House of Commons
Wednesday, July 20, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Private Bills [ Lords ] (No Standing Orders applicable),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That in the case of the following Bill, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:
De Trafford Estates Bill [ Lords ].
Bill to be read a Second time.
Nelson Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 6) Bill,
Manchester (Police, etc.) Provisional Order Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
Pier and Harbour Provisional Orders (No. 1) Bill,
Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 7) Bill,
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time To-morrow.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Eastern Siberia
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what assurances have been received from the Imperial Japanese Government that Japan intends evacuating the port of Vladivostok, the other points Japan has occupied in Eastern Siberia, and the northern half of the island of Sakhalien?
No assurance has been received from the Japanese Government other than that stated in the first part of the reply which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member on 6th July.
Is the right hon. Gentleman able to state what information His Majesty's Government has in regard to the occupation of Sakhalien, which appears to be permanent?
I shall be pleased to give my hon. and gallant Friend a reply if he will put down a specific question.
Will the hon. Gentleman give the House any information he has?
In the question the hon. and gallant Gentleman asked what assurances had been received and the reply was that there was nothing further beyond what had already been stated.
May I ask whether members of the Japanese Legislature ask when Great Britain is going to evacuate Gibraltar and Malta, to relinquish India, and to leave the southern half of Africa; if not, should there not be some reciprocity of courtesy in this behalf?
On a point of Order. May I—
HON. MEMBERS: Order, order!
Mr. Locker-Lampson.
Government Staffs and Offices
Foreign Office
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs the reason for the increase in the number of King's messengers from 14 in 1914 to 37 last year and to 41 this year?
In 1920 the King's Foreign Messenger Service was amalgamated with the Department of the Foreign Office, which deals with the cyphering and decyphering of telegrams between the Foreign Office and His Majesty's representatives abroad, and the messengers are employed on this work at the Foreign Office in the intervals between their journeys abroad. The permanent staff of King's Foreign Service Messengers has been increased, as shown by the Estimates for the current year, to 15; the additional 19 foreign service messengers are employed on a temporary basis only. There are also seven home service messengers, the number of whom has not been increased since 1914. In view of the unsettled post-War conditions prevailing in various parts of Europe, it has been necessary to increase very considerably the number of messenger journeys, in order to ensure the safe, regular, and speedy conveyance of despatches to and from the Foreign Office and diplomatic officers abroad. Moreover, the very large increase in the number of the telegrams in code and cypher passing between the Foreign Office and His Majesty's diplomatic and consular officers has necessitated the augmentation of the staff which deals with them, but the temporary staff will be reduced as and when opportunity may occur.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs why it has been decided to make a new appointment this year of a historical adviser to the Foreign Office at a salary of £1,200, exclusive of bonus?
The post of historical adviser to the Foreign Office, which is personal to the present holder, was created last year. The salary of the official concerned appears for the first time in this year's Estimates, owing to the fact that he was previously on the establishment of the Board of Education, having been seconded from that Department since the beginning of the War for duties similar to those which he is now discharging. For the purpose of the Peace negotiations and the study of the many complex problems arising out of the Treaties of Peace, it was found essential to arrange for historical research in a form not provided for in the existing organisation of the Foreign Office. One of the most important duties of the historical adviser is to prepare for the use of the Secretary of State authoritative and detailed records and reports on negotiations and international transactions connected with the War and the Peace settlement.
Does my hon. Friend seriously say that it was necessary at this time of day to have this new appointment of historical adviser to the Foreign Office; was it not possible to employ one of the staff of the Foreign Office?
No. I should think, from the nature of the work of this gentleman, which I have myself seen, that it would not fall to be discharged by any existing member of the staff.
Is not this a complete example of an official being found unnecessary in one Department and being found a post in another Department— equally unnecessary, so far as the public service is concerned?
With great respect, I think my hon. Friend is mistaken.
Can the hon. Gentleman say what the total salary is—plus bonus?
I would ask for notice of that question.
I will put it down.
Is there not a very stiff and searching examination in history for candidates for the Foreign Office?
Admiralty
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty how many of the 6,000 extra officials at the Admiralty are engaged in the medals branch and prize branch, respectively?
The staff of the prize and medal branches numbers 300, but the distribution between the two branches varies as required by the pressure of work in each. The total number of additional persons employed at the Admiralty at present, as compared with 1914, is not 6,000, but 3,180 as will appear from the reply given to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Molton on the 6th instant.
Can the hon. Gentleman give the House any idea at all how the 3,000 are employed?
I must have notice of that question.
Colonial Office (Boy Clerks)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether 27 boy clerks at wages of less than £1 per week (exclusive of bunus) have been removed from the Colonial Office list, whilst there is an increase of 11 in the higher ranks of officials earning salaries of £300 and over?
The majority of the boy clerks in question, having passed the examination for assistant clerkships, have been placed on the establishment of the Colonial Office as clerical officers. Some of the others have been transferred in that capacity to other Departments. The remainder under Treasury rules left the service on attaining the age of 18 years. The Civil Service Commissioners have for some time ceased to recruit for this class. The increase in the administrative staff in the Colonial Office is due to the continued expansion in the work of the Department.
Far Eastern Republic
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the Ambassador of the Far Eastern Republic at Pekin, M. Jurinin, has sent a Note to the Japanese Government, asking that Japan shall cease intervention in the internal affairs of the Far Eastern Republic and withdraw her troops; and whether His Majesty's Government will use their good offices to induce the Japanese Government to accede to the request?
His Majesty's Government have no knowledge of any Note addressed to the Japanese Government by Monsieur Jurin on the subject of Japanese intervention in the affairs of the Far Eastern Republic. The second part of the question, therefore, does not arise,
Is there a Far Eastern Republic; is there any information on that subject?
I should like notice of that question.
Central European Mines, Limited
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has yet received a definite reply from the Serb-Croat-Slovene Government to his representations regarding the sequestration of the Central European Mines, Limited; and, if not, whether he will renew his representations to that Government, in view of the urgency of that matter?
I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to a question asked by the hon. Member for Leicester (West) on this subject on 13th July. No definite answer has yet been received from the Serb-Croat-Slovene Government, but the matter has not been lost sight of.
Passports and Visas
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is able to inform the House which Department or Departments of those consulted has not yet been able to decide in favour of the offer from France for the reciprocal abolition of the visa; and whether the Foreign Office is doing all in its power to press for an early and favourable reply?
A favourable reply has been sent to the offer of the French Government for the reciprocal abolition of the visa.
Belgium (Frontier Regulations)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will give instructions for inquiries to be made through our representatives in Belgium as to the benefits which that country has gained, or otherwise, in the simplification of her frontier regulations?
I am afraid I do not clearly understand the purport of the hon. Member's question. If there be any precise and definite point on which he desires information, I will gladly consider whether a report from His Majesty's Ambassador at Brussels can be called for.
Does it not occur to the hon. Gentleman that if it has been found so entirely satisfactory to Belgium to do away with regulations, it might be equally satisfactory to us; if that be the case, surely it is worth while making inquiry?
If that be the nature of the inquiry the hon. Gentleman wishes me to make, I will consider it.
Royal Navy
Dockyard Tugmen (Medals)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether the officers and men who served in dockyard tugs during the War will be awarded the medals to which they may be entitled?
Officers and men who had 672 hours' (28 days) actual service at sea in His Majesty's ships (including seagoing yardcraft) during the War will be awarded the British War Medal.
Will the hon. Gentleman see that no undue delay takes place in the award of the medals to the men entitled to them?
Certainly.
Cable Ships
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether His Majesty's telegraph ships were employed by the Admiralty during the War; and whether any of the work was done in foreign waters and by the instructions of the Admiralty?
The Admiralty did not own any cable ships during the War. Some of those owned by the General Post Office and some of those belonging to private cable companies were at times employed on work required by the Admiralty during the War. The actual work itself, however, was carried out by the General Post Office or the private owners, as the case might be. Some of this work was done in foreign waters, as was also a large amount of work, by the privately-owned cable ships on their own cable systems.
Is it not the fact that these ships were on the Navy List?
I do not think so, but I will look into that point.
Cordite Factory, Holton Heath
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether the proposed cotton-bleaching factory at Holton Heath, Dorset, when erected and working, will effect any saving over contracting for the material as at present; upon whose advice is the expenditure of £106,000 being incurred; who is the official in charge of the scheme and what knowledge or experience has he of cotton-bleaching machinery or of cotton bleaching; whether the Government at the Armistice owned nine cotton-bleaching factories, which they have since sold for £100,000; whether any of these factories can now be bought for very moderate amounts and are each capable of an equal production per week to the amount estimated at Holton Heath; whether the cotton will first require to be carded in a Lancashire mill before being sent to Holton Heath; and will he have an urgent inquiry instituted into the whole circumstances?
It is confidently anticipated that when the new cotton purifying plant is installed a saving will accrue. Too much importance cannot be attached to the necessity for obtaining the purest ingredients in the manufacture of the cordite used by the Navy, and this is most likely to be secured by carrying out cotton bleaching—which is only one of the processes that will be undertaken at the factory—under direct naval supervision. In erecting this plant the Admiralty are following the recommendation of those whose duty it is to advise them on technical work connected with propellants. It will be executed under the supervision of the various Admiralty Departments concerned with new works and machinery, based upon technical data which have been prepared by the Admiralty officers dealing with explosives, in conjunction with the Research Department, after a full study of similar plant in use in the cotton trade. The plant will be operated by the mechanical, chemical, and technical staff of the factory. No cotton-bleaching factories were owned or controlled by the Admiralty. During the War the Naval requirements were supplied by the Ministry of Munitions; but, as the Admiralty will now supply their own cordite from the factory at Holton Heath, it is important that all work connected with its production should be concentrated at that place. The cotton will require to be carded before being sent to Holton Heath. The question of establishing this wing of the factory has already received the fullest consideration of the Board of Admiralty, and the answer to the last sentence of the question is therefore in the negative.
What is the object of the Admiralty in proceeding to erect new buildings when buildings fully equipped are already available for them in Lancashire; and, as long as they have to have one process carried out in the Lancashire mills, is it not an advantage to complete the process in one area?
That is exactly what we wish to do. All the processes connected with the manufacture of cordite are now carried on at Holton Heath, except bleaphing, and we want to erect a new wing so as to have all the processes under one supervision.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman right in saying that all the processes are now carried on there except cotton bleaching? Cotton is carded in Lancashire. That is one of the important processes which is not carried out at Holton Heath, and which would require an equal expenditure subsequently at Holton Heath to make the process complete, and is this not just the beginning of the expenditure?
No, Sir. There are many processes which are not carried out at Holton Heath, including the growing of the cotton; but the important thing is the bleaching of the cotton. During the War we had to take a great deal of risk, because it was war time. The Navy has not the confidence that it ought to have in its cordite at the present time, and we are very anxious to have the bleaching and cleaning of this cotton under our own supervision.
Naval Attaché, Helsingfors
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if he will state what is the combined naval strength in modern units of the navies of Denmark, Norway. Sweden, and Finland; whether the importance of these navies necessitates the appointment of a post-captain at £2,555 per annum as naval attaché instead of an officer of junior rank; whether an officer of junior rank to captain carried out the duties of naval attaché in Paris, St. Petersburg, and Berlin to the satisfaction of their Lordships prior to the War; what naval duties have necessitated the presence of the. naval attaché at Helsingfors for 85 days during the present year; and how many reports of a purely naval character bearing on Finland have been received from this officer during the present year?
The reply to the first part of the question is
The reply to the second part is, in the opinion of the Admiralty, in the affirmative. The selection of officers or attaches is not dependent solely on rank; many other considerations have to be taken into account, and officers of junior rank are and have been employed. This was, as suggested in the third part of the question, the case at St. Petersburg before the War, but not at Paris or Berlin. With regard to the fourth part, the opening-up of the Gulf of Finland to navigation and the extensive mine-sweeping operations now in progress in the adjacent waters make Helsingsfors the most convenient centre. The answer to the last part is 13, and I may say that, in addition to his duties at naval adviser to His Majesty's Minister, the Naval Attachés has rendered the necessary reports to the Admiralty to the entire satisfaction of the Board. I should like to take this opportunity of deprecating public inquiry in this House as to the duties performed and reports rendered by naval attachés, who are diplomatic representatives and whose work is necessarily of a confidential nature. It is not, generally speaking, in the public interest to answer questions on matters of this kind.
Is not the employment of a senior officer at £7 a day, in a country where the navy consists of five old torpedo boats, a matter for inquiry in this House, and are not the real duties of this officer the organisation of counter-revolutionary plots in Russia?
Can we have an assurance from the Admiralty that this naval attaché is performing duties similar to those performed by naval attaches before the War, and that he is not concerned in any degree with activities against Russia?
I have dealt with this matter on a previous occasion.
Court-Martial (Captain E. C. Kennedy)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether his attention has been drawn to the verdict and sentence recently passed at the court-martial of Captain E. C. Kennedy, Royal Navy, in connection with the events which occurred on or about 23rd June, at Newport (Mon.), when No. 2 Battalion (Portsmouth) Royal Fleet Reserve, showed signs of insubordination; whether Captain Kennedy's handling of the men under his command on that occasion was successful in averting what might have been a situation of danger; and whether he will consider taking steps to annul the sentence of reprimand in view of the ending of the coal dispute and the little disorder experienced during it?
The Board of Admiralty have fully considered this case and the events at Newport which occasioned it They do not admit that Captain Kennedy handled the situation in a satisfactory manner, and must decline to consider the question of cancelling the sentence, in which they concur.
Pensioners, Royal Australian Navy
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is now in a position to make any statement with regard to the position of pensioners who served in the Royal Australian Navy during the War, and by the receipt of deferred pay are debarred from counting their war service towards increase of pension?
A decision has not yet been arrived at, and I regret I am unable, at present, to add anything to the reply given to the hon. Member for Central Portsmouth (Sir T. Bramsdon) on the 25th April.
Would the hon. Gentleman say when he will be in a position to give a reply to this question?
I am now in communication with the Australian Government.
Scapa Flow (Obstructions)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that the entrances to Scapa Flow, Orkney, by Water Sound and Holm Sound, required to be blocked during the War by the sinking of merchant vessels; that the presence of these, obstructions is fatal to the prosecution of fishing operations and fish curing in that district upon which a large portion of the population depends, and also forms a barrier to transport operations there; whether he is prepared to remove these obstructions without further delay to such an extent as may be necessary to afford a safe passage for fishing and trading vessels; and, if not, whether he is prepared to make compensation to the persons affected for the loss that is thus being sustained?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part, it has been brought to the notice of the Admiralty that the presence of these ships causes, considerable inconvenience to the local fishing industry. As regards the third part, these vessels were sunk at a time of great national emergency, and the Admiralty have from the first been advised that they are under no legal obligation to remove them. They have, however, with some difficulty and at considerable expense, cleared passages two hundred and one hundred yards wide, respectively, in Holm Sound and Water Sound, thus rendering these channels navigable for small craft. I fear it is impracticable to do more, as, owing to local conditions and the fact that the ships are to a large extent already broken up, attempts to remove them would be very costly and are most unlikely to prove successful. As regards the last part of the question, it will, I think, be appreciated that in the above circumstances the Admiralty cannot admit any liability to pay compensation for loss or damage which may be attributed to the presence of these obstructions.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that a large number of ex-service men have had to leave the locality because they were unable to carry out their pre-War occupation, that a number of fish-curing stations are now derelict, involving great loss to the curers, and that in other ways harbours and other stations are unable to earn the revenue that they would have derived; and does he not think that the Admiralty should come forward and make a voluntary offer of compensation for the losses sustained in cases of that kind?
I have answered that question.
Airships (Cost)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he can state approximately the total cost of construction, maintenance, housing, personnel, staff, and all other charges in connection with airships from the date of the Armistice to the date when they passed to the control of the Air Ministry?
The approximate total expenditure upon the airship service from naval funds for the period in question was £4,300,000. This amount represents the actual payments made during that period, and includes some payments which relate to liabilities incurred at an earlier date. It is not practicable, without the expenditure of considerable labour, to say what portion of the amount relates to such earlier liabilities.
May I take it that the figures include all charges under the headings given, and perhaps some others?
Yes.
Industrial EmployéS (Short Time)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether, in view of the fact that the Admiralty has put into operation the findings of the Industrial Arbitration Board as regards the reduction of the 6s. bonus awarded in April and June, 1920, to the industrial employés of the naval establishments, he will state if an immediate revision from the short time now being worked to the full working week will take place; and, if not, will he say at what future date the normal hours of working will be put into operation?
The question of reverting to full working hours in the Royal Dockyards and other Admiralty establishments has been, and now is, under consideration. I may inform the hon. Member that a resolution on the subject was adopted by the Admiralty Industrial Council, of which I am Chairman, on Friday last, in which the representatives of the employés' side, as well as of the Department, expressed the opinion that full time should be resumed at the earliest possible date, but that this should be done in stages, with an increase from 40 to 42 hours a week in the first instance. It is anticipated it will be possible to make a further announcement on the subject in the near future.
Unemployment
Exchanges (Disciplinary Action)
asked the Minister of Labour what steps are taken in cases when the magistrates make criticisms on the negligence of the officials of the employment exchanges in allowing unemployed pay to persons not qualified; is an inquiry held; and what is done in cases where the negligence is proved?
Inquiry is made in all cases in which there is reason to suppose that there has been negligence in the administration of benefit, and disciplinary action is taken where necessary. Any cases in which persons appear to be improperly in receipt of benefit are referred to the local employment committee for review, or, if there appears to be ground for suspecting fraud, are considered with a view to prosecution. A later question in the name of the hon. Member for Ashton-under-Lyne (Sir W. de Frece) refers to these cases. I can assure my hon. Friend that I follow up personally so far as I can all cases of Press criticism, whether as to laxity of administration or improper receipt of benefit.
Does the right hon. Gentleman himself give attention to the magistrates' remarks with regard to these cases?
Yes, personally. I read their reports, and, as far as I can, follow them up.
In a large number of these cases, have these remarks of stipendiary magistrates in London been justified?
I should like notice before making comment on a matter of that kind.
Poor Law Relief
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware of the heavy cost to which many local authorities have been put in meeting cases of distress arising out of the recent lock-out in the coal industry; and whether he is prepared to advise the Government to render financial assistance to these authorities, inasmuch as the distress has been caused by a stoppage which has been of a national and not of a local character?
asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been called to the exceptional burden now being thrown on ratepayers in industrial districts owing to the abnormal amount of unemployment prevailing; whether he is aware that boards of guardians consider that this is a national rather than a local problem, and ought to be dealt with by the Government; and what steps he proposes to take?
I am aware that the expenditure of some of the Poor Law authorities during the coal stoppage has been exceptionally heavy. But I must point out that the stoppage has also resulted in a heavy loss to the National Exchequer, and I am not prepared to recommend that an additional burden should be placed upon the taxpayers who have to meet this loss. The Government already pay half the expenditure incurred by local authorities under the Maternity and Child Welfare Act, 1918, and by local education authorities under the Education (Provision of Meals) Acts, 1906 and 1914, on the supply of milk and meals to expectant and nursing mothers, to children under five, and to children in attendance at public elementary schools. I have also taken administrative action in the case of a. number of Poor Law authorities with a view to spreading the burden of relief of the present exceptional distress over an extended period.
Is it not a fact that what we are seeking is not- an additional burden on the taxpayer, but an equal burden—that the burden shall not be placed on a given locality?
Does the right hon. Gentleman regard this as a question entirely concerned with the coal stoppage? Has he considered that it is a question of much more enduring character than that owing to the very large amount of unemployment still existing?
The point the hon. Member raises I have well in mind, but it does not really arise on this question. It is a very serious one. As regards the question of the hon. Member (Mr. Guest), owing to the fact that a dispute has taken place in a particular locality, I cannot recommend that taxpayers in other districts, who are in no way concerned, shall now come to the assistance of the men.
Benefit (Fraudulent Abuse)
asked the Minister of Labour if he will state the number of cases to date in which there has been incontestable abuse of the unemployed benefit; the number of such cases in which a prosecution has been ordered; and the number of convictions obtained?
There have been 89 prosecutions since the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, came into force in November last for fraudulent abuse of unemployment benefit, and convictions were registered in 85 cases. At this moment, there are a number of cases under consideration with a view to prosecution. Apart from fraud, the machinery for examining claims of doubtful validity is, of course, in operation.
Miners (Umpires' Decision)
asked the Minister of Labour whether any decision has yet been given by the Court of Referees in cases where benefit has been disallowed to miners who are unemployed through lack of pit accommodation and other causes?
These claims have been dealt with by the insurance officer on the lines laid down by the umpire in connection with previous similar cases. Instructions in this connection were issued on 2nd July. In certain cases there have been appeals to the Courts of Referees, but their recommendations have not yet been received. Special steps have been taken to expedite the hearings by the Courts, and any subesquent appeal to the umpire that may be lodged.
Shall we have any information as to what the decisions of the umpire are?
I have told hon. Members who are interested that I will send them with great pleasure the decision of the umpire.
In view of the fact that the right hon. Gentleman assumes that these men are idle because of the stoppage, is he aware that a number of them would have been idle under any circumstances through lack of trade?
The Order I referred to in the earlier part of my answer relates to men who were unemployed before the dispute. Generally speaking, they will continue to get benefit. Men who are unemployed because of damage to the mines as a result of the dispute, generally speaking, will not. Finally, there are the men who are unemployed as a result of the dispute, and have not been able to go back for economic reasons—bad trade and so on. Generally they will get benefit, but that last category requires to be treated on its merits, and I am expediting the hearings as much as I can.
Ex-Service Men
Training Scheme
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has received a resolution from the Disabled Ex-service Men's Training Association asking for an inquiry into the ex-service men's training scheme; whether he is aware that many men undergoing training have been discharged from the instructional training factories before their period of training has been completed, and are unable to obtain work of any kind; whether he will state the reason for these discharges; whether he is aware that much of the money spent in training ex-service men is wasted through the men being turned out before they can obtain work at the trade for which they have been trained; that, for instance, men whose training as dental mechanics has cost the State hundreds of pounds in each individual case are now employed in unskilled work of an entirely different character; and whether he will grant the request referred to and appoint a Committee to inquire into the administration of the scheme, such Committee to be representative of ex-service men generally, the Disabled Ex-service Men's Training Association, and trade unions?
I can assure my hon. Friend that it is quite incorrect to say that men have been sent out of the factories to find improverships before their factory course has been completed. On the contrary, in view of the industrial depression, I have done my best to keep such men in the factory as long as I possibly could; and no man has been discharged to find an improvership who has not exceeded, and in many cases greatly exceeded, the full limit of institutional training laid down. Indeed, from November to May last, no man was discharged at all, even though in many cases the period of institutional training had been exhausted. The men who are now being discharged have all had at least five months' extension. I can assure my hon. Friend and these men that the moment trade revival gives me the chance, no effort will be left untried to fix them up in improverships.
Is it not better to maintain the men in some sort of training, and keep the continuity of the training going, rather than turn them loose?
There is something to be said for that, but my hon. Friend must remember that these men have had a definite course, the length of which is approved by representatives of the trade and of the Ministry of Labour, and part of that course is work in a shop or factory as improvers. I have kept them as long as I can beyond their training, and can really go no further.
Is it not a fact that men who have had no employment since the Armistice, and who have finished their period of training under the Ministry, are being turned on to the roads at a week's notice and have no chance whatever of getting work; and may we not take it that the Minister will state frankly that the scheme has broken down and that he is not able to go on with it?
That is really the question which has been already answered.
asked the Minister of Labour whether any ex-service men are now being accepted for training at the centres?
Yes, Sir. Ex-service men are still being accepted for training under the Industrial Training Scheme. As a matter of fact, 4,774 men have been admitted during the last three months.
Is it economic to be accepting men until you have finished the training of the other men and they are fully skilled?
The hon. Member is contrasting like with unlike. Some of the men go on to improverships, but that is not universally the case. Those are the cases the hon. Member was asking me about earlier on. The other trades and the other courses have nothing to do with that.
Do we take it the right hon. Gentleman is not accepting men for training where improverships are necessary until he gets the other men complete in their training?
I cannot say that.
Bricklayees' Society, Instruction
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the complaint made by a fully qualified bricklayer named Henry Hall, a member of the Operative Bricklayers' Society for 20 years, to the Willesden police magistrate on Saturday last that he was starving and homeless, having been unemployed for three months by reason of the bricklayers' trades union having refused to allow him to work because he had been instructing ex-service men in contravention to an order issued some time ago by the society that none of its members were, to give any instruction or assistance to ex-service men desiring to become bricklayers; and whether, in view of this action of this trades union in restraint of trade, and if the existing law does not give protection to British citizens from being deprived of their livelihood in the manner described, he will take immediate steps to introduce whatever legislation may be necessary in the matter?
I have been asked to reply. I have made inquiries and am informed that the statement referred to is unfounded. I am told that, so far from this man's union having penalised him for assisting in training ex-service men by refusing to allow him to work, the union has recently helped him with a cash payment, and on 9th July found him employment on a job of which the man did not avail himself.
Is it or is it not a fact, as stated in the second part of the question, that this society has issued an order that none of its members is to give any instruction or assistance to ex-service men desiring to become bricklayers?
I cannot truthfully say whether the bricklayers' trade union has been at all helpful; on the contrary it would be nearer the truth to say that they have rather cold-shouldered them.
Is it not a fact that there is a good deal of truth in the statement made by this old gentleman in court, that he has been deprived of employment by the action of the building union?
Apparently in this case the facts are not as stated.
Hospitals Commission
asked the Minister of Health if grants out of public funds are made to hospitals if provision will be made for representatives of the public on the governing bodies?
I will bring my hon. Friend's suggestion to the notice of the Hospitals Commission, but I am disposed to doubt whether a non-recurrent grant would justify requiring hospitals to make a permanent change of this kind in the constitution of their governing bodies.
Milk Assistance
asked the Minister of Health whether milk assistance, Form 1, used by local authorities in connection with maternity and child welfare work, is approved by the Ministry of Health; whether applicants for milk assistance are compelled to give the name of their employers, the name of their foreman, their ticket number, and other information, and are warned that false answers will render them liable to prosecution; what is the purpose of these inquiries; and what use is made of the information relating to employers and foremen?
The answer to the first and second parts of the question is in the affirmative. The object of the inquiries is to enable the statements in support of his claim made by an applicant for milk at less than cost price to be verified. Where necessary confidential letters of inquiry are sent to employers and the ticket number and name of the foreman are given to assist in the identification of the applicant. The form is part of certain arrangements for better control of milk distribution which were rendered necessary by the occurrence of serious abuses in certain localities.
Housing
Local Commitments
asked the Minister for Health if he is aware that many local authorities have sold housing bonds on the security of Government undertakings under the assisted housing scheme, and will have a considerable sum of money on this account in hand beyond their liabilities under houses at present under contract; whether they will be allowed to carry out further instalments of schemes already approved up to the amount of bonds they have in hand with the assurance of the Government contribution originally promised; and, if not, in what way will he advise those authorities that their commitments in regard to those bonds shall be discharged?
As far as my information goes, the number of local authorities who have raised more money than they require to finance their housing commitments is quite small. I am obtaining from local authorities exact particulars, and will confer with them with a view to devising the best arrangements to suit the circumstances of each particular case.
Bricks
asked the Minister of Health whether the Government have on its hands approximately 373,000,000 bricks for which contracts were placed by the Department of Building Material Supplies; and whether he has now any hope of being able to dispose of, these bricks other than at a loss?
I presume the hon. Member is referring to the number of bricks contracted for, but ,not yet allocated to housing schemes. That number is 306,000,000. The houses to be completed or built under the reduced housing programme are sufficient to absorb the total quantity of bricks outstanding under the Department's contracts. I cannot, of course, anticipate the course of brick prices.
Are the bricklayers not already claiming damages for storing these bricks and accumulating them?
What they may claim is a very different question.
Roofing Materials
asked the Minister of Health whether an official of his Ministry has been employed abroad in the purchase of roofing tiles for use on buildings in course of erection, under housing schemes, in the United Kingdom; and what are the terms of purchase relating to price and cost of delivery in this country?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The second part of the question does not therefore arise.
asked the Minister of Health if he has caused inquiries to be made for the purpose of ascertaining the supplies of roofing slates available at the slate quarries and slate mines in the United Kingdom for housing requirements; and if he is aware that such supplies are in excess of such needs, owing to the adherence by the quarry proprietors of pledges given to the Government that they would restrict their export of roofing slates in order to meet the home demand?
The answer to the first part of the question is that my Department ceased buying slates several months ago. Inquiries continue to be made as to output, with a view to obtaining such general information as is available regarding stocks of slates. The answer to the second part of the question is that I have no information as to any pledges such as are referred to, but, as I indicated in my reply to the hon. Member for Merionethshire on the 19th instant, many reports have been received of delay in completing houses owing to the difficulty experienced by contractors in obtaining roofing material.
Land Acquired by Local Authorities
asked the Minister of Health what is the total area of land acquired by the local authorities since April, 1918, in connection with their housing schemes and the total sum of money involved in acquisition; what is his estimate of the area that will be built upon when the schemes now approved are completed; and what he proposed should be done with the land that will not be required; and whether the Government is prepared to consider a policy of selling or leasing the surplus land to any persons who will covenant to build within a given interval, all new houses on such land to be free from local taxation permanently or for a period of years?
I estimate that the land which has been acquired for assisted housing schemes amounts approximately to 27.000 acres, and that the cost is about £4,800,000. The 176,000 houses approved under the scheme will require an acreage of approximately 20,000 acres. Proposals for the sale or lease of surplus land to persons proposing to build houses will certainly be considered, but without fuller consideration, I could not accept the specific suggestion in the last part of the question.
Will the right hon. Baronet be able to supply us with the rateable value of these 27,000 acres that cost £4,250,000 before they were acquired by the public?
I will see if the information can be obtained.
Will not the number of these housing schemes require the purchase of additional land, so that there will be further surplus land?
I understand not.
Local Taxation, New York
asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been called to the legislation recently adopted in New York city by the provisions of which new houses up to a certain structural value will be exempt from local taxation for a period of 10 years; whether he is aware that the exemption of the structure, combined with the continued taxation on the selling value of the site apart from structure, has given such a stimulus to building that houses are now being erected at the rate of 1,000 a week; and whether the Government will consider giving similar encouragement to private enterprise in this country in view of the limitation now placed upon the housing schemes of the local authorities?
I have seen Press reports on this matter, and am causing inquiry to be made into the facts.
When the facts are available, will the right hon. Gentleman consider putting the policy into operation if he is satisfied that it has proved successful in New York?
Enemy Action (Compensation)
asked the Prime Minister whether any compensation has yet been paid to those persons who suffered personal injury, or who had property damaged by enemy action within the United Kingdom during the War; if so, to what amount; and, if not, will he say when such payments are likely to be made?
If, as I suppose, the hon. Member's question refers to compensation paid out of moneys received by way of reparations, the answer is in the negative. As to the last part of the hon. Member's question, I would refer him to the answer given to the hon. and gallant Member for Leith on the 20th ultimo.
Peace Treaties
Turkey
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the efforts now being made to restore peace in Ireland and ensure tranquillity in the Pacific, the Government will make an effort to wind up the great War by concluding the outstanding peace negotiations with Turkey?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the assurance given in the Prime Minister's reply of the 7th July to the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull, to which there is nothing to add.
Reparation Coal (Prices)
asked the President of the Board of Trade what prices were paid during the recent coal stoppage for French and German reparation coal sold to this country; what quantities were supplied; and whether the quotations were identical with those paid by French consumers?
I have been asked to reply. The average price paid f.o.b. French ports for French and German reparation coal imported for Government account was about 140 francs. The approximate quantities supplied were:
German Reparation (Recovery) Act
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what is the amount received in respect of the German Reparation (Recovery) Act?
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury how much has been received under the German Reparation (Recovery) Act?
The amount received under the German Reparation (Recovery) Act, up to the 18th instant inclusive, is £198,000.
Is it intended to suspend or repeal this Act?
There is a Motion on the Paper in reference to that matter.
League of Nations Assembly (British Representatives)
asked the Prime Minister the names of those who are to be sent to represent this country at the Assembly of the League of Nations?
The representatives of this country at the next assembly of the League of Nations have not yet been appointed.
When will the right hon. Gentleman be able to give an answer on the subject?
I cannot say without notice.
Will the Government consider whether it is possible for the Prime Minister to be one of those who attend?
If the Noble Lord will consider how many are the Conferences in which the Prime Minister is or is likely to be engaged, he will see that there are difficulties in the way of that arrangement. I know that it is my right hon. Friend's desire to attend one of the meetings, if he can manage to do so.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say to what extent the Gentlemen selected will be able to commit the country and the Government?
Ireland
Motor and Cycle Traders
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that a great many members of the motor and cycle trades in the south and west of Ireland have been for some time past deprived of their means of livelihood in the interests of the State; that no charge has ever been suggested against them as law-abiding citizens; will he state whether these traders are entitled to compensation; and what steps they can take in order to secure the same, and thus avert ruin?
I am aware that the restrictions which it has been found necessary to impose upon the use of motor vehicles in Ireland have necessarily involved considerable loss of profit to the motor trade. This is not, however, the only trade which has suffered as a result of the disturbed state of the country, and I am afraid I can hold out no hope that it will be exceptionally dealt with in the matter of compensation.
Housing Subsidy
asked the Chief Secretary whether the housing subsidy will be paid to those private builders who, relying on the declared policy of the Government, have already begun the building of houses or who have already entered into contracts for the immediate building of houses to meet the existing demands?
