul. It is obvious that Parliament would never have been asked for that large sum for the creation and maintenance there of a permanent Army of Occupation, and a civil administration, which was to go along side by side with it, if that were not the objective. But the result was what was called an "Arab rebellion." The word "rebellion" is used in a very odd sense. The Arabs were under no obligation of allegiance to this country or to the Anglo-Indian administrators who had come there in defiance of the war proclamation, and to describe their taking up arms as rebellion is, in my opinion, a gross misuse of the term.

My right hon. Friend, who knows so much of the nuances of language knows that the word "rebellion" is generally used in an offensive connotation. But we were asked to vote money to put that rebellion down. That, of course, obviously meant expenditure, and I am sorry to say an expenditure of something like £20,000,000 and the loss of a great many valuable British lives. I and many others hailed with satisfaction the change of policy, for it was a change of policy, in the despatch of Sir Percy Cox on his mission. He made an attempt, and I am sure an honest attempt, for he is a very capable man with great knowledge of the conditions which prevail in that part, of the world, to set up some kind of a provisional government, to carry out the spirit of our original proclamation. We now know that that provisional government—my right hon. Friend described its personnel at considerable length the other day—is now in existence, but it is said that it is the object of His Majesty's Government to substitute for that provisional government a permanent Arab administration of the country.

I quite agree that that would be a very good thing if it could be done. It is a question of the way in which it is done. His Majesty's Government are running the Emir Feisal—I do not like to use a vulgar expression, so I will say—I believe that I myself originated it—that they have given him a coupon. As we now know, though it was not foreseen previously, the system of coupon distribution entails a number of consequential obligations in every direction, and in every department of political and social life. I am not saying a word against the Emir Feisal. If I had a vote in Bagdad, I am not sure that I would not dispose of it as recommended by Sir Percy Cox. But that is not the point. He may be the best man for the job. It is very difficult for us here to judge. But if you once, and I am speaking quite seriously, give official countenance or preference to a particular candidature in a country such as that, you run great risks of incurring an additional number of these indefinite and undefinable obligations of so-called honour, which we have to redeem at the cost of the British taxpayer and British lives. I am very apprehensive whether the extent of the approbation—it is very qualified and conditional—which my right hon. Friend gave to this particular candidate the other day, may not in the long run be productive of consequences which, perhaps, he did not foresee.

Before I develop that, I must say one word on the financial side of the matter. Since Sir Stanley Maude entered Bagdad with the laurels of victory and issued that admirable proclamation, for such it was, parts of which I have read to the House, we have incurred vast expense. In the financial year 1919-1920—it is very difficult to disentangle the figures as presented in the Estimates, because Palestine and Mesopotamia are inextricably mixed up—I shall not be very far wrong if I say that the expenditure was somewhere between £70,000,000 and £80,000,000. In 1920-1921 it was about £40,000,000. In the present financial year, according to my right hon. Friend's Estimates, it would be over £27,000,000. Add those three together and you get a total expenditure of £137,000,000 for a population of something between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000.

My right hon. Friend realises that in that is included the expense of bringing home the very large armies which were there and which could only be gradually brought home.

I am aware of that. I make my right hon. Friend a present of £40,000,000 under that head. I think that it is a very generous allowance, and I say then that we have got a net expenditure of something like £100,000,000 for the territory of Mesopotamia, containing a population of very little over 2,000,000, and Palestine, with a population of, I suppose, 600,000, a total expenditure of £100,000,000 of the British taxpayers' money. My right hon. Friend spoke hardly with the language of defence, but with almost the accents of apology for a great deal of the past expenditure. I am very sorry that so few Members take an interest in a question of such supreme importance, both to the taxpayer and as to general policy. It is highly discreditable. But here we are, and let us express our minds. My right hon. Friend is sanguine enough to think that the figures of the coming year, 1922-1923, will be only between £10,000,000 and £11,000,000. It would be a very good thing to bring it down to that, but will it come down? I will quote my right hon. Friend's words:

The first is if Emir Feisal succeeds in his candidature and is elected. The next is whether the redoubtable and versatile adventurer, whose name is Ja'afar Pasha, who has the unique credit of wearing both the Iron Cross and the Order of St. Michael and St. George—he may have other crosses for other parts of the world, but we know he has got these two—if Ja'afar, who is now Secretary of State for War in Bagdad, and presides over the military arrangements of the country, whether he remains loyal to the new Government and can be depended upon in all circum- stances. This is a rather large order, but it is a link in the right hon. Gentleman's chain. Let us take another. If the arrangement in South Khurdistan for autonomy under the High Commissioner are successful—that is another hypothetical possibility. Another one is that King Hussein and the Sultan of Nejd—both of whom are going to be subsidised, and to whom the taxpayers of this country have got to hand out a little douceur—if they in return for the subsidies honour their obligations and keep the peace. That is another hypothesis which the right hon. Gentleman puts. There is another, and that is that Emir Abdulla, the brother of Feisal, who is in Trans-Jordania, a country which has been in the twilight of history for a very long time, and is apparently emerging into practical politics—incidentally I should like to know, not geographically but politically, where Trans-Jordania is. Is it part of Palestine—I mean an administrative part? Is it under my right1 hon. Friend, Sir Herbert Samuel, the High Commissioner for Palestine?

Then it is to be administered as part of Palestine. It is very near to Syria.

I rather agree with the Noble Lord that we do not know under whose jurisdiction it is. At any rate, we have the Emir Abdulla, the brother of Feisal, and the son of Hassein, who is going to be subsidised at the expense of the British taxpayer. Another of my right hon. Friend's assumptions is that by judicious administration and by pacific penetration and in other ways the Jews and the Arabs are going to live side by side in amity in Palestine—a very large hypothesis. Then there is another formidable contingency. It is that Kemal Pasha and his men do not appear on the scene and upset these new arrangements in these regions—which, I conclude, is more than probable. It is another great assumption. Then there is to be no pro-Bolshevist propaganda. I am not going to rank that very high.

Finally, there is the hypothesis of a stable peace, which really is the foundation of the whole thing, the foundation on which the whole hypothetical superstructure is to be built up. A stable peace is to exist between Turkey and the great Powers and Greece, and an end made to the warring and conflicting elements. Have I exaggerated or over-stated the case? Is there one single step in my staircase of fragile, precarious, crumbling hypotheses which my right hon. Friend is prepared to guarantee? If not, what becomes of his reduction? It all depends upon the fulfilment from first to last of the whole of that series of more or less imaginative contingencies. We are not without experience in this matter. I believe I shall be borne out by the memory of every Member of this Committee, when I say that from the moment we went to Mesopotamia—I am speaking now of post-Armistice times to the present day, and that means that we have had three Parliamentary years of it—there is not a single case in which the Estimate presented by the War Office or now by this Department which has been carved out by my right hon. Friend from the Colonial Office, and which belongs ostensibly to the Colonial Office, there is not a single case in which the Estimate presented to Parliament has even approximated the actual expenditure for the year. In most cases it has been exceeded by millions, and in some cases by as much at £10,000,000.

My right hon. Friend has sought to soothe us into the acceptance of the demand he is actually making, £27,000,000, by the prospect of its reduction to £9,000,000. We are entitled to discount this sanguine expectation, for which there is little basis of evidence from the experience, the uniform experience, which we have had in the past. I am sorry to have spoken so long to the Committee, but it was a convenient opportunity to traverse the whole ground, which I trust I have not done in an unduly controversal spirit. My considered and deliberate judgment is, as I told the House more than a year ago, that the primary duty of the executive Government at this moment in that part of the world is to put an end to our commitments. Neither on the grounds of obligation or on grounds of interest have we any stake in Mesopotamia—and the same is true in Palestine —at all commensurate with the demands that are being made upon the sorely tried British taxpayer. The Government tell us that they must contract expenditure on social interests of primary importance here at home, but we are asked now to vote £27,000,000—an estimate which I agree with the right hon. Gentleman compares very favourably with the Estimates of last year or the year before.

He is asking for £27,000,000, and the only prospect he holds out is that of its being reduced next year to £9,000,000 or £10,000,000. But that prospect depends upon a number of the most shifting, shadowy, nebulous and unsubstantial hypotheses that have ever been presented to the House.

5.0 P.M.

With all respect to the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken, I should like to express my complete concurrence with one position he has adopted and my equal disagreement with another. On each and every occasion since we have been in Mesopotamia, when I have been able to make my voice heard I have protested against the class of administration introduced there, and the results that have actually occurred. On that I shall have a word to say. But another position taken up by the right hon. Gentleman I wish at once to repudiate, that is that whoever is to profit by the expenditure of British blood and treasure, it is not British trade by which we all live and move and have our being. If Mesopotamia is not a land of milk and honey it is a land of oil, and it is to oil that we shall have to look to recoup ourselves for the enormous expenditure the British taxpayer has been asked to make upon Mesopotamia. I am in favour of the retention of the country, but upon less ambitious lines. It requires some courage, and perhaps a little hardihood, to make a statement in Committee which might have a personal application, but I shall not shrink from doing so. I think it has always been the custom of the House of Commons either not to listen to people with Oriental experience, when Oriental subjects are before it, or, if they do listen, to disregard anything such Orientalists may say. On every single occasion when this business has been before the House I have protested against that very administration which produced the rising and which has resulted in the greater part of this expenditure. It is with the utmost difficulty that a Member with Oriental experience can ever make himself heard on this subject. On whatever subjects he may be allowed to have some authority to speak, he is never allowed to have the slightest say on Oriental affairs. But it is absolutely necessary, when dealing with the Arabs, to know something of their mentality. I protest that no man can deal with them successfully who has no acquaintance with the Arab people, the Arab language, or the Arab literature. They are said to be a free people, and we go there to give them a little of our freedom, and when the Arab finds that that means parting with some of his money in Income, or some such, Tax he says: "Give me grinding, tyranny, away with your freedom."

We have placed a town council upon the Tigris and a rural district council on the Euphrates, councils which are not only capable of, but probably have begun already, taxing the Arab's horse, without which he is no man. I think he would despise everybody present, and everybody in this country, even the smug contented citizen who staggers on foot to his office in the morning under the load of his social reforming obligations, who does not ride, for to him his horse is his kingdom. The whole course of administration introduced, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) fairly said, was a British Indian civil servant's administration, and whether that be popular among the Indians, as to which there are some doubts, it certainly is totally unsuitable for introduction amongst the people of Mesopotamia. Since the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State has introduced the new nomenclature, may I ask him whether he will make it Iraq-i-Arabi instead of Iraq, because there iś a Persian Iraq which is equally extensive, and which does not come under his almost all-embracing sphere of influence. As I have said, the measures taken would be regarded by the Arabs as incredible extortions. They would say, "Before this, let me have the most absolute autocracy, the most grinding tyranny that was ever invented since the days of Ishmael." Therefore you have these troubles, which cost so much money. It must be remembered that the Arabs detest formality and punctuality, particularly punctuality in payment, and the Turkish system suited the Arabs remarkably well. For a people who are in a temperature of 133 in the shade to be swathed in British red tape and regulations is enough to justify them in any uprising, or at any rate, to make it certain that such an uprising would occur. You pick up the "Statesman's Year Book," and you see credit taken by us for the introduction of so many schools on the Tigris and on the Euphrates, and all the rest of it, but I leave that because I am afraid my own indignation does not justify me in detaining the Committee with it. I only recall that I protested against it on every occasion that I have been allowed to lift up my voice, and I regret it, but not for the same reason as my right hon. Friend the Member for Paisley. I think he wants to get out of Mesopotamia, but I think we must keep it, and for the reason which he despises, and that is its commercial resources, and also because it will form the route of the great railway to the head of the Persian Gulf; and I am sufficiently old-fashioned to look upon the Persian Gulf as an Indian lake, and to think that the approaches to it must be kept for that purpose if possible and without further ruinous inroads on the pockets of the taxpayers. I disassociate myself entirely from all the talk about the immense improvements we are giving to the Arabs, because I honestly believe that the less we interfere with them the more happy they will be and the less they will be oppressed with taxation.

How can we keep Mesopotamia if we make it hateful to the electors of this country? I believe it is becoming a name of great odium. I am bound to say what is the result of my own inquiries. When a Member of Parliament like myself, credited with some special knowledge of this subject, tries to explain why we should be there, he cannot be heard. It really seems as though it had been made such an expensive business that people say, "Whatever your Mesopotamia may be, whether it is or is not useful, we will not stand any more expenditure upon it"; and the Member is told he must vote against it. That is putting a Member of Parliament, who wants to do his duty by the Government, by Mesopotamia, by India, by the British Empire, and, above all, by the British taxpayer, in a very difficult situation.

I cannot help thinking that one of the reasons which has led to this undue expenditure and extravagant administration in Mesopotamia, in Palestine, and elsewhere, is the Covenant of the League of Nations. I believe the League of Nations to be a most excellent thing. I believe now there is every prospect— owing to President Harding—not to President Wilson—of our getting one that will do good. But up to now the sentimental socialism, which occupies every page of the Covenant, has always fostered extravagant administration. The Secretary of State claimed that it was absolutely necessary to do certain things because of the pledges he had given to the Arab nation. To whom were those pledges given? I claim there is no Arab nation, and, therefore, that no pledges can be given. There is no such thing as the Arab nation. I would challenge the right hon. Gentleman to deny that. There is no relation between the Arabs of the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, and the Arabs on the Arabian Sea and the Arabs up on the Syrian side, these different sections of the Arabs, being divided by immense wastes of sand, which completely cut off any intercommunication whatever, and will always prevent anything like any agglomeration of common interests, indeed, any real identity of habits or, to a great extent, of language.

There are other matters to which I take strong exception, like the maintenance of refugees, to whom we are also said to be bound by pledges. I am anxious not to acquire a reputation for disregarding pledges, but is any subordinate officer, who happens to be dressed in a little brief authority, to be capable of committing the British nation to undertakings which subsequently lead to immense expenditure? I repudiate that doctrine, and I think it must be possible to repudiate the gentleman in that case, and to save the taxpayers at the expense of the individual who has exceeded his instructions.

Does the hon. Gentleman include in that description General Maude and his proclamation?

This was long after the days of General Maude. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State said: "You cannot leave the Arabs to anarchy." I suggest to him that anarchy is a state of affairs which is pleasing to them, and which they like as much as they dislike his steady Government. They did not dislike the Turks, because the Turks did not impose steady Government on them, and, after all, had some solidarity of interest with them, as they were at least Mohammedans. Then the right hon. Gentleman stated that a conclusion had been reached that the expenditure must not go beyond a point. I have an uncomfortable suspicion that the electors think that point has already been reached. I thank my right hon. Friend for his mission, because I think he has done admirable work and has reduced expenditure enormously. He is bringing the expenditure down to £9,000,000 or £10,000,000. I understand that does not include any charge on account of the Indian Army.

There have been large reductions, for which I am grateful, but I think there must be still further reductions. Then as regards the Emir Feisal. I understood the Secretary of State to say that we were not forcing him on the Arabs, but I have been greatly concerned to see that when he arrived at Buara and got on a platform he was hailed as King of Iraq, and did not repudiate that somewhat indefinite and illusive title. If, as I am informed the Emir Feisal, who, as a Sunni, would be highly unacceptable to the majority of the inhabitants of Mesopotamia, has undergone a process of official or monarchical conversion in respect of his religion in order to become King of Mesopotamia, I do not think that is an act which will commend him to the people there

There is no truth in that statement, and I hope my hon. Friend, with his great knowledge of the East, will be rather more careful.

I heartily agree with my right hon. Friend when he suggests I should be careful. I was careful, but I mentioned a rumour which is widely prevalent and which I received from a very well-informed quarter. I am extremely glad that the right hon. Gentleman has contradicted it. I hope no measures will be taken to force this gentleman who is so unacceptable to our neighbours, the French, and must be unacceptable to large numbers in Mesopotamia, on to the people of that country. I hope things will be allowed to take their own course and that we shall not take an active part in king-making, in which we have never proved successful. I should also like to ask the Secretary of State for more information regarding the Arab army—these locally recruited levies in Mesopotamia. Unless the settled population in Mesopotamia is in a very much higher proportion to the nomad population than it was in my time, there will not be a very large number of persons suitable as soldiers, and if the right hon. Gentleman has anything more to say on that subject, I shall be very glad to hear it. Let me turn for a moment to Palestine. Is it the case that an expenditure of £2,500,000 is to be permanently incurred? I do not know if I understood my right hon. Friend to say that he contemplates a further expenditure of upwards of £2,000,000—for the time being if not permanently—in Palestine.

There are a great many questions put as regards Palestine. I never could make out what is the interest of the British taxpayer in Mr. Jabotinsky of Jerusalem, whose name has been bandied about this House, and though I am an admirer of Sir Herbert Samuel and know what a good worker he is and what a conscientious man he is, and have the profoundest and greatest respect for him, I should like him better if ho were not an ardent Zionist. I hope the administration of Palestine, so long as we are connected with it, will not be of an ardently Zionist character, because I think it would be extremely likely to lead to agrarian trouble with the Arabs, who, in my view, have far better claims upon Palestine than the Jews, because they have been there for some time, and the claim of a people who have been there for hundreds of years is better than one of a more Scriptural character. Quite lately it was necessary to check immigration into Palestine, and I think Sir Herbert Samuel acted very wisely when he put on the screw and prevented further immigration. That is fiercely resented by the Zionists, and of course great interest is being taken in the matter. If there was any money available for experiments I should say there was no place in the world more likely to repay expenditure, but at the present time it seems to me to be of little or no value to the British nation, and likely to be a charge upon the taxpayer. I should like the activities of the High Commissioner to be as restrained as possible. I cannot myself accept the proposition which was urged during the previous Debate on this subject, to the effect that Christendom was offended by the action of the Turk when he was in command of the Holy Sepulchre. The Turk behaved in the most broad-minded and tolerant manner and members of all branches of Christianity had equal access, and I do not think it is right to complain of their action in that respect.

I now turn to the question of Kurdistan. I understand that Sir Percy Cox is to be the Governor of Kurdistan, and to have the direct and immediate management of that mountainous country which is inhabited solely by robbers. [ Laughter. ] Oh, yes; but it is a country where the professional free-booter continues to be a gentleman. Hon. Members must try to bring their minds back at least to the days of the moss troopers, or probably a more distant date, and they must realise that I do not use the expression "robber" as a term of reproach. The gentlemen to whom I am referring do not fear magistrates in black coats, or sentences of short terms of imprisonment. I wish to say that if Sir Percy Cox is going to live for ever, there would be a good deal to be said for this arrangement—and perhaps as it is, it is possibly the best thing— but as Sir Percy Cox is subject to mortality like the rest of us, I confess I entertain a good deal of doubt as to the prospects. I sincerely hope that Sir Percy Cox or his successors will interfere as little as possible in that wild and mountainous district, in which the greatest hosts of antiquity and the most distinguished generals have met with nothing but defeat and destruction. It has always been usual for an hon. Member to reply when he has been referred to in Debate— I will not say attacked, but even referred to in a courteous manner—and may I have the opportunity of referring to two questions in regard to which I was made the object of objurgation or criticism or complaint, or whatever you may call it, on the last occasion this subject was before the House. My Noble Friend the hon. Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) made an animated and emphatic speech on that occasion, and asked me why I did not, as he put it, come out into the open on the League of Nations. May I say that the "Nineteenth Century" and the "Spectator" are not altogether unknown publications, and may be worthy even of the attention of the Noble Lord. I did venture therein, by request, to set forth what I thought were the facts and the relation of the Covenant of the League to this very question of Mesopotamia.

The other Noble Lord—I suppose I must not call him my Noble Friend, politically speaking, though I have the greatest regard for him personally—the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) referred to my action as regards my complaining continually about the expense incurred in regard to Armenian and other refugees. I have never got an answer upon this subject, and perhaps the Secretary of State will now tell me, how did we incur this onerous and expensive obligation, which is said to rest upon us. I do not know how we incurred it, but even if any officer undertook this tremendous obligation, it really is a matter for consideration whether there is not an over-riding obligation on our part to the taxpayer, which will force us to put an end to this profuse hospitality which we have been extending in Baqubah and other camps to Assyrians, Armenians, Russian Jews, Parthians, Elamites, and dwellers in Mesopotamia. I am longing to see this expenditure stopped. I have brought it up again and again, and I have been told there is an obligation, but I do not know what the obligation is. Can I fairly go to my constituents and say there is such an obligation as makes my continued objections futile and compels me to allow Government to go on paying for these people who are being maintained in idleness for two, three, and four years in distant lands? If I can get a definite reply on that subject, I shall be most grateful. I thank the Committee very much for the attention paid to me, and I desire to touch upon one further subject. I sincerely hope that in dealing with the question of the Indians in East Africa, the infinite importance of according them equal status will be recognised. At the present time any failure to do so would be likely to have the most unfortunate political consequences in India, and I also hope that in the great conference which is to meet, the present admirable representatives of India will be allowed to take part on that occasion on behalf of the Indian Empire.

I am afraid I shall not be able to make as humorous a speech as that of my hon. Friend, whose address was full of both wit and sanity; but I desire to pursue the matter in a more humdrum fashion, not from the point of view of a dweller in Mesopotamia, but from the point of view of a, dweller in this country, a taxpayer, and one responsible to his constituents for every penny of taxation that we put upon him. My right hon. Friend the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) dealt so very fully with one side of the origin of these obligations that I do not think I need further trespass upon the Committee in that respect. We are told by the Colonial Secretary that these obligations are to be found in the records of General Maude, Lord Harding, and one other officer whose name I have forgotten. He went further, and based our obligations upon the fact that we have accepted Mandates from the League of Nations. It will be in the memory of the Committee that for many months past, several of us in this House tried very hard to get a discussion on this Mandate in order that we might find out exactly what were our commitments, and how far these Mandates imposed upon us permanent financial liabilities in regard to the administration of Mesopotamia. The late Lord Privy Seal over and over again declined to allow these Mandates to be discussed. In the first instance, he declined to allow them to be submitted to the House at all, but when they had been printed in an American newspaper secrecy was no longer any object. Then he said that as the Mandates had to be submitted to and approved of by the representatives of the various countries, it would make the work of the League impossible if we proceeded to discuss them. I cannot help that. I hold the very strongest view that if we by a Mandate given by the League of Nations are to have imposed on us an obligation amounting, as in this case, to £27,000,000 this year, and in the very best circumstances to £10,000,000 in the succeeding year, we should at least endeavour to see what these Mandates contain. We should further be in a position to say to the Government in regard to them, "Such and such a thing we will not, and cannot, allow you to have in these Mandates."

Looking at the Mandate for Mesopotamia, I gather that the Mandatory Power is to be entrusted with the control of the foreign relations of Mesopotamia, and it is also entitled to afford diplomatic and Consular protection to the citizens of Mesopotamia when outside its territorial limits. In other words, we are to be responsible for the whole external affairs of Mesopotamia as well as responsible for setting up an internal Government, which might quite satisfactorily in the course of a year or two be handed over to the Emir Feisal or whoever else is chosen as King of Mesopotamia. As far as I can gather from Article 3 and the succeeding Articles of the Mandate, the Mandatory shall also be responsible for seeing that no Mesopotamian territory shall be ceded, or leased, or in any way placed under the control of the Government of any foreign Power. That seems to be a permanent obligation. If we establish an Arab kingdom in Mesopotamia, under the Emir Feisal or anybody else, we are for all time, or as long as we remain the Mandatory Power, bound to see that he does not cede any territory to any foreign Power, and we are for all time to have control over his foreign relations, and to look after the nationals of Mesopotamia, wherever they get to over the whole of the wide world. It seems to me that that might quite easily land us in very grave difficulties, and even into warfare, with other countries. Very grave crises have arisen here owing to the bad treatment of an English national in some foreign country, and we remember Lord Palmerston's celebrated speech, made about 50 years ago, dealing with the rights of Englishmen in Greece, I think. The same obligations which we rightly have to our English nationals in foreign countries are by this Mandate imposed upon us in regard to any national of Mesopotamia who may get into trouble in, or be unfairly treated by the Government of, any foreign country, and I cannot see where there is any limit to such obligation.

I am prepared in the fullest possible way to carry out all the obligations which we have entered into in regard to Mesopotamia. The Colonial Secretary spoke, quite rightly, of the honour of Great Britain in carrying out its obligations, but I submit that we are not bound to go beyond the actual obligations we have entered into. I think I should say that if we send an officer into a country like Mesopotamia, and give him authority, and place him in command of troops, we are bound to carry out any obligation in regard to that territory—or any reasonable obligation, perhaps I should say— which he has entered into, but beyond that I feel that my right hon. Friend has not proved our obligations. He has merely told us they are contained in the speeches or statements of certain officers and in the Mandate of the League of Nations, but in regard to the statements of those officers, he has not produced the actual wording of the obligations, and from all I have been able to discover, there is no obligation entered into anything like the obligation which is now being cast on this country in regard to the maintenance of the present régime in Mesopotamia. We are under obligation, of course, not to hand the country over to the Turks, but I cannot find anything in those statements, nor in the Proclamation of General Maude which the right hon. Member for Paisley read out, rendering us liable to the great expenditure we are now incurring in regard to Mesopotamia. I would like to say a few words in regard to the remarks of the Colonial Secretary affecting the troops there. He asked us to accept the position that because British troops were employed in Mesopotamia we must not put the cost of them upon Mesopotamia— that if they were not employed there, they would be employed somewhere else, and therefore we must treat it as a national charge. I do not think that is at all fair. If they are not really needed for Mesopotamia and Palestine, it is obvious that, without those countries, we should need fewer troops, and we should be able to reduce the numbers of our troops in the present financial stringency.

The question of Mesopotamia has been so fully dealt with that I should like to deal now for a few moments with Palestine which, though a small country, I regard as likely to lead to more difficulties than Mesopotamia. We are in Palestine in the same way, by obligations of honour, but I am not at all sure that the obligations in regard to the Zionist home are not contrary to the obligations which we have in regard to the Arabs. If we have obligations to the Arabs in Mesopotamia, we have equal obligations to the Arabs in Palestine. I have not been unfriendly to the Zionist movement, but when you are inviting the Jews from all over the world to establish a National Home in Palestine, and all that they mean by the term "National Home," you must be very careful that you do not infringe your obligations of honour to the Arab population. The Arab population is practically the entire population of Palestine, for 90 per cent. of the population of Palestine consists of Arabs and Christians, and only 10 per cent. of Jews, and the number of Jews who have gone into Palestine since the Armistice is about 7,000, of no real value to the people of Palestine. I think my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies mentioned in his speech that he hoped the Jews would contribute to the well-being of Palestine, that they would take money into Palestine, and that their industries would be beneficial to the country. I should like to ask the Under-Secretary, who is now on the Treasury Bench, how many of those 7,000 immigrant Jews who have gone in under the Balfour declaration are being maintained at the public expense, which means out of the taxes of Palestine, which means out of the taxes levied on the Arab population. I believe I am not far wrong in saying that very nearly half of the immigrant Jewish population is being maintained by public works, works, if you like, of utility, but certainly public works, which have to be paid for out of public funds, either the funds of Great Britain or the funds of the Arabs. If we go to the Mandate for Palestine, I cannot help feeling that the Arabs are really entitled to ask whether we have fulfilled our obligations of honour to the Arab population.

The hon. Gentleman talks of these immigrants being paid for by the Arabs, but they are paid for by the general population of Palestine, and not by the Arabs alone.

I pointed out that 90 per cent. of the population were Arabs and Christians and only 10 per cent. Jews, and therefore at all events 90 per cent. of the cost of these public works must come out of Arab and Christian pockets, but I certainly do not want to overstate the case in any way whatever. If hon. Members will look at the Mandate itself, and at the preamble of the Mandate, they will see that one of the main objects is the establishment in Palestine of a National Home for the Jewish people. That is the reason why the Mandate is given to us, and we are to exercise by Article 1, as mandatory, all the powers inherent in the government of a sovereign State. Article 2 is as follows: Jews come here and desire to establish a National Home here, they are open to do so, they are open to buy land and houses, and to set up any commercial undertakings they like, but in this country we should not expect to see on the official postage stamps the Jewish title of the country as well as the English title, and we should not expect to see, on the signposts on the roads and streets, the Jewish names written out as well as the English names.

Of course, if the Jews became the predominant power, it would be open to them to pass such laws as they desire, but the Arab has come to feel, rightly or wrongly, that the British Administration of Palestine is becoming to some extent Judean, and that is what is causing the present unrest in that country. I suggest that my right hon. Friend must reconsider some of the terms of the Balfour declaration. If he does not reconsider the terms of that declaration in regard to our obligations of honour to the Arab, it will not be, as he told us last month, 5,000 British troops who will have to be kept in Palestine, but at least another couple of divisions. The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head, but I am making a statement of my own views. I feel it to be my duty to do so, and if I am wrong time will prove it. If my right hon. Friend says, "I do not agree with the hon. Member; I think he is an alarmist"—

I will assume that the right hon. Gentleman means nothing by shaking his head, and that he does not express any opinion one way or the other as to my pessimistic forecast in regard to the British troops who may have to be sent in the near future to maintain order in Palestine. I am not making an anti-Jewish speech, but not only is the High Commissioner a Jew—I am not saying a word against him, because we know him, we know his great ability, and I believe that personally he is exceedingly popular in Palestine—but his popularity is, in the minds of the Arabs, affected by the fact that his second in the Administration is a Jew, by the fact that three or four highly-placed offices in the Administration during the last two years have been given to Jews—the head of the Legal Department, the Head Controller of Stores, and one or two others—doubtless perfectly good and excellent officers, but in the position of affairs in Palestine, I suggest that it is very serious indeed that you should give the Arabs even a possible complaint that they are not being treated fairly, and that the Balfour Declaration is being utilised, with the assent of the British Government, who conquered the country for the Arabs from the Turks, not merely to allow the Jews to go there, but to carry into effect what we know to be the desire of the Jews, and what you see in every Zionist newspaper from one end of the world to another. You can read this, if you like, in the various newspapers from America to here. All these references in the American and English-Jewish papers are translated into the local Arabic newspapers, and give very grave cause of anxiety and offence to the Arabs. I am, however, pleading this afternoon as an English taxpayer. I ask that my right hon. Friend should be very careful indeed that he does not engage us in more expense, more anxiety, and possibly more bloodshed in Palestine. We have got this great expenditure this year of £27,000,000—a debt of honour. We have had other debts of honour in this country which have had to be cancelled because of the financial exigencies of the time.

And the financial exigencies of the country are such that we have been compelled to cancel even some of these debts of honour. I am pleading that, in regard to Mesopotamia and Palestine, we should regard these debts of honour in the same light of financial stringency as we have regarded our own debts of honour here, and carry out our obligations with reference to the financial condition of the country.

I want to put another aspect of the case. So far as the party to which I belong is concerned, we want to be out of Mesopotamia at the earliest possible moment. So far as Palestine is concerned, we desire, as far as possible, and in strict accordance with the promise made, without any excuse for doing otherwise, that we should leave the management of Palestine to the people who live in it. That is our desire with regard both to Palestine and to Mesopotamia. When the Secretary for the Colonies made his speech about a month ago, a speech of singular lucidity, he made one or two remarks that I should like to read to the Committee, and from which I should like to draw a certain conclusion. He was speaking of the relationship between France and Great Britain, so far as the Near and| Middle East were concerned. He said:

"It would be absolutely fatal to our joint interests if the impression were to continue, as it has done during the last two years, that one country was indifferent to Arab aspirations and the other was especially opposed to the Turks. That would be disastrous. In such a way we should unite all the forces in these lands in hostility against us at the very time when we wish to reduce our military forces and the heavy expense to which both countries are put thereby. If we wish to maintain our position and to discharge our responsibilities in the Middle East, England and France together must pursue a policy of appeasement and friendship towards both Turks and Arabs."— [OFFICIAL REPORT, 14th June, 1921; col. 289, Vol. 143.]

There were other remarks quite as lucid as to the fact that there could be no settlement in the Middle East, nor, in my opinion, can there be any settlement in the Far East until there is a definite peace with Turkey. It is on the question of peace with Turkey that I desire to speak. I am of opinion that we, as a nation, are becoming isolated so far as the Middle East is concerned, and our very isolation is damaging the interests of our Empire in the great land of India. First of all, let me call attention to the fact, that when the Treaty of Sèvres was signed, it was signed by a Turkish representative, who certainly could not, whatever else he did, speak on behalf of the great mass of the Turkish people. There can be no doubt whatever but that the Turkish Government in Constantinople is a dummy Government, not recognised by any large number of Turks anywhere, and whether we like the fact or not, the real Government of Turkey and the Government that represents the Turkish people, is the Government of Angora. In order to keep the peace with Turkey, surely it is advisable to give Turkey what, at any rate, can be considered to be a fair hearing. The Prime Minister laid down in very eloquent words the fact that we were not out to take from Turkey any really Turkish land or the wealthy lands of Thrace. These things the Turks know as well as we do. Whatever may be their peculiarities so far as keeping their own word is concerned they expect that—and it is a compliment to us that they should expect—that we will keep ours. That events of the last six or nine months prove that we may reasonably assume that we have already agreed to do the very thing the Prime Minister said ought not to be done.

On a point of Order. I do not want to interrupt the hon. Gentleman, but if the subject of the Turkish Treaty is raised, I hope you will allow other hon. Members who take part in the discussions the same latitude?

I thought the hon. Member was using his argument about Turkey in order to apply it to Mesopotamia and Palestine.

My whole point is this. On the statement of the Colonial Secretary himself, the future of Mesopotamia and Palestine depends upon a lasting peace with Turkey, and I am trying to prove that you cannot have a lasting peace with Turkey except on certain well-defined lines. If your ruling is that I cannot discuss the Treaty of Sevres in relation to the question of peace with the Angora Government, then I will submit to your ruling and sit down, because I have not the slightest desire merely to repeat what has been said by other speakers.

There is no objection to discussing the Treaty with Turkey up to a certain point.

On a point of Order. Is it not the fact that in the speech of the Colonial Secretary, which discussed policy, it was made perfectly clear that the whole future of policy and prospects of Mesopotamia depended on making peace with Turkey. Was not that very point raised, not only in the speech of my right hon. Friend the Colonial Secretary, but in the speech of nearly every subsequent speaker? And is not the point that the Peace of Turkey depended upon a revision of the same Treaty?

There is a proper time for everything, and this is not the time for the discussion of the Treaty of Sèvres.

Would it not be in order to press the Colonial Secre- tary to make his policy safe in Palestine, and to suggest that he should urge his colleagues in the Cabinet to reconsider this Peace Treaty?

Should I be in order if I asked the Colonial Secretary a series of questions as to how he wants to get a peace with Turkey that will permit him to get a settlement in Palestine?

But the right hon. Gentleman is not responsible for the question of peace with Turkey; therefore he cannot answer any question which is put to him. It would be futile to put it.

I will try my best to conform to your ruling. It is desirable to bring about a real settlement both in Palestine and Mesopotamia, or we may finally be brought into a greater struggle in the Middle East than we are now engaged in. I should like to say one or two words on the question of the money wastefully spent in Mesopotamia; about the methods which have been carried on there, and also as to one or two details of the methods of the Cabinet. We think that the reduction in the expenditure for this year is quite inadequate. We object to the transfer of the administrative policy of the Middle East to the Colonial Office without Parliament having a voice in it. We object to the answer of the Colonial Secretary to the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City (Sir F. Banbury) that the League of Nations was not to be represented in Palestine and Mesopotamia. In our opinion, the Mandate makes Great Britain the representative of the League of Nations in these two parts of the world. I am sorry that I have been curbed from calling attention from what I consider to be the real pivot on which the fate of Mesopotamia and of the Middle East generally will turn. I conclude by saying that I have not the slightest intention of repeating in detail that, what I might have repeated, had the statement not been made by the right hon. Member for Paisley. I wanted to speak about an entirely different part of the subject, and I thank the Committee for the courtesy they have shown me, and express to them my sense of—I will not call it dissatisfaction—but of regret that I have not been able to develop a subject that I think is of greater importance both to the Middle East and to the Empire than the mere question of a few millions that have been under discussion.

I beg to move that Sub-head A [ Salaries, Wages and Allowances, £145,143] be reduced by £500.

6.0 P.M.

I am glad to have the opportunity of congratulating the Secretary of State for the Colonies on the statement he made on Mesopotamia the other day, and I especially wish to congratulate him upon the fact that he has not given in to all the panic mongers who have been urging us to evacuate Mesopotamia in spite of all the blood and treasure that has been poured out there. I am glad we have not consented to pack up bag and baggage and leave the country to anarchy and ruin. I listened with much interest to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley when he told us what an important strategical position we occupied in the Villayet of Basra and on the shores of the Persian Gulf, and I was glad to hear him mention it. The Colonial Secretary the other day spoke about the Arab race, and of giving satisfaction to Arab nationality in Mesopotamia. That is a very uncertain problem. So far as I know Mesopotamia, it is inhabited by various tribes and chiefs, and not a single one of them will admit the over-lordship of any other tribe or chief, and all the tribes and all the chiefs are equally determined never to admit the over-lordship of any outside chief. The right hon. Gentleman has told us that the only house upon which we can build is the house and family of the Sherif of Mecca. The Sherif of Mecca holds his position as guardian of the sacred shrine at Mecca, but he is only the head of a section of the Arabs, and, as the right hon. Gentleman pointed out in his speech, he was severely defeated two or three years ago by one of his neighbours, and that is a thing that may happen again at any moment. I remember that the right hon. Gentleman spoke of the Sherif of Mecca as King Hussein. All these chiefs have their separate titles. You have the Sultan of Turkey, the Shah of Persia, and the Amir of Afghanistan, and I object to giving European titles to Oriental potentates. The Sherif of Mecca took unto himself the title of Malik of the Hedjaz, and in my opinion that is the title he should be known by.

The right hon. Gentleman went on to say that the Emir Feisal has great influence in Iraq among the military and religious classes, both Sunni and Shiah, and he went on to say that we must wait and see how opinion forms itself in Mesopotamia. I think he is wise indeed to give us that caution. Let us consider for a moment what the population of Mesopotamia is. It is divided between these two sects, the Sunnis and the Shiahs. In Bagdad, where the two sects are most nearly evenly divided, there are 525,000 Sunnis and 750,000 Shiahs, so that about three-fifths of them are Shiahs and two-fifths are Sunnis. When we come to Mosul there are 425,000 Sunnis and 23,000 Shiahs. In Basra the figures are reversed, for there in that country there are 721,000 Shiahs and only 42,000 Sunnis. The difference between those two sects is profound. With the Sunnis the supreme secular and temporal authority is vested in the State, but in the case of the Shiahs the opposite is the case. The Mujtahids or High Priests hold supreme spiritual power and possess a large measure of temporal power as well. The cleavage between the two sects is so great that it amounts almost to a racial difference.

I think we can be perfectly certain that although the Emir Feisal, who is a Sunni, may be accepted in the north and in Mosul by the Sunnis, it seems very probably true, what the right hon. Gentleman told us, that amongst the Shiahs of Basra there is a large movement in favour of the retention of British rule. I should like to support what the right hon. Gentleman brought to our notice about the splendid work done by Sir Percy Cox in Mesopotamia during the time he has been there, and how he has changed the opinion of the whole country in our favour in that direction. I think in the Basra Villayet and on the shores of the Persian Gulf the retaining of the Arab Council under Sir Percy Cox would be the best form of rule. We have enormous interests in Basra. We have to defend the oilfields, the refineries, and other interests within a few miles of Basra, and I think the present form of rule in Mesopotamia should be continued there, and if the Basra people prefer Sir Percy Cox as their chief, he should remain there. We have to remember what difficult people the Shiah Arabs of the South are to rule. We all remember how those Arabs first of all, when they thought the Turks were in the ascendant, murdered the British wounded and robbed the British dead, and how, when the British were in the ascendant, they murdered the Turkish wounded and robbed the Turkish dead. I can remember a report coming of how the Turkish Commander-in-Chief had at Bagdad sent a message to the British Commander-in-Chief saying he would like to join with him in driving out all the cursed Arabs, so that when once the Arabs had been wiped out they two could then fight out their own particular fight in peace, and I think if that had been done it would have saved us a lot of trouble.

I think the present rule in those districts under Sir Percy Cox would be better than trusting everything to the hands of the Arabs. I see that Arab levies are to be raised. In those countries, however, it never does to put all your eggs in one basket, and you must have a counterpoise there. I am glad to see, therefore, that Kurdish and Asryian levies are to be raised as well, as I believe the latter did good service in the War. The whole thing depends, as the right hon. Gentleman has said, on our securing a real and lasting peace with Turkey, and I am all in favour of that. I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on what he has done for Mesopotamia so far, and I trust it will prove a success.

I have only got three questions I wish to put to the right hon. Gentleman in charge of these Estimates, and I shall not occupy the House more than five minutes. I begin by saying that it is a great blessing to have a policy of any sort put before us. This policy is very definite; it is, I think, very bold— and some people think a little too bold— it is very simple, and sometimes seems to be over simple. It is, however, a policy; and we have to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman upon laying it before us. There are three questions I want to ask. The right hon. Gentleman knows a good deal about military history, and he has even made some military history himself. What I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman is, firstly, this. Does he remember a case where, having set up a new sovereign in a country where that sovereign, unlike the Emir Feisal, had considerable rights, we withdrew the greater part of our forces, leaving something like 12 battalions scattered about in various parts of the country, five battalions here and three there, and so on. The right hon. Gentleman's knowledge of military history will enable him to remember the tale; he knows what happened 80 years ago when we set up a certain Shah Sujah as ruler of Afghanistan on the throne which his ancestor had owned. How easily we overran that country and how we left behind a brigade at Kabul, another at Jelalabad, and other troops at other points he will remember. We left in power a sovereign with much more claim on the country he was then ruling than the Emir Feisal has, and we raised for him a native army. We then withdrew the greater part of our own forces, with the result that the sovereign, who depended purely on British bayonets, assisted by untrustworthy native levies, was horribly murdered by rebels, while of the British troops supporting him part were exterminated in the Khyber Pass disaster and part of them were only saved by the heroic defence of Jelalabad. As a student of military history, I ask is there any middle course between leaving the Prince whom we are setting up entirely to his own strength, while Mesopotamia becomes, as we hope it may, conscious of a nationality and a loyalty to itself and its ruler, and leaving an enormous British force there? I hope the latter course is not the one to be adopted. You have to trust the Emir Feisal to say, "Here is ancient glory under my rule restored, here is an Arab Government." And I hope you intend to leave the British troops out of the matter, or at most to keep a few at Basra. There was one thing the right hon. Gentleman said that filled me with some terror. He remarked that we cannot send Mesopotamian levies to police Kurdistan. Does that mean that British troops will be sent there, to the remotest and most inaccessible parts of Mesopotamia among the Kurdish mountains? I trust it does not. At any rate we have got to face this fact. The right hon. Gentleman spoke of leaving 12 battalions of British troops in Mesopotamia. I repeat that the choice is between none at all or a very much greater number, and I should like to have his opinion, as a military historian, as to whether this is a safe game. My second point is this. Of one very interesting quarter in Arabia the right hon. Gentleman said nothing at all. He told us a lot about the Sherif of Mecca and the Wahabis, but he did not say what had become of the Ibn-Rashids in Northern Arabia. This dynasty, which existed along the northern border of the Wahabis, collapsed more or less during the War, having sided with the Turks, and I think we ought to know what has happened to them. Have we accepted their submission? As to that not a word has been said. The third point I have to put is this. The right hon. Gentleman seemed to be somewhat silent when dealing with the subject of public opinion across the Channel. I must confess I am rather terrified not only with what I see in the French papers, but with information I get in private letters from French friends whose views are not unimportant, and what they say about the Emir Feisal. Private letters and newspaper correspondence may mean nothing provided that the really important people, the French Government are all right. I should like to have an assurance that the election of the Emir Feisal is not going to give the trouble suggested by some sections of the Paris Press, or it may be a very serious matter for us. I think that the keeping up of the Entente is extraordinarily important, and I should be sorry if I thought the French Government held the views expressed in some of the French newspapers and which I have read in correspondence from my French friends. Finally, I would again congratulate my right hon. Friend on having given us a definite policy in Mesopotamia.