The question of the housing subsidy in Ireland is at present being considered, and His Majesty's Government propose to make a statement on the subject at an early date.
Ceylon (Constitution)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the question of the future constitution of Ceylon has yet received his attention; and can he undertake to settle this question by next December, when the Ceylon National Congress meets?
Since the newly constituted Legislative Council has only been in existence since the 7th June, I am not yet in a position to anticipate what proposals for the revision of the constitution are likely to be submitted for consideration. While the Secretary of State will of course give any such proposals his most careful consideration, he cannot undertake in advance to give a decision on proposals yet unformulated by any definite date.
Are we to understand that the Secretary of State awaits proposals from Ceylon, and that these proposals can emanate from the people of Ceylon as well as the Governor, or only from the Governor?
My hon. and gallant Friend will recollect what has been the history of this question, arising out of an undertaking by the Governor that on Amendments being made in the Legislative Council they would be at once remitted for the consideration of the Secretary of State, who in his turn will give consideration to them.
The Amendments are to be suggested by the Legislative Council?
Yes.
East Africa (Indian Delegation)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that the Indian community in East Africa are sending a delegation to this country, which delegation is to include the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme, in order to represent to His Majesty's Government the views and wishes of the Indian community; whether Governor Northey is also coming to this country; and will he see that no definite arrangement is come to until after the arrival of the delegation?
I have received a telegram from the Indian Congress in East Africa stating that a deputation was leaving for England on 5th July, but the telegram omitted to refer to the association of my hon. and gallant Friend with the deputation. Sir Edward Northey is also on his way to this country. I have no doubt that I shall have an opportunity of acquainting myself with the views of the deputation before a decision on matters affecting the Indian community is taken.
If they arrive to-morrow, will it be possible to see them before Governor Northey arrives?
Will my hon. Friend take all possible steps to persuade the hon. and gallant Member for Newcastle-under -Lyme to return with the delegation?
Army Horses, Mesopotamia
asked the Secretary of State for War if 30,000 Army horses in Mesopotamia which were to be destroyed are now to be put up for sale in that country?
Negotiations are taking place for the sale of the surplus horses in Mesopotamia for export from that country. I would add that the number does not exceed 20,000.
Are these horses to be sold to the Arabs, or are they to be used for the Arab army which is to be raised? How many are to be used by the army and how many are to be sold to the natives?
Negotiations are taking place for the sale of the surplus horses for export from that country.
Bee Disease
asked the Minister of Agriculture what steps, if any, are being taken to combat the Isle of Wight disease; and whether, in the interests of beekeepers, he can see his way to recommend that this disease, upon discovery in any district, should be made immediately notifiable?
I have been asked to reply. Scientific investigations into the nature of Isle of Wight bee disease have been in process for a considerable time, and are still proceeding, with a view to the discovery of satisfactory remedial treatment. As a possible preventive measure, a scheme was inaugurated by the Ministry in 1919, which has for its object the introduction of a strain of bees more resistant to Isle of Wight disease than is the case with native stock. Compulsory notification of the existence of the disease would involve a considerable expenditure on. inspection and administration, and for reasons of economy I am not prepared at the present time to propose the fresh legislation which would be necessary.
Will the hon. Gentleman use his influence with the hon. Member for Acton (Sir H. Brittain) to persuade him to visit the Isle of Wight permanently in the interests of the bees.
Serpentine, Hyde Park
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, if his attention has been called to the offensive smell at the north-west end of the Serpentine, in Hyde Park, near Lancaster Gate; and will he call for a medical report on the cause of this and take whatever steps may be considered necessary to remove this menace to the public health?
The shallow waters in the Central London parks are treated chemically every four days in order to destroy the algæ. Shortly after treatment the water becomes thick in colour and gives off a slight smell; there is, however, no menace to the public health in this process, which has been in force for many years and has been found to be most-satisfactory.
Has the hon. Gentle man ever sampled the smell?
No, Sir.
Will he try?
Timber Operations, Abbey Cwmhir
asked the President of the Board of Trade who is the foreman of the timber operations at Abbey Cwmhir, county of Radnor, the date of his appointment, and what is his experience and the rate of salary; whether he is given the free use of a motor car; and whether such car is being frequently used for purposes other than those connected with the timber operations?
The foreman of these timber operations is Mr. 0. Bailey, who works under the direction of a works officer. He was appointed on 7th February, 1921, at a salary of £5 per week, after nearly two years' experience on various operations under the Timber Supplies Department. A small motor van is attached to these operations, and my information is that it is not used for other than official purposes.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what is the total expenditure up to the 30th June last in respect of the timber operations at Abbey Cwmhir, county of Radnor, and the total receipts for the same period; how many men are still employed there and what is the present total expenditure per month on all heads; and for what further period is this expenditure to be allowed to continue?
The total expenditure up to 30th June last was £53,438, and the total receipts to the same date £25,414. The number of men still employed is 53, and the present total expenditure per month is approximately £900. It is estimated that if weather conditions are favourable the operations will be completed in nine months.
Divorce, New Zealand
asked the Attorney-General whether his attention has been drawn to the new Matrimonial Causes Act, passed recently in New Zealand, granting divorce after three years of separation; whether under this law a British subject, after one year of residence, having obtained electoral status in New Zealand, which establishes domicile, can obtain there a dissolution of an English marriage, founded on a judicial separation decree given in the English High Court over three years previously; and, as if such person remarried in New Zealand and returned to England he would be a bigamist here, does the Government propose to introduce legislation to rectify this anomaly?
It is true that a British subject after one year's residence in New Zealand obtains electoral status, but it does not, I think, follow that domicile is thereby established, and under the provisions of the New Zealand Divorce Acts a married person must be domiciled for two years in New Zealand before instituting proceedings there for divorce. There are good grounds for believing that the provisions of the Act of 1920 with reference to divorce founded on a decree of judicial separation are confined to decrees of judicial separation pronounced by the Supreme Court of New Zealand, and, if this view be correct, the last part of the question does not arise.
Scotland
Education Fund
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether the Education (Scotland) Fund is to be reduced by 20 per cent. in the next financial year; and, if so, having in view the fact that 10 per cent. of the total expenditure by education authorities is on account of interest and repayment of loans, and 66 per cent. on account of salaries and pensions to teachers, will he state whether the salaries of teachers are to be reduced, or the education rate raised throughout every area in Scotland, or if he considers it possible that education authorities can effect the total necessary economies on only 24 per cent. of their expenditure?
I am not at present in a position to frame an estimate of the Education (Scotland) Fund for the financial year 1922-23. Until information is available as to the amount of grant likely to be at the disposal of education authorities in that year, it would be premature to discuss the matters referred to in the second part of the question. My hon. and gallant Friend may, however, rest assured that the financial position is receiving my careful attention.
Considering the probability of the fund having to be reduced by some 20 per cent., will the right hon. Gentleman give some guide to the education authorities, if it is absolutely necessary for them to make provision for a reduction, as to whether it will all fall upon the rates?
I am not in a position to state the precise figure, but the education authorities will be given due warning of the situation that is likely to exist next year.
Will they make a reduction in the salaries of teachers, or what other steps are to be taken? Will the right hon. Gentleman give some guidance?
The whole matter is at present hypothetical. I have stated that I cannot tell the amount of the reduction. All appropriate steps are being taken to apprise the local authorities of the position.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give fair warning that the reduction will take place?
Certainly.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the enormous expense that is likely to be imposed on Scottish education authorities by the operation of the Safeguarding of Industries Bill?
Board of Agriculture (Farming Properties)
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he can now state the profit or loss incurred by the Board of Agriculture for Scotland in farming properties in their hands for the period ending 31st December, 1920?
The accounts in respect of these properties are in course of preparation, with a view to presentation to Parliament as required by the Small Holding Colonies Acts, and the information now given is provisional and subject to audit. I am informed that the statement for the year 1920 will show an estimated loss of £3,950 on the working of four farms, and an estimated profit of £2,870 in the working of other four farms in the hands of the Board.
Why has the Scottish Board of Agriculture made a loss during the period when the farmers were making a profit?
The period of high prices had passed, and prices had fallen.
Surely the prices had not fallen in 1920?
Housing Schemes
asked the Secretary for Scotland what is the total area of land acquired by the local authorities in Scotland since April, 1918, in connection with their housing schemes, and the total sum of money involved in acquisition; what is his estimate of the area that will be built upon when the schemes now approved are completed; what he proposes should be done with the land that will not be required; and whether the Government is prepared to consider a policy of selling or leasing the surplus land to any persons who will covenant to build within a given interval, all new houses on such land to be free from local taxation permanently or for a period of years?
I am not in a position to state definitely the area referred to in the first part of the question. As ground for housing purposes in Scotland is generally acquired by feu, and not by purchase, it is not possible to state a total sum for acquisition. The Scottish Board of Health have approved sites for local authority and public utility society schemes extending to nearly 5,200 acres. The estimated acreage required for houses for which tenders have been approved is 2,100. Local authorities who have surplus land can dispose of it as provided by Section 14 of the Housing, Town Planning, etc. (Scotland) Act, 1919. The suggestion contained in the last part of the question will receive consideration.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Minister of Health has been able to give me figures as to the cost in England and Wales, and is there any reason why similar information should not be given for England and Scotland, even in the case where the land is feued, as to the cost to which the taxpayer is committed?
I will look into it again. My hon. Friend did not give me very long notice. I have had to get a reply by telegram from Scotland.
I am very much obliged. May I put down a question for next week?
Certainly.
Post Office
Wireless Stations
asked the Postmaster-General whether the wireless telegraph experts at the General Post Office are satisfied with the aerial equipment at Leafield wireless station; whether it would be possible, by the installation of an arc or valve continuous wave transmitter, to make this station as effective as the French station at Lyons; and for what reason is it intended to be content with the old type of aerials at this station?
My technical advisers are satisfied that the type of aerial equipment at the Leafield wireless station is suitable for the pur- pose for which the station is intended. My hon. and gallant Friend appears to be under a misapprehension as regards the transmitting apparatus installed at the station. It consists of two 250 kilowatt arc installations, and is similar to the arc equipment installed at the French station at Lyons.
asked the Postmaster-General whether the Post Office intend to continue the erection of a wireless station at Northholt; whether this station was planned some years ago; whether the Post Office intend to take advantage of the most recent improvements in wireless equipment; and, if so, whether the station is to be continuous wave or spark system?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Northholt station was planned within the last twelve months, and I am advised that the wireless equipment embodies all the latest improvements in wireless practice. The station will be operated on the continuous wave system.
Telephone Service
asked the Postmaster-General whether a subscriber, whenever put on a wrong number by the operator at either his own or the receiving exchange, is charged the cost of a call, irrespective of obtaining a connection; whether any further action has been taken in offering a prize for an invention which should automatically register calls when put through; and whether until such mechanism can be fitted to telephones, the Post Office are prepared to add penny-in-the-slot machines to all private subscribers' lines in order that subscribers may not be charged the cost of the operator's mistakes?
A subscriber is not charged for a wrong connection provided that the mistake is brought to the notice of the operator. Inventions for registering calls are constantly being tested by the engineer-in-chief to the Post Office. but I regret to say that no system better than that in force has yet been discovered. Coin boxes can be provided for any subscribers who wish to rent them.
What redress has the subscriber got when his telephone is con- nected with the wrong number, and he is being perpetually charged?
I think that we have very few complaints of that kind. When the Committee presided over by the hon. and gallant Member for Lewisham (Sir E. Coates) sat the question whether it was possible to devise an automatic machine for this purpose came before the Committee, but up to the present no such machine has been devised.
What system does the hon. Gentleman refer to when he says that no better system has been devised-than that which is at present in operation?
If my hon. and gallant Friend can suggest any way by which the difficulty can be overcome, my right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General and I shall be only too pleased.
Is it not a fact that several months ago, when a Committee of this House was investigating the telephone system, a distinguished official of the Post Office definitely stated that to the best of his belief the automatic register had been, or was, just about to be perfected, and that nothing has been done up to the present time?
I am not aware of that. I think that my hon. Friend, who knows a good deal about the telephone system in America, knows that they have made many endeavours there to find such a system, and that it has never been found.
There is no reason why we should be behind America.
Circulars
asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that letters for this country and written in this country are now being posted in Belgium to benefit by the cheap postage; whether he can state the extent to which circular matter for this country and prepared in this country is now being sent across for a similar reason to Belgium; and whether he has formed any idea of the loss to the Post Office, and the inconvenience to the business world, of the postal methods which produce this result?
I would refer the hon. Member to the replies my right hon. Friend gave yesterday to questions on this subject.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the biggest addressing firm in this country recently informed its clients that it can post more cheaply from Belgium?
I think that the questions in the House of Commons have done more than anything else to make this public.
Is not the practice a fraud on the Post Office?
The answer which my right hon. Friend gave yesterday on this subject was:
"The minimum international printed paper rate in France is 10 centimes. I am aware that in a few cases British firms have thought it proper to evade the Inland British rate by posting abroad, but so far as I can ascertain such postings at present are, in the aggregate, inconsiderable. In any case, it is impossible to fix the British Inland rates of postage by reference to the depreciated currencies of foreign countries."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 19th July, 1921; col. 1999, Vol. 144.]
Madras Presidency (Settlement)
asked the Secretary of State for India whether he has information to the effect that the Government of Madras proposes to extend the system of permanent settlement in that Presidency?
I have not heard of any such proposal.
Summer Time (Schools)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he has requested the educational authorities to ascertain the views of head teachers, school medical officers, and others on the effect of summer time on the children; if so, whether he has yet received this information; and whether such information will be published before the Summer Time Bill, now before Parliament, becomes law?
I will send the hon. Baronet a copy of a circular (No. 1215) which was addressed by the Board to local education authorities in England and Wales in May last. The answers to the circular have not yet been received.
Will any such information be balanced by the opinions of medical officers of health on adults; will the one view be balanced against the other?
May we have this information—or such answers as come in —before we continue the discussion on the Second Reading of the Summer Time Bill, so that hon. Members may know the different points of view?
I will see what can be done.
Colliery Accident, Sheffield
asked the Secretary for Mines if his attention has been called to the accident at the Tinsley Park Colliery, Sheffield, on the 12th instant, caused by the dropping of the cage 25 feet, by which 15 men were injured, some of them seriously; if he is aware that appliances have been patented to prevent such accidents; and if the Commission in connection with his Department are prepared to investigate and report upon such appliances?
I have been asked to reply. I am aware of the circumstances of this unfortunate accident, which has been fully investigated by an inspector of mines. I need not assure the hon. Member that the Mines Department is always prepared to investigate any inventions designed to promote safety in mining, and my right hon. Friend has recently appointed a Mining Dangers Research Board for this purpose. Many inventions for arresting cages in the shaft in the event of a breakage of the winding rope or other similar accident have already been examined, and the subject was considered by the Royal Commission on Mines in 1919. But hitherto no invention has been produced which is free from the drawbacks which the Royal Commission pointed out are liable to attend such appliances.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that two of these appliances are at work now in two collieries, and that they have been at work for the last six years?
I am not aware of that fact. As I said, the Mines Department is always prepared to investigate any invention of the kind.
National Expenditure
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will inform the House of the estimated saving to the nation by the reduction of the housing programme; the repeal of the Agriculture Act, Part I; the reduction of the unemployment benefit; the postponement of the various parts of the Education Act; the decontrol of the mines and of the railways; the anticipated cut in the bonus to the higher paid civil servants; and the withdrawal of various postal and telegraph facilities?
I would ask my hon. Friend to await the general statement which my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer hopes to make before the House rises.
LICENSING (No. 2) BILL
( by Private Notice )asked the Lord Privy Seal whether it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to extend to Monmouthshire the Sunday closing provisions now enjoyed by Wales; and whether he is not of opinion that Clause 2 of the Licensing (No. 2) Bill, not only fails to carry out the intention of the Government, but deprives Wales of the privileges she already possesses?
I very much regret, that through some oversight, the Bill has been circulated in an incorrect form. Corrected copies will be circulated to-morrow morning, and I hope some may be available this evening in the Vote Office. The proposal of the Government is to maintain the pre-War Sunday closing of licensed premises in Wales and the pre-War right of clubs to supply on Sunday, but this right of supply on Sunday is to be subject to the new Regulations as to hours, which are to be enforced throughout England and Wales. The Bill proposes to assimilate Monmouthshire to Wales for both purposes. The proviso to Clause 2, Sub-section (1) is wrongly printed in the Bill as circulated, as is also the definition of hotels and restaurants in Clause 18.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman considers this House is capable of giving a Second Reading to a Bill two days hence, when copies of the Bill are not in the hands of the Members now?
Are the alterations which the right hon. Gentleman has indicated the only alterations of substance?
Has the revised form of the Bill, as now announced, been submitted to the Lord Chancellor?
The mistakes I have mentioned are the only mistakes of substance in the Bill as printed. I think there are some other errors, but these are the only matters of substance. I hope that this Bill, which is the result of a Conference at which all sections of opinion were represented, and which, in itself, shows a very encouraging measure of agreement, will be permitted by the House to be taken and discussed on Friday. These are, as I have said already, the only alterations of substance to be made in the Bill. The general provisions of the Bill can be seen in the copies already circulated, and I think it will not be difficult for hon. Members to familiarise themselves with those alterations after my statement.
Business of the House
May I ask the Leader of the House to state, with regard to the Notice of Motion, which is all too familiar, on the Order Paper, to the effect that the proceedings on a Bill be exempted at this day's sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House), whether, in view of the very hard work to which hon. Members have been subjected this week, not only in the Chamber, but in Committees upstairs, he will agree not to press this Motion to-day. It must lead to debate. If he has looked at the Order Paper, he will have seen that there are notices of objection to the Second Beading of this particular Bill, the Territorial Army and Militia Bill, and it cannot possibly be treated as non-controversial.
All I am asking the House to do is to give the Bill a Second Reading—I am not asking it to proceed with any other stages—so that the Bill may be sent upstairs to a Committee. I believe the Bill is a Measure which is at any rate acceptable to those who are immediately concerned—I hope
Division No. 271.] AYES. [3.50 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Johnstone, Joseph Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh) Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Jones, Henry Haydn, (Merioneth) Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Armitage, Robert Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Kidd, James Armstrong, Henry Bruce Dawes, James Arthur King, Captain Henry Douglas Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Doyle, N. Grattan Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster) Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Edge, Captain William Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Astor, Viscountess Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Larmor, Sir Joseph Atkey, A. R. Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Evans, Ernest Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lindsay, William Artnur Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Falcon, Captain Michael Lloyd, George Butler Balfour, George (Hampstead) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Fell, Sir Arthur Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Barlow, Sir Montague Fildes, Henry Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas Gorbals) Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Lorden, John William Barnston, Major Harry FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Lowe, Sir Francis William Barrand, A. R. Forestier-Walker, L. Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Beckett, Hon. Gervase Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Lyle, C. E. Leonard Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Fraser, Major Sir Keith M'Connell, Thomas Edward Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Frece, Sir Walter de M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray Benn. Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Ganzoni, Sir John Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Gardiner, James McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Betterton, Henry B. Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Bigland, Alfred Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Blair, Sir Reginald Glyn, Major Ralph Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Borwick, Major G. O. Goff, Sir R. Park Magnus, Sir Philip Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Mallalieu, Frederick William Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Grant, James Augustus Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Breese, Major Charles E. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Marriott, John Arthur Ransoms Briggs, Harold Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Mason, Robert Brittain, Sir Harry Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B. Broad, Thomas Tucker Greig, Colonel Sir James William Mitchell, Sir William Lane Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Gretton, Colonel John Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Gwynne, Rupert S. Morden, Col. W. Grant Burgoyne, Lt.-Col. Alan Hughes Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hallwood, Augustine Morris, Richard Burn, T. H. (Belfast, St. Anne's) Hall, Captain Sir Douglas Bernard Morrison, Hugh Butcher, Sir John George Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W (Liv'p'I. W. D'by) Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Campbell, J. D. G. Hambro, Angus Valdemar Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Carew, Charles Robert S. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Murchison, C. K. Carr, w. Theodore Harris, Sir Henry Percy Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Casey, T. W. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Murray, Major William (Dumfries) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Hills, Major John Waller Nail, Major Joseph Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Hinds, John Neal, Arthur Clough, Sir Robert Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Coats, Sir Stuart Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Cobb, Sir Cyril Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hopkins, John W. W. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Conway, Sir W. Martin Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Parker, James Cope, Major William Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Pearce, Sir William Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hurd, Percy A. Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Pennefather, De Fonblanque Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Perring, William George Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Jesson, C. Phillpps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Curzon, Captain Viscount Jodrell, Neville Paul Pilditch, Sir Philip
acceptable to those who are immediately concerned—and I hope the House, under the circumstances of public business at the present time, will consent to take it after 11 o'clock.
Motion made, and Question put,
"That the Proceedings on the Territorial Army and Militia Bill be exempted at this day's Sitting from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sitting of the House)."— [ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
The House divided: Ayes, 257; Noes, 59.
Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Ward, Col.-(Kingston-upon-Hull) Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Simm, M. T. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Pratt, John William Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Waring, Major Walter Rae, H. Norman Smithers, Sir Alfred W. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Raeburn, Sir William H. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Ramsden, G. T. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Randies, Sir John Scurrah Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Stanton, Charles Butt Whitla, Sir William Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Stevens, Marshall Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor-(Darnstaple) Stewart, Gershom Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset. W.) Remnant, Sir James Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C. Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Renwick, Sir George Sutherland, Sir William Wilson-Fox, Henry Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Wise, Frederick Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Wolmer, Viscount Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Tickler, Thomas George Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Rodger, A. K. Townley, Maximilian G Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Woolcock, William James U. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Tryon, Major George Clement Young, E. H. (Norwich) Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Norwood) Turton, Edmund Russborough Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Wallace, J. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Seager, Sir William Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Mr. McCurdy and Colonel Leslie Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Wilson.
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Grundy, T. W. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Robertson, John Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hallas, Eldred Royce, William Stapleton Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Halls, Walter Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hancock, John George Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Bonn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hirst, G. H. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Hogge, James Myles Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Holmes, J. Stanley Tootill, Robert Cairns, John Irving, Dan Waterson, A. E. Cape, Thomas John, William (Rhondda, West) Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Kiley, James Daniel Wignall, James Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Lunn, William Wilson, James (Dudley) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D.(Midlothian) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbrdge) Entwistle, Major C. F. Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Galbraith, Samuel Myers, Thomas Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Gillis, William Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Glanville, Harold James Raffan, Peter Wilson TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Rendall, Atheistan Mr. Lawson and Colonel Penry Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Williams.
Housing (Agricultural Workers) Bill,
"to make further provision with respect to dwelling-houses occupied in connection with agriculture, and for purposes connected therewith," presented by Mr. WALTER SMITH; supported by Mr. Clynes, Mr. George Edwards, Mr. Royce, Mr. Robert Richardson, and Mr. Swan; to be read a Second time Wednesday, 3rd August, and to be printed. [Bill 182.]
Water Undertakings (Modification of Charges) Bill
Reported, with Amendments; from Standing Committee C.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.
Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 181.]
CONYNGHAM'S DIVORCE BILL [Lords]
Ordered, That the Minutes of Evidence and Proceedings in the House of Lords on the Second Reading of Conyngham's Divorce Bill [ Lords ], together with the documents deposited in the case, be returned to the House of Lords.—[ Mr. Morison. ]
Indian Affairs
Third Report from the Standing Joint Committee brought up, and read.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 177.]
War Pensions Bill
Reported, with Amendments, from Standing Committee D.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.
Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 180.]
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,—
National Health Insurance Bill.
Overseas Trade (Credits and Insurance) Amendment Bill, without Amendment.
London County Council (General Powers) Bill, with Amendments.
Amendments to—
Wandsworth, Wimbledon, and Epsom District Gas Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to renew Section two of The Juries (Emergency Provisions) Act, 1920." [Juries (Emergency Provisions) (Renewal) Bill [ Lords. ]
Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to make provision for the examination and putting in evidence in trials on indictment in Scotland of witnesses and productions not included in lists lodged, and for the remission for sentence to the High Court of Justiciary of persons pleading or found guilty on indictment in the Sheriff Court." [Criminal Procedure, (Scotland) Bill [ Lords. ]
Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to consolidate and amend the Law relating to Trusts in Scotland." [Trusts (Scotland) Bill [ Lords. ]
And also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to constitute a water supply board for the Taf Fechan watershed; to transfer to the board certain waterworks and powers of the Merthyr Tydfil Corporation; to authorise the board to complete and maintain works and to supply water; and for other purposes." [Taf Fechan Water Supply Bill [ Lords. ]
Taf Fechan Water Supply Bill [ Lords ],
Read the First time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Selection (Standing Committees)
Standing Committee D
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had added the following Fifteen Members to Standing Committee D (in respect of the Criminal Law Amendment Bill [ Lords ]): Sir Ryland Adkins, Sir John Baird, Sir . Frederick Banbury, Major Farquharson, Mr. Hayward, Captain Loseby, Major Christopher Lowther, Mr. Lunn, Sir Philip Magnus, Mr. Rawlinson, Mr. Robert Richardson, Mr. Shortt, Sir Robert Thomas, Earl Winterton, and Mr. Robert Young.
Sir SAMUEL ROBERTS further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee D: Lieut.-Colonel Sir William Allen, Major Brown, Mr. Neville Chamberlain, Mr. Howard Gritten, Sir Henry Harris, Major Henderson, Mr. Lindsay, Major Molson) Lieut.-Colonel Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Raw, Colonel Roundell, Mr. Frederick Thomson, and Mr. Robert Young; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Brassey, Mr. Carr, Major Cope, Captain FitzRoy, Mr. Hanna, Mr. Hannon, Mr. Haydn Jones, Mr. Kerr-Smiley, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur Murray, Captain O'Grady, Mr. Strauss, Captain Sir Beville Stanier, and Mr. Townley.
Reports to lie upon the Table.
Standing Committees (Chairmen's Panel)
Mr. JOHN WILLIAM WILSON reported from the Chairmen's Panel: That they had appointed Mr. Rendall to act as Chairman of Standing Committee D (in respect of the Criminal Law Amendment Bill [ Lords ]).
Report to lie upon the Table.
Orders of the Day
Safeguarding of Industries Bill
[5th ALLOTTED DAY.]
Considered in Committee [ Progress, 13th July ].
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
NEW CLAUSE.—(Power to exempt articles from duty in certain events.)
(1) For the purpose of obtaining information with respect to the production in the United Kingdom of goods of a class or description chargeable with duty under this Part of this Act the Board may, at any time and from time to time, require any person engaged in the manufacture in the United Kingdom of any such goods to furnish in writing to the Board such particulars as the Board may direct with respect to the description and quantity of any such goods manufactured by him and the plant available for the manufacture of any such goods.
(2) For the purpose of ascertaining the development of industries in the United Kingdom engaged in the manufacture of goods made subject to duty under this Part of this Act, the Board shall appoint a committee containing amongst its members representatives of the Admiralty, the Army Council, and the Air Council, and shall place at the disposal of the committee any information obtained by the Board under the last foregoing Sub-section.
(3) The committee shall from time to time make reports to the Board on the general efficiency and progress of the various industries, and the Board shall, after considering the reports of the committee and any other information in their possession, annually present a report to Parliament relating to the production in the United Kingdom of goods of the classes chargeable with duty under this Part of this Act.
(4) If at any time after the expiration of two years from the passing of this Act the committee report, as respects goods of any class or description chargeable with duty under this Part of the Act, that the manufacture in the United Kingdom of goods of that class or description is either not carried on or is carried on to an insignificant extent only, and that the continuance of the charge of duty on goods of that class or description is not likely to secure the manufacture thereof in the United Kingdom to a substantial extent, the Schedule to this Act shall, if the Board by Order so direct, have effect as if goods of that class or description were not included therein;
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
4.0 P.M.
This Clause is one which I have put down in order to fulfil an undertaking which I gave at an earlier stage of our proceedings. It provides for reports to the Board on the general efficiency and progress of the industries and for annual reports being presented to the House of Commons, and it gives power to the Board of Trade, if, after a period of two years or longer no progress at all has been made in any key industry, and it seems probable, even in spite of the help afforded by the Bill, that that key industry will be unable to make good in this country, to order that the duty as levied in the first part of the Bill shall cease to operate in regard to that industry. There is nothing more that I desire to say on the Clause, though I see that there are some Amendments down to it which may give rise to some discussion.
I do not know whether it is the character of the Clause or the temperature which has led the Minister to introduce it with such brevity. Certainly, the weather is such as to make one want to be not more expansive than necessary. When I read the opening words of the Clause, I could not help feeling that the Minister was carrying his attitude of cynical detachment towards the Bill to an extent as to be almost inartistic. The Bill is rather a kind of diarchy. The President of the Board of Trade and the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department have approached it from different points of view. They are like two philosophers, one the weeping philosopher and the other the laughing philosopher. If one looks at the first few words of the Clause, really an extraordinary position is revealed. They give the Board of Trade power to obtain information with respect to the goods which under this Bill they are placing under the 33$ per cent. duty. One would have thought that they would have got this information before introducing the Bill.
I am entitled to make that comment, because for some months past I have pursued this question of the information upon which this Bill is. based with a certain amount of persistency. I have addressed questions to the President of the Board of Trade, although I believe they were answered by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department. I do not complain about that. It is the normal procedure with regard to this Bill. I have asked for information with regard to the capital and the workmen employed, and with regard to other matters pertinent to the passage of the Bill. I have received answers that they do not know anything about the capital or the labour or the assistance that has been given. I then asked the Leader of the House whether, before the Bill was introduced, we could not have a memorandum putting this House in possession of the information upon which the Government were acting, and I was told that I should have to wait for the Debate. We have had a fair number of days' Debate, and so far we have not received from the Government any detailed and specific information with respect to any of the articles in the Schedule which could either justify the Government in putting them into the Bill or the House of Commons in accepting them. In fact, the whole procedure with regard to this Bill appears to be devised to keep the House clear of any information which the Government may possess.
At last the President of the Board of Trade comes forward with a kind of cynical detachment and puts down a Clause under which they are going to take power to get this information. They are going to get this information in order that they may exclude from this Bill any of the articles in the Schedule. One would have thought, if they wanted that information to exclude them, that they would have had it in order to put them in. They have either got the information or they have not got it. If they have not got it, then these things ought not to be in the Schedule, and, if they have got it, then it ought to be given to the House either in the course of the Debate or in a memorandum. If the Government have proceeded in ignorance, and that appears to be the position, and if they are putting these articles under these duties and subjecting the general community to all the incon- venience and cost that it means, it certainly would be of advantage that they should get the information at the later date in order to take the duty off, and from that point of view I do not oppose the Clause. My right hon. Friend below me (Mr. Lambert) says that it is a first-rate Clause and that he shall support it. I disagree with him. The fault we have with the Clause is that it is limited to one part of the Bill, and we want it extended to the other parts of the Bill. When one examines this Clause one realises that it is the Clause of a foster father. His cold and critical eye has been thrown on the Bill by the President of the Board of Trade. He never did like the child that was put under his care. It is quite clear that he sees its many evil tendencies and that if it is not carefully warded and guarded consequences may result which he does not desire. This might be called a Clause for the safeguarding of the Safeguarding of Industries Bill. That would be a fair description. The President of the Board of Trade is going to put his ward in Chancery. He is going to put it in the care of a committee which is to include representatives of the Admiralty, the Army Council, and the Air Council. I do not know why the Archbishop of Canterbury is not included.
He is a member of the Board of Trade.
Let us look for a moment at this Clause, and see what are the dangers which the President of the Board of Trade apprehends as the result of the operation of the Bill. We Free Traders have every reason to be satisfied, because the very dangers which he apprehends are the dangers which we have been foretelling all through the discussions on the Bill. This Committee has to make reports to the Board on the general efficiency and progress of the various industries. I am quite sure, if it had been proposed by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department that he would never have admitted for a moment that there was any doubt with regard to the efficiency and progress of these industries.
I drafted the Clause.
Of course, the Bill is one to put the trade and commerce of this country in a state of chaos, and if it put Members of this House in a similar state one could not be surprised. The doubt, which I understand the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department shares is that the result of this Bill may not be efficiency and progress, and that to ensure that we do get efficiency and progress it is necessary to have this committee, and that the committee should make reports on these various industries. Of course, that is most necessary, and, in so far as this Clause operates, if it were extended to the whole Bill, we on this side should feel that we had got the best means of counteracting what we regard as its evil effects. We have always contended that you are not going to get efficiency and progress in industry by giving protection. The thing which makes for efficiency and progress is competition with similar industries carried on by other people. Where you give a measure of protection which enables people carrying on any particular industry to get a price for their goods which they cannot get in the open market, the tendency, instead of spurring them on and leading them to adopt the latest developments in plant, machinery, and processes, is exactly the opposite It makes them slothful and regardless of what is taking place in their own industry in other parts. We are glad that at last that view is taken and that the Government feel it necessary to take some precautions in this Bill.
What are the other fears expressed by the President of the Board of Trade and shared by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department? They are that even with this Bill it may be that a number of these industries may not be carried on at all in this country, or, if carried on, only to an insignificant extent. That is a very remarkable admission. We have been told, and the country has been led to believe from the very introduction of this Bill, that this was a Measure which was going to make certain the safety of this country in future by encouraging the promotion and growth of a number of industries, called key industries, which are vital to our national welfare. Yet in this very Clause the Government makes the admission that this Bill may be entirely ineffectual, and that the operation of the 33¾ per cent. duty may not lead to the industries being carried on at all, or, if they are carried on, that they may be carried on only to a very insignificant extent. Lastly, there is the fear expressed that the continance of the charging of these duties on the goods set out in the Schedule may not secure the manufacture-thereof in the United Kingdom to any substantial extent. In spite of all the parade about this Bill, we are left with this conclusion, that we have a remedy here of the most chance character. This plan which has been put forward as a kind of cure-all for this particular trouble is a remedy which does indeed partake very much of a quack character. It may cure, it may not; the whole thing is chance. We are asking that the provisions in this Clause, which we do regard. as being some safeguard, should be applied to the other parts of the Bill, particularly to Part II. The point upon which we are particularly concerned is with regard to the general efficiency and progress of the various industries. The Minister said very little in introducing this Clause. What would have been pertinent is the reason why they applied this to Part I and not to Part II. Why should we be particular in regard to the efficiency and progress in the selected key industries and not in regard to industries which come before you with the plea that they are being closed down because goods are being sold in this country at prices cheaper than those at which they can profitably be manufactured? If there is any case in which we ought to have regard to efficiency and progress, it is precisely the case of these industries. An industry comes to the Board of Trade and says goods are being sold in this country at a much cheaper rate than they can manufacture them, that unemployment is ensuing, and that they want them to make an Order. As the Bill stands at present, if they come forward and make that case, the Board of Trade is bound to make that Order. One would think a pertinent question to people like that is, "Are you carrying on your business as efficiently as you ought to do?" As this Bill stands, that is not a question which the Board of Trade is entitled to put. That is not an investigation which they are entitled to make.
In support of our contention that this provision should be applied not only to this particular case of key industries, but that similar provision should be made in cases of dumping, I want to give some illustrations. First of all, take the case of the Portland cement industry. If we had had a Bill of this kind in existence 20 years ago—
I thought the hon. Member was arguing on the Clause, not on his Amendment. If he wishes to argue it now he could not argue it again in detail on the Amendment.
The argument I was putting was directed to the Amendment. If you rule that it is not relevant at the present time, I prefer not to make it.
If I may make a suggestion. If the Committee is willing to give the Clause a Second Reading—
No!
I reserve these particular illustrations until we come to the question of the Amendment. I will conclude by saying the Minister should place before the Committee the distinction which is drawn between applications made under Part II of the Bill and the operation of Part I and endeavour to convince the Committee that this question of an investigation into the efficiency and management while it was pertinent to the industries under Part I of the Bill is not pertinent to those coming under Part II. I submit that the operation of Part II is going to have the effect of prejudicing the consumer of cheap goods. Those people who are damnified by Part II are entitled to ask that the industries left in possession of the field are carried on under the most efficient processes
I should like to call attention to the words of the Clause requiring any person engaged in the manufacture of any such goods to furnish in writing to the Board of Trade such particulars as the Board may direct. I have had a letter from a manufacturer who writes:
Another point I would like to draw attention to is the limit of 12 years from the passing of the Bill in Sub-section (4). Why two years? Is the President of the Board of Trade aware that there are many commodities which are in the list which are not manufactured in this country at all? What is going to happen during the two years? Either the manufacturers are to be penalised to 33¾ per cent. on their raw material or else the words " two years " should be taken out; so that in the case of products which are not manufactured in this country this Committee can allow such quantities to come in as are necessary in order to carry on trade. I know one factory where they employ 4,000 people, and they require a substance obtainable only in two countries, Japan and Germany, and not in this country. By being able to balance the two centres against each other, the firm were able to equalise the prices to some extent. But if you remove that you will have no safeguard as regards prices, and they will have to pay 33⅓ per cent. on their raw material. That applies to many industries, like the soap industry, which requires certain perfumery from abroad. What is going to happen, too, about component parts? In the case of a camera, the lens might be liable to duty. Will the duty be levied on the completed article or on the lens only?
I do not think these points arise on the Clause.
You can by a slight enlargement or form of words in your Clause give this Committee greater powers than you propose doing at the present time, which would enable them in the case, where an article consisted of one part dutiable and nine parts not dutiable, to pass an Order excluding such an article from the effects of the Bill. The same would apply to articles not made at all in this country. It would give the Committee a little larger power when they were convinced it was to the detriment of industry.
I have been rather anxious in my mind throughout the whole of the Bill as to whether hon. Members in opposition are right in proclaiming that the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill is not as fond of it as he might be, and whether in reality he was not very skilfully hiding his love of the Bill behind a semblance of disliking it. When I come to read this Clause there is one point in it in which I should frankly like to see changed. He proposes to set up a Committee of various officers to look into certain matters and to issue a Report. I have no doubt that the issuing of this Report would be of use and that they will discover in every few years one or two industries which are not benefiting tinder this very effective piece of legislation. Is it really worth while at the present time, considering our financial stringency, to issue an annual Report. I do not believe there will be very much to call for a Report. I ask him, as one who has supported him throughout the whole of this Bill because I believe it would be a good one, to issue a biennial instead of an annual Report. It will be quite as good and not so expensive. Will he not, at any rate, give this small concession to those who have supported him loyally throughout the whole Bill?
I think my right hon. Friend in charge of this Bill must be getting somewhat weary of the various delineations of his character. I suggest to the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, who is much more enthusiastic about and interested in the Bill, that he is rather like the wicked uncle. The evidence goes to show that there is nothing my right hon. Friend so much desires as to kill this infant. I am very happy indeed to notice that, so far as this Clause is concerned, its object is clear. See what the whole thing is. We are accustomed in legislation in this House to proceed upon the assumption that a most careful investigation has been made before any legislative Measure is laid before the House, and as far as I can ascertain, some such investigation has been made in connection with this Bill. There are schedules containing a number of articles to which this part of the Bill is intended to apply. In Clause 2 of Part II of the Bill we find some evidence of an investigation into the tax upon which the Bill may have been based. As far as the Bill is concerned, it is proposed to set up the real investigation after the Bill is on the Statute Book, and how is it proposed to do it?
The Government propose to set up practically a new Department "for the purpose of obtaining information with respect to the production in the United Kingdom of goods of a class or description chargeable with duty under this part of the Act." The instances which have been placed before the Committee are most directly apposite. Here it is proposed to set up a roving commission to ask anybody engaged in the manufacture of any of this large range of articles to furnish to the Board of Trade any information which they wish to have in regard to the description and quantity, and the plant available. It is a most inquisitorial business altogether, and no manufacturer is likely to be safe under it. Not only are the specific articles mentioned to be liable to this procedure, but there are other articles of a similar character. You are going to put into the minds of all these business men, who are already sufficiently harassed, the threat of an official at any time arriving to investigate their books and the secrets of their processes, and to report. After having gathered this information from the overburdened and harassed business community, it is proposed to solemnly lay that information before a committee.
Let us see what sort of a committee it is. The Admiralty, the Army Council, and the Air Council, in fact all Whitehall, is to be brought within the scope of this new committee. Let us see how it is going to work. All these reports gathered by an army of inspectors, who will probably have to be appointed to go over the whole field, will be submitted to a committee composed of Admirals, Generals, and chiefs of the Departments concerned. What are they going to do? They are going to solemnly report to the President of the Board of Trade, and annually present a report to Parliament. Two years after the passing of the Act they are going to decide whether the Act is necessary or not, and meanwhile the business community is to be harassed and pestered with forms, and Custom House duties, and their only consolation is that some time or other after the expiration of two years the Government may or may not decide whether they come within the scope of the Bill. I never heard of a more farcical business. This scheme will only irritate the business community, and this proposal is one which will not safeguard industry, but will stop business.
I cannot help wondering who it was that the President of the Board of Trade hoped to please by this Clause. If it was intended to placate the Opposition, the right hon. Gentleman must already have realised, from the speeches which have been made, that his proposal has been put forward entirely in vain. I listened with some amazement to the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes), who criticised the part dealing with key industries. He seems to desire the Clause to be extended, but I can only conclude that he has not read the Clause. It begins by providing, in the first instance, that the Board of Trade is to have the right to call upon those engaged in certain industries for a number of returns. Most of us are rather tired of making returns to Government Departments, and the last thing we desire is to see any extension of that process, and if it is extended it should be confined to cases which are absolutely necessary.
What is to be done with the information collected by the Committee? It is to be placed at the disposal of a Committee consisting of a number of officers representing the Admiralty, the Army Council, and the Air Council. What have those Departments to do with the industries dealt with under this Bill? The key industries are supposed to be those which are necessary to preserve certain industries of the country, and these officers are the people who are most interested in their preservation. Why are the Army Council, the Air Council, and the Admiralty supposed to be interested in dumped goods? They are more interested in key industries which deal with the safety of the country. I think the hon. Member for Whitechapel (Mr. Kiley) overlooked that part of the Clause when he brought forward as an example an article the greater portion of which is dutiable and the other is not dutiable. That is a question of an entirely different character.
My quarrel with this Clause is in regard to Sub-section (4). The whole idea of protecting the key industries is that they are essential to the safety of the country. What is the process proposed by this Clause? If it is found not that the Bill has been necessary, but that it has not effected its purpose, and has not sufficiently protected certain industries, apparently under Sub-section (4) the duty is to be taken off, and the key industries instead of being protected are to be left entirely adrift. I should have thought if this Committee of the Admiralty, Army, and Air Force experts found that the key industries were not being preserved, the proper course to pursue was to increase the duty or find some other way of protecting them, and not leave them to their own devices. I hope my right hon. Friend intends to give us some assurance that that is not the intention of the promoters of this Bill, and that they intend to go through with it, and see that these industries are preserved and secured to this country.
I should like to make one or two remarks upon this new Clause. I have consistently supported the Bill before us in the hope that it would afford sufficient protection to the key industries which are essential to the maintenance of the security of this country. As regards Sub-section (1), I do feel that it is somewhat too inquisitorial to deal in this way with a good many industries which depend upon the results of scientific research, and as to which the manufacturers do not wish to make known the particular manner in which their goods are manufactured Here we see very large powers given to the Board of Trade to obtain such particulars as they may direct. They can ask for information "with respect to the description and quantity of any such goods manufactured by him and the plant available for the manufacture of any such goods." You are asking for a great deal when you ask a manufacturer to state the plant available, and he may hesitate to give this information unless he is assured that his competitors will not have any of that information afforded to them with regard to his particular plant. I trust that some elucidation of this particular Sub-section will be given by the Minister in charge before we adopt this Clause.
I also feel the difficulty which has been suggested with regard to Sub-section (4). These key industries, particularly those referred to in the fast paragraph of the Schedule, are industries which it has been ascertained by experience are absolutely necessary for the security of the country. I must own that I fail to see how, if this Sub-section (4) be put into force, you will be able to protect or safeguard those interests which I know are absolutely essential to the security of the country. Sub-section (4) provides that
Listening to this Debate one acquires unexpected information about the position of hon. Members. We have just listened to the representative of a University seat. Universities are institutions promoted for the education of people, and yet the hon. Member actually suggested that if this Bill had not achieved its purpose with regard to those key industries manufacturing microscopes and optical glass it might be a good thing for the Government to introduce prohibition. Reflecting for a moment on the scientific needs of our universities, colleges and schools, just imagine the condition of mind in which all those who work in them will be when the representative of a university seat stands up to advocate such things in this House.
Prohibition accompanied by a licence, as in the case of the dye industry.
I think the hon. Member has been very judicious in rising with that explanation, and I congratulate him on his second thoughts being evidently wiser than his first. Even with a licence they could obtain a very limited quantity of these very necessary things, and that limit would be an enormous obstacle to scientific education. The speech of the hon. Member for Ladywood (Mr. N. Chamberlain), who has left the Chamber, was really symptomatic of what the President of the Board of Trade has to expect when he introduces Bills of this kind. The hon. Member for Ladywood, who has all sorts of hereditary feelings on matters of this kind, stood up and told us that if 33⅓ per cent. was not enough, coupled as it may be with another 33⅓ per cent. under the Separations Act, we must have more. We have not got the old Tariff Reform 10 per cent., nor even the President of the Board of Trade's 33⅓ per cent., but a proposal from that bench below the Gangway for an unknown tariff, which may be of enormous extent. It only shows if you take the wrong road how far you may be led.
My main reason for rising was because I felt it impossible for a Free Trade Member to be silent whilst a Clause of this kind is introduced into a Bill of this kind. Of course, I am going to support the Clause; I am thoroughly in favour of the Clause, if we have to have a Bill. But look at what the Clause really means. It really shows what the whole of this Government's policy is. It might be taken as typical of what the Government is doing day by day and week by week. They appear to have a sort of time table for their Bills—how long are they to continue in operation before the country is ruined and they are repealed. The housing policy is to be stopped in two years.
This is really not in order in a discussion on a Clause dealing with obtaining information with regard to the production of goods.
I thought I was entitled to point out to the Committee that the proposal in this Clause is that the Government should be enabled to hari kari the Bill after two years. That is the time they think will be sufficient to show that this Bill is useless—this particular part of it. In regard to the agricultural policy it was six months, and the housing policy two years. Apparently they do not want to leave the sole responsibility in the hands of any particular Minister, and the President of the Board of Trade, who is extraordinarily skilful in drawing the Clause, says it shall not be left to his Department to decide whether the Act is to be killed. He is to share the responsibility with the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force. I am sure he meant to pay a compliment to them, but I think it is a compliment they would rather be without. If the Government want power to kill this Bill he ought to take power to do it himself, and not share the responsibility. He may not be President of the Board of Trade when this matter is considered, but he ought to pass on his responsibility to his successor. I would like to point out that in Subsection (4) occur these words with reference to a trade:
"Carried on to an insignificant extent only, and that the continuance of the charge of duty on goods of that class or description is not likely to secure the manufacture thereof in the United Kingdom to a substantial extent."
I think it ought to say there also "and at a reasonable price." It is not sufficient for the protection of the community that they should carry on the manufacture to a substantial extent from a military, naval, or air point of view. They may be selling goods at such a price as to put them quite beyond the scope of any university which may need to buy them. I venture to ask the right hon. Gentleman to make some suggestion in regard to the alteration of the Clause at the point to which I have referred, and allow the words "at a reasonable price" to be inserted. I thank him very much for introducing the Clause.
I wish to call attention to another aspect of this Clause, to which I am rather surprised my right hon. Friend the Member for Pebbles (Sir D. Maclean) did not refer. This Clause involves a great army of officials.
I think I did point that out, and I was delighted to find that my right hon. Friend nodded assent.
We are to have a committee composed, not solely of representatives of the Admiralty, the Army Council, and the Air Council, but of all sorts of people. How can a committee of this sort carry on its work, making reports, examining cases, and going through a mass of evidence which the Board is to set before it—because any information obtained by the Board under Sub-section (1) is to be laid before this vast and comprehensive committee—without a legion of officials reporting, inquiring, visiting, and interfering with the various manufacturers? When it comes to a question of the salaries of the officials, we shall be told that it is of no use to fix salaries at the ordinary rates, for these people must all be experts, and paid very highly. It will be said, "It is only for five years; pay them the vast salaries they would obtain in the commercial world, salaries of £5,000 or £6,000 a year.
And at the end of it move them into another Department
At the end of the five years we will be told, "Oh, you cannot send these people away. They must be put into some other Department." It is no use the House of Commons complaining afterwards about the growth of bureaucracy. We must stop it at the source. Here is a case where the Board of Trade is establishing a great army of new officials to be paid at high rates. This is a new recruitment of a vast army of the new bureaucracy—a recruitment that is possibly almost beyond our imagination. What sort of expert will it be who will not find himself in the service of this committee? The whole range of manufactures may require each its special expert, to be paid at commercial rates. We can only stop this from being done by getting the House of Commons to stop the legislation that would permit it. Here is a proposal which seems to me of very doubtful advantage, even as regards the purpose of this Bill, and it is open to the fundamental objection of a vast increase in the bureaucracy. The worst thing you can do, and the most expensive thing, is to try to carry out administration by a committee. When it was proposed to set up a War Pensions Statutory Committee, I spoke most strongly against it. I said it would break down entirely, and that you could not carry on work of this sort with a Committee; that all you would get would be a great army of officials, and that the whole work would be in their hands. The Government stopped my mouth and stopped my opposition by asking me to go on that Statutory Committee. I did go on it, and my experience fully confirmed my previous opinion. That Statutory Committee was a monument of absolute futility and waste, and had to be completely swept away. They could do nothing. They were at the mercy of the chief official, who appointed as many sub-officials as he liked, and never gave us a chance of doing any practical or effective work at all. That is what you will have in this Committee. All sorts of people will be, meeting together in a room in the Board of Trade, everyone saying, "I must have my own special expert, there must be a new official." He will go to the Treasury and say, "This was passed by the House of Commons; it was fully discussed; the House of Commons has sanctioned it; we must have the officials to carry it out." I prophesy that before we are a year older there will be officials drawing salaries to the amount of £20,000 or £30,000 a year under this vast-ranging Committee, which we are light-heartedly giving the right hon. Gentleman the power to set up.
5.0 P.M.
It is a surprising thing to find so many hon. Members who call themselves Free Traders attacking this Clause with so much vigour. The hon. and gallant Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) claimed the virtue of persistency. Of course, there is no virtue in persistency. Any measure based upon such a very difficult problem as this Bill deals with is bound to be difficult and imperfect. The object of many hon. Members who have been criticising this seems to be to make difficulties more difficult, and its imperfections more imperfect. The object of this Clause is simply to give some security to the country that the duty of 33⅓ per cent. on key industries is not going to be used to bolster-up rotten industries. The only way by which you can give the country that security is to establish-some sort of mechanism such as is here proposed. We have heard hon. Members repeatedly, in the course of these Debates, say that the object of this Bill is to bolster-up rotten industries, yet the first time a proposal is brought before the House to give the country an adequate safeguard that no interests, except those which are run on economic and efficient lines, are going to be protected as key industries, we hear voice after voice raised in protest against the Clause. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] I have heard it myself this afternoon. It seems to me a. hopelessly illogical position to take up. I value this Clause, not only by reason of the mechanism which it sets up to prevent the protection given under Part I of the Bill from being abused, but also for its psychological effect in the country. I know, in my own county of Lancashire, one hears many apprehensions expressed day by day that one of the side effects of this Bill will be to give an artificial stimulus to industries which are not worth preserving in this country. I think the object of this Clause and the Clause which comes later, which, I am glad to see, my right hon. Friend has adopted— it originally stood in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Stretford (Sir T. Robinson)—which deals with Part II of this Bill, is to remove all such apprehensions, and there can be no better way by which those fears, whether well or ill founded, may be entirely dissipated in the minds of people who view this type of legislation with distrust.
The objection raised by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for East. Newcastle (Major Barnes) does not square at all with the objection which was raised by the right hon. Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean), who condemns this Clause upon the ground that it is inquisitorial, that it is a fearful burden upon industry, and that it will affect injuriously the welfare of all sorts of businesses and trades of the country. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for East Newcastle objects to this Clause, because it is so good that it ought to be extended to Part II of the Bill as well. I would venture to suggest that the point which was made by my hon. and gallant. Friend that this Clause should be resisted because, in its present form, it does not apply to the Second Part, is really a bad point, because there is a later Clause, which the right hon. Gentleman has adopted, which deals with Part II. The Committee must remember that those industries which are claiming protection against dumping and depreciated exchanges, have got to satisfy a Committee selected from a panel, after all sorts of conditions precedent have bean satisfied— that dumping is taking place, that labour is being displaced, that industry cannot stand that form of competition. That is quite enough for those industries to have to sustain. The hon. and gallant Gentleman wishes them to sustain, in addition, the difficulty of satisfying another board altogether, the Committee which is set up by the Board under this Clause, not merely before they get protection, but after they receive protection, so that they never will be free from the obligation of satisfying some sort of tribunal that they deserve the protection under Part II. That is undoubtedly inflicting an intolerable burden upon industry, and I cannot understand how anybody, having regard to the very grave difficulty these industries will have to meet in order to satisfy these conditions precedent to coming within Part II of the Bill, can suggest that, in addition, they should also be subject to the perpetual inquisitorial functions invested in the Committee set up in the Clause under discussion. That would be inflicting a very great hardship on the industries concerned, and, of course, the knowledge of the military experts on the Committee under this proposed Clause would have no bearing at all upon the conditions to which Part II applies.
My right hon. Friend (Sir H. Craik) has raised the old phantom of a great army of officials, which this Clause is supposed to bring into play. With very great deference, I do not think that that view of probabilities is borne out by a close reading of Sub-section (2) of this Clause. It is really a Board of Trade Committee, which shall contain representatives of the Admiralty, the Army Council and the Air Council, and it will be very easy to have one official of the Board of Trade, who is already cognisant with these matters, and one representative of that branch of the Navy, Army or Air Force affected by the particular article in regard to which the inquiry is being made. There is no reason at all for having a large committee; a small committee is always better. There is a staff already at the Board of Trade, and it only means that one member of that staff need be employed, and the smaller the Committee the better for dealing with a question of this type. I do not think it is fair to adumbrate a whole host of officials, but even if it did mean that, it is worth while taking precautions against this Bill being used to bolster up rotten industries. It is a price worth paying, not only for that purpose, but also to remove all those doubts and difficulties at present in the minds of so many in the country. This Clause does meet that objection, and, if the provisions laid down are brought fairly into play, hon. Members will agree that that danger will be removed, and good service will be rendered to the country in the protection of those industries which is asked for under this Part of the Bill.
As I understand, the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down is really opposed to the Bill altogether.
No.
I understood the hon. and gallant Gentleman to say that his approval of this Clause was because he did not want to do anything to bolster up rotten industries. This Clause only refers to Part I, which simply relates to key industries. I understood that the object of applying this particular Bill to key industries was that, owing to a variety of circumstances, there were certain industries carried on in this country which were absolutely essential for naval and military purposes in this country. The whole object of it was to start these industries and to see that they continued. I admit I am a Protectionist—I do not want to support any particular industry —but I want to put a moderate duty upon every article imported. But having done this in order to start these industries, which the hon. and gallant Member describes as "bolstering up rotten industries," we then say, in Sub-section (1) of this Clause, thing all wrong, and I use more bad words, and I have never yet had any advantage whatever from the documents which I have filled up, at great expenditure of labour and loss of temper, and sent to the Board of Agriculture. If I were a manufacturer, the last thing I should want to do would be to tell the Board of Trade or anybody else all the secrets of my business. I should not want to be giving the Board of Trade all this information, and, therefore, I think the first Sub-section of this Clause is wrong. As I read it, under the first Sub-section the Board of Trade obtains all this information, and, having got this information, then, under Sub-section (2), they give it to a committee. As I feel quite certain there is not a spare official at the Board of Trade at the present moment, it will be necessary, with these new duties, to have fresh officials. That must be so, unless there are officials there doing nothing. I would much sooner they gave this information to my right hon. Friend. I would much sooner trust him than any number of committees, if he will allow me to say so. Why should not his own officials give him the information, and, when he has got it, why should he not use it? If he wants the opinion of the naval, military or air forces, he can easily ask for it. Why appoint a committee? There seems to be a mania to appoint committees, and, although I cannot believe that the Committee of which my right hon. Friend was a Member was not good, as a rule they are not very much good. I am afraid that the moment you have a committee, the various members of the committee will say: "We must have a shorthand writer and a typist, and a really efficient secretary," and then the really efficient secretary will point out that he must have an office and officials to assist him. All this can be done so much better by my right hon. Friend, and, therefore, I hope he will agree to modify, at any rate, the Clause by leaving out Sub-section (2).
With regard to the Clause as a whole, I should have thought it would have been much better to wait until the five years were over, and then, if necessary, renew the Act; but to set up an Act of this sort to establish key industries, and then to inflict upon the owners all the trouble and bother that will be inflicted by this Clause, is unnecessary, and will do no good. It will probably cause the expenditure of a certain amount of money, though perhaps not so much as was contemplated by my right hon. Friend, and will worry the unfortunate people in the key industries—whatever key industry is—and will only result—here I am venturing to offer friendly advice to the Government—in making them more unpopular than they are at the present moment.
The Board of Trade apparently are looking forward to a contingency which may involve the disappearance of certain key industries in this country. This is a contingency anticipated by the Board of Trade, and therefore it is a possibility. In order to make my point perfectly clear, let me assume a sort of reductio ad absurdum. Supposing by some evil fate all the industries concerned in the manufacture of the articles mentioned in this Schedule languished and died within the next two or three years. What is going to happen then? Sub-section (4) of this proposed new Clause says that
"the manufacture in the United Kingdom of goods of that class or description is either not carried on or is carried on to an insignificant extent only, and that the continuance of the charge of duty on goods of that class or description is not likely to secure the manufacture thereof in the United Kingdom to a substantial extent …"
If so they are to be struck off the list. How will this affect the Member who supported the first part of the Bill, rather reluctantly, and on the assumption that the Government were correct in their declaration that all these articles were necessary to us in the times of trouble which may or may not come? Is not this an opportunity—and I regret so few of my Labour friends above the Gangway are present—to set up national factories for the manufacture of these particular articles? If private individuals will not manufacture these necessary articles, and firms cannot flourish my manufacturing, what—
I am afraid I cannot allow the hon. Member to go into that aspect of the case, otherwise we may have a very interesting but a very irrelevant discussion.
All I want to ask the President of the Board of Trade is: What does he propose to do in the eventuality of some of these industries contemplated in the Schedule languishing and dying? Does he propose to stand by and say that he is going to see pivotal industries, which are so necessary for the security of the country, vanish from this land, and so allow us to sink once more back into our pre-War position, and War position, of being dependent on foreign countries, and—as it happened—on our enemies for those things vital to the very existence of the country?
We have had a very interesting discussion on this Clause. One of the most interesting features, I have always thought, in Committee of the House of Commons is that it is quite impossible to forecast what subject will be received with enthusiasm, what with sympathy, and what with that deadly chill which is the most depressing atmosphere that can be created. This Clause was introduced because I believed it would meet the universal approbation of the House. So far from doing that, it has been received with universal criticism. It is quite obvious that my desire to please the House of Commons has failed, and there is nothing for me but to bow to the obvious wish of the House of Commons, and to withdraw this Clause. I will examine the matter further between now and the Report stage, and see whether I can devise any words which will meet with general agreement.
Is it the pleasure of the Committee that the Amendment be withdrawn? [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]
Before the Question be put, may I ask the Government what really is their position? We understand that there are certain industries which are vital to the military safety of this country. That is the whole case— that this country shall not be endangered in case of war. We have had a Debate upon the subject and not a single member of the Army, Navy, or Air Ministry has been present and no word of advice has been tendered by them. The Debate has been entirely in the hands of the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade. It is quite obvious, even if the assumption on which the Bill is based is true, namely, that it is essential to those industries to be fostered and that those who have criticised the Bill have been treated as doing something against the interests of the country—if it be true that these specified industries are absolutely essential, what is going to become of them if there is no such Clause as this to watch over them? It simply means that Part I of the Bill ceases altogether to be a protection to the key industries and it becomes simply a sort of left-handed protection for certain industries. Who is to know whether these industries are essential? Who is to know whether they are languishing or in danger from our enemies or anyone else? There is no Committee now. So far as I am concerned, while I cordially subscribe to what has been said about the probable cost of this Committee, I do think that if you are going to have protection or any form of fostering industries necessary for the life of the country you must have representatives of the fighting forces there to see the work done, otherwise it is a pretence that the Bill is intended to safeguard our shores—that is absolutely false ground. The Bill becomes nothing more than a tariff with certain selected industries put into the Schedule. It is a most serious thing. I trust under the circumstances we shall never hear another word of this part of the Bill being intended to effect the military safety of the country. If this means that the different services— the Army, Navy and the Air Force—cease to have any connection at all with the industries which are to be fostered in the interests of the fighting forces, what can be said for the pretence that the Bill is being introduced in order to safeguard our military position? If the right hon. Gentleman withdraws the Clause then Part I of the Bill, as introduced, and every speech made in favour of it, every word that was said about the business of the country and the necessity for saving the country—all that has passed away, and Part I of the Bill merely becomes something like Part II, and the special industries under it are secure in the protection of a tariff, whereas the others have to submit to this different treatment.
I can assure the President that there will be many industries which come under this list, and the goods will not be made at all in this country unless he takes some action to ensure it. If they are not made, in my judgment he should withdraw the 33⅓ per cent. There is no reason for penalising the people of this country who want a commodity. If it is not made in this country, and if the President will not see it is made, then it is not right for the people to be taxed the 33⅓ per cent.
The position apparently is that in this particular Clause the Government have no views. They have put it down with a general idea that it would meet with the approbation of the House. The President has sensed the feeling of the House that this is not so, and is wishful to withdraw it. It may be that the President has misjudged the House. The proof of that is that there is another Amendment on the following page of the Order Paper to which a number of hon. Members on my left have attached their names, and this Amendment obviously must go if this Clause is withdrawn. I can understand the President not wishing to risk another defeat. May I suggest to him that he does not withdraw this Clause but leaves it to the Committee? I ask him not to put on the Government Tellers, but to let us arrive at the view of the Committee by a Division. That, I suggest, is a fair proposal. The President has been very frank in the matter. I suggest to him to leave the issue to the Committee and to let us vote on the merits of the Clause, seeing that he was wishful to meet the views of the Committee.
We are setting up a new system of scientific protection in this country, and it is a matter of vital necessity that the Government should have full information in regard to these industries, and not only information such as is authorised by this Clause, for the amount of information the proposed Committee is able to demand from a manufacturer is very limited. They can ask for descriptions and quantities of the goods and also for the available plant. There is no power to ask for a manufacturer's costs, or statutory charges, or wages, or salaries, or anything that it is essential for the Government to know. If the Government are seeking a special form of protection for the industries of this country they are surely entitled to have the fullest information in regard to it. I am afraid the right hon. Gentleman has not told the whole story of the opposition to this Clause.
It may be within the recollection of some hon. Members that when the Financial Resolution was going through this House one morning, quite suddenly, there appeared on the Paper an Amendment by the right hon. Gentleman giving him power to call for information in regard to these things. Another morning that as suddenly disappeared. I have never been able to extract any reason from the right hon. Gentleman why that Amendment did disappear. I was told it was not necessary on the Financial Resolution, and that the substance of it would be incorporated in the Bill. Now when it comes to be incorporated in the Bill it is met with stern opposition. This is the very same opposition that opposed the right hon. Gentleman earlier on the Financial Resolution. He is to be subjected to the hostility of manufacturers whose party is seeking to give information to the Government. My first objection to this Clause is that there is no procedure set forth by which you can compel a manufacturer to give you information. There are no penalties attached. I can quite understand the manufacturer who has filled up forms ad nauseam saying to the Government, "I will not give you any more information, you can take what course you like, you will have no more information about my business.'' During the War such information was given from patriotic motives, and a lot of other trouble was taken from the same motives. Now that the necessity has disappeared I am quite certain if you institute by this Bill an expensive inquisitorial system you will be met by the manufacturer with active opposition, and it will be necessary either to strike out those industries which refuse to give information or to inflict serious penalties upon any people in the protected trades who refuse the information which the Board of Trade require. I think it is essential that the Board of Trade should have this power. If they have not got it, they ought to drop the proposals in the Bill. The two things hang together; if one goes, the other goes. After what happened last night, I never expected to hear anything more of the Safeguarding of Industries Bill or of the Government.
There is one consideration which I hope the President of the Board of Trade will bear in mind if he brings forward other proposals on the Report stage. The reason for this Bill was that, when the late War came upon us, we found ourselves lacking in certain commodities which were essential to the carrying on of that War. Part I of this Bill may give us a full supply of those commodities for the next war, if there should be one, but it has been agreed on all sides of the House that there may be a change when another war comes upon us. We may meet different adversaries, the political and economic conditions may change, and it may be that the very commodities which this Bill seeks to safeguard may not be the commodities which are essential for the protection of this country in the next war. I remember a reference by an hon. and gallant Member to the statesmen of old safeguarding this country by planting timber for the purpose of providing the country with bows and arrows, when, as the hon. and gallant Member said, it was necessary to look after the question of explosives. I had hoped that the proposals of the President of the Board of Trade would have included the setting up of a committee of experts who would know the requirements of the various Departments of State in regard to these particular commodities, and it seemed to me quite possible that, while considering these commodities, they may have in mind the fact that there may be other commodities' which are more necessary for the defence of the country. Therefore, I put down an Amendment to this proposal, asking that, if that Committee should learn that any other commodities were considered to be essential, they should not add them to the Bill, but simply notify Parliament, and leave Parliament to take the responsibility of adopting measures for safeguarding those commodities. This is not a question of party, of Protection or Free Trade; it is a question of the lives of those who are going to fight for us. There are thousands of widows and orphans in this country to-day simply because there was no one whose duty it was to notify the country, before the last War, what commodities and industries were essential to the country for purposes of war. Therefore, I hope that the President of the Board of Trade, when he is framing his proposals for the Report stage, if he withdraws this Clause, will bear in mind that fact, because it seems to me, speaking as an individual, that we shall be guilty of culpable negligence if, as the responsible legislators for this country, we do not do what we can to provide against loss of life in the future by taking steps to learn what industries and commodities are absolutely necessary for the protection of the country during another war.
It will be remembered that hon. Members on this side of the Committee have pointed out times without number that, under Part I of this Bill, certain industries in this country will receive high protection, but that, as my hon. and gallant Friend (Captain Bagley) has pointed out, there will be no security that the articles required for purposes of war will be efficiently produced. I think that the repetition of those arguments must have had some influence on the President of the Board of Trade, because in this new Clause which he has asked leave to withdraw, he has endeavoured to safeguard the interests of the community as a whole. The State has given, or is about to give, very heavy protection to the particular industries involved, and the President of the Board of Trade, on behalf of the inhabitants of this country, is taking power in this Clause to safeguard the interests of the community. In the course of the Debate this afternoon, hon. Members in all quarters of the Committee have pointed out that in taking that power he is going to appoint a Committee with a large number of officials to carry out the object of the Clause. This is Protection in practice. First of all, you have a high duty. Behind that high duty you have inefficiency, and you have to set up committees to check inefficient manufacturers. The result will be that, if this Clause be adopted and if the Bill be passed, the position of our manufacturers will not be improved. They will be able to maintain the inefficient methods of the past, and the only result will be the placing of increased charges upon the inhabitants of this country.