I listened with great interest to the speech of the Colonial Secretary, especially to those passages which concerned Mesopotamia and the new era which is promised in her history. The future may have its difficulties, but the future will be assured if we have the courage to trust and the wisdom to learn from the past. For we have not failed in Mesopotamia, we have only erred, and the error we made was in attempting to govern a technically liberated country as though it were a conquered province. There were many side issues, there were many contributory causes, none of them were fundamental. The main mistakes were our own and the recognition of that fact has saved us from the greatest mistake of all which would be to abandon the country. Evacuation is often spoken of as though it involved no consequences other than financial. But the consequence of evacuation would be the return of the Turk, and every time we talk of evacuation and hold debates about evacuation we are only encouraging the Turk to keep his powder dry.

Only one other point. The Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) referred to the question of the refugees, and asked, with some emphasis, why these people had not been sent home. Yet, strictly speaking, they are not refugees at all, and the point has real significance. Perhaps the Committee will allow me to recall how that, centuries ago, these same tribes were driven out by Tamerlane from the region south of Bagdad, and how, after much wandering, they settled finally by Lake Van, where they remained in poverty and weakness till disturbed by the tentacles of the Great War closing in upon them. And then they arose as one man and started to come home, without organisation, without provision, and seemingly without hope. It was something more than a mere war-time treck, it was the migration of a whole people, and one might follow their course across the desert by the bodies which they left behind. But at last they reached Bakuba, some 50 miles from their old home of 500 years before, and they arrived just before the Armistice. Now, the point of what might otherwise be a mere war-time story is this, that there was a tradition among the Arabs that if ever these tribes came home the power of the Turk would be broken. And the tribes did come home, and the power of the Turk was broken. Therefore I hope the Colonial Secretary, in a country where tradition counts for much, may think it worth while to establish a Colony, however small, of these people, degraded and shiftless though they be, and thus keep alive a tradition which so strangely came true.

The Committee has had an opportunity of listening to a series of very instructive and interesting speeches on the question of Mesopotamia and Palestine, and I am reluctant to interrupt the course of the discussion. I only do so now because I think that possibly it may be for the convenience of the Committee, in view of the fact that time is limited and that my right hon. Friend wishes to reply on the points which have been raised in regard to Mesopotamia, and also on points which may be raised in the general Debate on the Colonial Office Vote—it may be convenient to the Committee that I should compress my remarks within strict limits in order to make more time available for other hon. Members who wish to take part in the Debate. I, therefore, ask permission to introduce, formally, the Colonial Office Vote, and I can assure hon. Members that I have no wish to detain them for more than the briefest possible period. I know a great many hon. Friends of mine, in all parts of the Committee, wish to speak on many different subjects, and, as our time is short, I shall not occupy very much of it. I imagine that the task of anyone charged with this responsibility can never be an easy one. The field is varied and the temptation to digress is great. But in one respect my responsibility is lightened by being spared the necessity of dealing with that side of our work which concerns the affairs of our self-governing Dominions. These are forming the subject of prolonged and close debates elsewhere, and with regard to them I have no doubt a full statement will be made in the House of Commons at a later time.

I will therefore, if I may, confine myself to endeavouring to give some picture of what has been the doings and the principal events of last year in the Colonies and in the Protectorates of the Empire. Of these possessions, of which I think we as yet hardly appreciate the present value, and still less the value they may come to have, the efforts during the War have very often been recounted. I am not going to recount them here. I will only say this: that, while some were within the War zones, and while others were remote from them, they all of them practically shared a common war experience, and to the vigorous activities that were induced by the keen demand of the world for what they had to offer during the War, there succeeded a period of economic stagnation and paralysis, and in many cases the greater had been the boom the more severe has been the slump. Serious as that may have been by itself, it has been rendered much more serious by the fact that it has coincided with the necessity for en- deavouring to overtake five years' arrears. The Committee will appreciate how grave is the loss even in our own country that results from the rust that accumulates on machines after five years of suspended or, if not suspended, diverted energy. Far more serious is it in those countries where the reserve of economic strength is far smaller than it is with us, and in those parts of the world where man is always conducting a strenuous and often an unequal fight with nature. It may easily to them spell ruin or disaster. I would venture to give an example of that, because all I can do in the short time I wish to take up is to pick out illustrations of the general observations I desire to make. As an example, I will give the case of Tanganyika, a territory in regard to which we have accepted a mandate and a territory which before the War belonged to one of our late enemies.

There you have a territory not less large than the United Kingdom and France combined. Before the War, under the Germans, it was not, indeed, paying its way, but was doing well. Then came the War, and all the devastation that in that case war brought with it. Its roads, its railways, its bridges were destroyed; its plantations were neglected and uncared for, and the whole country, at the end of the War, was reduced to a derelict condition and faced with grave mutterings of native discontent. That was the position after the War, and I do not think the Committee can exaggerate the debt that it owes to Sir Horace Byatt and the staff who have worked with him with great tenacity of purpose, with great courage and with extreme ability, to face a situation that called for those qualities in a superlative degree. A great deal has been done. The foundations of progress have, I think one may say, been established, and certainly, as far as my information goes, the native unrest has been allayed. But the Committee should understand that a great deal more needs to be done, by way, probably, of loan from this country, if that territory is to make its position good. That is an extreme case, but the financial difficulty of which it is an extreme example is a common one. The circumstances of the day have led to a great many propositions being advanced to the Colonial Office through the local Governments for particular help to meet particular sets of difficulties, and I am sorry to confess that it is necessary in these days to acknowledge that, however willing may be the spirit, the flesh, interpreted in terms of ready money and rigidly bound by economic laws, is sadly weak. I think that on the whole it is sounder to try, as and when one can, to spend what money one can in endeavouring to aim at the development of what I may call the permanent resources, both in human life and in agriculture, with which these various places are endowed.

I want the Committee to remember, and indeed we ought never to forget, that, whether the human race be at peace or at war, the warfare that the lower creation, in its instinctive task of carrying and disseminating disease, wages upon it, is perpetual and unrelenting, and that in that warfare there is no neutrality. To anybody who will investigate them, the discoveries that have been made and the successful efforts that have been put forth in that field during the last 20 years form a real romance; but I say quite frankly that, as far as I have been able to form a judgment, I feel that it is quite impossible to rest upon our oars, or to profess any satisfaction with the state of health in many parts of our Colonies where the mortality of our British fellow-subjects is what it is to-day. It is impossible for us to feel satisfied with such a position, and, indeed, I think that those by whose efforts and self-sacrifice the results we have attained have been won would be the very first to acknowledge, in fact and comparatively, how slender is the advantage that we have hitherto gained. I should like to take this opportunity of expressing my thanks, and the thanks of the Government, to a committee, presided over by Lord Chalmers, which has recently reported, and which had for its object to inquire into how best to link more closely the problems of research in the Colonies with universities and other allied institutions in this country. I have not time now to go into the recommendations of that committee, but meanwhile more and more forces in different parts of the world are being mobilised in the pursuit of disease. The London and Liverpool Schools of Tropical Medicine, in one way and another, are doing work in the West Indies and in West Africa. Ceylon, I am told, is in active pursuit of malaria. In Mauritius—which I mention because I desire to draw the attention of the Committee to one of the titles to fame which Mauritius has, and of which they may not be seised, namely, that it was the original home of the Dodo—has set aside 10,000,000 rupees, and has been fortunate in enlisting the services of one of our greatest medical scientists, Dr. Andrew Balfour, to advise as to how best that money may be applied.

I said just now that in this field of warfare there was no neutrality. There is neither neutrality nor national nor racial boundaries. It was with the keenest pleasure that a few weeks ago the Colonial Office was able to welcome the representatives of the International Health Board of the Rockefeller Foundation, who were good enough to come over from the United States to confer with us as to the possibility of closer co-operation in their beneficent and valuable work, and I have every hope that from these consultations extremely important results will emerge. I want to impress upon the Committee, in connection with all this, a point upon which I know a great many hon. Members feel strongly, although we may not agree as to the methods by which it should be dealt with, namely, the importance of medical personnel. Wherever you begin to tackle the problems of research or of its application you are every time confronted with the question of medical personnel. In this matter also my right hon. Friend has had the assistance of another strong committee, presided over by a very distinguished administrator of ripe experience, Sir Walter Egerton, and I am glad to be able to inform the Committee that of the recommendations made by those gentlemen some have already been adopted, and I hope that as time goes on we shall be able to make further progress in adopting others. The problem is not an easy one. Let me take one point to illustrate my meaning. The unification of a colonial medical service is not an easy matter. In all these matters of administration the Colonial Office is dealing with some 40 to 50 different Governments, in an infinite variety of conditions and infinitely differing in their financial resources— and in these days, in nearly all reforms, the depth and length of the purse is the deciding factor.

But I look to a progressive improvement in the field of human life. It is one of the fields in which a great work remains to be done, but it is not the only one, and there are others scarcely, if at all, less important. Another is to make available for human needs the material resources, as distinguished from the human resources, of the Colonies and other territories with which we are dealing. I am satisfied that, as with human life, so with plants, animals, trees, and so on, we have only begun to make our own the secrets that science and scientific discovery have to unfold to us if we really apply ourselves to learn them. I could mention many interesting developments in this direction, but I will mention only one, which I think is in some ways the most interesting, namely, the development, which is now approaching fruition, of the West Indian Agricultural College of Trinidad. That development has been powerfully stimulated by the recent preferential trade agreement between the West Indies and their great Dominion neighbour, Canada. It has been made possible by the initiative, enterprise and public spiritedness of Trinidad, assisted and guided by its Governor, Sir John Chancellor, whose recent retirement, on grounds of health, all who knew him and the work he has done will regret. In West Africa the same thing in other ways is going on. The scientific side of agricultural departments is being strengthened with the same object. In East Africa a proposal is now being considered, which I hope will shortly reach fruition, of turning the Amani Institute in Tanganyika into a central research institute for the whole of East Africa.

But even if, in those and other analogous ways, you may be able to develop the latent possibilities of these places, yet, unless we can establish easy communications, in order that they may be able to give what they have to other places that want what they have, the problem is only half solved. Therefore, in conjunction with other developments, it is necessary, as and when we can, to push on with the building of railways in Nyasaland, in East Africa and in West Africa, and to link up those railways with the sea through wharves, harbours and docks, and, by way of the sea, with the outside world. These are at this moment being considered and planned, and I may say—lest the Committee should think that it has stopped at planning—that in many cases they are now being actually constructed. It is evident that in these days materials and men are more expensive to obtain than at the beginning of the War, and, therefore, many schemes have had to be modified and curtailed; but whatever money can be spent in these restrictive times in these directions I believe to be money well spent, and to be an addition to the real wealth of the colony concerned, and, through the colony concerned, to the wealth of the whole body politic. If imagination allowed me to pursue it, I think I could carry the Committee with me in saying that the tale is evidently incomplete when you have got to the sea. With an Empire such as ours whose arteries are the sea it is necessary that its scheme of communications and the ways in which it travels over the sea should be easy and rapid and strong. I have not the time, nor indeed am I satisfied that I have the knowledge, to discuss the question of our general steamship, communications, but I want to take this opportunity of acknowledging the debt that the Committee, and more particularly perhaps the Colonial Office, and also the Dominions, are under to the Imperial Shipping Committee, which is presided over by my hon. Friend (Sir H. Mackinder), which has already done much valuable work and is continuing to do it. I hope that out of their deliberations will come the solutions of many steamship problems and out of the deliberations of the present Imperial Conference will come suitable and much needed improvements in matters of cable, wireless, and other communications, from which all parts of the Empire have much to gain.

I will pass on to emphasise another point, and that is that whatever you may be able to do in this direction of developing human resources and natural resources, none of these things will really mature, in my judgment, to their full value unless at the same time we are able to secure wisely-ordered institutions to act as the instruments of political expression. I would postulate three conditions on the successful fulfilment of which I believe the future of the British Empire principally to depend. The first is cooperation between ourselves and the self-governing Dominions and India. Into that I do not propose to enter, because these discussions are proceeding de die in diem, and I excuse myself from that. Next is the wisdom with which we in England and this House may be able to guide those communities, not yet self-governing, along the path of constitutional development, and the third is the measure of harmony that we are able to achieve between the diversity of civilisations, races, creeds, colours, and traditions that compose our commonwealth. I would make a few observations about the last two. The path of constitutional development is a difficult one, but it is made easier for us in this country, first of all, by the fact that constitutional development and growth are in our bones, it is the stuff of which we are made, and while on the one hand our own history teaches us that constitutionalism is a very tender plant, yet, on the other hand, it forbids us to be unmindful of how great a contribution it has made to our own evolution as a nation. The second advantage we have, as compared with other nations in this matter, is that we have the advantage of a very widely varied experience in almost every form of constitutional experiment. I have heard foreigners express some astonishment at the great variety of constitutions under which different parts of the British Empire are administered and live. I think to them it is a variety not altogether dissimilar from the perplexing irregularities of English grammar. But however that may be, the result of it all is that all the time there is going on all over the Empire a process of organic growth in this matter which takes on its peculiar colour and local circumstances according to the condition of the particular Colonies that are concerned. The hon. and gallant Gentleman (Colonel Wedgwood) is warmly interested in Ceylon. So am I, and Ceylon has recently been the recipient of a revised constitution that either is just coming or has just come into force.

I am not concerned with the effect of constitutionalism upon grammar. I am only speaking of the facts. It is quite possible that within a short space of time further proposals may be made in Ceylon for the reform of that constitution, and, indeed, I believe Lord Milner, when he originally announced the decision of the Government to grant such a constitution, expressly stated that it was not necessarily to be regarded as a final settlement. He also undertook, in accordance with the undertaking of the Governor, that when proposals were made for reform, and were forwarded to the Colonial Office, they would receive careful and prompt attention.

I have noticed through the Order Paper that other hon. Members have considerable interest in the question of constitutional development in the West Indies. I hope, in the course of the Debate, they will take the opportunity of expressing their views at greater length than is, unfortunately, possible within the limits of a Parliamentary question. I am not sure that some of those hon. Friends of mine are not somewhat ahead of public opinion in the West Indies themselves, and I am not sure that some risk, from their own point of view and from the point of view of constitutional development in the West Indies, does not attach to anything which might appear to resemble the putting of pressure from this end in the direction of a course for which the local public opinion was not adequately ripe. Those who will be at the pains to read West Indian constitutional history will see the need of considerable prudence and circumspection. And this, at least, is certain. At present there is a Commission sitting at Grenada to explore the best method of reintroducing representative Parliamentary institutions, and it is quite certain that my right hon. Friend, or whoever might occupy his place, would never raise unnecessary obstacles to granting an extension of Parliamentary institutions to any community that expressed its desire to be blessed with such institutions. In fact, at present it has been, and is, the policy in this field of the Colonial Office to support and promote various forms of co-operation in matters of common interest, out of which I believe it to be not at all impossible, as time goes on, that some more organic union may emerge.

The Colonial Office should always see that all classes of the population are represented in making experiments of that sort.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman has experience behind him, and he can rest perfectly satisfied that it is always the object of my right hon. Friend, and whoever might be in his place, to deal equally between different races and different communities. The Committee ought also to understand that they are under a debt to my hon. Friend (Mr. Amery) for the way in which he has evolved a constitution for Malta, which was always thought to be an impossible thing to do, on the principle of diarchy—a constitution which has been received with enthusiasm by the population in Malta, and which is on the very point of being put into effective operation.

7.0 P.M.

Lastly, may I make a few remarks about Rhodesia. The question of responsible government in Rhodesia formed the subject of a Committee recently, presided over by Lord Buxton, whose report has been presented to Parliament. I need not go into the back history of the matter, which is amply set out in that document, but however, whenever, and in whatever way the termination of the administration of the British South Africa Company takes place, I hope no party will forget the gratitude that it ought to be prepared to offer to the British South Africa Company for all they have done for the development of that country, and through that country of Africa and the Empire. Regardless of dividends, regardless of the feelings of shareholders who, if they never expected, might at least have wished for dividends, they have, in my judgment with great patriotism, set themselves to continue the work which was initiated by the South African statesman from whom the country takes its name. I have heard some of my hon. Friends express considerable doubt as to whether the financial position of Rhodesia is sufficiently strong to warrant the granting of responsible government to-day. I do not propose to discuss that question in detail, but I have been at some pains to look into the question of what has been in the last few years the financial position of the country, and I can find no ground for pessimism such as I know occupies the mind of some of my hon. Friends on that matter. Three things are vital. First, whatever scheme is suggested should be amply examined from all points of view, as it may affect, in the judgment of some, but not in mine, the Imperial taxpayer. That point will be fully explored. It is also vital and desirable that every opportunity should be taken to ascertain the free, independent, and considered judgment of the people of Rhodesia. These are questions which are primarily for them to settle for themselves. I should think it very unwise to force, or prejudge, their conclusions in advance of their freely expressed opinions.

I would certainly say the same of Northern Rhodesia, although I was confining my remarks to Southern Rhodesia. I should think those are wrong who say that the report of Lord Buxton's Committee in any way prejudges, or prejudices, the question of the possible entry of Rhodesia at some date, far or near, into the Union of South Africa. That question is and ought to be left entirely free for the consideration of the Rhodesian people themselves.

I want to say also a few words about the important question of the reconciliation of the different races within the Empire. It is, I think, at once the most far-reaching and perplexing of the problems with which we are confronted. The magnet of interest in this matter has been, as everybody knows, Kenya. There it is not a comparatively simple problem of two races, but of at least three or four, and Kenya presents the acutest form of a very difficult problem. Public attention has been particularly aimed at two topics. In the first place, there is the position of Indians in Kenya, a controversy in which, I venture to think, the interests of the original native population has sometimes been in some danger of being ignored and overlooked. As hon. Members know, that has been forming, and is forming now, the subject of deliberation of a Joint Committee of both Houses, which has not yet issued its Report, and as to which I do not wish to discuss in detail the merits or demerits of particular proposals, beyond saying this: that provided that each party can bring itself to consider with fairness and independent judgment the reasonable claims and standpoints of the other, I am not unhopeful that a wise solution may be arrived at.

The other matter on which public interest has fastened is the question of forced native labour. It has provoked considerable criticism, and given rise to the very greatest anxiety in some quarters where zeal outruns knowledge and clouds judgment. There has been, I think, considerable misconception, but the greatest anxiety has been felt in quarters whose experience and whose general intellectual balance entitled them to the most careful consideration. I am very glad to be able to say that the Governor, Lieut.-General Sir E. Northey, is now on his way home. His arrival in this country will give my right hon. Friend the Colonial Secretary an opportunity of conferring with him on this and other matters that are exercising in one direction, or another, a great deal of public interest. But however good the policy that we in England endeavour to apply to these regions of the world, I would suggest that ultimately, if it is to succeed, it depends on two things. It depends partly, some will say mainly, on education, and education in this sense, that the main value of education is in the formation of character in those to whom it is brought. That must be the test by which education in every part of the world must be judged.

In the second place, it must depend upon the actual personnel of the Colonial Service, because the personnel of the Colonial Service are the living incarnation in which Western ideals are presented to the population with whom they are in contact, and I would not miss the opportunity of saying that I think the record of the Colonial Service is a record of which any Service might be proud. Out of the staff, never swollen, a great many went to the War, leaving others, either forbidden or unable to go, to carry on under circumstances of great strain and difficulty, and the debt we owe to them is the measure of the importance of keeping the standard of the Colonial Service high. I am aware that some hon. Members have strong views as to how that Service should be recruited. I am not going to discuss that now. I really do not think I agree with them, but we want the same thing, and if anybody can show me how better to get a high standard of Colonial Service, I can assure them I would be most willing to consider it. But for us here as for those Members of the Colonial Service to whom I have referred, whether our work lies here in England or whether it lies in the advance posts where pioneer development is proceeding, the sovereign secret of the success of all of it will be the appeal it makes by human sympathy and understanding to the people concerned. Every day the world is changing before our eyes. Year by year civilisation is establishing its sway over more and more of the dark places of the world that up to a few years ago had heard as little of civilisation as civilisation had of them. And with civilisation come attendant difficulties with which we are here only too well acquainted. It is, in my judgment, at once our duty and our privilege while we are the channels through which civilisation is brought to these people—that we should equip them for the responsibilities which are the inseparable accompaniment of civilisation by training them to love and respect those qualities through which our own national life has been created, and by which it can only be secured.

If the hon. Member who has just sat down will allow me, I would like to express my appreciation of the very sympathetic and very understanding way in which he has treated such a vast range of questions as come under his notice as Undersecretary of State. If I might make one general observation, it is that he, and the Secretary of State, would consider one method which, I believe, would introduce greater efficiency in the Colonial Service generally, and achieve the objects they themselves have in mind for the better development of the countries and better administration. Would it not be wise to try and institute some form of inspectorate throughout the Colonial Service? I am well aware that nothing should be done to derogate from the authority of the Government, and that is the last thing which I desire. I have not in mind one who would come and inquire into the whole administration of a Colony, but a specialist in public works, a specialist in public health, or a specialist in finance, or in agriculture, who by going from one Colony to another would be able to give his advice to each Governor. This would not undermine his authority, but would add to the efficiency of the Service. I think anyone who has had much experience in different Colonies knows that you will find weakness in one form of administration in one Colony, and another in another. I remember one such in Jamaica. I remember another weakness in Fiji. It is quite natural that this should be the case. It would only conduce to a better Service if advisors were put at their disposal, going from one Colony to another, and recommending improvements in health, finance, agriculture, or different Departments to the Colonial Governors.

The special subject I wish to bring before the Committee is Kenya. It is not a Colony so much in the public eye as Mesopotamia. Mesopotamia is in the limelight, and whether you like the colours or not, they are, at any rate, much brighter. But Kenya presents difficulties which, owing to the presence of different races, are quite acute. The problems with regard to Mesopotamia may occupy more of the public mind, yet those which are being now raised in Kenya are absolutely fundamental to the principles, which are the only justification of British rule. In what I have to say, may I ask the Committee to realise that I sympathise very acutely with our own white fellow-subjects who are living in Kenya Colony at the present time? Everyone in territories which produce raw materials has felt the effects of the depression in trade. But in Kenya those effects are felt more acutely perhaps than in any other place in the world. The stringency is accentuated, in the first instance, by the currency question, and accentuated still further by the great dearth of labour, which is experienced by the white settlers in Kenya Colony. We cannot, therefore, deal fairly with this question unless we feel sympathy with the straits in which the white settlers find themselves, and pre-eminently those who have gone out after the War, and unless we sympathise also with the extraordinarily difficult task with which the Governor has been confronted during the last three years. But when all is said and done, may I ask the Committee to realise that sympathy is one thing, the wish to help is one thing, but acquiescence in what has been proceeding in Kenya Colony is altogether different? Those of us who sympathise, quite sincerely, with the difficulties, both of the Administration and of our own fellow white subjects there, have very strong feelings in regard to some of the abuses which have crept in there of late.

The history of that to which we wish to call attention began with the Labour Circular of 23rd October, 1919. The cause of that circular was the need of the white settlers for native labour on their plantations, and with the permission of the Committee I will read three sections of the circular. time, it is only fair to say that the policy was started under the pressure of real economic need, and the desire to get black labour to work upon white plantations still continues, and the results have not yet been done away with.

I am sure that the Under-Secretary will believe that we do not wish our zeal to outrun our discretion, but that we wish to get at the facts and to be as sensible as we can. So that the Committee may know the type of result that comes out of this state of affairs, may I quote two or three cases as regards men, boys, and women. Here is one:

Secondly, the machinery of using the tribal chief seems open to very grave objection. It is impossible, truly to ascertain the exact amount of pressure, and whether it is right or not, that he exerts. Granting that no longer are lists kept of the chiefs who are helpful and those who are not helpful, at the same time there is an obvious incentive for the tribal chief to put on pressure which, if only it were known by the Government, they would not sanction for a moment. For my part, it seems a doubtful matter whether there ought to be compulsory labour for Government work. It is an arguable point, and it is a cause of great anxiety in a place like Kenya Colony. But as regards private work, whatever sympathy one has for the settlers, and their case is hard, there is no question whatsoever. Anything like compulsion for labour on white plantations must be done away with once and for all. The remedial circular was intended to put things right; but what many of us think about with apprehension is that while there is no longer any such direct inducements to people to go out to work, yet indirect inducements still exist, and if you are going to have labour of this kind, very often the abuse may be greater if the compulsion is indirect rather than if it is frank, open and direct. Therefore, in every case we ought to make quite certain of this being done away with, once and for all, in any guise or form.

The other point I wish to bring before the Committee is that it is not a simple or easy question, and one that concerns labour only. It widens out and touches many parts of the life of the colony. It brings up questions of quite first rate importance in principle. It touches the question of land at once. I do not wish to deal with the question of the delimitation of native reserves, though I fancy that of the reserve at Kikiyu is finished, and that of the Kavirondo reserve is not finished. I now turn to the question of the taxation of the native. I think I am right in stating— the Under-Secretary will correct me if I am wrong—that the poll tax on the native has gone up from 5 rupees to 8 rupees, while the wages have fallen in the ratio of 7 to 4. I tried to get particulars of the revenue of the colony, but I have not been able to examine them, and to see whether taxation as a whole on the white settlers and the rest of the population has gone up in proportion.

They do pay a certain amount through import duties, and when we are considering the question fairly the incidence of import duties on the white settlers must be taken into account. In fairness we have to consider this question as a whole.

That may be so, but the material point is that the increased poll tax is tending to drive the natives out of the native reserves, and therefore with this continuous decrease of the population of these reserves going on it will be easily seen that this is another pressure to induce them to take up work on the plantations. It is very difficult for an outsider to get sufficient information as to what is done for the natives in return for taxation of this kind. So far as I have been able to go into the question of education, there is nothing in East Africa which is comparable to the attempt at education in Northern Nigeria. There you have a striking example of real genius applied to the development of natives through education. In East Africa there is nothing comparable to that. We want the natives to welcome British rule as being the rule under which they would wish to go. Can they ask themselves at this moment, "What are we getting in return for all this additional taxation?" Are they being instructed in agriculture so that they could develop the country in the native reserves sufficiently? Is public health being taken care of? My own feeling is that even if one wished merely to look to the question of labour supply one could devote much greater attention to reducing the appalling mortality among native children.

Lastly, this is the way in which the tribal system gets broken up, and it is the worst possible way. In these countries in East Africa as the solvent of civilisation is applied the old tribal system tends to break up, but this way is the worst possible way in which it could be broken up. Those who have brought up this question of East Africa, much as they may have been criticised by those who have been feeling the pinch of the financial situation, have not done it out of any feeling of hostility. At the same time I feel, as many of us feel, that, hard as the situation may be, there are some principles which cannot be and ought not to be broken.

Has my hon. Friend seen the Report that has just been published of a Convention of Associations, signed by Archdeacon Owen, among others, whom he quoted just now? If he will read that I will be glad.

I will do so most gladly. I have no hostility in this matter at all. We only wish the Secretary of State and the Under-Secretary to put this matter straight, but I would make this request. I have no doubt that, with the Military Governors of Kenya Colony and Uganda both coming home, they would be both able to take whatever remedial measures are necessary, and take them quickly. But the subject is complicated. There are four countries to start with. There are Nyasaland, Tanganyika, the Kenya Colony, and Uganda, all inhabited by different tribes of natives and all having to be taken into account.

Does the hon. Gentleman suggest that this is going on in Nyasaland, and were the abuses to which he is referring current during his own term of administration in the Colonial Office?

So far as I know the situation was not what it has been of late, and, if I am asked whether these things are going on in Nyasaland, I do not know about Nyasaland at present. Why I say that Nyasaland comes into the question is that you have got four great contiguous territories, and the whole of these parts of East Africa which are under British rule, whether as mandated or colonial territory, really need to be considered together to devise the administration which will be most efficient. Then there is another point. The hon. Gentleman has alluded to the fact that you have a white population superimposed on a black one and you have got the Indian population intervening as well. How are the interests of the different coloured populations to be properly safeguarded? No one in this country will contest the principle that if there is one interest greater than another it is that we are there primarily as trustee for the original population of the country: Clearly, if there has to be some form of representation for the East Indians who are immigrants into East Africa, then there must be some form of representation for the original negro population as well. Then there is the problem as to the Kavorondo reserve, and there is the problem of what is the best method of economic and social development. These are some of the considerations that make the subject complicated.

I would ask that, whatever remedial measures may be taken at the moment, the Colonial Secretary and the Undersecretary should agree to have the subject considered by some really strong body, appointed for the purpose, to take into review the whole policy of British Government in East Africa and the principle on which it is secured and the principle on which it should be based. This is not a suggestion which is foreign to British constitutional precedent. By that type of method our Government in India was regulated in the first instance in the days of the old company. You might get a really strong Commission, with men of judgment and sense, who are not willing be be led away merely by sympathy or sentiment in one direction or another, and they might lay down for the future, after careful examination, the principles on which the administration of that country must be based, so that the justification for British rule which we have always claimed with pride in the past may be as strong in the future.

The Undersecretary of State for the Colonies will probably be the last person in the Committee to realise how we on these Benches welcome his advent. Probably it is impossible even for the hon. Gentleman to make the question of innoculation against malaria interesting in a non-malarial country, and it is not always easy to make the Colonial Office Vote interesting, even to a Committee of this House. But what we on these Benches value is the restoration of the traditions of the Colonial Office. The Labour party have, I think, a great belief in tradition, and, having had a certain amount of experience of the new masters of this country, we welcome a return of the old aristocracy to the Front Bench, and when the hon. Gentleman tells us that he would welcome any suggestion as to how he can get a better Colonial service throughout the Crown Colonies, I would advise him that the only possible method of getting this efficient colonial service is to set a good example.

The example in question is to make a complete break with the policy of his predecessors. The criticism which we have just heard from the hon. Member for Erdington (Sir A. Steel-Maitland) who intervenes far too seldom in our Debates and whom we welcome as a convert to the right side, was not directed in the least to the present Colonial Office, but to the previous Colonial Office. But that pre- vious Colonial Office has gone for all time. As to the particular subject that he raised, those extracts that he read so effectively to-day were read by me last year. The Labour party was a year ahead. Now that we have got a new Tory party behind us on this question no doubt we shall have soon a real change in the administration in East Africa. It is our only chance at present. The Governor of East Africa was at home last year. He did raise in the Colonial Office last year all these questions that have been raised to-day. Every details of the Ainsworth Circular was given, that pressure should be brought to bear on the chiefs in the Departments, and that the officials out there were to stimulate the supply of labour. Sir Edward Northey went back to the Kenya Colony, and still the old administration went on unchecked. He is coming back again now and I hope that he will never return to East Africa.

East Africa, is the test question. It is the test question for many things. It is the test question for the British Empire as to whether we are really the hypocrites which some people think we are, or whether we do find ourselves in these African Colonies with the intention of carrying out our sentiment of being there in the interests of the aboriginal inhabitants. The solution of a Royal Commission which has been proposed would be a very admirable one provided you could see that a Royal Commission was imbued, not with the commercial spirit but with the altruistic spirit of the hon. Member for Erdington and of the Under-Secretary. But there are two different warring principles in the Colonial Office. Take the speech of the Under-Secretary. He dealt with research against malaria, research and development in connection with the forests and minerals of the different colonies, the extension of railways, the improvement of harbours, the development, in a word the exploitation, of the colonies. That is one side, the side that up to recently has been always to the front in considering Colonial questions. But I think that his heart is really far more directed towards the other siide. It is the other side which we want to see represented on our Royal Commission and more fully represented than it is in the policy of the Colonial Office. It is all very well to exploit these colonies and to increase exports and imports. That is not what we are there for.

If the hon. Gentleman thinks that we are in East Africa in order to increase dividends or increase exports or imports he is going in face of the principle that we are there in the interests of the natives. He must reverse his speech in future. Let us hear about the railways last, and let us hear first of all about the extension of education. Really, what we want to see first of all is that we are of some use to the natives in those countries. The hon. Member in his speech referred to the importance of getting your British civil servants in these colonies composed of first-rate men. It is extraordinary how the Civil Service differs from colony to colony. Anyone who knows our colonies must know that Northern Nigeria is the pearl of our Crown Colonies. It is far . better administered and far more contented than any other of our Crown Colonies. That is because you have had a series of Governors who are really sincerely interested in the country and have inspired their subordinates. You find in some Crown Colonies your Commissioners and civil servants with an almanac before them, and their chief desire is to count the days that must elapse before their leave is due. Officials who do that are of no use whatever. If the officials in Northern Nigeria take their leave, they desire to do it in visiting other parts of the colony, and carrying on their work in some other way. They are interested in their work, and in Northern Nigeria there is no shadow or sign of the materialistic side of our colonial policy.

There is no white man in Northern Nigeria who owns an acre of land. The whole of Northern Nigeria is being worked by the natives or the people of Nigeria, and exploitation is not seen. Even a black lawyer is not allowed to go up country to conduct a case. The black lawyer is too often the precursor of the white exploiter. We have said in Northern Nigeria we are going to show what England stands for in colonial policy, and how we can raise up the uncivilised black to a degree of civilisation that has never been known in that country before. And it is being done. What we want to see is more of that policy. In Tanganyika we have a similar opportunity. It was handed over to us as a mandated territory. I admit it was very well governed while it was German. It is next door to our colony of Kenya. Are we going to develop that country in accordance with the principles that we learned in Northern Nigeria? The difficulty is that in any colony where you have a white settling population the interests of the old population are too often swallowed up in the interests of the settlers. The rival interests are in constant and permanent opposition. You have it in Kenya, you have it in Nyasaland, and you have it in Rhodesia, though not so much as in Kenya, which is the worst of the lot. How are you going to deal with it? Our ancestors would have dealt with it by slavery. They would have turned the black inhabitants of the country into slaves, just as slaves were imported into North America, and the problem would have been looked upon solely from the settlers' point of view. We are trying to do it half and half.

We still have a sort of Wesleyan conscience about us somewhere, at the same time as we have shares in the East African Corporation, and these two elements are perpetually fighting. You have about 5,000 settlers in that land. Many were induced to go out by something which can hardly be called anything else but fraud. They have been induced to pay prices for land which those who sold it to them had never paid. They are settled on that land and find that they have to wait three years before they can get a crop, and they cannot get labour to work for them. They are ruined, unless they can get black labour. They go to the Governor and get that circular sent out urging the natives to work. Otherwise, what are you going to do for these unfortunate officers who went out and found that, instead of making their fortune they have lost their thousand pounds which they took with them? You find that Wesleyism is taking a back seat, and the interest of the shares becomes more prominent. Whatever you may say about the Church of England in this country, the missionaries have been the principal upholders of British honour in that country and the best friends of the natives. They have exposed and fought what otherwise we should never have known anything about. It is up to us to decide what shall be done. The Undersecretary and the Colonial Secretary know that a change has got to be made. Make it now. The real difficulty is that you have a Legislative Council there on which I think there are 11 elected members. There is an official majority. They have bean told by the Governor— though not by the previous Governor— that they may vote as they like, but because the officials mix with the settlers at the club and drink cocktails and play bridge with them, instead of having a permanent official majority pledged to look after the people who have no votes, you have a composition of a club committee and a legislative council. How can the interests of the natives be protected under such a system? The mere extension of responsible government to one class in these colonies means handing over to that class the interests, the lives and the property of all the unrepresented class.

8.0 P.M.

We made a terrible blunder in Natal in the 'seventies or the early' eighties, the consequence of which is that no Indian has a vote in Natal. They are unrepresented and unprotected to this day. The official vote can never be removed until you can give votes to the class who are at present unrepresented. You must have your Crown Colony government with an official majority until you have educated some portions of the native population to take their place on the general voting list. In Natal we made a mistake, and we are in the process of making the same mistake in Kenya. If we gave complete responsible government to the country tomorrow, it would mean giving it to the whites alone. It would mean abrogating our responsibilities towards the natives. If you are going to discriminate between the European and the Indian, you are not going to have the equal status as between European and Indian in the Crown Colonies. One of our great problems is to see that we treat the Indian as if he were an equal. The educated Indian should be on the general list of voters just as the educated European was. He must have equal status. The Colonial Office concede that you must have a separate list of voters for Indians. But what I want is that the European candidate should go to the Indian electorate and) say, " If you will vote for me, I will look after your interests," and I want to see the Indian candidate also given the power to put his case before the European population. That brings the races together, and gives real equality. There can be no equality if there is selection in the voting. A common electoral roll will be the first step towards cementing the Indo-British Commonwealth of the future. We must continue to have Crown Colony government till you have trained up your natives to provide for you a sufficient number of native African voters who will be able to step into the civilised shoes of the ordinary voter at an election. That will be a long time. At present you have got to protect them through your official majority on the Legislative Council, and that official majority must be an official majority voting as the Colonial Office in Downing Street tells them. They have got to represent, on that Legislative Council the wishes of this House, and the views of this Committee on this question.

May I turn from Kenya to the similar problem of Ceylon? The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wood) said Ceylon had been given a constitution. It is the most comical constitution ever given to any colony on earth. I will not go into the details of its humours, but a strange part of it is that two-thirds of Ceylon is occupied by people who call themselves Kandians, and the provinces in the Kandian areas have got representation on the council, but it is carefully arranged that the only people who have votes are the people who are not Kandians. The strangers in those provinces have votes for the assembly, and the inhabitants of the country, the natural born inhabitants, have no votes at all. The scheme is a perfectly farcical one and is laughed out of court. This scheme is the infant of the last Colonial Government. The present Colonial Government is not in the least responsible for it, and I have no doubt it will be reversed as soon as possible, but meanwhile, a great deal of harm is being done. Every time you give these nations, which are like children just growing up into adolescence, an illustration that you are sorry they are growing up, that you do not want them to grow up, but want to keep them in long clothes, every time you do that you start this horrible nationalistic fervour, this hatred of the European because he has tried to keep them back, and the non co-operation spirit. All that is started by conservative officials who are trying to preserve their power at the expense of the British Empire. We do not want to keep these children children, we want them to take their proper part as men in the Federation of the British Empire, and because the officials cling to power we get a bad name. Officials come back here and persuade the Colonial Office, which has not studied the question, to pass an in-name constitution, and we get the blame. There is a change coming in Ceylon. Ceylon is one of those westernised eastern countries. It has been in constant contact with the western world since 1500. They were 150 years under Portugese rule, 150 under Dutch rule and 100 years under English rule. They have got a passion for temperance. The one thing they have voted for, so far, with real western fervour is whether to close all the public-houses, and they have got local option. In district after district 75 per cent. of the whole of the voters on the voting list have gone four miles to the poll in order to vote for prohibition, and over large areas they have closed down every public in the place. If we had to get 75 per cent., not only of the voters, but of all the electors on the list, I fancy not a single public in the country would ever be closed. They understand voting, at any rate.

There, too, they have got an intensified labour problem. You have got a large coolie population coming in from India and working on the plantations in Ceylon. They have been recruited in India and are farmed out to the different settlers. They are paid very low wages, and in the hard times of the War their wages were not raised. What happens is that when hard up they get a loan from the employer. The employer never expects to see the money back, but it is booked up against them; they never pay, they die, and it is written off; the employer writes these losses off the balance sheet, it is a sort of bonus pay. But every one of these natives is tied to this plantation till he has paid that debt. If he runs away and tries to get a job on a different plantation, the new planter cannot take him on unless he pays to the old planter the debt owed by that coolie, so they are tied to the soil. That is what is called the tundu system. In addition, this coolie labour in Ceylon is subject to penal laws. If you answer back the foreman you get run in and taken before the magistrate, and you will probably find that the foreman and the magistrate are the same person. If you do not do your work you get punished for it, not by the ordinary process of economic law, as in this country, but by the police. You have, therefore, a labour problem which calls for reform every bit as much as the labour problem in India, and the Government have so far realised that as to bring forward a scheme both for abolishing the penal laws respecting labour and for abolishing this tundu system of being always in debt to the planter so that you cannot change your job. Unfortunately, the scheme they have brought in has remained merely a scheme, it has not been put into operation. I see the Governor of Ceylon has made an almost complete welcome to democracy, coming forward as a protagonist of liberty. He is bringing forward legislation, I am glad to say, to abolish the penal labour clauses in Ceylon, but he has not abolished tundu. The Government scheme was to abolish tundu as well, and I do beg that some pressure will be applied from here to see that the natural reluctance of the tea companies, in times of bad trade, to surrender book debts—they are only book debts—is overcome, and that we make a clean sweep of this thoroughly bad, old-fashioned system of coolie semi-slavery.

I should like in this connection to mention the great work done for these semi-slaves in Ceylon by two men out in India. One is my excellent Friend Mr. Andrews, who has done for Indian labour more than any man. alive. Andrews went to Ceylon, he got on with the planters, he reported on the conditions, and such was the force of Andrews' Report that the Government of India stepped in and said, "We cannot have our coolies treated like this in any country; you must pass legislation." Credit should be given chiefly to Andrews for the removal of this blot upon British civilisation. The other man is a native Tamil of Ceylon, an old Government servant, Sir Ponandulam Arunachalam. He has gone on year after year, with society after society, pegging away at this question. He is unpopular with officials, because he was an official. He is educated, he is alive to the need for abolishing this coolie labour, and I congratulate him, as one can from these benches, on having achieved the liberation of a large mass of his labouring fellow-countrymen. The labour question out there is settling itself. The Governor has decided that it must be dealt with at once, and the Colonial Office have brought pressure from this side. But the question of the constitution in Ceylon is going to be a very serious one. The National Congress in Ceylon meets in December next. They will decide in December next whether they will non co-operate with the British Government, and copy Ghandi, or whether they will accept a new constitution. The Governor has promised revision of the constitution this-year, but nothing is being done so far. The thing has not been thought out Next December, only four or five months, away, a critical time will come, and I do beg the Colonial Office not to let slip this chance of having Ceylon, one of the most loyal and progressive countries, the first of the Asiatic self-governing Dominions within the Empire. You cannot get a self-governing Dominion at once. They will be quite content in Ceylon with what Madras has at the present time. If you give them that by December we shall avoid all the friction, all the non-cooperation, the blackguarding of England, the blackguarding of the Cingale, which will inevitably follow any attempt to prevent the natural fruition of the wishes of the intelligent people of that island. Do not let these five months go by without getting something done.

There is just one other thing I wish to speak about, and that is the question of Southern Rhodesia, because my colleague who has to deal with it is not here. Southern Rhodesia is inhabited by a considerable number of settlers, more than in Kenya. I think there are 25,000, though the vast bulk of the population is, of course, native.

The settlers in that country are not as in Kenya or Ceylon. They do not simply manage black labour, but do a great deal of the work themselves, being farmers. In that country you have got three types of land, and, as the right hon. Gentleman said, this labour question all comes back to the land. There are the appropriated lands, those which the Chartered Company has either sold or given away to white settlers. Then there are the native reserves, which are reserved for the natives; which have been given to them, but unfortunately have not been confirmed to them. In between there are what are called the unalienated lands, lands that have not been sold to the whites, and have not been reserved for the natives, but are available for sale. On this unalienated land there are a number of natives, and every time that land is sold to white men they take away the land from the native, and the native has to go out and work. The policy to be pursued in Rhodesia, so far as the land is concerned, is this: we must have sufficient native reserves for all the natives in that country, so that where they are driven from the land they will not have to work for anybody. The native reserves must be sufficient in area, and, above all, they must be absolutely assured to the natives. At the present time the natives are being turned off 6,000,000 acres, and they are told that if they go long distances away they can get 5,000,000 acres of worse land, but no compensation is given them. They are trekking their goods across country to their new 5,000,000 acres. That is not playing the game by the natives. It is the East African business over again. We are still paramount in Rhodesia, it is still a Crown Colony with an official majority, and we ought to insist that the reserves are demarcated and are vested in trustees for the natives, and that these cannot be shifted to make room for white cultivators.