Question, "That the Clause be read a Second time," put, and negatived.
NEW CLAUSE.—(Efficiency of industries affected by dumping.)
No Order shall be made applying Part II of this Act to goods of any class or description unless the committee to which the matter has been referred under Section two of this Act have reported that in their opinion production in the industry manufac- turing similar goods in the United Kingdom is being carried on with reasonable efficiency and economy.—[ Sir P. Lloyd-Greame. ]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
This Clause was originally put down in the name of a number of hon. Members, and the President of the Board of Trade has added his name to it. It is a Clause which it is proposed to insert, as the lawyers would say, for greater caution, but I think its terms are implicit in the provisions of Clause 2 of the Bill. It will be observed that under Clause 2 an industry which comes to prove its case is bound to show that the prices at which the importation takes place are prices lower than those at which the goods, not are being manufactured in this country, but can be profitably manufactured in this country. It would certainly be necessary, therefore, for an industry to come to the Committee and show that it was not possible for it to manufacture goods at the prices with which it had to compete. The first test that will naturally be applied is, whether the industry is being efficiently conducted, and I am glad to put in words which make that intention and implication perfectly clear. As I and my right hon. Friend have pointed out more than once, it is not the purpose of this Bill, nor will it be its effect, to bolster up inefficient industries. There has been complete misrepresentation by certain hon. Members of its intention and purpose.
Where?
In the hon. and gallant Member's speeches.
Where have I misrepresented the Bill?
I think in nearly every speech that the hon. and gallant Member has made upon it.
I think I have a right to explain, and perhaps the hon. Gentleman will give way to me—
The hon. and gallant Member has no right to interrupt.
On the point of Order—
No point of Order has been put to me. Does the hon. and gallant Member wish to put a point of Order? He referred to a point of Order that has been put, but no point of Order has been put.
No, Sir. I rose to put a point of Order. I am sorry if I did not make myself clear. On one occasion the same hon. Gentleman attacked me in the same way in which he has attacked my hon. and gallant Friend. I rose at once to a point of Order, and the Chair held that I had a right to disclaim motives and words which were put into my mouth and which I never used. I now put it to you, as a point of Order, whether my hon. and gallant Friend has not the same right.
I have no doubt that the usual courtesies of debate will be observed.
If the hon. Gentleman will give way to me for a moment—and, after all, he has not been very much longer in the House than I have—I should like to say that this charge of misrepresentation is altogether unfair.
A charge of misrepresentation does not justify interruption.
I shall be within the recollection of the Committee when I say that it has been frequently asserted that, not only the purpose, but the effect of this Bill will be that every inefficient industry will be able to come and get protection. That is not the purpose of the Bill. There has, I think, been some fear that the effect will be to give protection to what may be called the lame ducks of industry. I agree that that is what some people would like to represent as its effect, but that is not its intention, and that is not its effect.
What about prices? The Minister of Health says—
That is precisely what I am doing in this new Clause. If the hon. and gallant Member will do me the honour of reading it, he will see that it says that
"No Order shall be made applying Part II of this Act to goods of any class or description unless the committee to which the matter has been referred under Section two of this Act have reported that in their opinion production in the industry manufacturing similar goods in the United Kingdom is being carried on with reasonable efficiency and economy."
I should like to ask the hon. Gentleman a question. Would he call the whole of the steel industry an industry? In South Wales, for instance, where we produce tinplate bars, we call that the whole of the steel industry in South Wales. Would that be considered an industry, and if a certain works were a lame duck, could that works come to this committee?
I think I have made it quite clear that an industry which comes to the committee has to prove that it is efficient, and that is what is said here. I think that that was implicit in the Bill as it stood, but I am very glad to adopt words which make it perfectly clear on paper. I have moved the Clause as a new Clause for this purpose, but I am not sure that the most convenient course on Report will not be to remove the new Clause and put in a proviso in these terms as a proviso to Clause 2. If that were done, it would merely be a drafting Amendment, and the original spirit and effect would be maintained.
A good deal of light has been thrown upon the Bill by the speech of the hon. Gentleman. He informs us that he has now introduced a new Clause because certain lame dcuks might come and get support, and that, unless you have an inquiry such as this new Clause provides, an industry might become inefficient, and yet be able to get the protection of the tariff, although it did not deserve it. A certain class of industries, however, which are most vital to the country, namely, the industries which produce articles required in war, are not to be subjected to such an inquiry. I should like to ask the hon. Gentleman what will be the feelings of soldiers, sailors, or airmen in the next war, when they are told that they have to meet a gas attack and have no antidote because the industry which provides the masks and the various prophylactics is not in existence—because it was a lame duck and, unfortunately, the Government had not any Committee to inquire into it, or an airman who finds that his camera cannot take a proper photograph or his wireless key does not respond and that he cannot communicate with his base or get his battery trained on to an enemy battery that is attacking him. Those people have no protection. The people who are to have protection are those who can get round the back staire of the Board of Trade and get a duty on steel or paper for the protection of their own interests. In producing this Clause when they have withdrawn the other, the Government have really put themselves in a position which is intolerable and which discloses the uselessness and the danger of the whole of their proposals.
I regret that, having been called out to try to satisfy an unfortunate Irish gentleman who has been released from prison by another branch of the Government, I was not here when the previous Clause was withdrawn. I presume the idea of safeguarding the people of the country against abuses brought about by the operation of Part I—
The hon. and gallant Gentleman's absence from the previous discussion does not entitle him to discuss that question now.
I quite appreciate that. I presume this Clause is meant to satisfy us in the absence of the Clause which has been withdrawn. I wonder if the Government are prepared to accept an Amendment which I propose to move, to leave out the words "Part II of." I do not see any Amendment down to the Clause, which is not surprising, as it is starred and has only recently been put on the Paper. If the Government agree to do that, I think this new Clause will serve a very valuable purpose. I should like to say one word about the charge of misrepresentation. We are used to these little pleasantries from the hon. and gallant Gentleman, and also from his late distinguished chief, the Chancellor of Exchequer. They have both been a little longer in the House than I have, and it is not for me to attempt to teach them Parliamentary manners, and I shall not attempt a hope- less task; but if the throwing of the light of common-sense and reason on the Bill is misrepresentation, I glory in misrepresenting it, and I hope I may do it in all parts of the country until public opinion is roused against the Government to throw this iniquitous Bill out. The fiercest and brightest searchlight thrown on the Bill yet has been by the Minister of Health, who said that unless the Bill put up prices it would be of no use. That has been of the greatest service yet in more eloquent language than any misrepresentation, I am glad to be accused of that sort of thing.
No necessity arises to misrepresent the Bill. The facts speak for themselves and plead our cause in more eloquent language than any misrepresentation could possibly do. This Clause yields us yet another remarkable admission which has emanated from the Treasury Bench. It was not until the conclusion of the Second Reading that we heard, in the Committee stage, that in most cases the 33⅓ per cent. duty was entirely ineffective to perform the purpose expected of it, and that under certain circumstances a duty of twice or more that amount would be necessary. In this Clause we have the startling admission that lame ducks may occasionally limp along for protection, and we must take some precaution to prevent their admission. We take the remarkable precaution of constituting a Committee which is to state its opinion as to whether or not reasonable efficiency is being maintained in these industries. In other words, we are substituting the opinion of the Committee upon reasonable efficiency for the ancient economic test of competition, and a very poor substitute it is. If we want to maintain reasonable efficiency in these industries, the best way is to subject them to the free play of competition. The hon. Gentleman in the conduct of this Measure is driven from one artifice and expedient to another, and is continually forced to abandon one artificial position and take up another in the rear of that from which he has just been driven, and this Clause is yet one more attempt to make a committee perform the work of the ordinary incidence of economic factors. It will be equally inefficient in securing that end as all the other provisions of this measure.
I want to support this Clause, but my difficulty is that if I do, the Minister will probably withdraw it. The more I look at it the better I think of it. The hon. Gentleman is probably building better than he knows. I understand what will take place under the Clause is that no order will be made in respect of any class or description of goods unless the Committee report "that in their opinion production in the industry," etc. It will not be enough for any single firm to come, no matter how big or small it is, and say, " We cannot go on. These goods which are coming in are putting us out of business, shutting down our workshops, and displacing our workmen, and we can not go on." That will not be sufficient. The industry will have to come.
The industry will not necessarily have to come. A complaint must be made, whether by an individual firm or by a trade association, as would no doubt generally be the case, but the test the Committee is going to apply is the test, not whether that particular firm is manufacturing efficiently, but whether the manufacture generally in the industry is efficient.
That is an extremely important pronouncement, because it certainly is a safeguard, if not to industry, to the consumers of the country, that the test which will be applied will not be the carrying on of any particular business, but the carrying on of the industry as a whole. One does not know what is meant by the industry as a whole. I believe in dealing with this matter during the War if you had 80 per cent. of the people in an industry, you regarded yourself as having the whole of the industry, and all sorts of arrangements were made by the Ministry of Food on that basis. So I take it that at all events the safeguard we are going to get under the Clause is that a complaint may be initiated by a firm or a small number of firms, but when the committee comes to look into the complaint, they have to look into the industry as a whole, they have to look at the processes, at the plant, at the management, and they have to ask, in dealing with the particular point that comes before them, "is this something which would not exist if the carrying on of your business and your concern generally was up to the level of the industry as a whole?" That is a very great safeguard, and I want to congratulate the Minister on having accepted these words. I think they are an important and valuable provision in the Bill, and I am very glad he intends to stick to the Clause, whatever may be said against it.
I also should like to join in the congratulations to the hon. Gentleman on having accepted the Clause. It seems to command very general approval in the Committee. It is a remarkable thing that this one Clause, which has commanded unanimity, should have emanated not from the Opposition but from a very large number of supporters of the Government, particularly in Lancashire, to whose interest in the question the framing of the Clause is due. The only criticism which has been made against it by the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) was that it is not applied to the key industries in which the Army, the Navy, and the Air service are interested. Considering that a proposal to apply analogous mechanism to these key articles was riddled with criticism by hon. Members above the gangway, that criticism seems to me to be beside the mark so far as this point is concerned. The aim of this new Clause is that no industries which claim relief on the ground of dumping or on the ground of collapsed exchanges should be inefficient industries. In going before the Committee the industries which claim this relief have to satisfy the Committee that the imported articles are produced at prices below the cost of production, or at prices below those at which similar goods can be profitably manufactured, that employment is injuriously affected by those imports, and now we get this proviso that the industry has been economically and efficiently carried out. It seems to me that this is a thoroughly wholesome proposal in the interests of the whole country. The hon. Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley) objected to a Committee dealing with the question at all. He said, "How can a committee judge the question? It can only be judged by the ordinary incidence of economic factors." What that means I do not know. How the ordinary incidence of economic factors can be set up to judge these particular issues of fact is quite beyond the imagination of any reasonable person. The effect of the Clause will be twofold. First of all, no one will be able to say that this is a protection of industries which are slack and incompetent, because a committee has first of all to be satisfied that there is no slackness and no incompetence. The second use of the proposal will be to dispel all the suspicions that the consumer is going to pay a high price in the interests-of an industry which cannot support itself. I hope the Clause will be carried.
6.0 P.M.
I rise to offer the strongest objection to the Clause, and trust that after I have spoken, my hon. Friend opposite will realise that in putting his name to it he has made a mistake, and will, in the same manner as he withdrew the other Clause, also withdraw this one. This is just one of those whittling-down Clauses which are intended to make the Bill impossible and inoperative, and that is why it is hailed with such delight by the Wee Free party, and also the Lancashire people. Subtle influences have been at work privately and quietly—it is one of the evils of Coalition—to wreck the Bill by making its provisions unworkable. I ask the Committee to consider what is the meaning of this Clause. Before Part II of the Bill is to be applied to any industry there is to be a committee of inquiry, and that committee is to ascertain whether the industry as a whole is being conducted with reasonable efficiency and economy. That means that as a condition precedent to anything being done there must be a. rambling inquiry, perhaps over 100 factories, to see whether they are all reasonably efficient. Is the Committee to compare the methods of our small factories with the vast production of factories in the United States, or with the sweated cheap labour due to the depreciated exchange of Germany? If that method is adopted it will hang up this Bill. Some of those who put forward this Amendment do so with the most amiable intention. A draft of the Amendment was brought to me, and I was asked whether I would like to add my name to it. I replied that it was utter stupidity, and the hon. Member who brought the Amendment to me said: "Then you do not recommend me to put my name to it." I replied: "Certainly not," and the hon. Member did not put his name to it. I pointed out to him that this Amendment was in the nature of a wrecking Amendment, which was being engineered by some of the Free Trade supporters of the Coalition. If the Minister in charge supports this Amendment he will find that it will impose a great burden on his Department, and that it will add very largely to his difficulties, because in every case it will be necessary to go from one factory to another to see, whether the factories are being conducted with reasonable efficiency and economy, and he will not be able to take the action which he wants to take. He will be tied down and delayed for months. There will be huge expense in embarking upon these rambling inquiries, and an army of officials will be built up.
I am sure that my hon. Friend and his friends when they come before the Committee will come with a clear case, clearly made out.
Without a shadow of doubt. If I had the privilege of presenting a case to my hon. Friend in his office he could rely upon it that it would be clear, straightforward, and simple. I am looking at industry as a whole. I am looking at those great industries in South Wales which give employment to many thousands of people. You are going to delay them and hold them up while this rambling Committee of Inquiry is wandering from works to works, probably knowing nothing about the industry, and deciding whether it is reasonably efficient. I trust that my hon. Friend will realise that he has made a mistake—we are all liable to error—that he will realise that this is not his child, and that instead of fostering it he will drop it, and throw it back on to the real authors, so that we may hear their views. I am certain that we shall then see that it is not a genuine Amendment for the purpose of making the Act more workable, but an Amendment trying to wreck the Bill.
The proceedings at times are resolving themselves into a roaring farce. We have my hon. Friend the Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell), who speaks with all the conviction of a sincere tariff reformer, and who appeals to the inner convictions of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department with the certainty that he can regard him as a colleague in this matter. We get all the cracks and crevices of industry to which Mr. Joseph Chamberlain referred; in fact, they become gaping chasms. I do not know what real support the Government can have for a Measure which is denounced in all quarters of the Committee. There is scarcely an Amendment of any relevance which does not get severe criticism from those who really promoted the Bill, and who now find that their hopes and aspirations are being defeated by the Amendments which the Government is bound to put in to meet the weight of argument which has been addressed to them from these benches. The particular objection levelled against this Amendment is the one made by the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn). If it is regarded as a necessary Measure for seeing that inefficient and uneconomical industries do not receive the protection of this Bill, and those industries are not of the vital character of the industries to which Part I refers, what reason can there be for the Government not applying this protection to the key industries? Businesses can recover. There may be circumstances arising under which an industry hit in one direction will be able to develop its resources in another. What of the key industries which, according to this Bill, are in their essence essential to our defensive forces? What reason can there be for withholding this protection from the key industries? If it is necessary in this case it is much more necessary in the other. Why do not the Government bring in a Clause to apply this protection to Part I? On this point I would ask whether it is in order, as suggested by the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy), to leave out from the Clause the words " Part II."
I have had an opportunity of looking into this matter, and it is clear that this Clause as stated in the margin relates to the efficiency of industries affected by dumping. Part II of the Bill deals with protection against dumping, but Part I deals with the safeguarding of key industries. Therefore, it would not be in order to amend this Clause to apply it to the: whole Bill.
I presume that it would be in order for any hon. Member or the Government, when we arrive at the Report stage, to propose a Clause applying this protection to Part I. I, therefore, suggest that to my hon. Friend as a very necessary complement to the protection which they seek to give with regard to industries carried on with reasonable efficiency and economy.
I should like to know how this Amendment will affect new industries which may arise after the Act is passed. I will give an actual incident from Lancashire in regard to the manufacture of towel cloth. This cloth was manufactured during the War, but has already been knocked out by competition from Germany. I will assume that there are people willing to put their capital into the resumption of that industry, and that they can see that they can compete quite well with other countries whose exchanges are not depreciated, but that the dumping of similar goods from countries where the exchange is depreciated will be a menace to them, and that they cannot come into the industry unless they get the protection of this Bill. As the Bill stands, if they can make out their case that they are willing to embark in an industry, they will get the protection of the Bill under Clause 2 if they can show that employment in any industry is likely to be seriously affected, but as this Amendment is worded it says that the Act shall not apply unless an industry is being carried on with reasonable efficiency and economy. If the strict letter of those words is to be adhered to, it means that no new industry which is menaced by competition from Germany and Continental countries whose exchanges are depreciated can get protection under the Act, even if it can be proved that if the industry is allowed to be set up it can find employment for many thousands of people.
Speaking as a representative of Lancashire, I may say that in supporting this Bill we do not want to bolster up inefficiency. We do not want to bolster up the man whose works and machines and management are inefficient, against the goods produced by works in a foreign country that are up to date in every respect. The hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. G. Terrell) seems to suggest that Lancashire Members have sought to wreck the Bill by this Amendment. We business men in Lancashire know our own work as well as he does, and we have not the slightest intention to wreck the Bill. Our intention is simply to make the Bill better than when it was introduced. The hon. Member says that this Amendment will cause delay for months, and he asks how the Committee is to say whether an industry is efficient or not. The matter is simple. The applicant who wants this protection will have to bring his own evidence and experts to prove that his works are in as efficient a condition as the works abroad which are sending competing goods to this country.
My hon. and gallant Friend (Captain Bagley) has referred to small works in Lancashire making towelling. That is a very slight corner in the cotton trade. It is a corner of a whole and it would be allowed to prove its efficiency by proving the efficiency of the whole. A committee could not judge of the one works. It has been stated clearly by my hon. Friend in charge of the Bill that you would have to prove the efficiency of the industry as a whole. It is impossible to take a single works or business and offer a sort of protection to it. It can only be done by offering a sort of protection to an entire industry. If you are to approve of the efficiency of smaller works I agree that it would take you 20 years, I may give an illustration from my own trade. We have certain works which compete with the works in Mulhouse. A great many of the merchants in Manchester send their material to be printed in Mulhouse because they could not get it printed to their satisfaction in this country and they could not get it printed at the same price. It would be easy for this federation to say these goods are being dumped from Germany, France, Italy, Russia, or America. It would surely be easy for the committee to prove by expert evidence whether the different works in the federation in this country are equipped with machinery up to date and are in every respect equal in equipment to the works with which we compete.
From the Lancashire point of view, if that is so we fear no country in the world. That disposes of the question raised by the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell). Lancashire is not out to wreck this Bill. The Chambers of Commerce and other large institutions and commercial bodies in Lancashire and over the whole country are in favour of this Bill and we cannot go beyond the great leaders of industry. It has been argued that it is going to ruin the working classes. Personally, I should not be such a fool, and I do not think that any other employer would be such a fool, because in ruining the working classes we should ruin ourselves, and the larger profit the employer is making and the better business he is doing, the higher wages he will pay the working classes and the shorter hours they will work.
I support the new Clause. We realise fully that although we have to have resort to adventitious aid at the present moment, ultimately an industry stands or falls by its efficiency. The right hon. Gentleman (Sir D. Maclean) put a point which seemed plausible and might possibly influence the decision of this Committee, but I suggest that, on reflection, he will see that it is not sound. He suggested that if with regard to Parts II and III it was essential to have a Clause dealing with efficiency, it was much more essential with regard to key industries. The suggestion is that under Parts II and III a tariff will not be put on, because we are not sufficiently efficient in this country to warrant that being done, and therefore everything with regard to dumping and exchange shall be as though there were no Bill. That may be all right, but with regard to Part I the real object at the back of their mind is that there shall be some safeguarding of the country in those particular industries.
If you establish these industries and they are inefficient, you are leaning on a broken reed which will let you down.
My hon. and gallant Friend is making one of those delightful points with which the Committee is familiar, and which it always enjoys, but it is a purely debating point, and does not go to the real root of the matter. The point is that you must establish these industries in order to safeguard the country. It is a question of something entirely different from that of a substance which does not come into Part I, but comes within the Clauses in reference to dumping or exchange. If, for example, there were a substance accidentally left out of Part I, and which comes before the Committee under Part II, but which really ought to be under Part I, that substance could be ruled out absolutely altogether on the question of dumping without any regard to the question of key industries. The industries which come within Part I of the Bill have to be established in this country at almost any cost because they are essential. The things in Parts II and III do not matter, but key industries have got to be established for the safety of the nation. Therefore the suggestion of my right hon. Friend that a fortiori substances in Part I should be brought under this Amendment is not correct.
I am prepared to stand by the efficiency of production in this country. I believe that it must be conserved in the interests of both employer and employed, and of the nation as a whole. Therefore, I support the safeguarding of efficient units in all industries, but I am equally convinced that it is necessary to safeguard the interests of the community, to safeguard the British public against methods of production by obsolete plant, bad management, and a long list of those things which go to make up inefficiency. With a view to preventing that, I have supported this Bill, and I have taken as my justification Part II. Under that it is possible for this Committee to ignore present conditions and fix an ideal basis of efficiency for any industry that might come within the scope of this Clause. That appears to me to be very rigid and worthy of some modification. Therefore, in Clause 2—apart from the Clause which we are now discussing—which enables the Committee to insist on an ideal basis of production, I would have the qualifying words "reasonable taking into account the general circumstances as they obtain to-day." Therefore, I submit that this Amendment does not go further than Clause 2, which has already been approved of by the Committee. It is a modification and a reasonable modification.
A great deal has been said about the expense involved by this Clause. Have members of the Committee considered the expense which will be involved in protecting the industries of this country under this Bill? How many foreign works would be scheduled under this Bill during the next 12 months or two years for investigation as to selling prices which would have to be sifted and all figures would have to be confirmed by the signature of an official of the Gov- eminent in the foreign countries before being accepted as a basis under this Bill. I do not begrudge that cost. I am out for efficiency all round. My life's experience shows me that many things which have appeared most expensive have been most efficient and I think that the expenditure relative to the protection of industry is an expenditure which we cannot escape under this Bill and measures of this character always will involve very large expenditure and you must expect it. The works is the unit relative to the cost. It may be contended that the works should be the unit relative to efficiency. That I do not believe to be possible, but the Committee will settle its own policy and will pursue it steadily. There is a proper way of testing relative efficiency of industry which I will not deal with this afternoon.
We have been assured from the beginning that this Bill was not intended to bolster up rotten industries. We were assured by the Bill itself, Clause 2, which enabled the Committee not only to ignore the facts as they obtain in the industry, but gave them power to fix an ideal production which was more extreme in my opinion than the Amendment which is now before us. I think that the Committee would be safe in accepting this Amendment. As a Free Trader, I accept it willingly, and I hope that we shall pass it without any further discussion. I believe that this Amendment will do more than anything else in the Bill to remove what appears to me to be a wrong impression now existing in the north of England, that this Bill was intended to shelter and feed the inefficients, and ne'er-do-wells of industry. I believe this Clause to be in harmony with Part II, and that it will accomplish the purposes which we have in mind.
After the appeal made by the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. G. Terrell), I feel I must say something upon this. He is surprised that the Government has accepted this Amendment. I do not know why he was surprised, because he is very well acquainted with the terms of the Bill and the purposes of the Bill, better, perhaps, than some other hon. Members. [An HON. MEMBER: "He had special facilities."] He has had no facilities that other Members have not had—only the ordinary facilities open to a Member of this House—but he has taken advantage of those and made himself thoroughly familiar with the terms of the Bill. He must have been aware that, as my hon. Friend the Member for Stretford (Sir T. Robinson) has said, that the test which was to be applied was not merely that an industry was to come forward and say, "We do not manufacture our goods at the present time at the same price at which they are brought in." What has got to be proved is, that goods cannot be manufactured in this country at that price, and it will be the first duty of the committee to satisfy themselves that the industry concerned is managed with reasonable efficiency. So far from there being any truth in the suggestion that this is intended to whittle down the Bill, I do not think it goes a single iota beyond expressing the purpose to which the Committee has already given its assent. It is supported by Members of all shades of opinion and by many Members who, in the old days, certainly, were sterling protagonists of the cause of Protection. I am not concerned now with their political views, but what I am concerned with is this, that it makes clear that the purpose and meaning of the Bill is admitted to be reasonable. What is the position? An industry has to come to the committee and say, "We claim the protection of the Act." Surely such an industry will not come without having fully prepared its case. Reference has been made to waste of time, but I think an industry would come fully prepared to prove the general conditions and the efficiency of its manufacture, its trading, and its management. My hon. Friend the Member for Farnworth (Captain Bagley) raised a point, as to what would be the case with a new industry. I do not think there is any difficulty there. When an industry is set up, that industry has either been started with efficient plant or with inefficient plant. As a matter of fact, a newer industry is more likely to have started with up-to-date plant and under up-to-date conditions. Therefore, so far from that being a difficulty in proving the case, I should think such an industry would find it as easy, if not easier, to show that it is conducting its industry on an efficient basis.
Supposing an industry has not yet started—that people have put capital into it, but that they feel that there is no use making a start unless they are assured that the Act will apply to their products?
I think my hon. Friend is going rather far. He is asking me to put a contingency upon a contingency. I am more concerned to deal with the actual facts of the industries which are established.
May I interrupt further, because it seems to me this is a very important point? Is not what the hon. Gentleman is saying, to the effect that when capital has been invested, when the plant has been set up, and when the men have been taken on, and the industry started, it must be shown to be run with reasonable efficiency before that industry knows whether it is to come under the Act or not.
Certainly, the industry must be set up, otherwise how is it to satisfy the conditions as to serious unemployment being either in existence or likely to be created?
It does not say "serious unemployment," but where employment will be affected.
Surely my hon. Friend must see that if you have not got any employment in the industry at all, at the moment, nothing can have a serious effect in prejudicing that employment. I really think he is tilting at an immaterial point. There are plenty of industries which are established, and into which people put their capital which we shall have to consider. There is only one other point which I think I ought to deal with, and that is the question of this Clause not being applied to the key industries. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) made a speech in which he said that logically they should be included. I remember somebody once saying "Never make a mistake in your logic, the facts" remain at your disposal." I do not think there is either in logic or in fact any good ground for the contention which he raises. I am quite prepared to let the right hon. Gentleman judge, even though he may have his predelictions, as between hon. Members who wish to give these industries no chance, and myself, because I, at any rate, propose to give them this protection.
The industries which come under Part II and the key industries are different. The key industries, in our view, and, I think, in the view of hon. Members opposite, have proved their case. The acceptance of the Schedule debated in this House proves that these are industries which require protection. Therefore there is no need to have this second inquiry into them. The case has been proved in regard to them. It has been argued for several days on previous occasions, and these industries stand on their own merits once they have been investigated by this House. With regard to the other industries, they have to come to prove their case to the Committee, and it seems to me that neither on the merits nor on the logic of the case would there be the least reason for having a further inquiry into the industries in the Schedule to Part I, whereas an initial inquiry is, of course, necessary with regard to the industries which come forward under Part II. I hope, in these circumstances, the Committee will accept the Amendment.
May I ask the hon. Gentleman if he will accept, not at this stage, but perhaps on the Report stage, a small Amendment to this Clause, which will make it clear that there is not to be a roving inquiry over the whole of the factories, or the units of an industry? It should be limited to discovering whether one or more of the factories, or, as we may describe them, the units engaged in an industry, are efficient. That should be sufficient. The Clause as it stands is a little wide, and may involve too widespread an investigation. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider this point between now and the Report stage. It is satisfactory to know that hon. Members who are proposing this Clause are not doing it with the intention of defeating the Bill, but with the intention of improving it, and it is for the purpose of still further improving it that I ask the hon. Gentleman to accept an additional Amendment in the terms which I have suggested.
I shall certainly consider any Amendment which my hon. Friend puts down, but I think he has a misconception in his mind as to what the procedure of the Committee will be I do not anticipate that in order to ascertain whether or not there is reasonable efficiency in an industry, the Committee is going to go round all the factories of the country. When an industry comes to prove its case and to show the state of its machinery and its management, and so on, it is perfectly easy to make out a case on the general efficiency or inefficiency of the industry, without sending the committee round to investigate every factory. Against that of course it would not be fair to say that you should take one factory and say that will be enough, but what you want to get is a general conspectus of the industries. I do not see that that will involve the investigation of every factory. If the industry knows its business and has its case properly got up—
Yes, properly got up. [ Laughter. ]
I am surprised if hon. Members are prepared to find any cause of merriment in the misrepresentation of what I should have thought was a most elementary and simple statement. Does the hon. and gallant Member suggest, that an industry is to come to this Committee without having got its case up properly, and without being prepared to submit the facts to the Committee? I assume that the industries will take this matter seriously and get up their cases as efficiently as the hon. and gallant Member would get up a case.
And much better.
I resent the suggestion that these industries are going to produce fraudulent cases. I do not believe for a single moment that they will do so, and I do not think it rests with the hon. and gallant Member to suggest it. This is to be a perfectly bonâ fide inquiry by competent people and the industries will come up, I presume, with their cases properly prepared and ready to state those cases fully, and in a fair and reasonable way.
The more I have listened to this Debate the more I am interested as to how this inquiry as to the efficiency of an industry is to be conducted. It seems to me it will be very difficult to come to a definite decision in regard to many of the cases. Take, for instance, the case of an industry which is under very many different small owners, and carried on probably in different shops and factories in the same locality, each of which is efficient in its own way. If they were all amalgamated together, however, they would be a great deal more efficient as a whole. Are you going to say that such an industry is not to have the protection of the Act because the units would be more efficient if they amalgamated? You may also have a small works and in the same locality a big amalgamation. It may be only producing a small proportion of the output of that industry, but doing so efficiently. Is it to be argued that because it is not producing the goods as cheaply as the amalgamation that therefore it is an inefficient industry, and not entitled to protection? I am convinced that the tests of efficiency should be these: Is an industry, given this protection, then able to compete with the foreigner? Is the amount by which the depreciated exchange affects the price the amount which prevents that industry being carried on? If the exchange is normal could the industry go on? Those seem to me to be much better tests than the test proposed in this particular Clause. The hon. Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley) said the best test was that of free world competition. In the main I think possibly it is the best test in ordinary circumstances, but it is a very drastic test, because it means the death of those industries which fail to come up to that test. When that competition is fair, the industry has not much to complain of, but when it is unfair, owing to dumping or these extraordinary fluctuations in the exchanges, to see all these industries killed without doing anything to help them is to put too big a faith in economic law, and not to consider enough the human factor of the people employed in those industries.
An hon. Member said we have till 7, when the Guillotine falls, but I would point out that the whole of the time has been taken up by two Government Amendments, one of which has been withdrawn, and this is what they call legislation, but the whole thing is a screaming farce.
I am entirely in agreement with my hon. Friend the Member for Stretford (Sir T. Robinson) in the arguments which he brought to bear in regard to this Clause. We, as Manchester men—and I am very proud to be one—think we understand something about the position of these affairs, and, in our opinion, it is not right or proper that old and semi-effete businesses should be protected and bolstered up by having this Bill to assist them, and in this proposed new Clause we are only asking to make the Bill one "that will be just, in the first place, and not too generous to those who are not what I call laying themselves out to do the best for the increase of the good produce of this country. Efficiency is what we ask for. It is not very much to ask for, and we are asking that before any person shall be allowed to come under the protection of this Bill, he should first of all prove that he is efficient. We do not want to help the old-fashioned works, but those who are really trying to make efficient production. We have heard it said that the only thing that will save this country is production, and we want production in its highest and best form, and we want to assist it to the best of our ability, and therefore we ask the Government to accept an Amendment like this, which I am certain will appeal tc those in the North and make them feel, at any rate, that there will be a premium on efficiency, which is what we want in this country. If we want to compete with other countries, we must first try to be efficient ourselves, and it not only means efficiency on the part of the employer, but efficiency on the part of the workers.
I do not know whether there is not some little misunderstanding in the Committee that this is an attempt by Lancashire Members to weaken the Bill, but I want to say that if that impression has in any way been conveyed, it is entirely wrong and unfounded. My hon. Friend the Member for Chippenham (Mr. G. Terrell) and others have voiced certain doubts with regard to this proposed new Clause, but as one who knew something about the Clause being put down on the Paper, I should like to say at once, as one of those Protectionists who, in the old days, were described as "whole-hoggers," that I do not see any objection to the principle underlying this proposal. Surely it was never intended, even in the most strenuous of the old Protectionist days, that any system of protection should be set up in this country with the intention of bolstering up inefficiency or obsolete plant. Therefore a Clause like this, which makes that perfectly clear, must really strengthen the Bill, and that, no doubt, is why hon. Members above the Gangway do not want to hear much about this particular Clause. It makes it clear that those who support this Clause and who whole-heartedly support the policy of Protection at the same time believe and intend that any industries afforded protection by means of tariffs, whether they be called key industries or whether they be brought under the extraordinary procedure of this Bill for protection against dumping, must be able to carry on an efficient production and, in fact, be efficient producing industries, if they are to merit the good will of the people and are to be afforded protection, either in this form or, as we may hope at some later date, in a stronger form. Therefore, I hope the Committee, whilst endorsing this Clause, will not feel that it is in any way striking at the fundamental principles of the Bill.
I want to move a short Amendment to this Clause.
The Clause has not yet been read a Second time.
Question, "That the Clause be read a Second time," put, and agreed to.
Clause read a Second time.
I beg to move, at the end of the proposed Clause, to add the words "and that fair wages and conditions of labour prevail in it."
Everybody is agreed about this Clause. It is a Clause which says that an industry shall not have the advantage of the tariff unless it is conducted in an efficient manner, and the addition which I propose seems to me to be a little safeguard for the workmen in the industry; and as I am sure it will be accepted by the Government, and by those who support the Clause, I shall move it without any further recommendation.
My hon. and gallant Friend has moved this Amendment—
Talk it out!
I do not know whether the Amendment is intended to be taken seriously. The hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) does not take it seriously; but I was proposing to deal with it on the assumption that it was seriously meant. I would point out that it is necessary to limit the scope of the inquiry of this Committee within reasonable bounds, and if we were to give an endless scope we should add work to it which would make it impossible for it to get its job done in time. There are ample ways of securing that fair wages are paid in industry, for surely the whole machinery of collective bargaining that goes on at the present time is directed to securing wage conditions.
What is your objection to the Amendment?
The objection to it is to bring in, when you have got something adequately dealt with elsewhere, a complication like this into this inquiry. What we want to be sure of in this case is that an industry is efficiently conducted. If so, and it is entitled to get this protection against the other industry, then it will be enabled to pay the best wages which it can afford, and nobody will be quicker to take advantage of any protection that it gets in order to secure the best wages than the men employed in industry and their unions. To accept this Amendment is merely to complicate the working of the inquiry.
In supporting this Amendment. I want to say that the reply of the Minister is entirely unsatisfactory from the point of view of the workmen. You
are bringing forward a proposal which has for its object the protection of employers, so far as it is in the power of the Government to protect them. Most of this competition which has been mentioned has been exhibited by members of the Federation of British Industries who are sitting in this House, who base their case on the fact that these products are the products of workmen working for longer hours and shorter wages, and we seek protection for the worker, just as you seek it for the employer. I submit that the Amendment should be considered by the Committee, and if the Government really mean business they will not oppose it.
I do not often agree with the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn), but I am not at all certain that on this particular occasion he has not brought in an Amendment which, although it may be rather superfluous at the present minute, has a great deal of good in it.
Then vote for it.
This is not the dinner hour, and there is no necessity to hear the hon. and gallant Member's voice all the time.
It being Seven of the Clock, the Chairman proceeded, pursuant to the Order of the House of 13 th June, to put forthwith the Question on the Amendment already proposed from the Chair.
Question put, "That those words be there added to the proposed Clause."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 100; Noes, 242.
Division No. 272.] AYES. [7.0 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.) Irving, Dan Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) John, William (Rhondda, West) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Entwistle, Major C. F. Johnson, Sir Stanley Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Finney, Samuel Johnstone, Joseph Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbais) Galbraith, Samuel Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Gillis, William Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Glanville, Harold James Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Kennedy, Thomas Bonn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Kenyon, Barnet Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Kiley, James Daniel Briant, Frank Grundy, T. W. Lawson, John James Bromfield, William Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hallas, Eldred Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Cairns, John Halls, Walter Lunn, William Cape, Thomas Hancock, John George Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Hartshorn, Vernon Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D.(Midlothian) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Hayday, Arthur MacVeagh, Jeremiah Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Hinds, John Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Hirst, G. H. Mills, John Edmund Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Hogge, James Myles Morgan, Major D. Watts Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Holmes, J. Stanley Mosley, Oswald Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Royce, William Stapleton White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Wignall, James O'Connor, Thomas P. Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Williams, C. (Tavistock) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Stanton, C. B. Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Raffan, Peter Wilson Swan, J. E. Wilson, James (Dudley) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbrdge) Rendall, Atheistan Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Wintringham, Thomas Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Tootill, Robert Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Waterson, A. E. Robertson, John Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T. Shaw.
NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Fildes, Henry Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Lorden, John William Ainsworth, Captain Charles FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Lowe, Sir Francis William Armstrong, Henry Bruce Ford, Patrick Johnston Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Foreman, Sir Henry M'Connell, Thomas Edward Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Forestier-Walker, L. Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Atkey, A. R. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Fraser, Major Sir Keith M'Lean, Lieut.-Col. Charles W. W. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Frece, Sir Walter de Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City of Lon.) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Ganzoni, Sir John Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Balfour, Sir R. (Glasgow, Partick) Gardiner, James Maddocks, Henry Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Magnus, Sir Philip Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Manville. Edward Barlow, Sir Montague Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Barnston, Major Harry Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Meysey-Thompson, Lieut.-Col. E. C. Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Glyn, Major Ralph Mitchell, Sir William Lane Beauchamp, Sir Edward Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Molson, Major John Elsdale Beckett, Hon. Gervase Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Green, Albert (Derby) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Betterton, Henry B. Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Morrison, Hugh Birchall, Major J. Dearman Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Gregory, Holman Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Blades, Sir George Rowland Greig, Colonel Sir James William Murchison, C. K. Blair, Sir Reginald Gretton, Colonel John Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Borwick, Major G. O. Gritten, W. G. Howard Murray, William (Dumfries) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Nall, Major Joseph Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Neal, Arthur Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Brassey, H. L. C. Hallwood, Augustine Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Breese, Major Charles E. Hambro, Angus Valdemar Oman, Sir Charles William C. Broad, Thomas Tucker Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Brown, Major D. C. Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Brown, T. w. (Down, North) Harris, Sir Henry Percy Parker, James Bruton, Sir James Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Pearce, Sir William Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Burgoyne, Lt.-Col. Alan Hughes Herbert Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Pennefather, De Fonblanque Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Perkins, Walter Frank Butcher, Sir John George Hickman, Brig.-General Thomas E. Perring, William George Campbell, J. D. G. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Carew, Charles Robert S. Hills, Major John Waller Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Carr, W. Theodore Hoare Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Pratt, John William Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Prescott, Major W. H. Casey, T. W. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Randles, Sir John Scurrah Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Hope, Sir H.(Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n. W.) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm, W.) Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midiothian) Ratcliffe, Henry Butler Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Hopkins, John W. W. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Reid, D. D. Churchman, Sir Arthur Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Renwick, Sir George Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Clough, Sir Robert Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Coats, Sir Stuart Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Cobb, Sir Cyril Hurd, Percy A. Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford) Colfox, Major Win. Phillips Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Rodger, A. K. Cope, Major William James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Roundell, Colonel R. F. Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Jesson, C. Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Jodrell, Neville Paul Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Kidd, James Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Davies, Thomas (Cirancester) King, Captain Henry Douglas Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Doyle, N. Grattan Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster) Simm, M. T. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Larmor, Sir Joseph Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Farquharson, Major A. C. Lloyd, George Butler Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Fell, Sir Arthur Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Stewart, Gershom Sturrock, J. Leng Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Wilson-Fox, Henry Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Walton, J. (York, W.R., Don Valley) Winterton. Earl Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C. Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Sutherland, Sir William Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Waring, Major Walter Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Thomas-Stanford, Charles Watson, Captain John Bertrand Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Woolcock, William James U. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Thorpe, Captain John Henry Whitla, Sir William Young, E. H. (Norwich) Tickler, Thomas George Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Townley, Maximilian G. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Tryon, Major George Clement Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Waddington, R. Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Dudley Ward.
The Chairman then proceeded to put forthwith the Question necessary to dispose of the Business to be concluded at Seven of the Clock at this day's Sitting.
Question, "That the Clause be added to the Bill," put, and agreed to.
Schedule
Goods Chargeable With Duty
Optical glass and optical elements, whether finished or not, microscopes, field and opera glasses, theodolites, sextants, spectroscopes and other optical instruments.
Beakers, flasks, burettes, measuring cylinders, thermometers, tubing, and other scientific glassware and lamp-blown ware, evaporating dishes, crucibles, combustion boats, and other laboratory porcelain.
Galvanometers, pyrometers, electroscopes, barometers, analytical and other precision balances, and other scientific instruments, gauges and measuring instruments of precision of the types used in engineering machine shops and viewing rooms, whether for use in such shops or rooms or not.
Wireless valves and similar rectifiers, and vacuum tubes.
Ignition magnetos and permanent magnets.
Arc-lamp carbons.
Hosiery latch needles.
Metallic tungsten, ferro-tungsten and manufactured products of metallic tungsten, and compounds (not including ores or minerals) of thorium, cerium and the other rare earth metals.
All synthetic organic chemicals (other than synthetic organic dyestuffs, colours, and colouring matters imported for use as such, and organic intermediate products imported for their manufacture), analytical re-agents, all other fine chemicals and chemicals manufactured by fermentation processes.
I beg to move to leave out the words "optical glass."
I put my name down to this Amendment because I happen to know something about the subject, having been trained some years ago as a teacher at Jena, which is the chief place in Europe where optical glass is produced under very highly scientific conditions. At Jena I came to know something of the great optical glassworks there and the circum- stances, under which Jena was able to lead in the world production of optical glass for microscopes, fieldglasses and other optical instruments. There was, of course, no special subsidy from the Government, and no special protection or assistance to the Jena glass. It was done purely by scientific research and investigation, and by spending money on the scientific training of researches and investigators at that place. It was quite clear that there was nothing which stood in the way of our rivalling the glass firms there, but our unwillingness patiently to research and investigate the problems underlying the manufacture of optical glass.
This series of Amendments, which we come to now, are not concerned with the question of dumping or anything of that kind. They are simply concerned with the giving of 33⅓ per cent. to certain industries, whether goods are dumped in this country or whether they come from countries which have an unfavourable rate of exchange. My object in moving the Amendment is that English manufacturers of optical glass, even if they are protected owing to the rate of exchange or attempts at dumping, should not be further protected, and, under the shelter of that protection, be free from the necessity of scientifically investigating and conducting their industry in the way it is conducted at Jena and most of the other places on the Continent. We have in the past been too willing to neglect the higher branches, and it may be the more expensive branches of scientific industrial research. That research is a first-class necessity. If we protect them in that way, they will in the future consider themselves free to rely on their protection, and if necessary to try for higher protection, and not to beat the foreigner at his own game, and show that our brains are as good as his brains.
There is also this about the Jena works. The heads of them were extraordinarily generous in encouraging their workpeople to improve methods in the industry. I never came across a more highly skilled and trained set of workpeople than those in these great optical glass works. Specially high payments were made to the workpeople for the help they gave in perfecting the processes of the industry. I do not want any protective system to be set up in this country under which our manufacturers may be relieved from having to give similar encouragement to workpeople. I have yet to learn with regard to any of the articles in this Schedule that there is any proof that the protection given under the first part of this Bill will in any case—at any rate, in regard to optical glass—enable the industry to be set up in this country on anything like the scale on which it has been conducted on the Continent or that it will in fact in any way tend to bring that about. What is the object of this part of the Bill? It is we are told to establish industries in this country; but, whatever its results, optical glass in the highest perfection will continue to come from Jena, and the only effect of this Bill will be that the buyers of it will have to pay more for it. The fact that the industry will be conducted here instead of abroad has still to be proved. I hope that on this and the other Amendments which are to follow there will be some attempt made for the first time in the history of our conduct of this Bill to show that the duties will really have the effect desired of them, and that they will set up here permanently, firmly and successfully, and under proper conditions, the optical glass industry which hitherto has been largely carried on abroad.
This is one of the subjects which was fully debated when the Financial Resolution was under discussion. At that time we were told by the right hon. Gentleman opposite that we ought not to protect optical glass, and the arguments which were then used in that behalf have been repeated by the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken. One of those arguments was that what is required is research work. I quite agree, but the research work which is required in the case of optical glass is not the research of some chemist working in a cloister; it is the research of a trained chemist married to the industry and working out his scientific knowledge in a commercial and industrial atmosphere and with industrial experience all around him. You cannot possibly get that research on which to build up this industry without safeguarding the industry as an industrial concern. The immediate proposal is that we should omit optical glass from the Schedule. I venture to think that of all the articles put into the Schedule there is none more necessary to be protected than optical glass. It is the very foundation of scientific instruments, and it was found in the War that on it we greatly depended for our success by land, at sea, and in the air. It was necessary, therefore, we should be independent of foreign countries for the manufacture of optical glass. It is no good taking one small Section and concentrating on that. You work up from optical glass to other scientific industries, but the optical glass is the very basis of it all, and upon it depends your commercial success.
It is suggested that we shall not get real efficiency in this matter in this country and that people will still have to go to Jena in order to obtain optical glass, although they will have to pay more for it. That shows a complete ignorance of what we achieved in the course of the War. Thanks to patriotic owners we started with one small company and the industry has struggled on in this country. It built itself up during the War and by the time we arrived at the end of the War, not only were we producing an enormous amount of this optical glass—enough for all the purposes for which we required it—but we were getting optical glass as good as any produced anywhere in the world. It was found to be perfect in every way. I will not deal, on this Amendment, with the other industries which depend on optical glass. All I will say is that if you do not protect the optical glass industry in this country, then you cannot begin to build up your scientific instrument industry, you cannot produce periscopes, gun sights and similar instruments, and the moment we were again landed in war we should be absolutely putting out the eyes of the Army, Navy, and Air Services. If any industry can be said to be a vital key industry it is the optical glass industry, and the objection which has been made that although we may continue to work it we can never hope to do so at a large profit carries no weight with me. We are only carrying it on on a small scale, but I am hopeful that if we give it this protection it will go forward with success.
It seems to me that the main argument advanced by my right hon. Friend the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) completely shattered the case of the Government for the inclusion of optical glass in the Schedule, because it is admitted that we have in this country now the organisation on the commercial side to produce optical glass in a quantity and of a quality equal to anything produced elsewhere, and quite obviously we have also the men who can do it. I may be forgiven for recalling a personal recollection of the War. I remember very well what happened with regard to some German workmen in this country who were specially skilled in this industry, who had been living here and working for a British firm on optical glass. They came before a Committee of which I was a member, claiming special exemption from internment. The Committee exempted them. What happened? The War went on. The Committee sat for the best part of three or four years, and after a while we were able to release for internment these Germans who were working, because British workmen had sufficiently learned the job, and were turning out glass as efficiently and in sufficient quantities to justify the Germans being sent to take their place in the ordinary internment camps, as they did do. What is the proposal of the Government? It is that this special industry should have the protection of the 33⅓ per cent. duty. I say again that the right method, if we want a special class of workman for any special class of work, is for the Government to subsidise a sufficient number of men in a specific place, and keep them going, maintaining a sufficient standard of excellence, and, apart from that, leaving the whole trade free to the world.
I have before me an appeal from scientists of the United Kingdom on this very point. It is signed by 42 scientists representing universities and university colleges throughout the United Kingdom —England, Scotland, and Wales. I do not think Ireland is mentioned, however. What does this very brief and most impressive memorandum say? It says:
With great respect to the scientific gentlemen whose opinion has just been quoted by my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean), I must say that more sheer nonsense I never heard. I have not the slightest doubt that they are most competent people in the use of the microscope and other scientific instruments, but it does not follow from that they are in any way qualified to judge in regard to the economic questions involved in this proposal. When I heard my right hon. Friend read their protest and declare that it was a complete answer to the Government, I really think he must have felt that he was very short of any really convincing arguments. I should like to recall the instance to which my right hon. Friend has referred. I remember very well during the War there were some Germans of military age who were un-interned at Woolwich, and it seemed very extraordinary to me that in the immediate neighbourhood of Woolwich Arsenal a number of Germans should be at large.
I put a question about it to the then Home Secretary, Sir John Simon, and he wrote me a note and asked me to discuss the matter of my question with him at the Home Office, and he then told me: "I have no answer I can give to your question, and therefore I am going to ask you to withdraw it, and I will tell you the circumstances." He then said that there were certain classes of glass—I do not remember whether he said optical glass or not—which nobody in this country could make, and that some Department of the Government had made a special request to the Home Office that these men should be left uninterned. They were living in Woolwich under close police supervision whilst they were turning out a class of instrument which was absolutely necessary for us in carrying on the War. I believe Sir John Simon said to me, "I dare say you think this is a very disgraceful state of things, and I am not at the present moment prepared to deny it." My right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles said that at the present moment the British workmen who were working under these Germans during the War acquired sufficient skill to make these instruments.
During the War.
Supposing, which God forbid, there should be another war, does anybody think that under any system of industry not safeguarded, that that skill is going to remain? Is there any security that under similar circumstances you would not find exactly the same condition of things, and we should again have to suffer the disgrace and humiliation of a great national danger by having to depend upon the chance of there being certain British workmen who were capable of producing these things, or the alternative of having to depend upon the work of our enemies. Where should we have been supposing those men had refused to do that work, because we have no security that they would do the work? It seems to me astonishing that my right hon. Friend, who has the same knowledge and the same recollection as myself, should be willing to support such an Amendment, and to incur the same danger over again. I hope the Government will not accept this Amendment.
I hope the Government will adopt this Amendment, and I wish to say a few words in support of it. I think far too much has been made of the un-preparedness of this country at the beginning of the War with regard to optical glass and instruments of all sorts. There were many other things we were short of at the beginning of the War. We had not sufficient food in this country to keep our armies in being, and after all, an army fights on its stomach. Without food you cannot get on at all, but you have not had the courage to place food in this schedule of key industries. With regard to optical glass, the country was just as well prepared as it was with regard to food and many other things. Some hon. Members were not present when I read the official verdict of the optical instrument trade upon the question of its preparedness with regard to optical instruments and optical glass at the beginning of and during the War. I quoted this report in the House on a previous occasion. Here is a book entitled "A Dictionary of British Scientific Instruments," issued by the British Optical Instrument Manufacturers' Association. This is what they say on the point with which I am dealing:
"The end of the War found the optical industry of Great Britain in such a healthy state of activity that within a short space of time it increased to the necessary extent to equip a new army of 5,000,000 men and supply many million pounds' worth per annum of the highest-grade instruments, and it may safely be asserted that in no direction has the creation of the Army been hindered by the lack of optical instruments."
That is the opinion of that association, and I think it disposes of the case from the point of view of the necessity for any protection for this trade.
Does the hon. Gentleman seriously assert that there was no shortage of optical instruments in the Army, the Air Force, and the Navy at the beginning of the War?
I do not say that either seriously or in fun. I am only saying what the optical manufacturers themselves have said. Does the hon. and gallant Member say that there was sufficient food, or ships, or anything else in this country at the beginning of the War? I do not say we had sufficient food at the beginning of the War, neither do I say that we had sufficient optical instruments, but the association, whose opinion I have quoted, claim that the industry was in such a healthy condition that in a very short space of time they were in a position to supply the requirements of 5,000,000 men. Is there any other industry that can say anything stronger than that in support of their own position at the beginning of the War? There is not one.
We had a scarcity of ships, but you do not include shipping amongst the key industries. I think that does away with my hon. and gallant Friend's argument, and he appears to me to be trying to confuse the issue by bringing a red herring across the scent, and I am so well acquainted with them that it does not take me off the scent at all. I do not say that there was a sufficient supply of optical instruments at the beginning of the War, and I should not be such a fool, but what I do say is that the industry was in such a healthy condition that within a very short space of time they were able to provide all that was wanted. That is their opinion, and I am prepared to accept their verdict in preference to that of the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite. I do not think there is any need for me to say anything more upon that point. I think the professors who have been quoted by my right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles are quite entitled to give their opinion as to what the effect will be on scientific research and education, if this Bill is passed, and they know it only too well.
The instruments of which optical glass forms the most essential part are the foundation of all scientific research. You cannot even put salt on the tail of a microbe without using optical glass. From the point of view of medical research, any tax upon optical glass is against the best interests of the country. The Government are doing away with housing and their health policy. They are dismissing the Minister of Health against the best interests of the health of the people, but for goodness' sake keep your hands off optical glass, because if you make it more difficult to produce optical instruments by imposing a tax on optical glass, you are dealing a mortal blow at scientific progress in this country.
Reference has been made to Germany. After all, Germany understands the value of scientific research and progress, and she has taken very good care in her scientific tariff to leave out a good many of these instruments into the manufacture of which optical glass enters. In 1913 Germany excluded instruments which are necessary for surgical operations as well as astronomical and mathematical instruments which are used exclusively for scientific purposes, and these were all admitted duty free. In Germany they were wiser in their day and generation in this respect that we were, and they excluded all these necessary instruments of scientific progress from their tariff. With regard to optical glass I came across a good instance of the evils of a Protectionist policy the other day. It is a raw material for the manufacture of every optical instrument in this country, and it is used in microscopes and telescopes and a great many other optical instruments which are necessary in any properly equipped scientific laboratory.
We manufacture a lot of optical instruments in this country, some parts of which are made in this country and other parts in Germany or Vienna. A scientific optician in one of our Scottish cities told me a plain tale the other day about his own difficulties. He was trying to patent an optical instrument which, from what he told me, would be a most valuable instrument in scientific research in protecting the eye-sight of those who have to use optical glass. Certain rays of light are very deleterious to the eyes when one is using microscopes continuously. He had devised a lamp in order to obviate this danger. He sent to a firm in this country to inquire the terms on which they could supply these optical instruments, but the price of optical glass in this country was so high as to make his invention absolutely impossible as a commercial proposition, and he had to give it up, or, at any rate, wait until he could find out if he could get the glass on the Continent. That is one instance of how you are hampering industry and scientific progress, and I could give scores more.
That is how this tariff upon optical glass is going to work. No heavier blow could be dealt to the further progress of scientific development in this country than by placing a tax of this sort upon optical glass. It is the foundation of all research in our universities, colleges, and hospitals. The Government are giving £500,000 to wards our hospitals, but it is not going to be of any value, because it is going to be taken away by this 33⅓ per cent. tariff placed upon almost everything hospitals use in the interests of the health of the people and the education of the students. You are making it impossible for manufacturers in this country who themselves do not make optical glass to produce optical instruments at a price which is within the reach of the ordinary student. I am sure my hon. Friend the Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir H. Craik) will back me up when I say that the average Scottish student finds it difficult to purchase a miscroscope, so that this is to be a tax on learning and on progress in Scotland and on the finances of our Scottish universities. This tax upon glass is to be a tax upon all our universities and seats of learning, and a tax upon our hospitals, not only from the point of view of hindering their scientific and healing work, but also a tax upon their finances; and if you go in for taxing these things which enter so largely into the expenses of hospitals and universities you will have to put them upon the State. There is a great deal of talk just now about the cost of education. You are increasing the cost of education to a tremendous extent by the taxation of the foundation of all scientific progress and scientific research— optical glass.
The hon. Member quoted something from a book just now. After about every fourth or fifth word there came the word "however," which seems to show that there may have been something interesting before it.
If there is time I will read the whole of the book. I will read the paragraph from the beginning:
"The enormous demand for optical instruments was based in the past on the necessities of countries which possessed large armies. It is therefore not surprising that the great establishments for making optical instruments found in continental Europe did not exist in this country."
That was because we had not such big armies. It then goes on:
"The advent of the War, however "—
I think that is what the hon. Member referred to.
A Committee specially appointed by this House carefully considered the question of optical glass only four years ago. I have the report of that Committee in my hand. I do not think their conclusion is in any way disputed, and that is that at the beginning of the War this country was without effective means of manufacturing optical glass. I think I can explain the paragraph which my hon. Friend opposite (Dr. Murray) has quoted from the book. At the out- break of the War the Government had to face a most anxious and critical position, and were obliged to come to the assistance of the industry. The Ministry of Munitions, the War Office, and the Admiralty made agreements with selected firms under which, in return for Government financial and other assistance, they created plant to produce the required output. Those firms would not have been in a position to make the supplies had not the Government made a special effort.
I quite agree.
The committee went on to say that this met the situation temporarily, but that unless safeguards were given at the end of the War the industry could not face the competition of the big factories in Germany of long standing; created by their big standing army, and developed in all sorts of ways. Their manufacturing and commercial position is so strong that unless some protection is given to the industry established in this country under Government auspices it will decay and finally vanish altogether. That is the position the House has to face. The industry was established only by Government assistance. It was a matter of forced growth, and unless some protection is given to it now the enormous resources of continental works will run the industry off the rails. Therefore the industry is included in the Schedule, and the House is asked to give it a protection of 33⅓ per cent. over a, limited number of years. The industry is not an attractive one from a commercial point of view. There is not a very large output, and it cannot be established in a hurry. Also, if it is once broken into now, the staff of operators and the arrangements of the business, which are matters of time and a great deal of acquired skill, are interfered with, and we shall, as certain as this House is sitting, go back to the old position in which the whole of our supply of optical glass came from the Continent Of course there are disadvantages. You probably get the glass a little cheaper from the Continent, but one has to look at the balance of advantage, and these optical instruments are of so much importance that the House is more than justified in giving the industry protection under this Schedule, without which it will fail to make headway.
There are one or two points which I should like to traverse. There is the point of view brought forward by my hon. Friend who spoke last but one (Dr. Murray) with. reference to medical and research work. I have in my constituency one of the two chief firms of manufacturing opticians, so that I am able to put to the House the test of practical work. According to my information, at the beginning of the War we manufactured only from 5 to 10 per cent. of our own consumption, and in 1915, such was the progress made, that we produced twice the total world output of 1913. By 1915 we had expanded enormously by Government assistance. These manufacturers definitely asked us for prohibition except under licence—
Notice taken that 40 Members were not present; Committee counted, and 40 Members being present—
8.0 P.M.
The position before the War was that the whole optical glass trade was in the hands of a monopoly on the Continent, which was so powerful that it actually made terms with opticians here to whom it supplied optical glass that the glass was only to be distributed in a particular way. These so-called free traders over here are suggesting that we should go back to that system of monopoly under which we were dependent on one firm on the Continent. I cannot imagine anything more opposed to all the principles either of economics or research. Let me briefly state what is the position with regard to medical work and research. Certainly we require micro- scopes, and such like work, cheap and freely available, but if we are going to be subject to this monopoly, we have got to take whatever the monopoly in Germany or anywhere else cares to give us. That is not a sound, healthy position for research. I should like, therefore, to thank the hon. Member for the point he raised, that when you are . dealing with an industry connected with research, you want to have the two developed side by side. For our medical and scientific work, which is going far ahead now of most foreign countries, you want to have the manufacturers of optical glass working out their problems side by side with those who are dealing with research work in laboratories. Side by side they can develop the particular line of optical glass required for our work, and if we are dependent upon Central Europe we cannot possibly do that. It is essential that we should aim at having an industry of our own to produce our own microscopes. It is true that the proposal at the present moment would add to the cost to the extent of 33⅓ per cent., but that is nothing compared to what is required by the manufacturers. It will certainly enable Central Europe, with its much lower standard of life, and much higher output of work to compete, I am afraid successfully, against our manufacturers. But this does give a chance to our manufacturers to carry on. I do not believe it will be sufficient for the purpose, but it does give them a chance, and, because of that, I sincerely hope we may be able to give the possibility of developing this industry.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down has told us that practically 33⅓ per cent, will not be enough.
May not be enough.
And that it will not protect the industry against the competition of cheap labour in Middle and Central Europe. Of course, the natural result will be that, before very long, we shall have a demand to increase the percentage. That is the history of all this protective legislation in all countries. It begins with small amounts; then you are told, "It is all right in principle, but it is not sufficient. Pile on more." And so you go on, until you reach a point when it becomes perfectly intolerable to the people, and the whole thing is swept away, with very considerable disorganisation of industries for the moment. I would like to call attention to another side of the matter, and that is that these protections, by keeping out foreign goods, destroy the quality of your own product.
These seem to be general observations.
I stand corrected. I, of course, was intending to apply it to this particular case, and I do suggest that the effect of keeping out foreign optical glass will be that the English manufacturers will not have the stimulus to improve the quality of the home-made optical glass in the same way as they would have if the consumer were able to turn to the foreign market, and get the excellent foreign optical glass on ordinary, fair trade terms. I would draw attention to a few words contained in that manifesto by eminent scientists, part of which was read by the right hon. Member for Peebles. Speaking of a similar duty they said:
"It will have the effect of raising the prices and destroying the stimulus of foreign competition towards improvement in British articles."
The whole experience of all countries, I believe, except, perhaps, where you have a vast country like America, which is a continent in itself, but the experience of all other countries, and, to some extent, of America, too, is that the protected article, whether optical glass or any other article, falls to a low level of quality, because protected. We are told that optical glass is necessary in time of war. Everybody admits that. The question is, what is the best way to get an adequate supply of optical glass in time of war, without interfering with the industry of the country, and without building up a system which leads to in-competence and to corruption? We are told that there are English makers who can make this excellently. If that be so, let the Government place orders for optical glass with these English makers in the same way as they place their orders for armour plates with English makers or Scottish makers, in order that they may have those makers competent to produce the armour plates in time of war. It would be an absurd position if we were to put a tax of 33⅓ per cent. on armour plates coming from abroad, in order to make sure that we should have armour plate makers in this country, and I suggest it is equally absurd to say that the Government and everyone in this country is to pay a higher price for inferior British optical glass rather than let optical glass come in free, and the Government protect its own position by saying to English makers: "We have certain orders to give, and, if you can do the work up to first-rate quality, we will give you our orders; and if you can prove to us, by examination of your books, that it is impossible for you to do so at the price of the imported article, we will give you the higher price, in consideration of the fact that we see the necessity of having a source of optical glass in this country ready in case of war," If the Government will do that, I venture to say we shall have a supply in case of war, and, at the same time, we shall have a free market in this country, which will tend to keep up the quality of the British product, and tend to give the ordinary British consumer the article he wants of the best quality and at the lowest price the world can supply. It is on those principles we have built up the prosperity of trades all over the country, and it is on those principles we should proceed with regard to optical glass.
The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down talked about the Government going to firms (in the plural) and asking them to produce what the Government wants. I do not know, but I suppose the hon. Gentleman knows how little of unwrought optical glass is produced in a year throughout the whole world. The value is not £50,000. What British firms (in the plural) are there which are going to bother about an annual trade in optical glass of £50,000? There is not enough optical glass produced in this country, or needed in this country, to keep half a firm going. An hon. Gentleman asks why the Germans make it. The answer is that the output of optical glass was part and parcel of the whole organisation relating to optical instruments. It can never pay any two firms here to make optical glass, and the British firm now making optical glass is so discouraged that the manager told me some weeks ago that there was no use in making it, unless their prospects were improved. What do hon. Gentlemen want? Do they want this glass for war purposes, or do they not? My hon. Friend the Member for the Western Isles (Dr. Murray) read this extract from a book on the British optical industry which boasted of the healthy state of the optical industry before the War. It was in such a so-called healthy state of activity that it was my duty when I was at the War Office during the War to send to a firm in New York State to get prismatic binoculars, which might have been made in this country, but could not be, because we could not get the optical glass necessary for the prismatic lenses. Without those prisms and lenses, we cannot make a prismatic binocular, neither can you make prismatic compasses. I have seen how difficult it was to get clutch upon an industry to supply prisms and lenses, because they have to be ground to a thousandth or two-thousandth part of an inch. It is a highly skilled and marvellous industry. The right hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. G. Barnes) will bear me out when I say that the instruments turned out by Barr and Stroud, of Glasgow, are not ordinary works of industry or works of art. They are miracles. Take their range-finders. They cannot be produced without optical glass, and we were short of it. Then we had to find prismatic compasses. We went round Clerkenwell to buy them, even in half-dozens, and were thankful we could get as many as that. So difficult was it at last to get prismatic compasses, that we had to send to Switzerland. The same trouble was experienced with regard to binoculars. They tell us in this book-just quoted that the optical firms here were equipped to turn out such goods. So far as it went, that was true, but, when we asked the firms to produce the goods, they could not. We had even to send, for Messrs. Beck, of Cornhill, to Italy to get the prisms and lenses ground. We had formerly the art of grinding prismatic lenses in this country, but it. had fallen into disuse, because we had been content to take the finished article from Germany.
Then there is that wonderful instrument, made by Barr and Stroud, which enables a battleship to hit a target 20 miles off. Without that instrument the battleship is practically powerless. It costs several thousands to build a naval range-finder, and the value of the unwrought optical glass of the instrument is 10s., yet without it our battle ships cannot fire accurately. We were so short of prisms and lenses made out of optical glass for range-finders and dial sights, we were so short of optical glass, which the Board of Trade is trying to get made in this country by means of this legislation, that we had to try metal mirrors, in order to substitute them for the optical glass which we lacked. These metal mirrors were a failure. The Astronomer Royal for Scotland (Dr. Sampson) tried whether we could get polished metal mirrors to take the place of optical glass, and we found we could not get these mirrors to work. This all was caused by the fact that we were hung up in the early part of the War for want of optical glass. We used to go to the Jena firm before the War. I produced an invoice of unwrought optical glasses supplied to an English firm by the Germans, to use for optical instruments here. The English firm, that got this optical glass from the Jena firm, who, according to that invoice, sold it on the distinct understanding that the glass in question was not to be used for instruments other than, those named by the German firm in Jena. The consequence was that we were slaves to that firm, and could only turn out what this German firm might like.
There is a trade of about £30,000,000 annually to be done in optical instruments, which at present is only partly done in this country, and which cannot be done unless we have the optical glass. Greece, Italy, Japan, Brazil and Russia, before the War, and even France, all bought very largely from our optical instrument firms the instruments they used in their Government services and institutions. We can get that trade, and we ought to have it. There is no reason why, if we can get the unwrought glass, why we should not secure it. There is another point which it seems to me embodies a matter that the House should take into consideration in dealing with this question. Hon. Members who served with the artillery during the War may, perhaps, remember the No. 7 dial sights. Optical glass which could be made for a few pence, perhaps eighteen pence in a raw state, was essential for each dial sight. We had no means of making these instruments, which I believe were patented by the firm of Goertz and made by the firms in Britain, and for every one of those instruments required and made here for our troops we had to pay a royalty to the Germans during the War. Why? Because we had allowed the optical instrument trade to slip out of our hands, and we shall allow it to do so again if we follow the advice given by the right hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) and the hon. Members for the Western Isles (Dr. Murray) and Consett (Mr. A. Williams).