Then we have a new railway policy coming in. At the present time, when a railway is built, if it goes through alienated land or unalienated land, they have a 50 yards' strip and nothing more, and now they are proposing that through the native reserves they shall have a 12-mile strip. There again you get another excuse for driving out the native, expropriating him and driving him away. That must be stopped. If the 50-yard strip is not enough, make it a mile, but treat the natives' and the white men's land exactly the same, and compensate them if they are turned out for any improvements made upon the land. The question of Rhodesia, like that of Kenya, depends upon the manner of self-government. Self-government is due in Rhodesia and has been promised. If we give self-government to the people of Rhodesia what is going to happen to the natives in that country? If you give self-government to the present Council with the present franchise, it means that practically the whole of the franchise will be in the hands of the white settlers. I do not think it is fair to the natives to hand over complete self-government on those terms. We ought to make a bargain and say, "You shall have self-government, provided some elementary franchise is given to the native inhabitants of the country." You may have an educational test, if you like, and I would not mind a low property test—I would sooner have them alternated than consecutive. Make your tests what you like, but establish the principle that whether a man is black or white, he is entitled to vote, provided he can pass the test, and whatever tests are laid down, let them be the same for white men and black men. In that way, although you may, of course, for a time, have injustice done to the natives of the country, you will in the long run succeed. Once they get the vote, everything comes from the vote. We know in this country how we got our foot in in 1832, our leg in in 1867, and our whole body in in 1884.

Crown Colony Government will have to continue until the ordinary coloured man is able to look after himself—I will not say entirely, nor I will not say, as well as the European—but at any rate better than he can at the present time. In Rhodesia there is another point of particular importance. There you have this question of the debt to the Chartered Company. In Lord Buxton's report the Chartered Company is said to be owed by somebody, name unknown, the sum of £4,000,000, subject to the deduction of the value of all the land alienated by the Chartered Company. As a matter of fact, if that were done there would be no £4,000,000 to pay, but I gather from the speech of the Under-Secretary that he thinks he must give the Chartered Company something; that they have been so good in developing South Africa, that they ought to have some money. I ask, who is going to pay? We are told that the British taxpayer is not; then, who is? Obviously, it will have to be paid by the Colony of Rhodesia. It will be a debt against Rhodesia. What may happen is this. They may take all this land which has not already been alienated to whites, or which is not reserved for natives—the vast bulk of the land in Rhodesia—and sell it or mortgage it for the debt. That would be obviously unjust. You would be taking away the whole of the land, where these natives have lived for centuries—their hunting land, their grazing land and their cultivated land—and selling that in order to pay the Chartered Company's debt. I think what we have got to see first, so that this deft is reduced to its proper proportion, which would not be £4,000,000, nor even a great deal less than £4,000,000. A real fair valuation of the lands alienated by the Company without compensation should be made and deducted from the £4,000,000. Whatever the debt is then, it should become part of the permanent debt of the Colony of Rhodesia, but it should not be used as a lever to drive the natives into working for other people by selling their land from underneath their feet. See that justice is done to the natives and that they are not made scapegoats for the financial difficulties of this country.

Something should be done for education. Neither in Rhodesia nor in Kenya is anything done for education, and practically no money is spent upon it. It is very different in Nigeria and Uganda, where you have missionaries, but where you have got a large white element, very little, unfortunately, is done for education. Great strides should be made in that way, but the whole problem conies back to this. Either we are in these Colonies in the interests of the people who want to get the raw product of the country, the people who are what is called "developing the Empire"—either we are there in the interests of exploitation, of increased production, of mass production—or we are in those Colonies in the interests of the inhabitants. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not both?"] I have shown you how they constantly conflict. How can you get this increased production except by cheap labour? And how can you get the cheap labour unless you take away the land from the people? Where labour is dear, you have underproduction. The whole struggle in all these Colonies is between the man who wants to get people to work for him, and the man who does not want to work. We have got to be in the interests of one or the other. You cannot have it both ways. You may use fine sentiment here and practise exactly the reverse in the Colonies, but they are diametrically opposite policies. You will have to choose between them. Which is it to be?, Is it to be for Northern Nigeria or for Kenya Colony? One is thoroughly good from the point of view of the Labour party, and the other is thoroughly bad. I beg of the Under-Secretary to see that the policy of the Colonial Office, which for the last six years has been constantly diverted towards materialism and greater exploitation, is turned back to the good old lines, the traditional lines, of the Colonial Office, which was not so much for the mere trader or the merchant or the exploiter, but was for looking after the interests of the ordinary inhabitants of the country.

I desire to return to the subject raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Erdington (Sir A. Steel-Maitland), the question of East Africa. I hope before the end of the Debate a great deal more will be heard about East Africa than we had from the Undersecretary. We all listened with great pleasure to his speech, but at the same time, speaking for myself, I was disappointed at what he said about the Kenya colony and the provinces of East Africa. He told us that the governor was coining home. That may be a good thing, but I should like him to have gone further and to have said he was going to appoint a Royal Commission such as the hon. Member for Erdington suggested. I believe the Under-Secretary agrees in the main with the contention put forward. I remember myself, only six months ago, he and I signed a memorandum which was presented to Lord Milner, then Colonial Secretary, and in which, as far as I can remember, an inquiry such as my hon. Friend the Member for Erdington has asked for was actually demanded. I hope when the Secretary of State comes to reply later in the evening, he will be able to tell the House he is going to appoint without further delay a small Royal Commission to go into all the problems of Kenya and the East African dependencies. The more I personally went into the question, the more convinced I became that you cannot isolate the labour question from the other questions of government in East Africa, and the more I became convinced that what is needed is a comprehensive inquiry by a small Royal Commission. On questions such as the question of land, one view has just been expressed by the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood). At the same time there is another view, the view of the English settlers. I myself am not in a position to judge between them, but a prima facie case is made out for an inquiry by a Royal Commission.

Take the other question to which allusion has been made—the question of the franchise. There the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just spoken made a demand for equality of treatment as between Indians and British settlers. That means there will be 18,000 Asiatic voters as against 5,000 Europeans. Whatever may be the rights or wrongs of that problem, no one will deny that it is very complicated, and I think it is just one of the problems that would be best dealt with in the way I suggest. Take the problem of administration. The East African Colonies have grown up in different ways. Some of them have emerged from private trading companies, others have been handed over from the Foreign Office to the Colonial Office, and in recent times the mandated territories have been added to the East African dependencies. This mixture of dependencies raises every kind of administrative problem. There are questions as to the difference between the pay of officials in these various dependencies, questions of pensions, questions of the area of Government, and I am inclined to ask if these dependencies could not be amalgamated into one big union with a Governor-General at the head of it. I believe they could be more justly and economically administered as a big unit than as a number of separate small units, but I do not want to dogmatise upon a question of that kind. The question has scarcely yet been considered, but it is a question so big and so important for the future of these Colonies and the populations that inhabit them that I say the hon. Gentleman would be wise at once, at the very beginning, at a time when these problems are soluble, to appoint a Royal Commission and to take these questions into account at the very outset. I am quite sure that the longer it is put off the more difficult he will find to be the question of labour, the question of franchise, and the question of administration as a whole. I therefore hope that the Secretary of State for the Colonies will be able to say quite definitely this evening that he agrees to appoint a small Commission of Inquiry, and that that Commission of Inquiry will go to East Africa without further delay. I am sanguine enough to think that such a Commission need not involve great expenditure or need not take great time. The problems are complicated, but they can be envisaged on the spot without any great expenditure of time. I believe that the Commission could report in, say, six months, and I believe that, taking the analogy of the recent Royal Commissions and inquiries in India, the recommendations of that Commission could be carried out with very little delay. Again, therefore, let me appeal to my hon. Friend to give a sympathetic answer to this request that has been made, and to tell the Secretary of State for the Colonies how strongly some of us feel upon the question.

Let not the Committee, however, think that the only problem of Crown Colony Government at the moment is the problem of Crown Colony Government in East Africa. It seems to me that the time has come for a comprehensive survey of the system of Crown Colony Government all over the British Empire. Crown Colony Government has grown up haphazard. Some of it is the result of what took place in the 17th and 18th centuries; some of it has grown up more recently, but much of it, as I say, quite by chance, and the result is that even in the same part of the world you have one dependency governed in one way and another dependency, in very much the same conditions of life, governed in a different way. Let me suggest to my hon. Friend the case of the West Indies. I am not going to elaborate it this evening; I am merely going to make to him one or two suggestions in support of what I am trying to convey to the Committee. There, in a not too great area of the world, you have a number of islands, almost every one of which is governed under a constitution that differs from its neighbours. These constitutions have never been' carefully thought out; they have grown up haphazard. Some of them date back centuries, others of them have been pieced together during the last 50 or 60 years, when the old constitutions were scrapped. I suggest to my hon. Friend that this variety of administration is not only inefficient and extravagant, but that it also raises, to put it no higher than this, the possibility of great discontent in the West Indies. You have, for instance, one island with a more democratic constitution than some of its fellows. If that is the case, and it is the case, it means that material is left on all hands for agitation amongst the coloured populations in the islands or the dependencies that consider that their constitutions are not as democratic as their neighbours'.

If that is so, I should have thought that the hon. Gentleman would be well advised not to have confined his inquiries simply to an inquiry into the problems of East Africa, but to make, whether through a Royal Commission or other means, or by a visit that he himself might well make to the West Indies, a more comprehensive survey. He might send out a High Commissioner to inquire on the spot into these problems of Government. I think my case is substantiated by this fact that if you look at the West Indies to-day you will find that their progress during the last 50 years has been very slow. Indeed I suppose I would be correct in saying that the West Indies to-day do not occupy anything like the important position, compared with the rest of the Empire, with that which they occupied, say, 100 or 150 years ago. Moreover, if you compare their present position with the position of their neighbours, for instance, with the Latin Republics of Central America, or with the Island of Cuba, you can only come to one conclusion, and that is that their progress has been extraordinarily slow economically compared with neighbours who in many ways have not the advantages of the West Indies themselves. I could elaborate that in detail, but I do not wish to do so. I think if my hon. Friend will inquire into the case itself he will see that what I say is true.

He alluded at the outset of his speech to medical administration. I agree with him that that is the most important service of any of our tropical administration. But on making inquiry into medical administration in the West Indies and comparing it with what the Americans have done in Panama, or with what, indeed, they have done in a lesser degree in countries like Guatemala, I am afraid you will find that our medical administration has lagged behind the medical administration of our neighbours. That is the kind of question a High Commissioner could consider on the spot. That is the kind of question which makes me wish to see a High Commissioner go to the West Indies. There is another reason. I believe what is wanted by the West Indies is to get some big man with influence here in London really interested in their administration and progress: the sort of man who would go as Viceroy to India or Governor-General to one of the great self-governing Dominions. If you could get a man like that on the spot, whether you called him a High Commissioner or Governor-General, a man who could make frequent visits to Downing Street and put before the Colonial Office the desires and demands of the various West Indian Governments, I believe you would take a very great step in assuring a far greater and faster rate of progress than you have to-day. Let my hon. Friend, if he will, consider that request sympathetically. Let him also consider a further suggestion—I rather gather that in his speech he made a passing allusion to it.

I believe you will never get effective administration, at any rate in the smaller and poorer Dependencies, unless you have a single-graded Colonial Service. As long as you have the present system of more or less independent administrations, you will have the best men in the richer and more progressive colonies. It is in the poor and least progressive colonies that you really want the best officials. I myself do not see how you can expect to get the best officials in the backward colonies. I need not name these. My hon. Friend can doubtless think of them at once. I do not see how you can get the best officials in the backward colonies unless you have a single big service under which the officials are freely interchangeable between the various local administrations and—what is of equal if not of greater importance—between the Colonial Office and the Dependencies. I should like, therefore, to say as strongly as I can that these problems of administration would be greatly simplified if you could break down this particularism between the various local administrations, and—if I may say so—between the Colonial Office and the Dependencies, and get your officials freely interchangeable between one and the other.

I do not want to say anything against the officials at the Colonial Office. I expect they are doing their work admirably. I have no reason to think otherwise. At the same time, I myself do not believe that you can ever have efficiency at Whitehall unless the officials have themselves known what it is to work in these tropical climates and under the great difficulties of the local conditions. On that account I want to see a single graded Service House, with officials passing freely to the administrative posts in the Crown Colonies, just as I want to see the officials of the Crown Colonies coming back for periods and taking their place in the work of the Colonial Office at Whitehall. I am not going to elaborate any of these suggestions, but I would again suggest to my hon. Friend and to the Secretary for the Colonies that they really have a splendid opportunity to improve in this way the development of the Crown Colonies as a whole.

Up to the present the main interest of the Colonial Office has necessarily been with the self-governing Dominions. I am one of those who wish to see the self-governing Dominions transferred entirely from the Colonial Office, either to the Prime Minister's Department or the Privy Council, and I hope that one of the results of the Imperial Conference will be to make that transference. That would mean that the Secretary of State for the Colonies and the Under-Secretary would have their full time to devote to these questions of tropical administration, and I can assure them with the little knowledge I have had of this subject that the more they look into those problems the more they will find it necessary to overhaul the whole machinery of Crown Colony administration. I am inclined to think that they will find it to be necessary in many cases to substitute for the present checks and balances of Crown Colony administration something in the nature of the Indian system of dyarchy. But let them devote their whole attention to these tropical questions, and if they do then they will have done one of the finest services it is possible for them to do for the British Empire.

I wish first of all to offer my congratulations to the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies upon the speech he has delivered. I heartily join with the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood) in his congratulation that we have such a Member on the Front Bench. It is not only a pleasure to see him there, but it is also a guarantee that the Government of our Colony will be carried on according to the best traditions. I appeal to him with all the more confidence for his sympathetic consideration of our objections to this system of forced labour in the Kenya Colony. We have been described as critics whose zeal outran our knowledge. I cannot claim to have been to the Kenya Colony, but I do not think it is necessary to have been to that Colony in order to condemn a system which compels the natives to work in the way they are forced to work.

Such a system is not only inconsistent with the traditions, principles, and professions of the British Empire, but it is also inconsistent with the canons of good government. You cannot, by any possible stretch of the imagination, say that a system like that is consistent with the theory that we hold these Colonies as trustees for the natives, or that the government is carried on in the interests of the majority. I have no quarrel with my hon. Friend opposite on this point, because the system is one for which he is in no way responsible. Neither have I any quarrel with the central administration of the Colony. White men have taken up great tracts of land and invested their money there as a perfectly legitimate means of investment. I know they are having a hard time and are very worried about the question of labour. What I do quarrel with is the system of carrying on the Government of that country in a manner which is neither morally right nor economically sound. It is not morally right, because it subordinates the interests of the many to the interests of the few. It is based on the principle that only the few have any secure title to the land, and that the many are destined to spend the rest of their lives in labouring for the few.

It is economically unsound because, in the tropical parts of Africa, there is no greater fallacy than to think that you get a high economic development of a country by handing over large tracts of that country to white persons. The experience of tropical countries shows that if you want to develop a country economically the best way is to base it on native ownership and native production. There is no antagonism between high production and native prosperity and native happiness. As a matter of fact, where you have native prosperity and happiness you have it based on native ownership and native production. The worst of this system, which is morally wrong and economically unsound, is that it leads you and drives you to expedients like forced labour. The greater the shortage of labour the greater the cry for the application of forced labour. It also leads you to adopt the thoroughly unsound doctrine that you are enforcing labour and putting on taxation for the benefit of the native himself.

It is said that without forced labour the native becomes idle and vicious, and that the way to make him less idle and vicious is to force him to work. That is a wrong theory. The system removes the native from his wife, who is tempted to immorality, and by shutting him up in a compound you expose him to all sorts of vicious propensities. Your officials there are no longer the impartial guardians and trustees of the people, but they become identified in the eyes of the natives with a thoroughly unjust and cruel system of Government. That is one of my strongest objections. It is not true that the native is an idle person. As a matter of fact, if you give the native security of tenure, and recognise his right to cultivate the land, and educate him and give him an agricultural education, and encourage him to be a producer, he will produce far more abundantly and efficiently and far less expensively than the white man.

Let me take two districts contiguous to one another—the external Colony of the Cameroons and Eastern Nigeria. They produce cocoa. The Cameroons was established on a land system or the whites with a large number of black native labourers, while Nigeria is organised on the system of native ownership, who are encouraged to be producers. As a matter of fact, the production of cocoa in the Cameroons is infinitesimal as compared with that in Nigeria. If you take British West Africa, the output per person of cocoa in the last 20 years has multiplied eleven times, whereas in German East Africa it has only multiplied by three times. The production of cocoa has multiplied very fast in Nigeria, because the system there is sound, and is based on native ownership and native production. On the Gold Coast they have a system of travelling inspectors, who go round the country and show the natives the best methods of production.

I join with those who have pleaded with the Government for a Royal Commission to inquire into the whole question of tropical colonies. No doubt one is needed. I believe the last was appointed in 1836 and had very beneficial results. It is high time we had another Commission. As far as Kenya Colony is concerned you may have as many Royal Commissions as you like, but you will never get prosperity or even contentment in that country unless you alter your system and base it fearlessly and honestly on your trusteeship on behalf of the natives. Your present system is breaking down. Your white settlers are on the verge of bankruptcy, and on the other hand, your natives are unhappy and discontented. Is it possible to envisage the whole problem afresh in order to find out frankly the best system of native ownership. I throw that out as a suggestion to my right hon. Friend.

One word on the vexed question of child slavery in Hong Kong. It cannot be denied that children are sold for domestic slavery in Hong Kong and are re-sold all over the East for very questionable purposes. I have seen a defence of this, and it amounted to a suggestion that there was so much poverty in Hong Kong that parents were obliged to sell their children. That, to my mind, is a horrible reflection on the fact that for over 100 years Hong Kong has been administered by the British. Surely my right hon. Friend will agree we ought to do better than that. We are told that the Chinese Government have forbidden child slavery. It does not matter what the Chinese Government has done or not done; what matters is what the British Government are going to do, and surely we ought to have sufficient faith in civilisation to condemn this system of child slavery. I have not spoken on this, I hope, with undue asperity. This is one of the subjects on which one feels very strongly, and although the British Empire may not be exactly a paradise, we certainly ought to turn our attention to the task of preventing these practices.

9.0 P.M.

The Noble Lord who last spoke, and the two hon. Members who preceded him, have touched on a great variety of topics in an exceedingly interesting way. I do not propose to follow them. I do not propose to survey the whole world from China to Peru. I want to concentrate the attention of the Committee on a single point, and to bring before it the recommendations made in the report of Lord Buxton's Committee on the future of Rhodesia, and in particular to elicit from the Government, if I can, some information as to the policy which they intend to pursue in regard to those recommendations. There are two exceedingly interesting questions involved. There is, first, the constitutional problem, the question as to the future government and constitutional status of the lands which are now administered, under Charter from the Crown, by the British South Africa Company. There is, on the other hand, the financial question—the question of the liabilities that will attach to the Imperial Treasury, to this House, and to the taxpayers of this country if and when the administrative portions of the Charter of the British South Africa Company are surrendered or abrogated. There is no doubt at all that the financial issue is the one in which this Committee, as a Committee of Supply, will have naturally the most close interest, but the constitutional issue which was discussed by Lord Buxton's Committee is, I submit, also of immense importance. That Committee was only appointed in March. Its report was signed in April, and it refers throughout exclusively to Southern Rhodesia. What is the position there to-day? I do not need, of course, to remind this Committee that the administration of Southern Rhodesia is at present in the hands of the British South Africa Company under a Charter originally granted in 1889. That Charter reserved to the Crown the power, at the end of 25 years from the date of the Charter, and at the end of every succeeding period of ten years, to add to or repeal any of the provisions of the Charter relative to the administration of public matters. In the year 1898, for reasons which will be apparent to the Committee, that was the year of the Jameson Raid and of the Matabele and Mashona revolts, an Order in Council was issued, under the provisions of which the Imperial Government took definite powers to exercise control over the administration of the country. Under those powers they appointed a Resident Commissioner to represent locally the High Commissioner, and also an Imperial Commandant-General to be head of the police and the armed forces.

At about the same time a legislative council was established, upon which, in the first instance, the settlers were to be entitled to a minority of members; but since that time the elected element on that council has been greatly developed, so that the council now consists of 13 elected members and six members nominated by the British South Africa Company. Under the terms of the original Charter, the Charter was revised in 1914, and a supplementary Charter was attached to it. I invite the attention of the Committee to the terms of that supplementary Charter, for by it it was provided that if at any time after the 29th October, 1914, the Legislative Council of Southern Rhodesia should, by the absolute majority of the whole number of the members of Council as then constituted, pass a resolution praying the Crown to establish in Southern Rhodesia the form of government known as responsible government, and should support such resolution with evidence showing that the condition of the territory, financially and in other respects, was such as to justify the establishment of responsible government, it should be lawful for the Crown to accede to the prayer of such resolution and to modify the Charter accordingly. A few years later— I think it was in 1919—the members of the council in Southern Rhodesia approached the then Secretary of State, Lord Milner, inquiring from him what evidence, financially and in other respects, would be sufficient to justify the grant of responsible government. I invite the attention of the Committee to Lord Milner's reply, which was dated 12th August, 1919. In that reply it is stated that, apart from the important question arising out of the small number of the white as compared with the native population—and that is a point to which I shall recur later—he could not regard the territory as equal, at its; present stage of development, to the financial burden of responsible government.

A year or so later, in 1920, the elected members of the Southern Rhodesian Council decided in favour of an immediate-request for the concession of local responsible government, and Lord Buxton's Committee recommended that it should be conceded; but they made that recommendation subject to two conditions—firstly, that the constitution itself should be drafted in the Colonial' Office at Whitehall, and, secondly, that it should be subsequently placed before the electors of Southern Rhodesia by means of a referendum. I want this Committee to realise what the situation really is. Here you have recommended by Lord Buxton's Committee the concession of local responsible government, virtually to a population of 33,000 white inhabitants. who are surrounded by a huge population of 770,000 natives. That was the point taken by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Colonel Wedgwood), and up to that point I cordially agree with the remarks he addressed to the Committee. All the paraphernalia of responsible Government —a legislature of two Chambers, a Cabinet, a Prime Minister, and five or six other Ministers—all this paraphernalia is to be set up for a community less than half the size of an average single-member constituency in the United Kingdom, and a community which is surrounded, as I have said, by a sea of natives.