But 33⅓ per cent. is no use!
I am afraid it is not of so much use as I would like to see it, but if I were to suggest it is 66f per cent., or 100 per cent. the hon. Gentleman I have no doubt would put a similar objec- tion to the duty, and if the Government proposed a subsidy the hon. Member would, in my opinion, for party purposes, offer the same objection.
The hon. Gentleman is wrong in that.
There is one other method of stimulating production of this glass. We must have the glass, there is no doubt about that. The Government in their wisdom, I believe, has decided upon an import duty of 33⅓ per cent. The Government might be quite willing to propose a subsidy, but the hon. Member for Consett would have opposed it in just the same way as he is opposing the 33⅓ per cent. The other method which might be used, though I am not very much in favour of it, and that is that the National Physical Laboratory at Teddington might make itself responsible for the required output of optical glass per year, but I have no faith in Government Departments. You get no life in them. They make plans and generally make muddles. Their experiments often result in a loss, and what would subsequently happen would be that when the Estimates were before the House there would be a great outcry that on the Civil Service Estimates because we had lost the sum of, say, £14 16s. 9d. in conducting these State experiments in optical glass manufacture. The same party attack would be made upon the Government for spending money for alleged useless experiments. There is another reason why this thing should be allowed to remain in the hands of private firms, and that is you must train men. I remember very well that in connection with Chance Bros. —and I am very glad to have the opportunity of saying that Chance Bros. behaved with unselfish patriotism during the War, and in helping the War Office they must have lost a good deal—Mr. Stobart, their manager, came to see me at the War Office or Ministry of Munitions and said, " Now that we are starting to make glass for you we cannot get the crucibles or enough men who know how to anneal glass." That is the position. You let the trade go out of the country and now you must train men and keep them. It may not be a good method to put on only 33⅓ per cent. as a protective tariff, but surely hon. Members sitting near to me do not wish us to be in the same position we were in in 1914 and 1915. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] Well, that was the position and may be the position again, and the War Office in 1915 was literally sending men to France to rake up and buy the slabs of glass required in single bits of the value of under a sovereign each.
And you are working by your method to put us in the same position again.
No, we are working towards the object we desire to attain. Would the hon. Gentleman approve of a much higher duty? Is that his opinion?
I have stated what I would do, and I stand by it. I support that view because, in my opinion, it would be effective.
Do I understand that the hon. Gentleman supports the subsidy?
I explained that the Government should place its orders for optical glass with English firms in order that those firms should be able to make it, and that we should, in addition, get a larger stock of this glass in time of peace to be used in time of war.
Put by in store a large stock of this glass! But every day the methods of manufacture ought to be improved upon. It is no use putting out-of-date glass in a cupboard to be used for war purposes ten years hence. You must be continually and continuously experimenting in order to get additional varieties and dispersions and improvements. Such a suggestion as the hon. Gentleman puts forward is childish. Besides, as to giving orders to firms, what firms are there who would at any time take the orders? There is only one firm who can and will make the glass, and that is the firm of Chance Brothers. There are no firms in the plural of the word firm. There is not a living for two firms. The total value of optical glass made in England in the present year is much less than £50,000, not more than the annual turnover of a retail trader in one of the main streets in a big county town. It is only a side line, in any case. I need not pursue the matter further.. There are, as I have said, three ways of keeping this optical glass manufacture in the country. The one way is by putting a certain proportion of the production into the hands of the National Physical Laboratory. Then there is the subsidy. If the Government likes to give a subsidy of 10s. or 15s. per pound towards making it, it might be agreeable to hon. Members, and I am prepared to support it, provided there be no favouritism, but I think the third method, that which the Government is adopting, is the better method as being more open, and I trust they will stick to this 33⅓ per cent. duty, so I desire to support it.
I am glad of this opportunity of saying one word on this portion of the Bill. I have not hitherto had the opportunity of making it clear what my position is. It is this: As regards supporting this particular portion, namely, the safeguarding of these industries, and especially that of optical glass. I never have had the slightest difficulty. I have always looked at this question from the point of view which I believe is at the back of the minds of a good many people opposite, but who would not admit it—the lives of men. A relative of mine served in a submarine in the earlier stages of the War, and he told me that they had to depend upon English glass for their periscopes. That glass was manufactured in such a way— although it was the best we could produce—that the eyes of himself and the other officers, which they had constantly to keep glued to the glass, were very detrimentally affected. What is the point of view that we have to look at in connection with an industry like this? At any cost, whether we scrap our Free Trade views or whatever means we take, I am prepared, as a Free Trader, to say that we must do it. My hon. Friend the Member for the Western Isles (Dr. Murray) says that he will go down to the students of Glasgow University and say to them that this Government is putting on a tax which will make their microscopes a little dearer. I would go down on the same platform with him and say to the students, "Which do you prefer—to pay a little more for your microscopes or to risk the lives of yourselves and of the students who come after you, if another war comes along? "The sort of argument that we have heard from hon. Members opposite is: Anything but this particular method. What are the methods by which you can preserve an industry like this? It can be preserved by loan, subsidy, tariff, Government contracts, or Government manufacture, or by—and this is a system which has been adopted by an eminent Free Trader with regard to another industry—an embargo. But, as the hon. Member who spoke last has indicated, the Government happened to choose this particular method. You may say that something else would be better; I want something done, and am prepared to support it.
This will not do it.
There is no difference of opinion between us as to the necessity for it.
I said that half-an-hour ago.
I will quote what was said by a very great scientist, the late Lord Moulton. He was a great Free Trader, and he was in charge of some of these very things during the War. Speaking about the development of these industries, he said:
"You must remember that during the whole four years of the War I had to endure practically the terror of what those industries enabled our enemies to do."
He went on to say:
"Now I am an old Free Trader, and I look back without any feeling but that of delight on what I have said in former years. But my definition of a Free Trader to-day would be a little more elaborate than that which used to satisfy me. I used to say with confidence and with some accuracy that the most rapid way to obtain national wealth and to enjoy it was to buy in the cheapest market. The last few years have taught me that the definition ought to be a little enlarged, and to-day it stands like this: That if your main object is the rapid acquisition of wealth and its enjoyment, and you are sure of continuous peace, then the beet way is to buy in the cheapest market."
He proceeds to point out that, if that principle is adopted, of buying in the cheapest market, we ought to have ordered our ships of Krupps; and he then says:
"It is not essential to prop up for ever an industry that does not make itself industrially remunerative; but when you look back upon the consequences of national neglect during a whole series of years, and find yourself obliged at the beginning of the War to call on industries to take up new branches, to expend their capital upon them, to develop research and to turn out in a few months that which must rival the result of years of work abroad—if you call upon them to come to your aid at a moment of danger like that, you must not think your duty to them has come to an end when the crisis is over. You first of all have to realise what they have done for you. But most of all you have to feel that you must take care that the danger does not recur. And in the reference that is made to the question of drugs and fine chemicals and to many others, such as optical glass and other key industries, we have to make the Government feel that it called into existence infant industries to supply its essential needs during the War, and left them still in a condition of infancy at its close."
He goes on to point out that you must do something to prevent the ruthless foreign competition to which these industries would be exposed unless you did something to prevent it, and that if you did do that, you would be back in the position in which you were in 1914. On that I take my stand. I scrap all my Free Trade principles as regards these pivotal industries, as irrelevant to the serious issues involved.
Hear, hear!
The hon. and gallant Member knows perfectly well what I mean. Let him go back to the men he commanded at the War, and say whether he would risk them again because optical glass could not be got—whether, because he wants to get it a little cheaper for Glasgow students, he would risk their lives. Whatever may be my views as to this Bill, and with some parts of it I am not in much sympathy, I believe that in carrying out this principle of preserving these pivotal industries, we must at any cost, at the sacrifice of any of those principles which might have operated in peace time, be prepared to do something to keep those industries alive both in peace and in war.
The hon. and gallant Member who has just sat down is—quite unintentionally, I am sure, but nevertheless really—very offensive to those of us who are supporting this particular Amendment. He suggests that, because we put forward an Amendment of this kind, we are indifferent to the lives of our fellow men.
I am sure I never suggested that hon. Members were indifferent, but I say that their action would lead to a result which would endanger those lives in the future.
That is slightly different, but only slightly. I repudiate the suggestion that we are indifferent to the lives of our fellow men. I think that I have just as keen a realisation as anyone of what is due to soldiers in the field, but the hon. Gentleman, like many others who have spoken, and particularly the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel), addressed himself to a point that has never been made. They are proving up to the hilt something which no one has ever tried to deny, and that is that during the War we did undoubtedly suffer from a lack of optical glass and other things. Everyone admits that, and four-fifths of the hon. Members' speeches seem to be simply waste of time.
I hope the hon. and gallant Member will forgive me for interrupting him, but the hon. Member for the Western Isles (Dr. Murray) did say, and I read it in the book from which he read, that the optical instrument manufacturers of this country were perfectly ready and well equipped to hand out enough instruments for 5,000,000 men, but when it came to a question of handing them out—and my duty was to make contracts in the War Office—they could not deliver the goods; they had not the instruments. The basis of the argument of the hon. Member for the Western Isles falls to the ground when you take it to its logical conclusion. The optical instrument makers could not do that which we wanted them to do.
It is common ground that at the beginning of the War we lacked these instruments, but, on the showing of the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, the Government subsidised those makers who were already in this country, and on his admission they were able, by the end of the War, to turn out as good stuff as the German manufacturers. Why, therefore, continue this particular protection, seeing that they have reached the standard of excellence already attained by the Germans, and in view of the fact that a certain amount of protection is going to be continued to them, because it must be remembered that this optical glass, in addition to coming under Part I of the Bill, is also coming under Part II, and therefore it will have protection to the extent of 33⅓ per cent, under Part II? Accordingly, I still maintain that the hon. and gallant Gentleman, and nearly everyone else who speaks on these questions, misses the point that we make. I hope it is not our fault.
May I again interrupt the hon. and gallant Member? In my own hearing the representative of the firm which makes optical glass, or did make it towards the end of the War, told the Secretary to the Oveaseas Trade Department, at a deputation at which I was present, that unless they could get some help by way of Government interference, such as is now proposed, they would drop the making of glass for the future. That was within the last three months, and I myself introduced the deputation. They told the Government that they would not continue. The basis of the hon. and gallant Member's argument is absolutely hollow, and does not support his conclusions.
With all respect, I do not agree at all. The hon. Member's argument is again directed to the same point to which he directed his previous argument. We agree that there was a lack of these instruments, and that there Dught not to be a lack of them in the future. The only difference between us is as to the method by which a supply is to be assured in the future. The hon. Gentleman only gave a minute or two to that, and that is the only quarrel we have with him. We say this is not the proper method, and if he would direct his attention to that argument he would be a little more relevant to the question at issue. I want to direct attention to one point which was made by the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel). We are told this is only a temporary expedient, that it is only to be for five years, and then it is to stop. By that time the industry presumably is going to be established and will be able to fight any German or other firm. But the hon. Member says this industry is only a bagatelle, and only £50,000 worth of optical glass is used in one year, and therefore it will never pay them at any time to make this glass. On his own showing it is useless to give them any assistance just now unless at the same time you undertake to continue it for all time. I think the hon. Member will admit that that is the logical effect of his argument. Therefore, all this talk about it being a temporary expedient is moonshine. The hon. Member wants to saddle us with a permanent system of Protection. He has admitted that, to be of any use, these provisions must be permanent.
I approach the matter from the Free Trade point of view and therefore from the same point of view as the hon. Member for Consett (Mr. A. Williams). I read the pamphlet which was issued to Members of the House some time ago by Lord Moulton, and I had had some misgivings before then. I have also read the Report of the Committee, and one cannot but be affected by the statements made by the Committee and by Lord Moulton, whom no one would charge with being other than a consistent Free Trader for many years of a long and useful life. It seems to me that the beginning of wisdom is the recognition of facts. The fact is that at the beginning of the War we could not make this particular commodity. It is now said by the hon. and gallant Member for Central Aberdeen (Major M. Wood) that at a particular date the people who had not been able to make it at the beginning of the War were then able to make it. Is that so? The hon. and gallant Gentleman said that within the last three months they had said something to the contrary.
The Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department, speaking on the Amendment, said it was so. I was quoting him.
I take it the statements made were correct, coming direct from the firm themselves, that they could not make it without some help. Therefore the position quite recently is much the same as it was at the beginning of the War. Therefore it seems to me we have to adopt some means. Let us put Free Trade and Protection on one side. There is no Free Trade principle involved surely in doing away with a monopoly. This commodity, of course, is essentially a monopoly, and the firm the name of which was mentioned supplies the whole world. Therefore what we have to consider, to bring the matter down to its essential point, is in what way are we going to secure that in the future we shall not be in the same position we were in at the beginning of the War, and as I understand only a few months ago. One of three methods might be adopted. I should prefer the direct manufacture by a State Department, and I think in course of time, although probably we should make a good many mistakes and use a great deal of money, that method of getting over the difficulty would be found to be the best. However, that method will not be adopted by this House, and I question if it would be adopted by the country. Therefore I dismiss it. The second method is that suggested by the hon. Member for Consett of subsidy. That has a good deal of attraction, but it has one weakness, and I rather think a fatal weakness. It involves on the part of the Government the selection of the firm that is going to be subsidised.
rose —
I discourage these continual interruptions. A Debate must be conducted as a Debate, and not by continual interruption.
Am I not in order in correcting a misunderstanding if the right hon. Gentleman attributes to me what I really did not say or intend to say?
No, it is not in order for hon. Members to be continually interrupting other speeches. The way to answer them is to be called by the Chair. I discourage these continual interruptions.
I was going to examine the second method in the light of a general principle. I was not going to attribute anything to the hon. Member in that respect. The method of subsidy involves a selection being made. There might be half-a-dozen firms which could make this article. The Government is not called upon, surely, to subsidise all the lot. They would have to give the work to one or the other. Therefore we come into exactly the same sort of difficulty that is inherent in a Protectionist system—logrolling and so on. That, to my mind, is almost, if not quite, fatal to the subsidy principle. In some cases it might be all, right where only one firm might do the whole thing. In this case it is not suggested that only one firm could do the whole thing, and therefore it involves selection, with all the background of favouritism that is involved. Therefore I think I prefer the first method I mentioned to get over the difficulty, but I am going to support the Government in the method of Tax which is in the Bill. It may not be the right method. Experience only will show. It may not be effective. Experience must be left to decide that. But it is an effort to prevent us being placed in the same position we were in at the beginning of the War.
I should like to examine the position which arose out of the pledge given by the Government at the last General Election that they would secure to the nation certain essential industries. It was no pledge of imposing a 33⅓ per cent. duty and running away from all the consequences. They undertook definitely that they would secure to the nation certain essential war industries. Optical glass manufacture was one of the industries mentioned, and they are bound by that pledge to see that there is an efficient industry in optical glass in this country. If they do not see that that is so, they are neglecting their pledge. We claim that this Bill will not produce that result. The proper way to ensure an efficient supply is for the State to undertake the manufacture of the optical glass. By running away from a new Clause earlier in the day the Government have put themselves in the position that, although they may give this 33⅓ per cent. protection to the glass trade, they have no power to inquire how the industry is getting on, whether it is being worked at a profit, and whether it is producing the glass required. They have no power to make inquiries" or to obtain information from the firm who are supposed to be making the glass. I doubt whether they have the power to ascertain whether the glass is being made at all, or whether it is being imported from Germany. The best way is to adopt State manufacture. The other proposal was not really in the nature of a subsidy, but that the Government should regularly place orders for optical glass with manufacturers in this country. If that is subsidising, then you are subsidising the makers of armour plate every day. The Government regularly place; orders for armour plate with Vickers, Beardmores, Brown's, and others. They are, if you call it subsidising, subsidising these firms to ensure that they have a supply of these essential plates for the nation in time of war. That is exactly what would happen in the case of glass. This optical glass trade is a very small one. We are told that £50,000 a year represents the whole trade of the world, and the duty on that would amount to £16,600. That is not going to work a miracle. You will be in the same position when this duty is put on as you are now. You will not have a sufficient supply of optical glass, and you will be compelled in the end to adopt national manufacture, and the sooner the Government adopts that plan the better.
Question put, "That the words 'optical glass' stand part of the Schedule."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 200; Noes, 77.
Division No. 373.] AYES [8.50 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Oman, Sir Charles William C. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Ganzoni, Sir John O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Armstrong, Henry Bruce Gilbert, James Daniel Parker, James Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Atkey, A. R. Goff, Sir R. Park Pearce, Sir William Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Baird, Sir John Lawrence Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Green, Albert (Derby) Pennefather, De Fonblanque Balfour, George (Hampstead) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Perkins, Walter Frank Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Perring, William George Barker, Major Robert H. Gregory, Holman Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Barlow, Sir Montague Greig, Colonel Sir James William Pratt, John William Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Gritted, W. G. Howard Prescott, Major W. H. Barnston, Major Harry Hailwood, Augustine Randies, Sir John Scurrah Beckett, Hon. Gervase Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Harris, Sir Henry Percy Reid, D. D. Betterton, Henry B. Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Ronwick, Sir George Bigland, Alfred Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Blair, Sir Reginald Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Borwick, Major G. O. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Robinson. Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Rodger, A. K. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n. W.) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Brassey, H. L. C. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Breese, Major Charles E. Hopkins, John W. W. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Brown, Major D. C. Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Bruton, Sir James Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hurd, Percy A. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Burgoyne, Lt.-Col. Alan Hughes Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Butcher, Sir John George James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Stanton, Charles Butt Campbell, J. D. G. Jodrell, Neville Paul Starkey, Captain John Ralph Carew, Charles Robert S. Johnson, Sir Stanley Stewart, Gershom Carr, W. Theodore Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Sturrock, J. Leng Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Casey, T. W. Kidd, James Terrell, George, (Wilts, Chippenham) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton King, Captain Henry Douglas Thomas-Stanford, Charles Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Chilcot, Lieut. Com. Harry W. Lloyd, George Butler Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Churchman, Sir Arthur Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Thorpe, Captain John Henry Clough, Sir Robert Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Cobb, Sir Cyril Lorden, John William Waddington, R. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Conway, Sir W. Martin M'Connell, Thomas Edward Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Cope, Major William M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Waring, Major Walter Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Watson, Captain John Bertrand Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Curzon, Captain Viscount Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Whitla, Sir William Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Maddocks, Henry Williams, C. (Tavistock) Doyle, N. Grattan Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Edge, Captain William Manville, Edward Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Martin, A. E. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Evans, Ernest Mason, Robert Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Molson, Major John Elsdale Woolcock, William James U. Fell, Sir Arthur Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Fildes, Henry Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Yeo, Sir Alfred William Ford, Patrick Johnston Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Young, E. H. (Norwich) Foreman, Sir Henry Murray, John (Leeds, West) Forestier-Walker, L. Murray, William (Dumfries) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Fraser, Major Sir Keith Neal, Arthur Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr Frece, Sir Walter de Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Dudley Ward.
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Cape, Thomas Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Bromfield, William Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Cairns, John Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Irving, Dan Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) John, William (Rhondda, West) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Entwistle, Major C. F. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Finney, Samuel Kennedy, Thomas Swan, J. E. Galbraith, Samuel Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Gillis, William Kenyon, Barnet Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Glanville, Harold James Kiley, James Daniel Tootill, Robert Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Lawson, John James Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Lunn, William Waterson, A. E. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Grundy, T. W. MacVeagh, Jeremiah Wignall, James Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Mallalieu, Frederick William Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Halls, Walter Mills, John Edmund Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Hancock, John George Morgan, Major D. Watts Wilson, James (Dudley) Hartshorn, Vernon Myers, Thomas Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbrdge) Hayday, Arthur Raffan, Peter Wilson Wintringham, Thomas Hayward, Evan Rees, Capt. J. Tudor (Barnstaple) Hinds, John Rendall, Athelstan TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hirst, G. H. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Major Mackenzie Wood and Dr. Hogge, James Myles Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich Murray. Holmes, J. Stanley Robertson, John
I beg to move, after the word "elements" ["optical elements"] to insert the words, " other than ophthalmic lenses."
Ophthalmic lenses are simply spectacle glasses, and I see no reason why spectacles glasses should be taxed. Ophthalmic lenses is simply the trade name for these spectacle glasses, which are made of crown glass, and unless the words which I propose are added we shall be taxing the spectacles of poor people, old and young.
9.0 P.M.
I hope that the Committee will reject this Amendment. Ophthalmic lenses are of the greatest importance in war, in which many people unfortunately are apt to have their sight injured, and it is essential that we should be able to have spectacles manufactured in this country. But there is something mare to it than that. The whole of the optical instrument trade must stand or fall together. If you want to have this trade in a condition in which it will be ready to manufacture the essential articles, telescopes, gun sights, and the hundred and one things which are vital in war, you must see that the industry has its chance in peace. The very men who are engaged in the manufacture of these essential instruments in war time are the men who, if they are to be kept in employment, must be engaged on the products of the industry which are required in times of peace. The trained skilled worker who is employed on the peaceful products is the only man to whom you can turn to make the instuments that are necessary in war time. Ophthalmic lenses are a very important part of this indus- try. They are one of the largest elements of its peace manufacture. Before the War about 90 per cent. of what we used was imported, and if the industry is to be kept together and to be efficient it is necessary to extend protection to ophthalmic lenses. There is no doubt that the quality of British manufacture would be adequate. The only argument that may used in favour of this Amendment is the question of price. If it were true that you could keep on getting very good stuff all the time at low prices, that in itself would not be enough to warrant sweeping away this essential industry-But what is happening in the essential industries where home competition is eliminated by foreign competition and by the swamping of our home markets? Exactly what one would anticipate has already happened in many cases. Once the British industry is destroyed and the trade passes into the hand of the foreign competitor the prices are always put up en the home consumer.
An interesting example of that came before the committee on trusts which investigated the case of scientific glass. They found as a fact that where there was keen competition, and the British manufacturer was manufacturing and trying to hold his own articles of German importation were being sold at a low price, but where the home industry had been beaten out of existence, and there was no British product to compete with the foreign importation, then prices were being charged which would mean to the consumer approximately five times the pre-War price of such goods. Therefore the only argument that can be adduced in favour of this Amendment falls to the ground. If we exclude ophthalmic lenses from the scope of this Bill we should probably be getting a poor quality of glass which would be the worst thing for the eyesight of our people, and as soon as our industry was knocked out we should have to pay very much higher prices than we are paying to-day, and we should pay them for an article not so good as that which we should be able to produce in this country,
and to get into that unfortunate position we should sacrifice all chance of making a flourishing and satisfactory optical instrument industry in this country. In those circumstances I appeal to the Committee to reject the Amendment.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 75; Noes, 202.
Division No. 274.] AYES. [9.5 p.m. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hancock, John George Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hartshorn, Vernon Raffan, Peter Wilson Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hayday, Arthur Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hayward, Evan Rendail, Atheistan Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hinds, John Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Hirst, G. H. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Briant, Frank Hogge, James Myles Robertson, John Bromfield, William Holmes, J. Stanley Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Cairns, John Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Irving, Dan Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. John, William (Rhondda, West) Swan, J. E. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Kennedy, Thomas Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Tootill, Robert Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Kenyon, Barnet Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Entwistle, Major C. F. Kiley, James Daniel Waterson, A. E. Finney, Samuel Lawson, John James White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Galbraith, Samuel Lunn, William Wignall, James Gillis, William Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Glanville, Harold James MacVeagh, Jeremiah Wilson, James (Dudley) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Mallalleu, Frederick William Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Mills, John Edmund Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Morgan, Major D. Watts Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Grundy, T. W. Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth Myers, Thomas TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Halls, Walter O'Grady, James Mr. A. Williams and Mr. Cape.
NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Casey, T. W. Grant, James Augustus Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Armstrong, Henry Bruce Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Green, Albert (Derby) Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Churchman, Sir Arthur Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Atkey, A. R. Clough, Sir Robert Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Cobb, Sir Cyril Creig, Colonel Sir James William Baird, Sir John Lawrence Cohen, Major J. Brunei Gritten, W. G. Howard Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hailwood, Augustine Balfour, George (Hampstead) Conway, Sir W. Martin Hall, Captain Sir Douglas Bernard Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Cope, Major William Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Barker, Major Robert H. Curzon, Captain Viscount Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Barlow, Sir Montague Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Barnston, Major Harry Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Beckett, Hon. Gervase Doyle, N. Grattan Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H, (Devizes) Edge, Captain William Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'n n'n. W.) Bigland, Alfred Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Hope, James F. (Sheffield, Central) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Evans, Ernest Hopkins, John W. W. Blair, Sir Reginald Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Fell, Sir Arthur Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Fildes, Henry Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Brassey, H. L. C. Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Hurd, Percy A. Breese, Major Charles E. Ford, Patrick Johnston Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Brown, Major D. C. Foreman, Sir Henry James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Forestier-Walker, L. Jodrell, Neville Paul Bruton, sir James Fraser, Major Sir Keith Johnson, Sir Stanley Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Frece, Sir Walter de Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Burgoyne, Lt.-Col. Alan Hughes Ganzoni, Sir John Kidd, James Butcher, Sir John George Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham King, Captain Henry Douglas Campbell, J. D. G. Gilbert, James Daniel Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Carew, Charles Robert S. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Lloyd, George Butler Carr, W. Theodore Goff, Sir R. Park Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Pennefather, De Fonblanque Sturrock, J. Leng Lorden, John William Perkins, Walter Frank Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Perring, William George Taylor, J. M'Connell, Thomas Edward Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Terrell, George, (Wilts, Chippenham) M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Poison, Sir Thomas A. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Pratt, John William Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Purchase, H. G. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Randles, Sir John Scurrah Thorpe, Captain John Henry McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Waddington, R. Maddocks, Henry Reid, D. D. Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Renwick, Sir George Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Manville, Edward Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Watson, Captain John Bertrand Martin, A. E. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Mason, Robert Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Molson, Major John Elsdale Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford Whitla, Sir William Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Rodger, A. K. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Murchison, C. K. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Murray, William (Dumfries) Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Woolcock, William James U. Neal, Arthur Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Oman, Sir Charles William C. Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Yeo, Sir Alfred William O-Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Young, E. H. (Norwich) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Stanier, Captain Sir Seville Parker, James Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Pearce, Sir William Stanton, Charles Butt Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Starkey, Captain John Ralph Dudley Ward. Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Stewart, Gershom
I beg to move, to leave out the word "microscopes."
I beg to support the Amendment.
This Amendment has been proposed once already, on the Resolution, and negatived by a very large majority. Not only does the argument which I used before, as to the need of keeping the complete industry, apply. to this, but the microscope is quite obviously a necessary optical instrument to have in war. It has been suggested that research cannot proceed without microscopes. That is an elementary fact which is quite obvious, but what is equally obvious is, that the time, above all others when you need the microscope, is when you are carrying out research in war and going into all the bacteria which enter into diseases arising in the course of war. In past wars an enormous number of diseases cropped up where it was essential to make the most
accurate examination of bacteria, and many men's lives were saved by injections of specially prepared serum of the kind calculated most strenuously to fight the bacteria which the patient had got into his system. In no case could any of these serums or any of these injections have been prepared except by the use of the microscope. If we were to follow the unfortunate advice which was given to us on this subject by the hon. Member for the Western Isles (Dr. Murray), we should find ourselves in the position of having a large amount of scientific knowledge in the country, but quite unable to get even a microscope with which to apply it. I therefore submit that it would be most improper and unreasonable to exclude microscopes from the scope of this Bill.
Question put, "That the word 'microscopes' stand part of the Schedule."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 202; Noes, 74.
Division No. 275.] AYES. [9.15 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Brown, Major D. C. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Barnston, Major Harry Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Beckett, Hon. Gervase Bruton, Sir James Armstrong, Henry Bruce BeH, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Betterton, Henry B. Burgoyne, Lt.-Col. Alan Hughes Atkey, A. R. Bigland, Alfred Campbell, J. D. G. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Birchall, Major J. Dearman Carew, Charles Robert S. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Blair, Sir Reginald Carr, W. Theodore Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Borwick, Major G. O. Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Casey, T. W. Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Banner, Sir John S. Harmood Brassey, H. L. C. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Barlow, Sir Montague Breese, Major Charles E. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Hohier, Gerald Fitzroy Purchase, H. G. Churchman, Sir Arthur Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n. W.) Randies, Sir John Scurrah Clough, Sir Robert Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Cobb, Sir Cyril Hopkins, John W. W. Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Cohen, Major J. Brunei Home, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Reid, D. D. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Holchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Cope, Major William Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hurd, Percy A. Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford) Curzon, Captain Viscount Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B Rodger, A. K. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hetnel Hempstead) Jodroll, Neville Paul Roundel!, Colonel R. F. Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Johnson, Sir Stanley Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Doyle, N. Grattan Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Edge, Captain William Kidd, James Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) King, Captain Henry Douglas Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Evans, Ernest Lloyd, George Butler Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Falcon, Captain Michael Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Codfray Lorden, John William Stanton, Charles Butt Farquharson, Major A. C. M'Connell, Thomas Edward Starkey, Captain John Ralph Fildes, Henry M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Stewart, Gershom Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Sturrock, J. Leng Ford, Patrick Johnston McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Foreman, Sir Henry Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Taylor, J. Forestier-Walker, L. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Terrell, George, (Wilts, Chippenham) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Frece, Sir Walter de Maddocks, Henry Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Ganzoni, sir John Manville, Edward Thorpe, Captain John Henry Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Waddington, R. Gilbert, James Daniel Martin, A. E. Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Mason, Robert Walton, J. (York, W R., Don Valley) Goff, Sir R. Park Molson, Major John Elsdale Waring, Major Walter Grant, James Augustus Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Watson, Captain John Bertrand Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Murchison, C. K. Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Green, Albert (Derby) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Whitla, Sir William Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Murray, William (Dumfries) Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Neal, Arthur Williams, C. (Tavistock) Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Newman, sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Greig, Colonel Sir James William Oman, Sir Charles William O. Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Gritten, W. G. Howard O'Neill. Major Hon. Robert W. H. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Hallwood, Augustine Parker, James Wooleock, William James U. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Worthington-Evans. Rt. Hon. Sir L. Harmsworth, Hon. E. C (Kent) Pearce, Sir William Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Harris, Sir Henry Percy Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Yeo, Sir Alfred William Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Perkins, Walter Frank Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Perring, William George TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Polson, Sir Thomas A. Dudley Ward. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Pratt, John William
NOES. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Halls, Walter Myers, Thomas Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hancock, John George Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hartshorn, Vernon Rendall, Athelstan Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hayday, Arthur Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Hayward, Evan Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hinds, John Robertson, John Bramsdon. Sir Thomas Hirst, G. H. Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Briant, Frank Hogge, James Myles Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Bromfield, William Holmes, J. Stanley Swan, J. E. Cairns, John Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Cape, Thomas Irving, Dan Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) John, William (Rhondda, West) Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Waterson, A. E. Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Kennedy, Thomas White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. W. Wignall, James Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Kenyon, Barnet Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Entwistle, Major C. F. Kiley, James Daniel Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Finney, Samuel Lawson, John James Wilson, James (Dudley) Galbraith, Samuel Lunn, William Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Gillis, William Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Glanville, Harold James Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Mallalieu, Frederick William Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Mills, John Edmund TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Morgan, Major D. Watts Mr. Raffan and Mr. Tootill. Grundy, T. W.
I beg to move, to leave out the words, "field and opera glasses."
It is indeed a surprising thing to me that the hon. Members opposite have forgotten the dark and dreary days of the War. They have forgotten the day when the great Lord Roberts was flooding the newspapers of this country with advertisements appealing for opera glasses, and appealing for field glasses, in order that the officers of the Army might have the required instruments to properly conduct the operations in the field of war. [HON. MEMBERS: "Opera glasses?"] I may say that it is indeed a lamentable thing that these Gentlemen opposite should at this time indulge in laughter, and make this matter a sport, when only a few years back it was a matter of grief and tears that this country was so ill-equipped in this matter of field glasses. [HON. MEMBERS: "And opera glasses!"] It displays a lamentable lack of patriotism that has been peculiar to these Gentlemen, not only at this time, but during the period of the War. The country would indeed fail in its duty if it does not visit with the severest condemnation this light-hearted and sporting way in which Members opposite are treating this very grave Amendment.
Supposing under this Bill it is possible to provide work for the British workman in the provision of opera glasses, it is something that is entirely desirable. There is no doubt that hon. Gentlemen opposite are large purchasers of opera glasses, and may feel that it is a very undesirable thing that an additional charge should be made upon this luxury, which is very essential to their lives. The reason they speak so feelingly upon this particular topic, but the important matter is that opera glasses are of no interest to Members on this side. We do not care whether you have opera glasses or not. But one thing is certain. Members on this side are determined that never again in the history of this Empire shall we witness the pitiable spectacle of a great British general begging for cast-off glasses in order that British officers may get the distances and sight the shots while we are at war. We at any rate have learned a lesson. We are the men who remember, and it is lamentable that any body of hon. Members should make light sport of what was a great tragedy. It may be great sport to do this in order to fritter away and waste time, but I hope the country will take notice that hon. Members opposite are at this moment prepared to move an Amendment to put the country back in that position in which it was before, when not a single firm in this country was adequately equipped to manufacture the material for essential defences in war. I shall vote against this Amendment, and if the hon. Gentleman have Division after Division, I will vote against them, although my weary legs bend. I shall come upstairs as often as necessary to vote. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not stay here?"] Because I am not in the position of the hon. Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy); I cannot exist without food. The country should take careful note of the names of the men who at this time are prepared to put our country in the very lamentable and disgraceful position for any great country, the position in which we were when, like poverty-stricken people, we were begging for the required material—to allow our brave officers to save the lives of our brave men.
I am a little astonished at the attitude of the hon. Members who support this Amendment. I have always taken the line that it would be an advantage to the country, and an advantage to those classes which hon. Members opposite think they represent, namely, the labouring classes, if an opportunity was given to encourage the manufacture of English goods in this country. I took my stand on that many years ago, when I stood for a working-class constituency. I am sorry to say I did not impress my views upon the electors of that day, but I think they were mistaken. The argument which they advanced, and hon. Members opposite have always advanced, was that if you put a duty on imported goods you would be compelled to put a duty upon food, and if a duty was put upon food, then the working-class would suffer and would not be able to obtain the necessaries of life; that the little increase in wages which they would obtain under the duty upon manufactured articles would not compensate for the loss which they would sustain by having to pay more for their food. That is an arguable proposition. I do not agree with it. In my view it is a selfish and mistaken policy.
But what other position have hon. Members taken up? It is that, at any rate, the wealtheir classes should bear the burden which has been imposed upon the inhabitants of this country in order to pay for the War. There, again, I am in disagreement with them, because I think that those burdens should be equally shared by all. I have never been in favour of this Bill. As a Protectionist, I have always taken the view that a moderate duty paid to the Revenue, and at the same time encouraging manufactures, trade and industry in this country, would be to the advantage of all. That view has been disputed by hon. Gentlemen opposite, but now we have got a sort of half-baked attempt to carry out my idea and to meet their views at the same time. We are proposing to put a duty on certain articles essential for carrying on war, and among those articles are field and opera glasses. What do they say? I challenge any Member of the Labour party to get up and inform the Committee in what way the vast majority of the labouring class would be injured by a duty being put on field and opera glasses? The vast majority of the labouring class do not use either field or opera glasses, unless possibly during the time they were in receipt of very high wages they purchased opera glasses and went to the opera. I have heard it said that among the miners a good deal of champagne was drunk during the War, but that has been denied by hon. Gentlemen opposite. But, at any rate, I have not heard of any member of the labouring classes who purchased opera glasses, either for himself or his wife.
Then in what way is the class which hon. Members claim to represent here injured by the proposal to put this duty on field and opera glasses. Seeing that as
purchasers of field and opera glasses, it is clear the labouring class will not be hurt by their inclusion in this Schedule, may I draw attention to another side of the picture. Will not the artisan who helps to make field and opera glasses benefit by a duty being put upon them? Will there not be increased employment given to those who make these glasses? Again I challenge any Member of the Labour party to contradict what I say, i.e., that the first effect of this duty will be to increase employment in this country, and secondly, it will not take a single shilling out of the pockets of any member of the class which hon. Members opposite profess to represent. I do not believe a single Member opposite ever wanted to buy either a field or opera glass; if he had done so he might not have known what to do with it. I am driven very reluctantly to the conclusion that hon. Members opposite are not sincere in their opposition in this particular case, but for the purpose of making some Parliamentary show they have thought it wise to oppose the inclusion of these articles in the Schedule. I have hitherto held the view that hon. Gentlemen opposite, although they expressed opinions contrary to those I entertain, have been sincere in their action, entirely wrong though they may be. But at the present moment I am losing confidence in them. I sincerely trust that if they cannot justify the exclusion of these articles from the Schedule they will not waste the time of the Committee by pressing the matter to a Division.
Question put, "That the words 'field and opera glasses' stand part of the Schedule."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 212, Noes, 76.
Division No. 276.] AYES. [9.40 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Beckett, Hon. Gervase Bruton, Sir James Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Amery, Leopold C. M.S. Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Butcher, Sir John George Armstrong, Henry Bruce Betterton, Henry B. Campbell, J. D. G. Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Bigland, Alfred Carew, Charles Robert S. Astbury, Lieut. Com. Frederick W. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Carr, W. Theodore Atkey, A. R. Blair, Sir Reginald Carter, It. A. D. (Man., Withington) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Berwick, Major G. O. Casey, T. W. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Balfour, George (Hampstead) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W) Banbury, Rt. Hon. sir Frederick G. Brassey, H. L. C. Chamberlain. N. (Birm., Ladywood) Barlow, Sir Montague Breese, Major Charles E. Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry w. Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Brittain, Sir Harry Churchman, Sir Arthur Barnston, Major Harry Brown, Major D. C. Clough, Sir Robert Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Cobb, Sir Cyril Cohen, Major J. Brunel Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hurd, Percy A. Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Reid, D. D. Cope, Major William Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Renwick, Sir George Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Jodrell, Neville Paul Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Johnson, Sir Stanley Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Doyle, N. Grattan Kidd, James Rodger, A. K. Edge, Captain William King, Captain Henry Douglas Roundell, Colonel R. F. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Lloyd, George Butler Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Falcon, Captain Michael Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Lorden, John William Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Farquharson, Major A. C. Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Fildes, Henry Lyle, C. E. Leonard Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. M'Connell, Thomas Edward Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Ford, Patrick Johnston M'Donald, Dr. Bouverle F. P. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Foreman, Sir Henry McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Forestier-Walker, L. Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Starkey, Captain John Ralph Fraser, Major Sir Keith McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Stewart, Gershom Frece, Sir Walter de Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Sturrock, J. Leng Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Maddocks, Henry Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Ganzoni, Sir John Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Taylor, J. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Manville, Edward Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Gilbert, James Daniel Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Thomas-Stanford, Charles Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Martin, A. E. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Goff, Sir R. Park Mason, Robert Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Molson, Major John Elsdale Thorpe, Captain John Henry Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Morfd, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Green, Albert (Derby) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Waddington, R. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Murchison, C. K. Waring, Major Walter Greig, Colonel Sir James William Murray, John (Leeds, West) Warren, Sir Alfred H. Gritten, W. G. Howard Nall, Major Joseph Watson, Captain John Bertrand Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Neal, Arthur Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Hailwood, Augustine Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Wheler, Col. Granville C. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford. Luton) Nield, Sir Herbert Whitla, Sir William Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Harris, Sir Henry Percy O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Parker, James Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Pearce, Sir William Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Woolcock, William James U. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Pennefather, De Fonblanque Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Perkins, Walter Frank Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n, W.) Perring, William George Yeo, Sir Alfred William Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Young, E. H. (Norwich) Hopkins, John W. W. Poison, Sir Thomas A. Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Pratt, John William TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Hotchkin. Captain Stafford Vere Purchase, H. G. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Randles, Sir John Scurrah Dudley Ward.
NOES. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Halls, Walter Raffan, Peter Wilson Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hancock, John George Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hayday, Arthur Rendall, Atheistan Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hayward, Evan Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hinds, John Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hirst, G. H. Robertson, John Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Hogge, James Myles Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Briant, Frank Holmes, J. Stanley Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Bromfield, William Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Cairns, John Irving, Dan Swan, J. E. Cape, Thomas John, William (Rhondda, West) Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Kennedy, Thomas Tootill, Robert Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Kenyon, Barnet Waterson, A. E. Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Kiley, James Daniel White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Lawson, John James Wignall, James Entwistle, Major C. F. Lunn, William Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Finney, Samuel Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Galbraith, Samuel Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Wilson, James (Dudley) Gillis, William Mallalieu, Frederick William Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. w. (Stourbridge) Glanville, Harold James Mills, John Edmund Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Morgan, Major D. Watts Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Myers, Thomas Major Mackenzie Wood and Mr. A. Grundy, T. W. O'Grady, James Davies (Clitheroe). Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)
Amendment proposed: Leave out the word "theodolites."—[ Mr. Hogge. ]
I hope that the Committee will give really serious consideration to this Amendment. I am afraid that a certain amount of flippancy was used by Members discussing the last Amendment, and I am about to endeavour to give the Debate a more serious turn. As hon. Members on the Labour benches are aware, a theodolite is an instrument for measuring angles with great precision, and it is extremely important that there should be a perfectly free inlet into this country of all instruments for measuring angles, particularly at the present time. For during the last few years there has been developed, mainly in Germany, a theory which has a direct bearing upon our conceptions of the structure of the universe, and I hope to show how this theory, the General Theory of Relativity of Einstein, with all its possibilities of a wider outlook for mankind, now accepted by practically all mathematicians and physicists, how this theory could never have originated had it not been for experimental work done by means of theodolites by the great German mathematician whose name was Gauss. He knew well the essential value of theodolites. Doubting whether the three angles of a triangle inevitably made two right angles, he set out to prove whether, within the range of distances available for scientific observation on the surface of the earth, this essential point in the geometry of Euclid did or did not stand condemned by actual observations. His experiment gave entirely negative results, and therefore, being a mathematician, he was confirmed in his opinion and more than ever doubted whether those three angles made up two right angles. He felt that, even though he was in possession of the most perfect German theodolites, there might have been some error in the instruments, some error of observation on his own part, perhaps some nervous motion of the hand that controlled the adjusting screw of the telescope and that, though subsequent further investigations which he conducted still more conclusively proved those angles equal to two right angles, some means must be found to show that they are not really so. And gradually there dawned upon him the latent possibilities of a new system of geometry based upon what are commonly known as Gauss Co-ordinates. And from that system grew the General Theory of Relativity of Einstein. I trust my hon. Friends opposite are following this argument with the close attention with which they always follow my arguments, and I hope they will do me the honour of contesting my statements, as hitherto they have always contested my statements on every subject under the sun. It is very difficult for a mere student of these things, like myself, to make himself perfectly plain on this subject in a few sentences, but with the kind sympathy of Members opposite I will attempt now to connect up the theodolite of Gauss and the experiments of Gauss with the latest developments of the theory of relativity.
I have pointed out that the real origin of this world-shaking discovery was the early work of Gauss some 60 or 70 years ago, early work which depended upon his being in possession, not of one theodolite, but of three separate and distinct theodolites, and that as a result of those experiments done with theodolites of German make he confirmed those doubts which he held about the absolute correctness of Euclidian geometry, and from that he designed his system of co-ordinates. I should explain to hon. Members opposite—they will follow me now—that hitherto mathematicians and physicists had not conceived the beautiful and epoch-making possibilities of equations of transformation obtained by working with co-ordinates such as Gaussian co-ordinates, which may be unlimited as to number, need not necessarily be in rectangular relation, need not necessarily have a common origin, may be of any form whether rectilinear or curvilinear, may be in any form of motion constant or otherwise, and may be used with equal delight and facility for the description of every possible combination of spatio-temporal relation in any possible form of universe. They are not limited to the three dimensions which, in the view of the old geometricians, embraced the full description of space. They were not limited even to those four dimensions of which mathematicians had conceived the possibility. These Gaussian co-ordinates could deal successfully with any number of dimensions. Soaring beyond four, they could touch five. The importance of this is obvious. For if they consider for a moment the possibilities of a universe with beings more or less like ourselves functioning only in two dimensions, my hon. Friends opposite will at once see that there can be no absolute truth for such beings, inasmuch as they can never conceive whether they are living upon a perfectly plain surface or upon a two dimensional surface curved in a third dimension. That is to say, it is impossible for an intelligence functioning in two dimensions really to conceive the truth of the universe in which it exists.
10.0 P.M.
Will my hon. Friends opposite trust my statements, as they always trust me, without requiring me to go into the proof that it is impossible for beings as ourselves, who more or less function in three dimensions, with the possibility of our functioning in the fourth not altogether excepted, to know exact and absolute truth unless our intelligences can function in four dimensions. And so with any indefinite number of dimensions. You must have some form of intelligence which can function in one more dimension than the state which it is endeavouring to describe absolutely. The importance of that could have been shown in the discussion on the Third Reading of the Church of Scotland Bill. If Members, and particularly Scottish Members, had had a really intelligent appreciation of these great and epoch-making ideas they would never have allowed the first Schedule of that Bill to go through in its existing form.
Would you have put a theodolite on it?
They would have expressed themselves with much greater refinement and with greater real truth by means of mathematics instead of by anthropomorphic dogma. This shows the error into which the Legislature can be led if there is not this free and easy trade in theodolites. Imagine if our great and intelligent nation had had to originate the work of Gauss on coordinates, without the certainty, after a European war, of being able to continue to import theodolites from Germany in large quantities. Then, instead of having had to wait to the year 1915 to get the full development of the general theory from the special theory which was developed in 1905, we could possibly have got that result many years earlier than could an inferior race which makes no use of theodolites. Hon. Members opposite will, I trust, bear with me, because it is a matter of real importance to them as to everybody else to continue to have these theodolites introduced into this country without any restrictions whatsoever. Remember that if we have this 33⅓ per cent. duty on imported theodolites the inevitable and natural result, as every convinced Free Trader knows, will be that every theodolite manufactured in England under that protective system will be 33⅓ per cent. worse than the corresponding German theodolite. We know perfectly well, we who have been brought up from childhood on the Free Trade theory, that if you put a duty of 10 per cent. on some article that particular article, when manufactured in this country, will be just 10 per cent. less in value, and in the case of theodolites in accuracy, than it would have been otherwise. Imagine the English philosopher, mathematician, or physicist endeavouring to repeat these great experiments. Suppose them following Gauss in his plan to attempt to prove the fact that there were only two right angles in the three angles of a triangle. Imagine if they had followed him, and had set up one theodolite upon some peak in the North, such as the Peak of Derbyshire, and another on one of the towers of the House of Commons, and the third upon some upland of Dartmoor, and had then proceeded to make observations—I admit somewhat long observations, but the longer the distances between the points , the greater the accuracy. Supposing, after all this hard work had been done—all this extremely difficult work, particularly in the summer weather climbing up those heights, because these were English-made theodolites, manufactured under a protective duty of 33⅓ per cent., each one of those theodolites might have made an error of 33⅓ in the observation, and, instead of proving what is admitted by mathematicians to be the fact, that within the limits within which we can make these practical experiments on the surface of the earth, to that extent we had found that, instead of making two right angles out of the three angles of a plane triangle, you would have something like three and a half right angles, the result to industry and to educational establishments in this country would have been perfectly terrible. The whole of the works of Euclid would have had to be collected and burnt by the public hangman. Everything that we have done would have to be undone. We should know then that, very possibly, if one projected two parallel straight lines for a mile, they would meet. An hon. Member casts some little doubt on that. If the three angles of a plane triangle were not equal to two right angles, the parallel lines would meet. That is perfectly evident. For those reasons, and for those most cogent reasons, which I trust will be pondered upon, and most carefully considered by hon. Members opposite, I do hope that the right hon. Gentleman will allow theodolites, at any rate, to enter free into this country.
First of all, I would like to call the attention of the hon. Member who has moved to leave out this instrument to what is really a gross breach of the ordinary practices and observances of this House. It has always been the custom, when an hon. Member moves an Amendment, that he should give some reason for the Amendment. [An HON. MEMBER: "There is no time under the Guillotine! "]
You are wasting our time now. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide!"]
It would be well to know what we have to divide about.
My right hon. Friend is the man who talked about the contempt of Parliament last night. We have a Guillotine now; why not let us divide?
Because the hon. Member has not shown any reason why theodolites should be left out of this Schedule. If any hon. Member on this side had moved an Amendment without saying a word in support of it, no one would have been more indignant than the hon. Member himself. The hon. Member is not in the habit of leaving explanations of his own Amendment to his opponent, and the only conclusion at which I can arrive is that the hon. Member did not know what the Amendment was about, because the House will agree with me when I say that modesty is not one of the distinguishing features of the hon. Member, nor is timidity. We have listened to a delightful speech and able exposition on theodolites from the hon. Member who has just sat down. He has enlightened us as to the actual purpose of theodolites. I, in my ignorance, am not very conversant with that instrument, but I understand it is an instrument used in surveying for the purpose of taking levels.
No; it is an instrument which will allow an observer to observe accurately angles in any fashion— angles, for instance, at an altitude, and angles on a plane surface.
It is an instrument used in surveying to take any angles at an altitude—
On account of the Guillotine, and the shortness of time, I beg to move "That the Question be now put."
The Chairman withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question.
The situation in which we find ourselves is very extraordinary.
Stop fooling, and let us get to business.
Will the hon. Member withdraw his Amendment? If he be unable to justify an Amendment which he has moved, he must not be surprised if other hon. Members get up to ascertain whether or not there is any ground for the Amendment.
Why does my right hon. Friend in that case vote for a Guillotine, which prevents our doing so?
The answer to that is, that I did not vote for it. I did not even vote for the suspension of the 11 o'clock Rule to-night, and the last time it was moved I voted against it, and I have always regularly Voted against the Guillotine. The hon. Member gets up and moves the Closure on his own Amendment, which he cannot explain, and neither he nor any Member of his party, nor any Member of the Labour party know in the least what they are talking about. [An HON. MEMBER: "Do not be impertinent!"] In these circumstances how can you expect those Members on this side of the House who believe in free speech to support the hon. Member when they are denied the right, which every Member of Parliament ought to have, namely, that of expressing his opinion? We know hon. Members opposite do not want to express themselves, but only to move Amendments and divide. In those circumstances, why do they object to the Guillotine, because the Guillotine apparently does exactly what the hon. Member wants?
The right hon. Gentleman is now discussing procedure, and not the Amendment.
I regret very much that I have been led astray by the attempt of the hon. Member for East Edinburgh to move the Closure. Now I get back to the question: "That the word 'theodolites' stand part of the Schedule." I was waiting for some explanation from the Labour party as to why they intended to vote the way they suggested. They have not given any explanation. I should like to know what it is that will induce the Labour party to vote for the exclusion of theodolites?
The speech of the hon. Gentleman opposite.
Well, it is something to get an answer. The hon. Gentleman is the first who has done anything except to move the Closure. He says he is going to vote for the exclusion of theodolites because of the speech of my hon. Friend.
Not your speech!
Never mind my speech. It is not the question whether my speech is good or bad.
Supposing the right hon. Gentleman had not replied, had not followed the hon. Member, would the Division not have been taken ten minutes ago?
I dare say it would, but that is not an answer to my question. I am looking for some reasoning. My hon. Friend below me has given reasons for inclusion. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] Yes, the Amendment is to leave theodolites out of the Schedule.
Perhaps my argument was a little involved. I thought I had made myself perfectly. clear—that we should have a free inlet of the instruments in the interests of research.
Does the right hon. Baronet understand it now?
I understand the hon. Gentleman is supporting the Labour party. The Labour party have enlisted a new recruit. The Labour party are unable — [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide!" and "Order, order!"] If hon. Members, instead of using arguments, prefer to shout "Divide, divide!" I have no objection, but it is not an argument that will commend itself to the Committee. I venture again to assert— [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide!"]
May I say, rather as amicus curiœ, that I think the more "Divide" is said to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London, the less likely is a Division to take place.
Why-should we not be protected from this farce?
Is it not a fact that the right hon. Gentleman, in order to waste the time of the Committee, has made a speech in which he has not said a word that is relevant to the Amendment?
Since I came into the Chamber a few minutes ago, I have not been able, on account of the inter-ruptionSj to hear what the right hon. Gentleman has said.
rose —
HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!
When hon. Members keep on—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide" and "Order, order!"]—On a point of Order—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide!"]
The right hon. Baronet has risen to a point of Order, and I ask the Committee to allow me to hear it.
Is it in order for the hon. Member for one of the Divisions of Edinburgh to say that it is a " damned farce"?
It is certainly not in order, and if those words had reached my ears I should certainly have asked the hon. Member to withdraw them.
On a point of Order. I have called your attention to the fact that the hon. Member for one of the Divisions of Edinburgh said this was a "damned farce," and you have ruled that if you had heard those words, you would have ruled them out of order. Do I understand the hon. Member either withdraws, or says that he did not use the words?
I do not think I can be cognisant of an expression which I did not myself hear. I can only suppose the hearing of the right hon. Baronet was at fault.
The hon. Member sits on that Front Bench and disregards all the rules, and shields himself, when he has committed a gross breach of the rules by shouting "Divide!" A more contemptible exhibition I have never seen.
rose —
Divide!
The hon. and gallant Gentleman (Lieut.-Commander Ken-worthy) is the last man who ought to cry "Divide!" We sit and listen to him hour
after hour and I think I am entitled to a hearing. I think the Committee ought to know what a theodolite is. It is a scientific instrument for measuring accurate angles. It is fixed on a tripod and is used throughout the length and breadth of the Dominions in surveying and engineering work. It is absolutely necessary to carry out preliminary surveys. I am not quite sure whether you can hear me, but I am doing my best. On a question of this kind there is no reason why one should not explain why it is absolutely essential that this scientific instrument should have a measure of protection.
It being half-past Ten of the Clock, the Chairman proceeded, pursuant to the Order of the House of 13 th June, to put forthwith the Question on the Amendment already proposed from the Chair.
Question put, "That the word 'theodolites' stand part of the Schedule."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 259; Noes, 73.
Division No. 277.] AYES. [10.30 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Campbell, J. D. G. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Carew, Charles Robert S. Frece, Sir Walter de Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Carr, W. Theodore Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Ganzoni, Sir John Armstrong, Henry Bruce Casey, T. W. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Gilbert, James Daniel Astbury, Lieut.-Com. Frederick W. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Atkey, A. R. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Glyn, Major Ralph Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Goff, Sir R. Park Baird, Sir John Lawrence Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Grant, James Augustus Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Churchman, Sir Arthur Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Clough, Sir Robert Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Coats, Sir Stuart Green, Albert (Derby) Barker, Major Robert H. Cobb, Sir Cyril Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Barlow, Sir Montague Cohen, Major J. Brunel Greene, Lieut.-Col. W. (Hackney, N.) Barnston, Major Harry Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Greig, Colonel Sir James William Beckett, Hon. Gervase Cope, Major William Gritten, W. G. Howard Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Benn, sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hailwood, Augustine Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Curzon, Captain Viscount Hall, Captain Sir Douglas Bernard Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'I, W. D'by) Betterton, Henry B. Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Bigland, Alfred Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Harris, Sir Henry Percy Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Doyle, N. Grattan Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Blades, Sir George Rowland Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Blair, Sir Reginald Edge, Captain William Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S) Borwick, Major G. O. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Brassey, H. L. C. Falcon, Captain Michael Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Breese, Major Charles E. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.) Brittain, Sir Harry Farquharson, Major A. C. Hopkins, John W. w. Broad, Thomas Tucker Fell, Sir Arthur Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Brown, Major D. C. Fildes, Henry Home, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Bruton, Sir James FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Ford, Patrick Johnston Hurd, Percy A. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Foreman, Sir Henry Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Forestier-Walker, L. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Butcher, Sir John George Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Jodrell, Neville Paul Johnson, Sir Stanley Nield, Sir Herbert Stewart, Gershom Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Sturrock, J. Leng Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Kidd, James O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Sutherland, Sir William King, Captain Henry Douglas Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Taylor, J. Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Parker, James Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Thomas-Stanford, Charles Lloyd, George Butler Pearce, Sir William Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Lorden, John William Pennefather, De Fonblanque Townley, Maximilian G. Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Perkins, Walter Frank Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Lyle, C. E. Leonard Perring, William George Tryon, Major George Clement M'Connell, Thomas Edward Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Waddington, R. M'Donald, Dr. Bouverle F. P. Poison, Sir Thomas A. Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Pratt, John William Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Purchase, H. G. Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Randles, Sir John Scurrah Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Waring, Major Walter Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Reid, D. D. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Maddocks, Henry Renwick, Sir George Warren, Sir Alfred H. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Watson, Captain John Bertrand Manville, Edward Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Whitla, Sir William Martin, A. E. Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesail) Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Mason, Robert Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Williams, C. (Tavistock) Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B. Rodger, A. K. Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Mitchell, Sir William Lane Roundell, Colonel R. F. Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Molson, Major John Elsdale Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Wise, Frederick Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Wood, Major Sir S. Hill-(High Peak) Morrison, Hugh Seager, Sir William Woolcock, William James U. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Murchison, C. K. Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Yeo, Sir Alfred William Murray, John (Leeds, West) Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Murray, William (Dumfries) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Nall, Major Joseph Stanier, Captain Sir Beville TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Neal, Arthur Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Starkey, Captain John Ralph Dudley Ward. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Steel, Major S. Strang
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Grundy, T. W. Raffan, Peter Wilson Ainsworth, Captain Charles Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Halls, Walter Rendall, Atheistan Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hancock, John George Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hartshorn, Vernon Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwith) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hayday, Arthur Robertson, John Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hayward, Evan Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hirst, G. H. Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Briant, Frank Hogge, James Myles Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Bromfield, William Holmes, J. Stanley Swan, J. E. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Cairns, John Irving, Dan Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cape, Thomas John, William (Rhondda, West) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kennedy, Thomas Waterson, A. E. Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Kenyon, Barnet Wignall, James Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Lawson, John James Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Entwistle, Major C. F. Lunn, William Wilson, James (Dudley) Finney, Samuel Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D.(Midlothian) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Galbraith, Samuel Mallalieu, Frederick William Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Gillis, William Mills, John Edmund Glanville, Harold James Morgan, Major D. Watts TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Colonel Penry Williams and Mr. A. Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Myers, Thomas Hopkinson. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)
The Chairman then proceeded, successively, to put for with the Question on an Amendment moved by the Government of which notice had been given, and the Question necessary to dispose of the Business to be concluded at half-past Ten of the clock at this day's sitting.
Amendment made: After the word "chemicals" ["all other fine chemi- cals"], insert the words ("except sulphate of quinine, of vegetable origin "). —[ Mr. Baldwin. ]
Question put, "That the Schedule, as amended, be the Schedule to the Bill."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 266; Noes, 77.
Division No. 278.] AYES. [10.40 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Foreman, Sir Henry Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D. Forestier-Walker, L. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Morrison, Hugh Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Armstrong, Henry Bruce Frece, Sir Walter de Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Murchison, C. K. Astbury, Lieut. Com. Fraderick W. Ganzoni, Sir John Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Atkey, A. R. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Murray, John (Leeds, West) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Gilbert, James Daniel Murray, William (Dumfries) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Nall, Major Joseph Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Glyn, Major Ralph Neal, Arthur Balfour, George (Hampstead) Goff, Sir R. Park Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Grant, James Augustus Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Barker, Major Robert H. Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Nield, Sir Herbert Barlow, Sir Montague Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Barnston, Major Harry Green, Albert (Derby) Oman, Sir Charles William C. Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Beckett, Hon. Gervase Greene, Lieut. Col. W. (Hackney, N.) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Parker, James Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Greig, Colonel Sir James William Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Gritten, W. G. Howard Pearce, Sir William Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish- Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Betterton, Henry B. Hallwood, Augustine Pennefather, De Fonblanque Bigland, Alfred Hall, Captain Sir Douglas Bernard Perkins, Walter Frank Birchall, Major J. Dearman Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Liv'p'l, W. D'by) Perring, William George Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Blades, Sir George Rowland Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Blair, Sir Reginald Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Poison, Sir Thomas A. Borwick, Major G. O. Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Pratt, John William Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Harris, Sir Henry Percy Purchase, H. G. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Randles, Sir John Scurrah Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Brassey, H. L. C. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Breese, Major Charles E. Herbert Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Reid, D. D. Brittain, Sir Harry Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Renwick, Sir George Broad, Thomas Tucker Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Brown, Major D. C. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Bruton, Sir James Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn'n, W.) Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hopkins, John W. W. Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretford) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Rodger, A. K. Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Butcher, Sir John George Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Campbell, J. D. G. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Carew, Charles Robert S. Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Carr, W. Theodore Hurd, Percy A. Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Casey, T. W. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Seager, Sir William Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Jodrell, Neville Paul Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Johnson, Sir Stanley Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Churchman, Sir Arthur Kidd, James Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Clough, Sir Robert King, Captain Henry Douglas Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Coats, Sir Stuart Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Cobb, Sir Cyril Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Starkey, Captain John Ralph Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Steel, Major S. Strang Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lloyd, George Butler Stewart, Gershom Cope, Major William Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Sturrock, J. Leng Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Lorden, John William Sutherland, Sir William Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Taylor, J. Curzon, Captain Viscount3 Lyle, C. E. Leonard Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) M'Connell, Thomas Edward Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. M' Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Doyle, N. Grattan Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Thorpe, Captain John Henry Du Pre, Colonel William Baring McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Townley, Maximilian G. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Macpherson. Rt. Hon. James I. Tryon, Major George Clement Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath Maddocks, Henry Waddington, R. Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Evans, Ernest Manville, Edward Walton, J. (York, W. R., Don Valley) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Falcon, Captain Michael Martin, A. E. Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon-Trent) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Mason, Robert Waring, Major Walter Farquharson, Major A. C. Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Fell, Sir Arthur Mitchell, Sir William Lane Watson, Captain John Bertrand Fildes, Henry Molson, Major John Elsdale Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Whitla, Sir William Ford, Patrick Johnston Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Williams, C. (Tavistock) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Yeo, Sir Alfred William Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Wood, Sir J. (Stalybridge & Hyde) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Wood, Major Sir S. Hill- (High Peak) Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.) Woolcock, William James U. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Wise, Frederick Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Dudley Ward.
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Raffan, Peter Wilson Ainsworth, Captain Charles Halls, Walter Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Armitage, Robert Hancock, John George Rendall, Athelstan Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hartshorn, Vernon Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hayday, Arthur Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hayward, Evan Robertson, John Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hinds, John Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Hirst, G. H. Sexton, James Briant, Frank Hogge, James Myles Smith, W. R. (wellingborough) Bromfield, William Holmes, J. Stanley Swan, J. E. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Irving, Dan Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Cairns, John John, William (Rhondda, West) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cape, Thomas Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Tootill, Robert Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Kennedy, Thomas Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Waterson, A. E. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Kenyon, Barnet White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Davies, Major D. (Montgomery) Kiley, James Daniel Wignall, James Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Lawson, John James Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Entwistle, Major C. F. Lunn, William Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Finney, Samuel Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Wilson, James (Dudley) Galbraith, Samuel Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Gillis, William Mallalieu, Frederick William Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Glanville, Harold James Mills, John Edmund Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Morgan, Major D. Watts Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Myers, Thomas Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T. Shaw. Grundy, T. W. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)
Whereupon the Chairman left the Chair to report the Bill, as amended, to the House pursuant to the Order of the House of 13th June.
Bill reported; as amended to be considered upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 183.]
Territorial Army and Militia Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
I beg to move, "That the Bill be now-read a Second time."
This is one of those little Bills at the end of the Session that are so dear to a Department, but not so dear to others. This is really a little Bill. It deals with names, and names only. In the few remarks I have to make about it, I shall direct myself more to what it does not mean than to the actual proposals of the Bill. But to take the latter first, the Bill proposes to change the name of what is now known as the Territorial Force to the Territorial Army, and it. also proposes that what is now known as the Special Reserve should be known by the old title of the Militia. The first change is made in the interests of symmetry and the recognition of facts. If you speak of the Regular Army it is un-symmetrical to speak of the Territorial Force; and it is a recognition of facts to call a Force, which amounts to 14 divisions, an Army.
The second change we propose is made in the interests of sentiment and tradition. The old Militia had great traditions behind it which ought not entirely to disappear, and as the Special Reserve in some respects is the lineal descendant of the old Militia, when persons connected with the force asked to have the old name restored, we appreciated their motives, and did our best to gratify them.
Those are the sole objects of the Bill. It has nothing to do with the raising, or establishment, or conditions of service of either force. All questions of policy are entirely outside the scope of the Bill, which deals with names, and names alone. But that change of names involves changes in various Acts of Parliament, and that is the reason why in the Bill there appear schedules which are lengthy and somewhat alarming in appearance, although absolutely innocuous in reality. The alterations that they make are entirely consequential and no Act is repealed that is now in force. Among the Acts that have to be repealed are the Militia Ballot Acts; if they remained in force they could not apply to he new militia. They applied only to a force for home defence. The new militia are liable for service overseas as is the Special Reserve now, so that the Ballot Act could not apply to the Militia as constituted to day. To enforce the old Militia ballot now would require a now Act of Parliament because the force to which the old Militia Ballot Act applied is no longer in existence. I want to say one word about Clause 4 of the Bill. The Yeomanry to-day is part of the Territorial Force and is not affected by these Acts. One word about the question of store-houses, which they possibly be raised. In providing for the repeal of the old Militia Act it is necessary to insert a saving proviso as regards Militia store-houses originally provided by the counties for the purpose of housing arms and stores for the Militia when not in training. Under Section 10 of the Military Forces Localisation Act, 1877, the Secretary of State for War has power to purchase these store-houses, and a later Act gave power to issue certificates to county councils authorising them to sell the buildings should they think fit. If one or other of these courses had been adopted in the case of the store-houses, the Acts relating to them could now be repealed outright. But in fact in a considerable number of cases neither course has been adopted, and the county council has the duty of maintaining the buildings, which are leased by them to the War Department. So long as this position continues it is necessary for the Government to make provision for the maintenance of the Militia store-houses. Having explained the Bill, I hope the House will agree to its Second Reading.
This Bill confers a new title upon the Territorial Force and repeals certain enactments in the hands of the Government with reference to the power to raise voluntary forces. Under the Acts mentioned in the Schedule the Crown has the right at present to raise certain voluntary forces. There is a considerable feeling in some parts of the Territorial Force that they are not being treated quite fairly as regards the units in which they are to be retained. To confer a new title on the Territorial Force, while you deal unfairly with that force and with parts of it, is not likely to improve this fine part of the Army. When you are seeking power to relinquish voluntary forces, that is the occasion to ask whether that power is being wisely exercised. I want to mention the case of the destruction of the identity of the unit called the 7th Royal Scots Battalion—
I am afraid that cannot be said to come within the scope of this Bill. I anticipated that the hon. and gallant Member might raise this question, and I therefore examined the Bill very carefully.
You will observe, Mr. Speaker, that the Militia (Scotland) Act is among the Enactments repealed. Under that Act the War Office would have power to maintain the battalion to which I have referred. Under that Act a voluntary force could be maintained, and if the War Office are relinquishing the power to raise voluntary forces in Scotland, I think that I am entitled to ask what they are going to do with the voluntary forces still in existence.