There, after all, is the real governing factor of the situation in Southern Rhodesia, as elsewhere in South Africa, and, with regard to that governing factor, Lord Buxton's Committee make a very remarkable recommendation, which I would ask leave to bring to the attention of this Committee. I beg the Committee to note that the High Commissioner for South Africa and the Secretary of State here at home have considerable powers of control over the administration, so far as it affects the natives. Lord Buxton's Committee point out that, in their opinion, the present procedure, which, as they understand, works very well and without friction, should be altered and disturbed as little as possible, and they, therefore, propose —I am quoting from the Report—that, with certain necessary alterations and omissions, that part of the Southern Rhodesian Order in Council of 1898 which deals with native administration should be taken as the basis for the reservations which appear advisable in the interests of the natives. The principal points, they go on to say, would be as follows: The appointments of the Secretary of Native Affairs, Native Commissioners, and Assistant Commissioners would be made by the Governor in Council, but subject to the approval of the High Commissioner. The salaries of those officers would be fixed by the Governor in Council with the approval of the High Commissioner, and could not be reduced or increased without his approval. The High Commissioner, further, would have power to require the suspension or removal of any of those officers for misconduct. He is also, according to the recommendations of Lord Buxton's Committee, to retain the right to call for special reports on questions relating to natives, and to remit, in whole or in part, fines imposed on chiefs or tribes for misconduct. The Committee go on to suggest that the substance of these provisions should, in their opinion, be embodied in the instrument of government, whether Letters Patent or Act of Parliament, granting the new constitution.

It is obvious that the recommendations of Lord Buxton's Committee presuppose that the Rhodesian electors, or the new local responsible Government which they propose should be set up, is not to be trusted with the administration of native affairs. The administration of native affairs is to be retained partly in the hands of the Secretary of State here at home and more immediately in the hands of the High Commissioner for South Africa. I would ask hon. Members to consider for one moment what would be the position of the Governor in Southern Rhodesia under the proposed new constitution, as the constitutional ruler of a self-governing Colony. What would be his position, and that of his Prime Minister and the other responsible Ministers of this self-governing Colony, if their jurisdiction were, as it would be, limited for practical purposes to less than one-twentieth of the population nominally committed to their charge? In what sense could that be called either responsible government or self-government? What would be the position of the Departments of the Government? I am not quite certain, but I imagine that nine-tenths of the day-to-day work of practically every Department of that Government is now concerned in one way or another with the administration of the law as it affects the native population. That work, as I have said, is carried on to-day through the Native Commissioners and Assistant Commissioners, and their position is to remain unaltered, even if local responsible government be granted. The salaries of these officials dealing with the natives are to be reserved, and they cannot be appointed and cannot be re- moved without the assent of the High Commissioner.

I call attention to these points, not in the least for the purpose of complaining. I do not for a moment complain of these reservations and precautions. They are there to-day, and it is, as I believe, under the peculiar conditions of South Africa, necessary to retain and to preserve them. The point which I now wish to make is this: That the necessity for maintaining that grant of so-called responsible government is conclusive evidence against the wisdom and statesmanship of the Buxton Report and of the solution proposed by it. Look at the position of the new Prime Minister of this self-governing Colony. It is expressly provided that the Prime Minister is also to be the Minister for Native Affairs, but the appointment of his most important permanent official is to be, not in his hands, but in the hands of the High Commissioner at Cape Town. What a position for the Prime Minister, for the Minister for Native Affairs, for the new responsible Government! What a mockery of the whole idea and principle of responsible government! Plainly one of two things must happen. Either the powers of the High Commissioner relating to the natives will be a reality, in which case local responsible government will be entirely illusory, or, if local responsible government be a reality, what is the position of the High Commissioner?

The Government and the Committee are entitled to ask, after this more or less destructive criticism, whether I have an alternative to offer. Do I propose to leave matters in statu quo ? I do not. No one who is familiar with the history of the evolution of our Colonial Empire questions the efficacy of responsible government when it is applied at an appropriate stage in political evolution. The principle of responsible government should be conceded to Southern Rhodesia, but should be conceded in a very much larger spirit and in a much wider sphere than that which is contemplated by the Report of the Buxton Committee. Surely the natural and the proper way of dealing with the constitutional problem in Southern Rhodesia is that Southern Rhodesia should become an integral part of the self-governing Union of South Africa. The possibility of that was contemplated when the Act of Union was passed for South Africa, so much so that the union of Southern Rhodesia, and, for the matter of that, Northern Rhodesia as well, can be effected without reference to this Imperial Parliament. Here is the relative Section of the Union Act: Southern Rhodesia, immediately on the determination of the company's administration of that territory the British Treasury will have to find in cash £1,200,000, to be paid to the company for public works, removable assets and certain balances which I need not particularise. In addition to that, the Buxton Committee recommend that there should be loans to the new responsible Government of Southern Rhodesia amounting to £300,000, to put them on their feet. Let the Committee consider this financial situation. The total sum is £1,500,000 immediately to be advanced by the Imperial Treasury, that is to say, by the taxpayers of the United Kingdom. In part it is to be advanced to the South Africa Company and in part it is to be advanced as a loan to the local Government of Southern Rhodesia. So that immediately on coming into existence the responsible Government of Southern Rhodesia will have to raise a loan of £1,500,000 to repay the Imperial Treasury. A Government representing 33,000 whites and 770,000 natives will have to shoulder this burden of £1,500,000. How are they to raise the money? What security can they offer? They will ex hypothesi not possess one acre of land. That is mortgaged. They will not possess one mile of railway. They will not possess one ton of minerals or any mineral rights. Who is going to advance them the money on that security? No one will advance them that money except on one condition, namely, that the loan is guaranteed by the Imperial Government. Now it will be obvious to this Committee that for the Imperial Government to make a guaranteed loan to a self-governing colony is a course to which there is very strong constitutional objection, which I need not, I think, elaborate. Apart from this constitutional objection, who, outside the region of Bedlam, would contemplate the idea of the Imperial Government giving a guarantee for a loan raised wholly, or almost wholly, for the purpose of repaying itself. I admit that this House has become accustomed to very fantastic convolutions in finance, but I think it has never contemplated anything quite so fantastic as this.

What is the conclusion which I desire to suggest to the Committee? Do I contemplate, or does anyone contemplate, an indefinite prolongation of the rule of the Chartered Company in Southern Rhodesia? I at any rate do not. I do not even contemplate a temporary prolongation of their rule. I have personally no interest in, and I have no connection with the company, but I think no one can refer to the Chartered Company of South Africa without endeavouring to endorse the very remarkable testimony which was paid to the work of that company by the Under Secretary for the Colonies and by the Report of the Buxton Committee. That Committee says that if it had not been for the courage and resource of Cecil Rhodes the territory which is now Northern and Southern Rhodesia would not have been secured to the Empire but would have fallen into alien hands. That was 30 years ago, and since that time, in spite of varying fortune and manifold and grave difficulties, the British South African Company has administered a tract covering 450,000 miles which was placed under its control by charter. The Company has never paid one farthing in dividend to the shareholders, and it has built up and developed the territory in a liberal, enterprising spirit by money out of its own resources.

The whole principle of administration by Chartered Companies was condemned in a classical passage, by the most classical of our economists, in the 18th century, Adam Smith. He declared such companies were not fit to be either princes or merchants; their administration was good neither for trade or government. But that view, like many of Adam Smith's views, suffered from a great reaction in the nineteenth century. By general consent, magnificent pioneer work has been done by these Chartered Companies—and nowhere has their work been done more admirably than in those territories which for all time I hope will bear the name of one of the most honoured sons of Oxford, and one of the greatest Empire builders of our day. But that pioneer work is by general consent accomplished: the time has come for a more definite constitutional status in the British Empire for the Rhodesian territories. What I want to suggest to the Committee is that that status should not be the restricted local responsible government proposed by the Buxton Committee, but that Southern Rhodesia shall take its place in the great Union of South Africa.

I do not share the apprehension which some people have with regard to the granting of responsible government to small communities. I happen to have been born in a Crown Colony myself, and, I think, when responsible government was granted to us the population was some 40,000 people, or approximately the number in Southern Rhodesia at the present time. The advantage of responsible government is that the people who know the country are enabled to develop it on the lines they think are best for the interests of the country. In West Australia, fortunately, the first Premier was one who had a thorough knowledge of the State, and that small community of 40,000 people was so satisfied with the possibilities that they did not hesitate to launch out into a vigorous public works policy. The result of that policy was that within ten years there was a population of four times the number I have mentioned. I have no doubt the same result would apply to the particular portion of His Majesty's Dominions which my hon. Friend who preceded me has referred to.

In regard to the previous Debate which took place, I am somewhat in accord with the criticism which was voiced by the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) as to the wisdom of including under the Colonial Office the control of the administration of the Middle East. He stated that the dominant factor in deciding on this important departure was the distrust of the present Foreign Minister. In my opinion, policy should not be determined by the capacity of the Minister, but by the political and other connections existing between the countries and territories associated under the same political head. But if it is proposed to pursue this policy further, then I would suggest that the Overseas Dominions should be withdrawn from the Colonial Office and put directly under the Prime Minister's Department. The present channel of communication which exists between most of these Dominions and the Government is that the Dominion Government of the day gets into touch with the Secretary of State for the Colonies through the Governor, and he in turn communicates with the Prime Minister or the Minister concerned. But the status of the Dominions is such that the Premiers should be entitled to communicate direct with the Prime Minister of this country when necessity arises. With regard to the change to which I refer, this would involve no additional charge, as it would simply mean the transfer of that section of the Colonial Office now dealing with Dominion matters to the Prime Minister's Department. The essential qualification for any Colonial Secretary should be that, if he does not possess a personal knowledge of the overseas portion of the Empire, he should be required in the first Recess to see as much as possible of the countries which come under his jurisdiction. As far as the present Colonial Minister is concerned, he has lost no time in making acquaintance with those countries which are now included under the control of the Secretary of State for the Colonies. In connection with the Imperial Conference, it must be an advantage to the overseas Prime Ministers that they have had an opportunity of discussing with their Parliaments the different subjects that are engaging the attention of the Conference. They have the advantage of taking their place at the Conference fortified with the knowledge that they represent the views of their Parliaments. Our Government showed wisdom in accepting the views of hon. Members that a day should be devoted to a discussion of the important subjects to be dealt with at the Conference. It was recognised in that discussion that it is essential that this Parliament should devote a certain time to other than local topics. I am inclined to the view expressed by General Smuts, that it would be wise to include in the representation at the Imperial Conference the Leaders of the Opposition. No one can doubt that the deliberations of the Conference would be strengthened by the presence of men like the ex-Prime Minister of this country, Mr. Tudor, Mr. King, and other Leaders of the Opposition in the various Dominions, and representatives of those sections that are not supporting the Government.

There is a danger that as a result of the concentration of this House on special local questions that the great issues on which the future of the Empire depend will not receive the attention which their importance commands. So far as this House is concerned, we spend from 20 to 25 per cent. of our time discussing Irish affairs, vital and important as they may be, while on the question of our Overseas Dominions we are limited to a portion of a day. Take the question in regard to Rhodesia. Is not that of sufficient importance to engage the attention of this House for at least one afternoon, so that hon. Members may have an opportunity of making themselves acquainted with the constitutional problems that this country has to face? As a matter of fact, we are given about a quarter of one evening. We have to realise that we are citizens of a great Empire, and that our responsibilities are not limited to this particular little island. I would like to have dealt generally with the questions raised by the Under Secretary in a speech on which I congratulate him. He referred to the fact that colonisation is a particular genius of the British race, and this cannot be denied. I agree with what was said by the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyne (Colonel Wedgwood) in regard to securing to the Colonial Office and Overseas Administration the best type of Englishman. Everything depends on the men who are administering our far-off Dominions. So far as Crown Colony Government is concerned, the administrators need not necessarily be selected from the Civil Service, but they should be men of practical knowledge of developmental problems, both in regard to the people and the countries concerned.

The Empire generally is the poorer as a result of the retirement of the late Colonial Secretary. He had an unequalled knowledge of colonial problems and an experience in overseas administration which peculiarly qualified him for the position which he so efficiently filled as a representative in the Cabinet of our Overseas Dominions. The translation of the late Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Amery), who had become possessed of a good working knowledge of his Department, and had secured the respect and esteem of the representative of the different governments in London, followed the usual practice of moving on a Minister as soon as he knows his job, and the Navy has secured an efficient representative at the expense of the Colonial Office. I can only hope that the same success which attended his administration of colonial affairs will follow him in his new sphere at the Admiralty. On the question of the Navy, I should like to say something in regard to the future naval policy of the Empire.

The hon. Member will not be entitled to go into the question of the Navy.

The future naval policy in the Pacific is a most important problem which the Colonial Ministers are discussing at the present time, and with all respect I cannot see why I should be debarred from dealing with a question which is of vital importance.

The Debate this evening has pursued a somewhat erratic course. The subject of Rhodesia and the problems which await solution there have been mentioned, and I should fail in my duty if I did not do my best to contribute something to a proper understanding of the questions under discussion. My connection with that country has been so long and so intimate that, perhaps, I understand more fully than most of the Members of the Committee can be expected to do how very delicate and how very difficult are some of the matters which have been brought to the notice of the Committee this evening, especially those introduced by the hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. Marriott). I do not wish to increase any differences of opinion there may be in Rhodesia upon these matters by taking up a partisan attitude. I hope, therefore, the Committee will pardon me if I do not express any decided views of a personal character on some of the important matters to which my hon. Friend has referred. At the same time, the Committee knows that I have been one of those who, ever since I have been a Member of this House, have always taken a very keen interest in questions of national economy, and, therefore, I should like to join with my hon. Friend in expressing the hope that the new constitutional developments, which all parties are agreed must take place in Rhodesia at a very early date, may be carried out without cost to the British taxpayer. That individual is a very long-suffering, very patient, and very heavily-burdened person, and it has become the fashion to pile on to his poor shoulders burdens from all quarters of which anyone wishes to get rid. I hope that any changes that may be made in the constitution of Rhodesia may not have the effect of adding to the burdens of the British taxpayer. Whether that position can be made a reality or not will depend very largely upon the wisdom and tact displayed by the Colonial Secretary, of which I have great hopes, and upon the views that may be taken by this House.

I want this Committee to realise that the questions involved in the consideration of the Buxton Report are Very important, very difficult, and very complicated. Upon their right decision turns the immediate future of the people of Rhodesia and of interests that have deserved exceedingly well of the British Empire. They concern interests which are of vital concern to the people of this country.

I wish to endorse very strongly the view expressed this afternoon in no unmeasured terms by the Under-Secretary in relation to the necessity of the people of Rhodesia being left free to make an unfettered choice as to their own political future. I would remind the Committee that the difficulties which may arise under this head are due largely to the intensely patriotic character of the Rhodesian community. The reason why they have been hitherto averse to joining the Union is due to the fact that they have feared secession. That danger has been recently removed by the most striking victory obtained by General Smuts in co-operation with Sir Thomas Smartt in the Union of South Africa Elections, which for the moment has removed the fear that those elements in the Union who desire to secede from the Empire can in any near future get their way. I hope that that danger has been removed for ever, but so long as that danger existed it was not surprising to anyone who knew the. Rhodesians, as I do, that they were not prepared to take their chance in a community in which such opinions might in the end have their way.

Now may I say a word as to the War record of the Rhodesian community. We have been told already to-day that the European community in Southern Rhodesia consist only of about 33,000 persons—men, women, and children. Of that number very nearly 7,000 served in various branches of His Majesty's forces during the late War. Most of the them came home quite unorganised to fight. Out of that number 1,940 received commissions, 791 were killed in action, and 987 received marks of distinction for services in the field. That is a wonderful record, and a population which shows such a record deserves well of every part of the Empire and the utmost consideration that the Government and this House can extend to it.

But the claims of the Rhodesian European community to consideration do not exhaust the obligations of the Imperial Government. The claims of the company also cannot be neglected, and I gather from the speeches made by the Colonial Secretary himself, and by the Under-Secretary this afternoon, that those claims are fully recognised to-night, and I base upon that the hope that just as the Rhodesian community will receive fair consideration from His Majesty's Government, so when the time arrives for considering the just claims of the chartered company that company also will receive fair and proper consideration Bear in mind that the company has all through its career had two main objects, the Imperial object and the commercial object. The Imperial object has to-day been fully accomplished. The company can point with pride not only to the area and the value of the territory which through the company's means alone has been added to the Empire, but it can also point to the high level of civilisation which it has succeeded in establishing there. The work of the chartered company under the leadership of Cecil Rhodes and Sir Star Jameson has been to develop the territories of Rhodesia on such lines as to make them fit for responsible Government at the earliest possible moment. The Committee has been told the stages through which the constitution has passed, but I would add to what the hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. Marriott) has said that on each occasion an advance was made, it was made at the request of the company and was not due to the initiative of the Imperial Government.

When the Legislative Council was constituted and elected Members were placed on it in 1898 the company asked for it. A risk was taken. Later the numbers were increased so that the elected Members were in a majority. That also was at the request of the company, and at that time the Colonial Office, which did not then, perhaps, hold such liberal views as seem to prevail there to-day, were inclined to think that a great risk, and shook their heads, but the company preferred to take the risk and has been justified by events because, and this is one of the greatest tributes to their work, although the company has been in the position ever since 1898 of being an irremovable executive, yet in that country with a Legislative Council, on which the Members, as anyone acquainted with Legislative Councils in British territories over the sea know, Members are not slow to express their opinions in very vigorous language, and are apt to be specially vigorous if they cannot remove a Ministry, the company has succeeded in carrying on the administration of that great territory all these years without any very serious friction and with great progress, and on the whole great prosperity. The work of the company in that respect has now concluded, and the responsibility for further development rests with the Imperial Government.

I would like to say a few words with regard to the people who have up to now benefited through the work of the company. In the first place there is the European population. It is a vigorous community. It does not contain very many rich men but it contains a number of well-to-do people most of whom came to the territories with very little property and have no reason now to regret their connection with the territory. Vast fortunes have not been made, but there are many very good opportunities for making a fair living and in many cases more has been made.

Then there are the natives. The company has been subject to persistent widespread and malignant misrepresentation with regard to its native policy. I am glad to be able to say that the truth will out. Facts have spoken for themselves and I am glad to testify to the fact that no one has done more than Lord Buxton himself to lay bare the truth in this matter. Speaking with all the authority derived from his position and as a member of a family who have, to their credit, often taken the unpopular side of the native against the European the Governor-General has publicly expressed his detestation of the attacks that were made upon the company and has refuted them and expressed the hope that no more will ever be heard of them.

In justification further of the work of the company, I may give one or two figures. In 1898 the native population of Southern Rhodesia was between 400,000 and 500,000. In 1919 it had increased to 750,000. In 1902, the first year in which statistics were available, the acreage under native cultivation was just over 500,000. In 1920 it was 1,250,000. The number of cattle which they owned in 1902 was 55,000. It had increased in 1920 to just over 750,000. Their small stock showed the same rate of increase. That is not the position of a native population which has been, to use the language we hear so frequently from Members opposite on the Benches which are now so deserted, exploited for the benefit of the European inhabitants of the country. The native population of Rhodesia are protected. Their wealth has rapidly increased. They have had the opportunity of working for good wages; good treatment is assured to them, not only by the law and by those responsible for its administration, but by the general attitude of the community to-wards the natives. It is important to point out that the native community of Rhodesia during the trying times of the War remained law abiding throughout and were of the greatest assistance to the Government, notwithstanding the fact that a very serious insurrection took place during that period in contiguous Portuguese and Imperial territories.

I have pointed out what the development of Rhodesia has meant to the inhabitants of that country, but the point I want to emphasise is that the people who have gained most from the work of the company are the people of the United Kingdom, and especially the working classes of this country. I have already referred to the assistance which the territories of the Chartered Company were able to give during the War, but regarded from the point of view of opportunities for our middle and working classes, there are great opportunities, possibilities for the settlement for miners, railwaymen, artisans, and agriculturists, many of whom have done exceedingly well in Rhodesia, and of whom many more in the future will do so. But the point I most want to emphasise is what the development of Rhodesia has meant to the trade of this country. The last year during which I think it will be agreed that prices were stable and the maximum quantity of goods were passing from country to country at those prices, was 1913. That is the best year to take when making a comparison of trade figures. The few figures I will give are taken from the official Report of the Director of Customs in Rhodesia. In 1913 the imports into Rhodesia from the British Empire were valued at £1,795,668. In addition, £542,830 worth of produce was imported from South Africa, making a total from the British Empire of £2,338,498, whereas the total from foreign countries was £548,886. The total value of imports was thus £2,887,384. The value of the exports was £3,297,099, making the total trade £6,184,483. The imports into Rhodesia for the 21 years ended 31st December, 1920, were just under £50,000,000, and averaged about £2,290,000 a year. Of these, 73 per cent. were British and 26 per cent. from foreign countries.

I believe that a deputation of Rhodesians, consisting of elected members of the Legislative Council, will shortly be here to discuss political questions with the Colonial Secretary. I know the difficulties of the matter, and I know that the House must trust to his discretion to handle the situation in the way which will be best suited to the needs of our Empire and this country as well as of Rhodesia, but I am bound to say that, personally, I believe that the picture of the financial position which has been put to this Committee with such force by the hon. Member for Oxford is, on the whole, accurate. I am inclined to think that the view of the Buxton Committee on the subject of finance is far too optimistic, and that it will be found that a responsible Government could not be established in Rhodesia at the present time without a very substantial call being made either upon the cash or upon the credit of the British Treasury, or upon both, and I am at one with him in hoping that that may be avoided. But I have great hopes of the consultations which are about to take place between the Rhodesian Delegation and the Colonial Secretary.

10.0 P.M.

The financial situation here is not properly understood or appreciated in Rhodesia and not even in this country. The people of this country are only beginning to understand how hard up we are. I believe that if the financial situation here is impressed upon the Delegation, and they come to understand that the old country really cannot bear these increasing burdens, an appeal to them on patriotic grounds will have a very great effect and that it may be possible to induce them to reconsider the question of union from a different angle, with a different standpoint and with a desire to help which did not previously exist. My view is that such an appeal should be made. If it fails, the Imperial Government will remain confronted with a most difficult problem, the solution of which must necessarily involve the assumption of heavy financial burdens by the Treasury. I see no other way. But this Committee must recognise that the path of true economy does not lie either in sacrificing the interests of friends or in refusing to honour honourable—and still less legal—obligations. The results of such a policy are apt to recoil on the heads of those who adopt it. I think, however, that the just claims of the Chartered Company, which does not ask for generosity, but merely for justice, will not be approached by the methods of the pettifogging attorney, but will receive fair and proper consideration, as I am convinced that this Committee desires they should. The speech of the Colonial Secretary on the subject of Mesopotamia shows that he is fully alive to such considerations. I am chiefly concerned lest, in the midst of greater and very numerous other pressing pre-occupations, he should find himself unable to give to the solution of these urgent Rhodesian questions that share of his personal attention which they require and deserve.

Before I sit down I should like to make some general observations which concern the trade of the British Empire as a whole. Recent events have emphasised the necessity for maintaining and extending the existing markets for British products and for securing new ones where we can. I do not think it is too much to say that our daily bread depends upon our success in that direction. I want to ask this Committee to consider the very important question of where we are to look for customers. It is one of the commonest popular misstatements that Germany was the best customer of this country before the War and, like many popular statements, it is quite untrue, because the best customer of this country has been for many years the British Empire itself. I do not like wearying the Committee with figures, but I give just one or two to illustrate the point I wish to make. I take again the year 1913 as the best year for comparison. The exports from the United Kingdom to Germany in 1913 amounted to £41,000,000. Now I will take some of our exports to the British Empire. In that year our exports to British India alone were £70,000,000, and to Australasia—Australia and New Zealand together—£45,000,000; that is more than to Germany. Canada took £24,000,000, South Africa £22,000,000, Egypt £10,000,000. The total export to British Possessions in 1913 amounted to upwards of £200,000,000. These are very important figures, and I want the Committee to recollect that Germany, with a population of 65,000,000 was at our doors, whereas Australasia, having a population of 6,000,000 at the other end of the earth, took more of our goods. Australasia has a population of only one-tenth of the population of Germany, and yet she took more goods from us.

Then I should like the Committee to consider our tropical possessions—India, Nigeria, Egypt and Ceylon. The first point I should like to emphasise is that our Empire and particularly our tropical Empire is far more important to inhabitants of this country, and above all to the working classes of this country from the standpoint of trade than from the standpoint of emigration. Even to our Dominions of which we have been in possession for upwards of 100 years, emigration from this country has been comparatively small. The total population of all our Dominions to-day is under 15,000,000 souls, men, women and children, that is European. All these people did not either come from the United Kingdom or descend from people who did. I have only to instance Canada. There has been an immense American emigration into Canada of people who never had any connection with this country at all. In our tropical possessions—India, Nigeria, Egypt and Ceylon, with a population of about 350,000,000, under 500,000 are Europeans. That does not look as if either our Dominions or our tropical possessions have furnished any very large outlet for surplus population. The real value of tropical possessions to the United Kingdom is not to furnish outlet for surplus population, but to stimulate the trade which will permit larger numbers of our people to maintain themselves in comfort at home. In tropical countries, the value of emigration is less concerned with the numbers of settlers than with their quality. In that respect this country has nothing to fear.

Then there is the old doctrine to which I should like to allude that trade follows the flag, and a few figures will show the Committee that there is no question upon that point. I would like to compare, if I may, the trade figures of Canada and the United States. Here you have two contiguous countries, with similar conditions, resembling one another closely over wide areas. Also the characteristics of their population are similar in many respects. But the differences between the two territories from the standpoint of trade are very large. Here is a comparison. Canada, with a population of only 7,000,000 against 90,000,000 in the United States, takes of British goods £24,000,000 against £29,000,000. In other words, with about one-thirteenth of the population it takes about two-thirds of the quantity of goods. Beckoned per head of the population, the comparison is even more remarkable. The United States take from us only 6s. 4d. per head per annum, whereas Canada takes £3 5s. 7d. Australasia, as to which I have given some figures previously, takes from us £7 8s. 6d. per head. Then I should like to make the comparison of British India with China and Japan. If it was not for our rule in India, there seems no particular reason why an Indian should buy more from us than a Chinaman or a Japanese does. China, with 400,000,000 inhabitants, takes from us annually £15,000,000 worth of goods, at the rate of just over 8d. per head of the population. Japan, with a population of 50,000,000, takes from us the same amount of goods, or 5s. 9d. per head. Compare these figures with the returns from British India. It is very remarkable, because with, roughly, 300,000,000 inhabitants as against 400,000,000 in China, British India takes from us £70,000,000 worth of goods. Similarly, India, Nigeria, Egypt, and Ceylon, which, added together, have a population less than that of China, take from us per head, men, women, and children, very nearly 6s. Faced with these figures, I find it impossible to resist the conclusion that the power to influence political conditions is a most potent factor in determining the character and volume of trade, and I put it to the Labour Benches that we cannot afford to ignore these considerations

I should like to explain to the Committee that all these figures, as a matter of fact, are taken from the official Statistical Register, and I took the precaution, before I quoted them to the Committee, of submitting them to an official of the Board of Trade. [HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw!"]

After my explanation, I need not carry further the discussion upon the point as to whether the figures are correct. If the proposition that trade follows the flag is accepted, my conclusion is, that it is far easier to extend existing markets than to find new ones. In our own Empire the forces of habit, of association and of good will are all on our side. To see what that good will means, I refer again to the position of Canada and the United States. The United States did not want to take our goods, and the figures show that they have been very successful in keeping them out. Canada did, and both to her and to Australasia millions of pounds worth have gone, and to show that they still want them, they have given us this important preference in all the Dominion Parliaments, which I am very glad to see has met with reciprocity here, thanks to the action of the Leader of the House when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer. My own belief is, that the volume of our trade in Empire markets is going to be of enormous advantage to this country having regard to the limitless resources which exist throughout the Empire, if these are used with purpose and determination. The fact of the matter is, that the streams of trade are already flowing in considerable volume throughout the Empire. It should be the aim of this country to extend the catchment area, open up the springs and widen the channels. The condition of this country at the present moment, as regards the flow of trade and the finding of markets—for we must manufacture, if we are to live—affords me the gravest concern and that must be my excuse for taking the opportunity afforded by this Vote of directing the attention of the Committee to a matter which is of vital importance to the industries and to the working classes of this country. I should like to sound a warning note on the ques- tion of preference. We have already Preference in all the great Dominions and I hope the Colonial Secretary may see his way to extend it to Crown Colonies. There is however a limit to which Preference can be carried.

I think the hon. Member will recognise that is a matter which does not arise.

I think I am in order if I say that the considerations to which I have drawn attention are of the utmost importance in connection with the development of the resources of the Empire. There will be a double benefit from that development. There will be the profit from the particular undertakings concerned, and there will be the general stimulus to trade, and to the second I attach certainly as much importance as I do to the first. Special attention is also required in regard to the handmaidens of production and commerce, such matters as improved communications and facilities by land, sea and air, posts and telegraphs and an Empire banking system, and other matters. I was glad to hear that the Colonial Secretary and his Department are alive to the importance of these considerations. They are at present engaging the serious attention of a large number of the private Members of this House upon whom has been impressed the close connection which exists between British industry and trade and Colonial development. They are matters which are also of the most vital importance from the point of view of the British working man. The development of the Imperial Estate requires faith, energy, perseverance and imagination and these are qualities which are possessed by the present Secretary of State for the Colonies. I venture to suggest to him, there can be no more worthy object of political ambition than to develop as speedily as possible the great resources of the British Empire.

I do not wish to stand for long between the Committee and the expected reply of the right hon. Gentleman, but I desire briefly to deal with two or three points which have not been dealt with since the speech of my hon. Friend who introduced the discussion this afternoon. May I, in the first place, ask why it is not possible to give us a printed statement which would be of some use in the present Debate? I can see in the Estimates now submitted to us the wages of various female servants and charwomen, but I cannot find anything which deals with the wider subjects we have been discussing. I may be a babe and suckling in this House, but I think it would be possible to give us some form of statement which would enable us to have a summary to go upon as regards the sums which we are considering. We have heard an extraordinarily interesting statement from the hon. Member who spoke last, and it makes us realise the enormous size of the Empire to which we belong and the extent of its commitments, undertakings, and responsibilities. Yet the whole of that would be as nothing were it not for the underlying basis, which we naturally take for granted, and that is the basis of physical health. Physical health is the greatest essential in the development of the Colonies. Everyone who has been in out-of-the-way parts of the world has perhaps taken the fact of his health for granted, until he has found himself afflicted with toothache 50 miles away from a dentist or a doctor. There is then only one thing that matters, and that is his physical health. It is vital to the whole development of our Empire and our Imperial responsibility, and the fact that we take it for granted is well enough if the machine is working and is being sufficiently helped and advanced by the authorities. It is exactly like the canvas at the back of a picture: you do not notice the canvas, but without the canvas the picture is useless, and so it is with regard to health. Therefore, may I say how warmly those who are interested in the health question welcome the statement of the Undersecretary to-day. I do not think any more satisfactory statement on this particular line has ever been made to the House on this Vote, and it is full of hope, but there is need for a great deal of backing and of carrying into effect the wishes which he has expressed. I do not feel at all satisfied that that is going to be done.

The gap that has to be filled is enormous, and I think people make a mistake when they think it is a gap that has to be filled from the point of view of philanthropy. I want as strongly as I can to impress upon the Committee that this matter should not be looked at from the point of view of philanthropy, but from the point of view of solid business. The worst of the question of health is that it is damned by philanthropy; it is because it is so bound up with the question of philanthropy that business men, as a general rule, give it the cold shoulder. I like to discuss it purely and solely as a matter of business, of vital efficiency, as a matter of money, if you like to be moved only by a question of money. It is essential to see that our Colonial medical service and the medical service throughout the Empire are far more efficiently managed and run than they are at the present time. The essential need of it was originally endorsed, from the point of view of the efficiency of the service, by the late Mr. Joseph Chamberlain when he was Secretary of State for the Colonies, and his grant to the School of Tropical Medicine, which was the first public recognition by the Government of the need of this work, has been carried on. The school has prospered and done wonderful work, and we hope it will be advanced.

As I know that the views of medical officers in the Service may be suspected as being prejudiced from their own point of view, I should like to bring the Committee face to face with the point of view of the non-medical men who are engaged in the Service themselves and who see how this scarcity, this deficiency of medical service, affects them. My information comes from a large amount of private correspondence from friends of my own in different Colonies, and, in the first place, I would submit a statement of the grievances that they feel from the fact that officers join the Service on the understanding that their medical attention is going to be provided, and then they find themselves face to face, after many years of service, at a distance of, perhaps, 50, or 100, or 200, or even 300 miles in the bush away from a medical officer, not because of shortage in authorised establishment, but because at the present time there is a deficiency of medical officers, and that deficiency is not being made good.

That happens in even some of the best supplied medical services in the Colonies. It is happening now in the West Coast and in the East Coast, in most of whose stations they have fairly good medical services. But there is a deficiency. The residents feel that they are not having that which they had every reason to expect to have when they joined the service. When once they have been thrown over by attacks of malaria or blackwater fever—the latter may be got over once or twice at most—it is naturally a matter of life or death to them, and not only to themselves, but to their wives and children, to be sure of medical attendance.

It may be considered, as it has been by some of the greatest pioneers and figures of Imperial development, that the development of these somewhat out-of-the-way colonies is not work for married men. It may be so at first. But obviously it is one of the first steps that we should aim at to raise the country to Such a stage by bachelor development that men can safely take out their womenfolk and their children. This requires to be done, and in order to do it you must supply proper medical attendance. You have, say, one of these stations in West Africa and half a dozen European families, and no doctor within 80 miles. Women may have gone out for the first time—it is not likely they will go out for the second. If they do not there is no family life. That is a most serious position. It is all the more serious when you are dealing with native races, because they cannot imagine the possibility of the chaste living of men who live there as bachelors. Surely, in giving them the higher ideals, the best way is to arrange to have there the European families—for the sake of their influence in the civilising of these countries. One could elaborate that. But I take it the case I have mentioned as being typical and not extreme either in these days, when the nearest doctor is 80 miles off. Apart from adverse road conditions, it would take him four hours to reach the place where these families are. Over and over again, in a similar case, he has been unable to go because he had to attend cases in his own particular station. Indeed, at particular times when the doctor was called, if he had left the people he was attending they would have died.

You have your administrators who are precious persons with precious experience, having been selected originally with great care. You get them there, and they may have had attacks of one kind or another, and, therefore, there is a rule that no man is to be allowed out of the way in the bush if he has had an attack of blackwater fever. Whenever a doctor is called to attend to a case of black-water fever naturally he has to remain with the person, wherever he is, until he is able to leave him quite well. It is a very serious position. I speak of one particular colony, but perhaps the best of them all. I think the general position would be best summed up in a letter from one resident to another, from which I quote the following:

The system has worked out very badly in certain colonies from which I have special private reports. In many instances there is no real private practice, and men accept appointments from the Colonial Office with the idea that they are going to get rich on a private practice, and when they get out there they find there is practically no private work. There have been two or three cases where the men, feeling that they have been misled in this way, have returned home. The Departmental Committee reported on the 1st of July last year, and we have heard something about that this afternoon. The official attitude is that some of the recommendations have been granted and others may be granted. It is a very vague reply, and I should like to have a little more definite assurance. We want to make an effective service. We want to see what can be done to improve it. I know we cannot supply a medical man for each resident European there. The pay in the West African medical service has been improved, but it is glaringly insufficient and not enough to provide a proper medical service at the present time. With a payment of £600 a year you still have not enough means and you will have to raise your prices there as elsewhere. Still more if all these different services are to be self-supporting there is a very definite reason if the Government are unable to spend any money at all for treating this as an Imperial service supported by Imperial contributions. For services of defence the Imperial Navy is equally available to all Imperial Colonies, and I see no reason why the Colonies should not equally be defended by an Imperial medical service, why we should not get exactly the same provision for Colonies in all parts of the Empire, seeing that they are kept together by virtue of the Navy and equally are only useful to us as parts of the Empire if they have a proper health service. I maintain that that is a good reason for having contributions towards these Colonies which cannot afford to maintain a decent medical service of their own. You should build up a proper medical service for the whole of the Colonies and it should be under the Government. Members should have a good initial salary and a proper chance to get work. They should be entitled to pensions and gratuities, together with free passages for their families. These should be insisted on as minimum requirements for these very useful agents of the British Empire. I again protest against the way in which medical matters are considered in watertight compartments as different services of the Crown. The Departmental Committee have again pressed for some consideration to be given to the possibility of a United Government Medical Service with definite terms of service. I believe that would effect an enormous saving, for now we have one service competing against another, and you have no colonial medical service which can be said to be a united service. If there were some kind of guarantee you would be able to attract good men. You want to have, if you can, a good united medical organisation available to all the medical services of the Crown, and the service should have some friend at court in the Colonial Office who would look after the interests of the members and advise them. You want as a basis a central director or inspector to advise both them and the Colonial Office on the condition of the health service. This is only just a brief outline of the work required, and I believe if it could be done it would help Imperial development a thousand fold.

I have certainly no reason on behalf of the Colonial Office to complain of the tone, character or duration of the two days' Debate which we have had on the Colonial Office Vote this year. At the same time I think it will have struck those who have listened to the Debate and the almost equally numerous company who have taken part in it, that there are considerable difficulties in a Debate of this character. It has ranged over such an enormous horizon of regions and of topics that it is very difficult to focus an issue, or even a series of issues, in the course of one of two days' Parliamentary discussion. If we leave out from the discussion altogether, as everyone, J think very rightly and sensibly has, the Dominions and all the great series of affairs connected with them, and leave them out on the ground that they are the subject of discussions which are taking place in the Imperial Conference, there still remains an enormous range of States, Protectorates, and Governments, in every one of which all, or almost all, of the problems which are present in highly developed communities present themselves, in forms sometimes cruder, but sometimes even more complex. Looking first of all at the great array of the Crown Colonies, there is the West African group, there is the great group of East African Colonies and Mandated Territories, there is the group in the Indian Ocean—including Ceylon and the Federated Malay States—there is the West Indian group of islands, and also on the mainland, British Guiana and British Honduras. Then there are the fortresses and naval stations of the British Empire—Gibraltar, Malta, Aden, Singapore, Hong Kong, and others which will readily occur to one; and, lastly, there is a multitude of islands, some in groups, some individually, each of which has its own interests, its own life and fortunes, its own Budget, and many of which have their own deficits, but all of which throw themselves upon the attention and protection of this House.

When one surveys this wide and essentially varied prospect, one sees that it is necessary to treat the Vote selectively. No one could possibly do justice to the whole of the topics in even the two days' Debate which we have had, and we have had to touch upon various points more or less selectively. I think that my. hon. Friend the Under-Secretary, who has spoken to-day for the first time in his ministerial capacity, and who has spoken in such excellent style, was well advised, instead of picking out a long succession of geographical areas and particular Governments and saying a few polite things about each, to draw attention to the more general aspects of the whole policy of the Colonial Office in dealing with the colonies. He spoke, for instance, of the general phase of economic depression through which nearly all the tropical and sub-tropical possessions of the Crown are passing in the aftermath of the Great War. He showed how during the War they had had exceptional prosperity, because the commodities which they produced were in many cases vital to the maintenance of the industries, and particularly the War industries, of Britain and her Allies, and they received great advantage from that war period. But now that there has been a great fall in prices all over the world, coupled with other adverse trading conditions, in many cases the budgets of these colonies are unable to balance their expenditure for the time being, and they are undoubtedly passing through a severe period of depression. He then spoke of the need of combatting tropical diseases, and I agree with him that, great as has been the progress that we have seen in the last 20 years, we have really only just begun to assert and establish the mastery of science over the jungle of diseases. It would entertain the Committee if I were able to tell them some of the stories of this extraordinary warfare which is being waged all over the tropical possessions of the Crown against the diseases peculiar to those regions. I have been told of a method of destroying the larvae of a particular mosquito by means of cows. The mosquito lays its eggs in the protecting grasses at the very edge of the water and stretched out into the water, and in this position it is protected from the depredations of a small fish which otherwise devours it with avidity. But on the introduction of the cow into the area the grass is cropped and nibbled close to the water's edge and the fish immediately attacks the larvae. I cannot guarantee the exact scientific accuracy of that narration, but it serves as a very good example of the kind of warfare which is being waged in one form or another with an ever increasing measure of success. The Undersecretary also spoke of the communications by rail and by sea, of the harbours and wharves, which in spite of the penury of the times are slowly developing, and he spoke of the constitutional progress from Crown Colony Government to a Protectorate, with representative Government, and finally to responsible self-Government, which is taking place in so many of our possessions.

I will not attempt to elaborate what my hon. Friend said on these points. I will break away from the general and select three particular Crown Colonies for a very brief reference. First of all there is West Africa. When I was at the Colonial Office 15 years ago we were just obtaining those invaluable Nigerias, by the exertion and energy of the late Mr. Joseph Chamberlain. The railways were very small humble developments then, and I was instrumental in securing the building of the North Nigerian Railway. It was my first venture in official life. Now, coming back after all these years, one sees a really formidable advance in British West Africa. You take £30,000,000 or £40,000,000 of trade in a good year passing be- tween West Africa and the mother country. Large quantities of cotton, a great trade in kernels; tin and coal being mined; very extensive railway systems; considerable harbours being built, and not built at the expense of the British taxpayers, but by loans raised on the satisfactory credit of these large regions. You see natives there, prosperous and consuming great quantities of cotton produced and manufactured on the spot, and developing new economic wants. Year after year their rate of wages is so good in relation to the cost of living that it is difficult to get even the small number of soldiers required to keep order; a smaller number than when the country was poorer 20 years ago. You see the whole of this harmonious development taking place, and you should try and encourage and accelerate the development of these great properties which have come into our possession by supplying them with the necessary technical apparatus of railways, harbours, etc., which are needed to make their great natural wealth accessible for the advantage of the whole Empire.

The East African group has not made the progress and at the present moment cannot show the strength that has been achieved in West Africa. But there is no part that I know of in the British Empire, no part in the world, where the country is more magnificent, spacious and wonderful than those great regions of British East Africa—Uganda, Victoria Nyanza, a lake as big as Scotland and 4,000 feet above the level of the sea. It gives one an idea of the scale of nature in these regions. There we have a good deal of progress, but far less than might have been achieved if a more consistent policy of development had been pursued. It is not, however, to the economic conditions of East Africa that I would like to refer, but to the racial problem which has been referred to several times this evening. You have the white settler, the Indian immigrant, and the large-native population, and the inter-play and inter-clash of these races afford some of the most delicate and baffling problems that any man or Minister could be invited to decide upon. It is so difficult to say where right and justice lie. You study, one after another, the case of these races. Each has got its claims and rights—tremendous rights, tremendous claims—and they overlap very harshly in many instances. I think it would be a great mistake for Members in different parts of the Committee each to pick out one of the races and run its cause, for what it is worth, to the exclusion of the consideration of the hard and difficult position of all others.

I have some knowledge of the native populations in these regions, and certainly we are bound to regard them as the greatest trust that is confided to us, because they are the most helpless of the population, and it is for us to see that they are better, and not worse, for our responsible charge of the country. The case of the Indian is one of very great difficulty, first of all, because of the relations between the Indian and the white, and, secondly, because of the relations between the Indian and the native, which are by no means so ideal as is sometimes suggested. In the main, we must make a continuous effort to live up to the principle that racial distinctions do not determine the status or position of any man in the British Empire who is otherwise qualified to occupy a position or exercise a function of responsibility. That is the line on which we shall endeavour to proceed.

Last of all, there are the white settlers. I know something of the settlers in East Africa, and the same remarks apply to the white settlers in Rhodesia. These are men up against the wilderness. They have mostly sunk every penny they possess in their holdings, and they are engaged in a struggle, comparable only to actual war, to keep themselves alive and to make a home; fighting against the wilderness, the wild beasts, the diseases, the loneliness, and the difficulties of these new, wild lands. I bespeak a word of sympathy on their behalf, especially in East Africa, where on a plateau 6,000 feet high the air is rarified, and you never can tell what reactions are produced upon the temperaments of ordinary English people who are called upon to live year after year at such an unusual altitude. In addition, they are exposed to the direct rays of the equatorial sun. I have been very much struck by the harass and strain that one saw on the faces of men who have been continuously in British East Africa for a few years. I hope, therefore, that when we deal with their problems and their difficulties, we shall approach them in a sympathetic spirit, and with a feeling that these pioneers must not be the people who are always to be sacrificed and always to be treated as though they had no claim upon the regard or respect of a democratic House of Commons.

11.0 P.M

With regard to East Africa, I have been pressed from various quarters to institute a Royal Commission on labour conditions, on the relations of the different races, and on the problems generally. It would be very easy for me to save myself all further trouble for at least a year By acceding to that request. I have only to appoint a Royal Commission, which in due course would assemble and proceed to these countries, make progress around them, take evidence, then return, compile their report, and present their report. Then the Colonial Office would consider the report, and opportunity would be taken for a Debate by the House of Commons. I should have a sound answer to every question for 12 months to come: "You must await the report of the Royal Commission." I think that is the last remedy which should be employed. I quite agree that if everything else fails there should be a Royal Commission, but I hope the Committee will give me the opportunity to endeavour to go into these topics in the course of the next few weeks. I was very much occupied when I first took over this office in. February by the Middle East, and since then we have had the Imperial Conference, but in August I hope to be able to take up the questions connected with East Africa. General Northey has been asked to come home. He will be here before the end of the month, and I would like to postpone any statement upon this subject until I have had the opportunity of threshing the matter out with the responsible officers, and only in the event of the proposals which I shall make for dealing with these matters proving to be unsatisfactory, do I think that we ought to fall back on the desperate remedy of a Royal Commission, but I would not oppose it at all once I have had the opportunity of looking into the matter, and of making my own proposals.

I have the same thing to say about Rhodesia. The delegation is coming home from Rhodesia, and about the latter part of August should be here, and I am very anxious not to say anything about the future of Rhodesia which will prejudice the discussion which I must have with the representatives of the Rhodesian Council, who are about to start for this country. I agree with what has been said as to the extreme importance of not appearing to dictate to this Colony what course they should adopt, whether it should be in the direction of assuming responsible government, with all its obligations, or, on the other hand, in the direction of joining the Union Government of South Africa. We must have the opportunity of talking it over with them. I think that we have acted wisely in proceeding by means of the Buxton Committee. We are under a very great obligation to Lord Buxton for the extraordinary pains which he has taken. His name is one which carries great confidence in South Africa, where his admirable work is well known, and we are now in a position, with a free hand, to discuss the whole subject with the accredited representatives of Southern Rhodesia.

I think that the Committee will see from what I have said that I am—to use an expression which has been made use of frequently this evening—fully alive to the importance of developing the profitable possessions of the Crown, and just for that reason I grudge very much every shilling of military expenditure in Mesopotamia and the Middle East, and when I see the enormous sums which we have been forced to spend in the Middle East and the tiny sums which we are able to obtain for developing industry in the great tropical possessions of the Crown in Africa and Asia, I feel able to address myself to the task of reducing expenditure in Mesopotamia with renewed zest. In the Middle East you have arid countries. In East Africa you have dripping countries. There is the greatest difficulty to get anything to grow in the one place, and the greatest difficulty to prevent things smothering and choking you by their hurried growth in the other. In the African Colonies you have a docile, tractable population, who only require to be well and wisely treated to develop great economic capacity and utility; whereas the regions of the Middle East are unduly stocked with peppery, pugnacious, proud politicians and theolo- gians, who happen to be at the same time extremely well armed and extremely hard up.

The hon. Member for Oxford University (Sir C. Oman) was very anxious to know why I had omitted from the account I ventured, to give a month ago of Arab politics the affairs of Bin Rashid "You have spoken," he said," of Abdulla and of Feisal and of Hassein. Why have you not spoken of Bin Rashid." One must draw the line somewhere. This man was one of the subjects which really should be treated selectively. However, I will not refuse to give my hon. Friend such information as is in my power. Bin Rashid is a kind of hereditary name. That is to say, that if one man dies another one takes the same name. Uno avulso, non deficit alter . The father died in lamentable circumstances and was succeeded by a youth, a child, who took the name. The neighbours and the supporters of Bin Saud attempted to amalgamate the troubled areas by violent measures, whereupon the Great Shammal, of which Rashid is the hereditary head, rallied round this infant and defeated the invader and have maintained themselves up to the present amongst the deserts of Northern Arabia. But they do not bear directly upon the Mesopotamian problem, and to simplify my story I will omit it from my account. To complete the account, I must add Imam and Idrisi. These two potentates live at the southern end of the Arabian Peninsula, Idrisi on the Red Sea coast, and Imam is the temporal and spiritual head of the enormous area of Yemen, which has a greater population than the whole of Mesopotamia, I am informed, and is a most fertile country. During the War the Turks attacked us from the Yemen, and the Imam sided with them, with the result that we had greatly to reinforce the garrison at Aden and have been put to enormous expense ever since, even up to the present time. A very large force has been for a long time maintained at Aden far in excess of the pre-War garrison and including a cost of more than £500,000 a year. I am glad to say that good reports about our intentions have reached the Arabs, and since I last spoke two Arab envoys have arrived at the outposts of Aden charged to make proposals for the settlement of all outstanding questions between us and the Imam, and this will result in a substantial diminution in the military force kept there and in the expensive cantonments and fortress of Aden. There is another possibility of a reduction of expenditure in Aden. The India Office has very kindly handed Aden over to the Colonial Office, and my acceptance of the gift has only been delayed by the financial negotiations, because India has hitherto paid a great part, and I certainly should not be serving the interests of the British taxpayer if I assumed the whole burden without any of the funds which are necessary to maintain a fortress of first-class consequence to India, but I hope for a happy solution; in fact, I think, that in a very few days we shall have reached an agreement, and the moment that Aden is transferred to the Colonial Office it will be possible to amalgamate the administration of Aden and Somaliland. Somaliland and Aden are really the most happy marriage that could be made. They are really necessary to one another. The high ground, five or six thousand feet high, in Somaliland will afford a hill station to which the British solders in Aden under the most trying conditions all through the summer could go company by company in one night's journey across the sea. You could not have a more harmonious minor proposition, and if this amalgamation can be carried out in such a way as to effect, perhaps, a saving of £200,000 or £300,000 a year in military expenditure it will well repay the trouble which it takes to arrive at such a conclusion.

I now come to say a few words about Mesopotamia, in answer to the very good humoured and friendly speech delivered by my right hon. Friend the Member for Paisley at the opening of the Debate.

My right hon. Friend dwelt a great deal on all the "ifs" with which he said I protected myself. I had prepared a policy which involved a considerable reduction in expense, but I said this can only be achieved "if." That is quite true and I am not proposing to abandon a single one of my entrenchments, or barbed wire entanglements, however hypothetically complicated they may be, until I see myself in a little more clear and sure position in all this matter than I do at the present time and I would like to save up something for next year when possibly I shall have a better tale to tell, and a better result to show. But my right hon. Friend talked about all these steps in a staircase of hypothesis, fragile, precarious, slippery, crumbling, delicate, irregular steps. Well, but still down those steps, with all their faults, thousands of troops have been marching out of the country for the last three or four months, marching continuously out of the country since I last had the opportunity of addressing the Committee. The 45 battalions which were in Mesopotamia, have now fallen to 22, or one less than the 23 which I mentioned to the Committee before. So far from anything having happened in the interval since I spoke, to make the authorities on the spot think they will not be able to reduce the force there next year to 12 battalions, they have now submitted a proposal to reduce it to 8 battalions in the course of next year. That is attributed to the improved condition of the country and the political situation in the country and the great increase in the influence of the Air arm. The critical month of July is passing away. The air route between Baghdad and Cairo, which, when I last spoke here, was only a scheme, is now in operation. On the day before yesterday five aeroplanes traversed the entire distance in eleven hours, as against, I should suppose, four weeks which it would have taken to get around by steamer, or three months which it would have taken to send these aeroplanes around, take them to pieces and fit them together again. Thus we are in a much better position from the point of view of reinforcing our Air Force in Egypt from Mesopotamia or, vice versa, reinforcing our Air Force in Mesopotamia from Egypt. That again may lead to the possibility of economy at a later stage. So far as the candidature of the Emir Feisal is concerned, it has progressed favourably. I am leaving this matter to Sir Percy Cox, in whom I have the greatest confidence. I think the expressions of confidence in him which has been quite general during this Debate are fully justified. The Emir has arrived in Mesopotamia. He was warmly welcomed at Basra, Bagdad, Kerbela, and at other important places. The Nakib, who has been President of the Council of State and who might well have aspired to be regarded as a candidate, himself proposed to the Council in State that the Emir Feisal should be invited to assume the Crown. The following was the resolution which was passed on the motion of the President of the Council—

I have only one more word to say before I sit down, and I am forced to do so by references which were made by the hon. Member for Preston (Mr. T. Shaw), to what I said about the importance of a satisfactory settlement with Turkey, as bearing on the peace of Mesopotamia and Palestine. I adhere to everything I said a month ago on that subject. This war between the Greeks and the Turks may end this way or it may end that way, but whoever wins, however long it is protracted, it produces continuous, uniform disadvantage to British interests. There is no greater interest in the whole of the Middle East than the interest of Britain, and, I believe, of France as well, to secure a cessation of this protracted, vicious, mischievous strife between these two forces, which impoverishes and distracts the whole of the region and leads to every kind of dislocation of our affairs both in Palestine and Mesopotamia. I could not possibly speak upon this subject of the Middle East without emphasising the need that there is for us to arrive at a satisfactory peace with Turkey and to procure a cessation of the hostilities which, after all these years, are still distracting and ruining the whole of these unfortunate areas of the East.

Question put, "That Sub-head A be reduced by £500."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 43; Noes, 123.

Division No. 251]

AYES.

[11.24 P.m.

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Hogge, James Myles

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.)

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Royce, William Stapleton

Barton, Sir William (Oldham)

Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington)

Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough)

Bromfield, William

Kenworthy. Lieut.-Commander J. M

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Cape, Thomas

Lawson, John James

Swan, J. E.

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.)

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Lunn, William

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge)

Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith

Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian)

Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton)

Finney, Samuel

Mills, John Edmund

Wintringham, Thomas

Glanville, Harold James

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Grundy, T. W.

Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Hancock, John George

Newbould, Alfred Ernest

Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent)

Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Hartshorn, Vernon

Polson, Sir Thomas A.

Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T.

Hayday, Arthur

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Griffiths.

Hirst, G. H.

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Glyn, Major Ralph

Neal, Arthur

Amery. Leopold C. M. S.

Gould, James C.

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W.

Grant, James Augustus

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Atkey, A. R.

Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Parker, James

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Greig, Colonel Sir James William

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Gretton, Colonel John

Purchase, H. G.

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Rankin, Captain James Stuart

Barlow, Sir Montague

Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E

Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N.

Barnston, Major Harry

Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich)

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur

Bigland, Alfred

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West)

Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank

Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John

Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester)

Hinds, John

Shaw, Capt. William T. (Forfar)

Bowyer, Captain G. W. E.

Hood, Joseph

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Breese, Major Charles E.

Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian)

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Broad, Thomas Tucker

Hopkins, John W. W.

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Brown, T. W. (Down, North)

Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A.

James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert

Steel, Major S. Strang

Casey, T. W.

Jephcott, A. R.

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.)

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Stewart, Gershom

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Johnson, Sir Stanley

Sturrock, J. Leng

Churchman, Sir Arthur

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Sugden, W. H.

Coats, Sir Stuart

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Sutherland, Sir William

Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K.

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips

Lindsay, William Arthur

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Lloyd-Greame, Sir P.

Tryon, Major George Clement

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Waddington, R.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Waring, Major Walter

Doyle, N. Grattan

M'Curdy, Rt. Hon. Charles A.

White, Col. G. D. (Southport)

Edge, Captain William

McMicking, Major Gilbert

Williams, C. (Tavistock)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I.

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Evans, Ernest

Manville, Edward

Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald

Fildes, Henry

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Wise, Frederick

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Mason, Robert

Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Matthews, David

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L

Forestier-Walker, L.

Mitchell, Sir William Lane

Young, E. H. (Norwich)

Forrest, Walter

Molson, Major John Elsdale

Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon)

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J.

Younger, Sir George

Gee, Captain Robert

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Morrison, Hugh

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C.

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr.

Dudley Ward.

Original Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported To-morrow; Committee to sit again To-morrow.

Telegraph [Money]

Resolution reported,

"That it is expedient to authorise the issue out of the Consolidated Fund of such sums, not exceeding in the whole five million pounds, as are required for the further development of the telephonic system, and to authorise the Treasury to borrow money, by means of terminable annuities or by the issue of Exchequer Bonds, for the issue of such sums or the repayment thereof to the Consolidated Fund; and to provide for the payment of the terminable annuities or of the principal of and interest on any such Exchequer Bonds out of moneys provided by Parliament for Post Office services or, if those moneys are insufficient, out of the Consolidated Fund."

Resolution read a Second time.

I beg to move, to leave out the word "five" ["five million pounds"], and to insert instead thereof the words "four and a half." This reduction is equivalent to 10 per cent of the whole amount. I make this proposal for the following reasons: In the first place this is the second stage of a Resolution voting £5,000,000 which we have not got and which we shall have to borrow in a difficult money market at a high rate of exchange. My second reason is that I think it would be a salutary check on expenditure to reduce this amount by 10 per cent and, if more money is wanted, then the Postmaster-General can come down here and say why he requires it. All the Departments have been urged by the Prime Minister to reduce expenditure and I propose to help in this direction by reducing this amount by 10 per cent.

I hope all the economists in the House, alleged or otherwise, labelled or the other-sort, will support my proposal, and I shall welcome the support of hon. Members from every quarter of the House. Last year, when the Post Office asked for £10,000,000 I drew attention to the fact that there was great dissatisfaction amongst the commercial community in the City of Hull on account of the bad trunk telephone service between that City and Liverpool, London and other great centres. I quoted to the right hon. Gentleman, who was then Postmaster-General, cases of terrible delay in getting connections—sometimes as much as 90 minutes—in the business hours of the day, delays which were causing great inconvenience to the business community. In the speech the right hon. Gentleman made last night he mentioned a number of centres that would be connected by the new underground cables with London. But the right hon. Gentleman did not mention Hull. I would very respectfully ask him to do me the favour when he comes to reply of informing me—and, incidentally, my constituents—what progress has been made in laying additional lines above or under ground between Hull and other parts of the country.

May I also ask the right hon. Gentleman whether his experts are watching the management of the telephone system in Hull itself? Hon. Members may be aware that Hull is in the unique position of possessing its own telephone service. We have retained there our own municipal telephone system, and that system is not only cheaper, but every commercial man who has had experience of it will admit that it compares favourably in the matter of efficient running with the services in other parts of the country. The matter was mentioned at the annual meeting of the Associated Chambers of Commerce, and a statement to the effect I have indicated was accepted without demur by the representatives from other cities. That being the case, the Hull City Engineer might have something to teach even the Olympians who rule the telephone system under the Postmaster-General. It would not be a bad move if the working of the system in Hull as a municipal undertaking were closely watched. It is certain that a better service is given for less money; it is up-to-date and very efficient—although I say it myself. These are the two points I desired to mention in regard to Hull.

I have only one other comment to make in justification of the reduction I have moved, I do not join with those who are continually complaining of the inefficiency of the telephone service simply because it is a State undertaking. But I do wish very briefly on the Report stage of this Resolution to add my protest against the policy pursued by the Post Office with regard to the telephones. I agree in great measure with the speech made last night by the hon. Member for Springburn (Mr. Macquisten) and I want to endorse his protest against making the bill to be paid by telephone users dependent on the number of calls. I am certain that that is an absolutely wrong policy. It will discourage the increasing use of a means of communication which must be of advantage to the country by adding to the efficiency of our social life. Anything which improves communications is so much to the good. The ideal thing would be, of course, to make the telephones free—not to impose any charge whatever for them. I do not think people that in that case would use the telephones more than is necessary. That would be the ideal system; it would increase efficiency, that would save the expenditure of other energy and it would add to the wealth of the country.

In the same way as other municipal services. You do not charge people for walking on the roads.

The present system of charging on the number of calls is restrictive and calculated to lead to inefficiency. Last night the very true simile of the penny post was mentioned, and until the Government realise that truism we shall not have progress in the telephone system. My principal reason for moving this reduction is, as I have said, the need for economy. We have not got this money, and we ought to reduce the Vote.

I beg to second the Amendment.

This Vote appears to come to the House rather like the ghost of Hamlet's father—in very questionable shape. Only to day we had a most momentous announcement from the Government bench that there is not enough money forthcoming to go on with the housing plans of the Government; and yet, apparently, powers are now to be taken to get money to instal telephones in houses which may not exist. The telephones have been financially a failure, and we are asked for money for the purpose of trying to make them a success. In a private business, people faced with such a situation would either have to increase their capital or wind up their business. I do not believe that a business carried on in the way in which the telephones are now carried on, with heavy overhead charges, would ever be a financial success, and I cannot help feeling that from an economical point of view the best thing would be to wind up the. business as far as the Government are concerned and let it go back to private ownership. Although the reduction moved by my hon. and gallant Friend is not so large a one as I should have liked to see, it goes a long way towards meeting my views.

I should like to ask the Postmaster-General if he would give us some little information as to whether we are to get any benefit in the North from the expenditure of this money. My hon. and gallant Friend (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) raised the question in connection with Hull, but, although I do not want to deprecate the importance of Hull, there are other parts in the North of England. Last night, when the Postmaster-General was introducing this Resolution, I gathered that the £10,000,000 which is going to be expended by the end of October is mainly to be spent on three great trunk line extensions, one into Lancashire, another to South Wales, and a third to Southampton. Nothing was said about any great trunk lines going North. Even if we have no other claim to a line, it must go North to get to Scotland, and that, of course, would appeal to Scottish Members. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will tell us whether any part of the £5,000,000 he is expecting to get to-night will be spent in improving the trunk line connections from London to the North of England, and particularly to Newcastle.

I agree with the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) in entering a protest against taking these money Resolutions for large sums at this late hour of the night, but after that I disagree entirely with the remarks he has made about the telephone service. I am strongly of opinion that if the telephone service, like every other national service, is to be made efficient we must spend money on it, and, realising that during the War there were great difficulties in the way, it is up to the Government to see that the greatest value in efficient service possible is secured as soon as possible. The hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull referred to Hull. Perhaps the Postmaster-General will take into consideration the fact that as he has moved this reduction other parts of the country will have priority over Hull in the £5,000,000 the House is now asked to vote. I cannot agree with the hon. and gallant Member for Penrith (Major Lowther) that the best thing would be to hand over the telephone system to private enterprise. Some of us remember the controversy when the telephones were in the hands of private people who gave no better satisfaction, in fact worse than is now being served by the administration of the Government. I am not quite satisfied that we have got the most efficient administration or the most efficient service that we might have, but I feel I must dissociate myself from the hon. and gallant Gentleman and support the Government.

I am not going to be drawn into the fascinating but somewhat musty problem of whether telephones should be administered by the State or by private enterprise. Nor am I going to be drawn into some of the other topics on which I have been invited to embark. At present a Select Committee is considering the question of telephone administration and, as far as I have been able to judge, is discharging its duty with great care. It is examining witnesses from all parts of the country and intends to take evidence from foreign countries, and when it reports I am certain the House, and I know the Post Office will consider any recommendations it may make on their merits and sympathetically and with the sole desire to secure the best possible telephone service. The hon. Member for Thanet (Mr. E. Harmsworth) last night wished to be assured that the whole of this £5,000,000 would be returned to the Exchequer. I can give him that assurance definitely. Payment is made by terminable annuities and hon. Members will find in the Post Office Estimates for this year the amount of the terminable annuities which are to be paid. Every penny of this money will, of course, come back to the Exchequer.

The maximum period is 15 years. I come now to the main point. I find some inconsistency in the attitude of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy). He complains of the inadequate trunk service that Hull is at present receiving and he proposes, I imagine, to assist in improving that inadequate service by reducing the amount to be spent. I hope the House will have a little more nous than my hon. and gallant Friend, and I hope his constituents will take note of the fact that although he is of opinion that the trunk service is inadequate he proposes to prevent us spending necessary money in order to make it adequate. However, I can assure him we have our eye on Hull and I believe the. Hull engineer was one of the witnesses before the Select Committee. I entirely disagree with him in regard to the proper system of paying for telephones. We cannot possibly this year or next year, or even the year after, do all we should like to do with the trunk system of the country. It is a question of capital expenditure. But for the financial stringency it would be possible to do a great deal more. We have to move slowly and only do that which is absolutely essential. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) wanted to know the position of Newcastle with regard to the trunk. If I had a map here of the trunk services of the country the House would see that north of Manchester, and east of Manchester, there is a great stretch of country. reaching to Edinburgh and Glasgow where the lines are carried overhead. I hope before many years are past these trunk lines will be underground. But it is a very expensive process the laying of these great trunk cables, and we are doing as much as it is reasonable to ask the country to do in the way of developing that trunk service. Great progress has been made during the past two years. The hon. Member who spoke below the Gangway said that apparently this money was wanted to put telephones into houses which did not exist. So far from that being the case, we cannot meet the demand to-day for telephones. I gave the figures last night—there are something like 25,000 people we have had to refuse because we had not the necessary plant.

The House at present is only concerned with the fact that this money is principally wanted for the completion of contracts placed, and work in progress. The refusal of the House to give the money would simply mean that the contracts would have to be cancelled, and we would have to come to what arrangements we could with the contractors. I think it is the least sum of money which can be asked for, if we are to do the best which is possible in the circumstances, after full regard has been had to the financial stringency of the time. There is no department in the service in which, I agree, there is greater need for care in the examination of expenditure than in the telephone service. It is work which is most difficult to check. Much of it is done in the country away from the centres and where supervision is difficult. That is a point I have closely in mind and daily under attention. We are doing our best to see that this money is being spent economically, and we have the best scientific advice the world can give us. So long as the country has the telephone service in its hands it can only develop it by capital expenditure.

Amendment negatived.

Resolution agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolution by Mr. Kellaway, Mr. Pike Pease, and Mr. Hilton Young.

Telegraph (Money) Bill,

"to provide for raising further money for the purpose of the Telegraph Acts, 1863 to 1920," presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed.—[Bill 173.]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock, MR. SPEAKER adjourned the House, -without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Six minutes before Twelve o'clock.