The repeals in this long Schedule are merely consequential. The Schedule simply repeals Acts which have long since ceased to be operative.
Of course I accept your ruling, Mr. Speaker. I should not have raised this question had it not been of great importance in that part of the world, and I thought that as these Acts have to be repealed they must be in operation.
I desire—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, divide!"]
11.0 P.M.
On a point of Order. Is it allowable for a hon. Member who has interrupted the proceedings for three-quarters of an hour again to address the House the same evening?
I am not supposed to be cognisant of what has happened in the earlier part of the evening. I hope hon. Members will allow me to deal with the hon. Member.
I desire to go on with my Amendment [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, Divide!"]. My reasons are as follow—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, Divide!"]. I do not think a Bill of this importance should be taken at so late an hour. [HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, Divide!"]
The House has decided to go on with the Bill, and it is out of order to criticise a decision which the House has come to earlier in the day.
This Bill is divided into two portions. The first deals with the change of designation of the Territorial Force, the second with the change of designation of the Special Reserve. The Under-Secretary of State for War told us that this was a small Bill, a little Bill—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide, Divide!] A mere matter of change of name may appear a small thing.
rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put," but Mr. Speaker withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question.
I beg to move to leave out the word " now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months." Everyone knows the acute feeling aroused by the proposal to change the name of portions of the force.
On a point of Order. I wish to know whether the hon. and gallant Gentleman is in order in speaking entirely to one Member of the House, instead of addressing the Chair?
I understand that what has just been happening is a protest against something that happened earlier in the sitting. I think hon. Members, having signified their feeling upon the matter, will now show, perhaps, to the hon. and gallant Gentleman more consideration than the hon. and gallant Gentleman often shows to other people.
A rebuke from you, Sir, naturally deserves earnest attention.
I think if the hon. and gallant Gentleman will address himself to me, and relevantly to the Bill, it will be more easy for me to obtain for him a hearing. It does not give the Chair a chance of obtaining that which the hon. and gallant Gentleman does not always give to other Members of the House.
I was saying that the changing of the name of a fighting force cannot be treated as a small matter. The name of that force, even if only recently applied to it, has acquired great historic significance. With regard to the designation of the Territorial Force as the Territorial Army, I can speak with complete neutrality in this matter, and I hope with fairness. The term "Territorial Force," with its initials "T.F.," was in use at the beginning of the Great War in 1914, and acquired a historic significance which, doubtless, no force will ever have a chance of acquiring in the future. Therefore, the reason for this change should be very fully explained. I respectfully submit to the hon. and gallant Gentleman who introduced the Bill that he did not give sufficient reasons. He talked of euphony; that because we spoke of the Regular Army therefore we must speak of the Territorial Army. That reason is not a sound one. Those who have knowledge of the mentality of the ordinary private in the Territorial Force know that he looks upon that force as a body distinct from the Regular Army. But there has grown up since January, 1920, a suspicion that there would be an attempt on the part of the War Office to more and more amalgamate the Territorial Force with the Regular Army. This suspicion, I believe, started from the speech of the late Minister for War, now the Colonial Secretary, in January, 1920. In a very remarkable declaration with regard to the future of the Territorial Force and of the Special Reserve, he said, referring to the former, that in future recruitment would be on a different basis; it would be on the basis of the force that would normally be employed abroad instead of normally, as heretofore, for home defence. Personally I think that declaration was a very grave one, and it has never been explained to the House.
This change of name, I submit, is part of the change of policy with regard to the Territorial Force. That change of policy cannot be other than unfortunate for the recruitment of the Force. The type of men who entered the Territorial Force before the war was very largely of the small labourer and mechanic classes, and he entered it for the fixed purpose of making himself fit for home defence. It is now proposed that the Force should be organised, equipped and held ready for use only abroad, or principally abroad. The idea of the invasion of our shores from overseas has been held to be fallacious. The need for a Home Defence Army is, we have been told—
The question of policy is not now being discussed, but merely the change of name consequential upon changes in the Army Act.
I do not wish to develop the strategical side of the question. Until we hear some explanation to the contrary, I feel that that suspicion to which I have referred will continue. With regard to the new designation for the Special Reserve we are going back to the old name of the Militia. We are undoing part of the work of Lord Haldane—a work which will be justified in history by the events of the great War. That alone should cause us to look with great care at any such proposal. Did the Special Reserve Scheme work well? Under that name were recruits drawn in sufficient numbers to that Force? Is it necessary to go back to the old name "Militia"? The name "Militia" has great historical associations, and I believe that there are some hon. Members who prefer it to the longer term "Special Reserve." But the Militia were recruited for certain purposes, and the Special Reserve for different purposes, and, just as the old name "Militia" had historical associations, so the name "Special Reserve," in the few years during which it has been in use, has gathered to itself an equally great and momentous historical significance. Therefore I feel that it would be a retrograde step to change the name at this juncture.
There is another point in connection with what I call the second part of this Bill, and that is the long delay in putting into effect the policy of the future organisation of this Force. All that we have done to date, so far as I can gather, is to propose a change of name, and officers with whom I have discussed this matter assure me that the Special Reserve has suffered from a lack of fixed policy at Headquarters. In their opinion a mere change of name, as proposed in this Bill, will do little without alterations of policy. I have put forward reasons why this Bill is not so innocuous, so simple and so non-controversial as it may appear to be. It changes by a stroke of the pen names which in a short period have become of great historical significance, and the reasons for doing so, as far as I can gather, are only those of euphony. I submit that those reasons are all too little sufficient for such a change, and it is to mark the fact that I consider that this matter has not been justified to the House that I move this Amendment.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I do not know that my reasons are exactly the same as those of my hon. and gallant Friend, but I will try to give the reasons which actuate me, and I hope that by the end of the Debate I may be able to get some such assurance as will make it unnecessary, for me at any rate, to go any further with the opposition which I have supported so far. As far as Clause 1 of the Bill is concerned, I have no objection to it. I think it is time that the title of the Territorial Force should be changed to that of "Territorial Army," and I am bound to say that I do not share the fears of my hon. and gallant Friend in this connection. I think, however, that there is more to be said for his objections to Clause 2. During the war, the title "Special Reserve" received a new signification, and it has a place in the hearts of thousands of men which can never be occupied by a title like "Militia." I am sorry that it should go into disuse, and that we should go back to the old title "Militia" for no special reason. The reorganisation of the whole of our Army and Territorial Force is connected with the name of Lord Haldane, and it is a pity that we should unnecessarily lay violent hands on any part of the fabric which he built up and which meant so much to us during the War, The real reason, however, for my criticism of this Bill is a different one. In the first place, I think we have great reason to object to the time at which the Bill is brought in. It is over a year since the then Secretary of State for War announced that we were going to give up the title of "Territorial Force," and it seems to me amazing that we should wait until the fag end of a crowded Session, when we fire looking forward to getting away as quickly as we can for our holidays. That, however, is a small matter. The real big matter which I think is raised by this Bill is raised by Clause 4, and the hon. and gallant Gentleman who introduced the Bill did not do real justice to the magnitude of the constitutional change which he is carrying out. I would draw attention particularly to the first three lines of Clause 4—
The right hon. baronet fairly enough said, with regard to changing back again to the title of Militia, that that was desired by many prominent representatives of the Special Reserve. I accept that of course, but I should like to ask whether the same thing has occurred with regard to the change of name of the Territorials. There was in my time, and probably is now, an organisation representing the Territorial County Associations. I think the House will be glad to know, before they pass the Second Reading, whether that organisation has asked that the title of that force, which we must all feel proud of having been connected with, should be changed back as is now proposed.
As I am one of the few Special Reserve officers in the House, I should like to inform my hon. and gallant Friends opposite that it is the general desire of the Special Reserve that the old name Militia should be restored.
Present members, but not past members.
Both present and past. I have been seventeen years in the Army, therefore I think I may count myself a past officer. What worries hon. Members opposite is the fact that the Government have dared to lay hands on something that Lord Haldane did. That carries more weight with them than the fact that the name is being put back to one of the oldest constitutional names we have in this country; a name with which far greater things are connected than the name Special Reserve. I am one of the last persons to say that the Special Reserve did not make a great name in the War. They did far greater things than have been recognised in this House, but that is beside the point. The point is that it is the general desire of this force that the old name should be restored. From the recruiting point of view the old name would be of great assistance. The Special Reserve never caught on; the men never could catch on to it; and the Extra Special Reserve was pure nonsense. Nobody knew what it meant. The hon. and gallant Member for Central Aberdeen (Major M. Wood) is under a misapprehension. The Government is not making any great constitutional change. The point he is anxious about is that the Government should retain the power of being able to levy the Militia, which is rather a new view, coming from that quarter of the House.
I said it was a new constitutional point which had not been brought to the notice of the House.
Beyond what was explained by the Minister who moved the Second Reading, there are only small points in the Bill, all of which can be dealt with in Committee. I hope the Government will not delay renaming the reorganised Special Reserve the Militia any longer than is absolutely necessary. This Bill might have been brought in much earlier, although, no doubt, there have been difficulties in the way. I would remind the Secretary of State for War that the promised reorganisation of the Militia is eighteen months old, and the Militia officers and men are still waiting.
I do not want to associate myself with the Mover of the Motion, but as one who has been a Territorial officer for many years I bitterly resent the change of name. When the name T.F. was put on to us, we were the laughing stock, not only of the civilians, but of the Regular Army. "Terriers" was the term applied to us as we marched along the village streets; but when war broke out, "T.F." became absolutely plastered on us; on our names, on our pay books, on our pass books, on the names of our battalions and regiments. "T.F." was the inalienable mark of our existence, and throughout the War, so far from being part of the Regular Army, we were kept absolutely distinct. We fought in Territorial Divisions, and my own county, which has no Line battalions, had nothing but Territorial Force battalions in the War. I do not know of a single officers or man in the Territorial Force who wants to give up the name which they bore through the War. I would like to know how many Territorial Force associations have asked for this change. How many battalions really want this change? My hon. and gallant Friend (Major Henderson) welcomes the change from the Special Reserve to the Militia. In that case the change is to the old name. We are asked to change to a new name which has no associations.
I would ask the Government not to press this Bill to a division to-night. The Territorial Force and the Special Reserve are worthy of a better atmosphere than we have to-night, especially the atmosphere that preceded this Debate. This Bill is a very great change. It changes the name of the Territorials, a name which my hon. Friend rightly says has become honoured throughout the Empire and is cherished by every man who ever served in the Territorial Force. The Government is making a great mistake from the recruiting point of view. Those of us who have had large experience of recruiting for the Territorial Force and the Volunteer Force know that the great objection which we had to meet was from the parents and friends of young men who wanted to join. They said, "No. My son shall not go, because it is joining the Army." There was great objection to a boy joining the Army. We had to explain to those people that this was not the Army, that it was for home defence only. That argument was used with many people who raised that objection. Now the Government are making the Territorial Force an army liable to service overseas, and I think that they will be met in the country by the objection which I mention. Everyone of us who have served in the Territorial Force will be sorry when the name is altered. We love the names "T.F." or "Terriers," both of which are honoured throughout the whole land.
With regard to the Militia, I am glad personally that this change is being made. There has been always a feeling of resentment against the Government for taking away the old title of "Militia" and making it "Special Reserve," but I would ask the Government whether the function of this force is to be altered, or is it to be only what the Special Reserve was—that is a reserve for the Regular Army? Is there an intention to re-establish the old Militia, battalion by battalion, to serve as a battalion force, because if that is so what are you going to do towards establishing a reserve for the Regular Army?
No change is made in this Bill except in the name.
I think that the change in name is entirely to the good. There is another point. We were rather bewildered by the number of the Acts that are amended and repealed. Among them is the Nonconformist Relief Act, 1779, in which there are repealed the words "from the service of the Militia in this Kingdom and shall also be exempted." Is that an attempt to get rid of the protection which certain Nonconformists have always enjoyed against being recruited for the Militia and the Regular Army? I hope that it is not an attempt to get over the conscientious objector or to force the Quaker to join the Militia. I understand from the Government Benches that that is not so, and I would like to know, if the Government are replying, what is the meaning of this particular provision?
Statements have been made in the course of the Debate, which I, as an old Volunteer and Territorial Force officer, would like to say something upon. I think this is a very useful and expedient Measure. It is all very well to say that the Territorial Force attach great significance to that name, but after all the name has only been in existence since 1909.
1914.
I beg the hon. Member's pardon, but 1909 was the year of the inception of the Territorial Force, which was previously the Volunteer Force. We never wanted to be, and never thought we were to be, part of the Regular Army. We took the Regular Army as our model, and how well we copied the model history will show. At the same time, we always felt that the nearer we got to the example they set, the greater would become our claim to be called an army. An hon. Member opposite, who has not exhibited a very extensive knowledge of the Territorial Force, has said that the change will interfere with recruiting, but "Territorial Army" will attract more men than "Territorial Force," The hon. Member who has just spoken tried to make the point that the Government are turning the force into an army for foreign service. Had he known anything of the recent history of the Territorial Force he would have been aware that the whole of our difficulty at the beginning of the War was that the bulk of the men had only taken home service obligations. It became necessary, when our front line was on the other side of the Channel, that we should all take Imperial service obligations. We learned that it was better to start with a force on a real Army basis in this sense, and that every man should take the Imperial obligation forthwith rather than have all the trouble of getting the men in detail to take the obligation afterwards.
No persuasion was needed.
This Bill, however, has nothing to do with that, but it makes the force an integral part, in name, as it is in fact, of the Imperial Forces of the Crown and I welcome the alteration.
I desire to support what has been said by the hon. and gallant Member who has just sat down, and I do so as one who has served on the Territorial Force Association and on county associations for some time. From that point of view, I am anxious that the Bill should receive a Second Reading. I realise the perfectly genuine point made by the hon. Member for Buckingham (Captain Bowyer), that there is a widespread sentiment affecting recruiting, and a tradition, which should be considered by the House. On the other hand, it is surely, in the long run, better for our country, that those who are primarily a defending force should have the full dignity of being called the Territorial Army. If the hopes which are now in existence, as to the reduction of armaments throughout the world, are ever realised, it will give more and more prominence to those portions of His Majesty's forces which are territorial in their origin and methods, and are concerned primarily with national defence. There is, in the proposed change of name, an indication of a policy far-reaching and democratic, namely, to give increased stress and increased value to the territorial and defensive aspects of military training and organisation in our country, as distinct from other aspects which are now necessary to a limited extent, and will always be necessary to a limited extent, for the defence of the Empire. I strongly approve of the change, and although there has not been time or opportunity for the Territorial Association or the county territorial associations to pronounce deliberate judgment upon this proposal, I hope I am not going beyond what I have reason to think I do not think there will be any opposition to this proposal. With regard to the other proposals in the Bill, there can be no doubt that the revival of the name Militia will be all to the advantage of recruiting, and will strengthen the very valuable territorial tradition, which I hope may never be broken; and may I also say, as a humble student of the Statutes of my country, that I do not think Clause 4 has got any of the terrible possibilities which the vivid imagination of the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Ken-worthy) and one or two others appear to have discovered in it. If there are such malignant possibilities, they will be legitimate subjects of discussion in Committee. On those grounds, and as a strong and cordial supporter of the Territorial movement, I shall vote for the Second Reading of this Bill, and I believe a fair discussion in Committee will relieve the doubts which are genuinely felt by some hon. Members of the House.
With reference to the remarks of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Renfrew (Sir J. Greig), who always out-Herods Herod in supporting the Government, I do not think there was any need for him to talk of the difficulties created by the fact that the Territorials were not under any obligation for foreign service before the War. They created no difficulty in my part of the world at any rate, because they were all in on the first day of the War. I wish to express my approval of that part of the Bill that restores the name Militia in place of the Special Reserve. In my constituency every young fellow over 15 went into the Militia, for they are as big at 15 as boys of 17 in any other part of the world, and the Army authorities never insisted upon their birth certificates being produced, but all the time, even for years after it was called the Special Reserve, they always referred to themselves as Militiamen, and I feel very pleased that the name Militia, which has had such associations, has been restored. A remark which, with modesty, fell from the hon. and gallant Member for Tradeston (Major Henderson), that the Special Reserve did not obtain the recognition which their services in the Great War deserved, was quite true, because they practically sank their identity as the Special Reserve in the War, and when the first big gaps were made, the Special Reserve, the old Militia, stepped into the breach. About 2,000 of them from my own constituency were there within one or two weeks, and many of them did not come back. I support this Bill upon the whole.
I desire to put a question or two to the Secretary of State for War. I do not see anything in this Bill about Ireland. Does it apply to Ireland, or does it not? Apparently it does not, but there is a decision of the High Court that any Act, which is a general Act, applies to the whole of the United Kingdom. If that is so, and it must be so when the High Court says it, why is not the usual Clause put in, if it does not apply to Ireland? If it does apply to Ireland, does it apply to the Ulster Volunteer Force, or any of the volunteer forces we have heard of recently in Ireland? There is another puzzle. I see in the Second Schedule that the Militia Act (England), 1802, is
"wholly repealed, except so much of Section eighteen as prescribes the appointment of clerks to general meetings."
Why are these important officials to be retained when the rest of the Act is wiped out? It is certainly very puzzling to me. I see also that the Militia (Scotland) Act, 1802, is to be repealed
"except so much of Section thirteen as prescribes the appointment of clerks to general meetings."
I can understand that about Scotland, because there seems to be a religious atmosphere about clerks to general meetings. But what is a clerk to a general meeting? Is he a religious gentleman or is he a military one?
On the Second Reading of this Bill, dealing as it does with the Special Reserve, some representative of the War Office ought to tell the House what is the Government's intention with regard to that part of our defensive forces. I wish to ask the Government to tell the House what is the intention with regard to the Militia.
I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman was not in the House at an earlier stage, when the Minister explained the extent of this Bill.
No, Sir, I was not, but I do not intend to go into the question of policy on this Bill. One knows, in relation to the change of name from Special Reserve to Militia, that that force is not in existence to-day. Why is it necessary to effect this change by this Bill, and, if this Bill is passed authorising the change of name, is it intended to justify this by proceeding to raise a force known as the Militia?
There have been questions asked to which, perhaps, the House would like me to reply. The last question was, why should we change the name of a Force which is not in existence? The hon. and gallant Gentleman has forgotten that the Special Reserve is in existence, and we are changing that name to Militia. My hon. and learned Friend (Mr. MacVeagh) wants to know whether this Bill applies to Ireland. It applies to Ireland so far as the Militia Acts and Territorial Force Act apply to Ireland. But I do not want to be led into a long discussion on this. With regard to clerks of general meetings I confess my ignorance, but I will undertake between now and the Committee stage to look the matter up so as to be able to give my ton. Friend the fullest explanation he can possibly desire.
Will the right hon. Gentleman allow me to give him the reference? It is Chapter 50 of George III, and Section 2 reads as follows:
"And be it further enacted, That for and after the passing of this Act all deficiencies or vacancies that shall remain or have arisen in the Militia of any County, Riding Stewartry, City or place in Great Britain shall be certified from time to time by the respective Colonel or other Commandant of such Militia to the Clerk to the General Meetings and the Clerk of the General Meetings shall forthwith give notice thereof to the Clerks of the Sub-division Meetings within which any such vacancies shall have arisen, and the Deputy Lieutenants shall thereupon within seven days after such notices assemble in their respective subdivisions and immediately proceed to the filling up such deficiencies or vacancies by ballot or otherwise."
Will the right hon. Gentleman tell me why he is retaining this particular Clause and repealing the rest of the Act?
I am obliged to my hon. and learned Friend for the reference. I thought that was so, but I did not like to mention it without reference to the Act, and being in a position to quote it if necessary I will deal with all the points that are necessary and important now. The remainder can be dealt with in the Committee stage. Two very short points. One is, why alter the name of the Special Reserve to Militia. Only one hon. Member has taken objection to it in the course of this very interesting Debate, but there has been quite a number of hon. Members who entirely agree that the name should be altered. There is a little more diversity of opinion with regard to the alteration of the Territorial Force into the Territorial Army. We believe that the Territorial Force desire it; we look on it as a compliment to that force, and certainly we have received no representations against the proposal.
Has the proposal been before the Council of the Territorial Associations?
l am not sure. Over eighteen months ago it was announced by my predecessor, the present Secretary of State for the Colonies, at a meeting of the representatives of the Territorial Force Associations, and as far as I know, although a great deal of publicity was given to the matter, no objection has been received. I believe, in fact, it was concurred in by the representatives of the Association. I repeated the announcement on the Army Vote several months ago and not a single objection has been taken to it; indeed, I am inclined to think that so far from the change being objected to, it is desired I ask the House to give the Bill a Second Reading and will undertake to deal with any other points it is desired to raise in Committee.
Does this Bill take away the power to raise a force by ballot?
12 M.
It repeals some obsolete powers which have never been actually used since 1811. You could not possibly put them into use if you wished to, and the existing machinery for a Militia ballot is absolutely obsolete.
Question, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question," put, and agreed to.
Bill read a Second time, and committed to a Standing Committee.
Admiralty Pensions [Commutation, Etc.]
Resolution reported,
"That it is expedient to make further provision out of moneys provided by Parliament with respect to Admiralty Pensions, and with respect to Pensions, Grants, or Allowances payable under the Injuries in War (Compensation) Acts, and the Government War Obligations Acts."
Resolution read a Second time.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."
I am quite aware that under the Standing Orders it is possible to take this now. What I desire to do is to draw attention to the contempt of Parliament by putting forward a Resolution like this at this time of the night. To-day the time of the House has been taken up largely by the supporters of the Government, and now this important proposal is brought forward at a time when it is quite useless to attempt to debate it properly. This is the 27th time that the Government have put forward Resolutions and Votes for large sums of money at a late hour, when it was impossible to adequately debate them, and I wish to enter a most emphatic protest against this practice.
May I ask my hon. and gallant Friend (Colonel L. Wilson) to withdraw this Resolution and put it down for some other night. I would like to point out that there was no arrangement to take this Resolution to-night.
I beg to move " That the Debate be now adjourned."
I understood that there was no objection to taking the Report stage, but I am quite willing to withdraw the Motion.
Question put, and agreed to.
Debate to be resumed To-morrow.
West Highlands and Islands of Scotland
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That the Contract, dated the 1st and 4th days of July, 1921. between the Postmaster-General and Messieurs David MacBrayne, Limited, for the maintenance of certain passenger and cargo sea services in the West Highlands and Islands of Scotland, and for the conveyance of mails by certain of the vessels so employed, be approved."—[ Mr. Hilton Young. ]
This contract is to run for four years from 1st February, 1920, at a remuneration of £70,000 for the first year, £60,000 for the second year, and £50,000 for each of the third and fourth years, the reason for this variation being that the charges will be falling during that period. It supersedes the arrangement to meet war conditions, under which the company was secured against out-of pocket losses in return for the performance of those war services. They did not receive any remuneration. A conference took place on 27th January last, with the President of the Board of Trade in the chair, and this arrangement was come to with the firm of MacBrayne and Company.
It was a conference between the Board of Trade and the company?
No, representatives of other Departments of the State, including the Scottish Office, were there as well as the Post Office. This contract deals with various subjects—the definition of mails, responsibility for their safety, transfer, speed, failure to provide vessels, and many other points. In regard to the question of charges, part of these charges, as most hon. Members know, fall on the Scottish Office, but in this particular case the Postmaster-General is acting for the Post Office, and also for the Scottish Office and all Departments of the Government. Under the war conditions there were many difficulties. I will not go into the history of the negotiations which have taken place over a long period. The 1st February, 1920, is the initial date of the contract, but it is a condition of the contract to reimburse them also for the excess cost of the repairs in past years. Many questions have been asked in the House as to the facilities which will be granted to these islands, and personally I have a great deal of sympathy with the criticism which has taken place. With certain Members of this House, who are very vigilant in looking after the interests of these islanders, I should like to see an extension rather than a curtailment of the facilities accorded to them; but at the present time the Government find it quite impossible to increase the facilities. I think this contract is a fair one, and, under the circumstances, all that is justified.
I am sorry at this hour in the morning to detain the House on a matter which concerns only a small and remote part of the United Kingdom; but the opportunities for bringing before the House the interests of remote parts of the country are so infrequent that I am sure the House will excuse me if I go into the case of this contract. The House of Commons does not take such a sympathetic interest in the affairs of peoples of these remote islands as it used to do, even 30 or 40 year ago, and they do not from the Government of the day receive anything like the consideration they were wont to receive in days gone by, and even in those days it was not very effective. That fact has been recognised in quarters which, to me, are unexpected. I noticed the other day a leading article in the "Times"—I hope in these days I may mention the "Times" in polite society—on the Royal visit to the Channel Islands, and in the course of the article it was said:
"The British House of Commons, unfortunately, pays little attention to the special and peculiar needs of remote island populations, as the Outer Hebrides have long known to their cost. At Westminster Dr. Murray"—
I mention it blushingly—
"is like one crying in the wilderness, and although Skye is nominally represented by a Minister of the Crown, its interests are generally forgotten."
That is from a responsible newspaper like the "Times." Therefore, I do hope that any ground for a charge of that sort will not be made against the House of Commons. I wish to call attention generally to this contract, and especially to one part of it. I am not going in any way to attack economy or the company, which has done very useful service on the West Coast of Scotland; but I must say, in criticism of certain suggestions which are made, that all this service has been a charitable service during the last half-century or more, that, as a matter of fact, fortunes were made in that service, however it may have fallen on evil days, and the Government, I understand, has had to come to the rescue. I am not going to say whether £70,000 is too much or too little, but I should like to know from the right hon. Gentleman what the same service cost before the War, in order that we may make a fair comparison between the cost before the War and the cost to-day, so that we can judge whether there is any necessity for the curtailed service we now have under this contract, as compared with what we had for the last 40 years. The right hon. Gentleman, in answer to a question I put to him some time ago in connection with this matter, told me that the cost of the steamer service between Stornoway and the Island of Lewis and the mainland in 1887 —that is, before the daily service was instituted—was just a little short of £3,000 for the same service we get to-day. The subsidy then was just £5 short of £3,000, and the right hon. Gentleman told me that for the same service to-day he estimated the cost to be £18,000, or six times as much as in 1887. I am not at all satisfied that the cost has gone up so much as to justify the right hon. Gentleman in estimating—and it is only an estimate—that the same service to-day, Stornoway to the mainland, should cost even now that large figure. Is it a fair estimate? Is it not an argumentative estimate put forward to prejudice the claim we were making on behalf of Stornoway and Lewis which for 40 years has enjoyed a daily service all the year-round?
I think I included the vehicles on land, not only the sea service?
I am very glad to hear that. That makes the estimate sound fairer and that relieves me of a portion of my argument. The chief complaint I want to make is that the service before 1887 was on three or four days a week during the summer season, and had been so for 34 years. Tie population of Stornoway and Lewis is 30,000. There is there a great fishing industry which has been growing enormously, and the people at that time agitated for a daily service, because the object was not only to carry the mails and passengers, but also fresh fish to the market. It was meant to be a recognition of the growing needs of the community and the enormously increased traffic. The Government of the day 34 years ago recognised that that area required, nay demanded, daily communication with the mainland in order to develop and maintain their economic life. They enjoyed this daily service without intermission—except for storms and bad weather—until the War broke out; then the service was cut down to three days a week and we stood it without grumbling. Even the most pessimistic of people in that part of the world believed that, when the men came home from the War and endeavoured to re-establish their industry, the same facilities would be restored which they had 40 years ago. There is a population of 30,000, and the fishing and other industries have grown 10 times during those 40 years; and yet the Government think that a service which was found to be inadequate 40 years ago is sufficient for these men who fought for their country in the great War. The difficulties they have in re-establishing their industry are enormous. The great bulk of their trade is in pickled herrings, the markets for which used to be in Russia and Germany. Eighty per cent. of their produce used to go there. That outlet is now closed, and they are trying to develop a home trade until the foreign market shall be re-opened. But their success in the home trade depends on this daily service, which is little enough to connect a population of 30,000 with the markets of the country. Moreover, in connection with the industry there is a great deal of travelling from one port to another, and a great deal of fish and livestock traffic. And yet the Government, after having decided 40 years ago that a daily service was necessary, come in at the end of the War and reduce it to its present proportions.
The Secretary for Scotland recognised the difficulties of transport in these parts, and even before the War the traffic and trade had so grown that over and over again requests were made for an improvement in the whole service. They wanted an improvement in the coastal service round the island of Lewis, which has an area of 600 square miles, and is the third largest island of the British Isles. The right hon. Gentleman during the War sent a Committee round Scotland, and one of the first places they went to was Lewis. The matter being urgent they presented an interim Report, in which they recommended, firstly, that the daily service between Stornoway and the mainland ought to be restored immediately; secondly, that the people were justified in demanding a larger boat of greater speed; and thirdly, that an additional steamer should be provided for the coastal traffic of Lewis. That Report was sent in a little after the Armistice, and people were buoyed up with the idea that there was to be an improvement even upon the daily service. Imagine, then, the consternation that has been caused by the decision of the Government and the Treasury—and I am inclined to think that the Treasury is the villain of the piece. But my hon. Friend the Financial Secretary approaches the matter with a fresh mind, and has personal knowledge of the island's difficulties, and I am sure I can appeal to him for sympathy. That was the position a year ago, and yet the Government, facing the report of their own Committee, reduce the service by 50 per cent. The conditions are even worse than before the War, because the other transport services have been gradually reduced. We had weekly communications with many places, but they were done away with, as were the steamers which used to come from Glasgow. The position now is that the Government, in the name of economy, are asking that the transport system of that community of 30,000 people, an island of 600 square miles, should be worse than 50 years ago. I am sorry to detain the House, but I am not asking for any new thing, I am simply asking for the necessities of civilisation. I think it is a shabby thing for the Government to do.
The hon. Member is not speaking on the contract.
I was not asking for anything new, but simply for the restoration of the same thing that we have enjoyed for the last 40 years. Appeals are often being made on behalf of ex-service men, and I think that a community which did so well in the War-ought to get at least the bare necessities of civilisation. In almost every home there is a gap in the family circle, and every village has its maimed, halt and blind as a reminder that there was a war. I think that it is a very mean way to reward them for all the services which they did in the War by taking away a reasonable likelihood of the means of economic development in this way. I am not opposing the particular contract, but I appeal to the Government to withdraw temporarily in order that they may reconsider the matter. I think they ought to put some limit on the fares and the freights charged by these bodies. I have been sitting on the Committee upstairs which is dealing with the fares on the railways. There the Government are taking care that there shall not be extortionate rates imposed on the people using the railways, but nobody is looking after the people supplied by the steamboats. I do not think that is fair, and Government, after drawing up these contracts, ought to have seen to it that these places were not penalised. They ought to have seen to it that the fares of freights charged should not be of the increased amount that they are to-day. Freights have been increased in some cases by 500 per cent., so that those people who have to send materials—live stock or fish—to market have to pay through the nose for it, and they cannot compete with those who are supplied by the railways. With regard to the part of the contract between Stornoway and the mainland, it ought to pay for itself. I remember some years ago that appeals were made to the Post Office to have a definite contract between Stornoway and the mainland, and they found that they could not do it. It ought to be a paying service, and if there was a certain contract for this part of the scheme, it would be quite easy to get boats to run there every day in the week for a reasonable subsidy.
I do not understand some parts of this contract. Here is an island of 30,000 people; Skye is an island with much less people; but both islands have the same services, and smaller islands in Argyllshire get the daily mail all the year round. I believe that every island on the West Coast of Scotland, which has any considerable population, ought to have daily communication with the mainland. If you give a daily service to islands like Tiree, Coll, and others, with a few hundred people, why, in the name of fair play should you reduce the transport services that existed between Lewes and the mainland for 40 years by 50 per cent.? I do not think that the island of Lewis should be penalised in this way, as compared with the other islands, simply for reasons which it is very difficult to define. I want an explanation as to why there is this difference. I think it is a form of economy which does no good. I noticed that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Gorton (Mr. Hodge) at the Telephone Inquiry Committee to-day, when recommendations on these lines were urged for concessions on telephones, said, "You Highland people are hopeless; you are always asking for something for nothing." But the Highland people were not hopeless when they were wanted during the War, and I think that was a very ungenerous thing of the right hon. Gentleman to say. When you can afford to spend £100,000,000 on providing mailboats and motor cars and harbours, piers and roads for the wandering tribes of Mesopotamia, you should have some few crumbs left for the people who fought for you in the War. I hope that we shall have sympathy from the Treasury, who will see to it that these services shall be restored to pre-War conditions, and that in that way the Government will restore the industry, trade, and economic life which has been devastated by the War, in the interests of people who find it very difficult to help themselves.
I rise to support the suggestions made by the hon. Member that the pre-War services should be restored to Stornoway. When after the War the Government are endeavouring to bring into operation all over the country the mail service that existed prior to the War, it must be manifest that the outlying parts of the country desire their services restored to them much more urgently than those places more favourably situated. Those outlying parts depend for their existence on the treatment of the transport and communications with the great markets of the country. The towns which are more favourably situated are not placed in such a disadvantageous position. They have once or twice, or more frequently, per day the means of sending their commodities to the markets, but remote places like Stornoway have not the same facilities, and therefore it must appear to the Government that these outlying places should have their transport facilities renewed as they were prior to the War. Places like Stornoway have built up their commerce and trade by a gradual process extending over many years. The Government, 40 or 50 years ago, were more considerate to these appeals which they then received, and a large volume of trade was built up in those parts. That trade will be dissipated if the transport facilities are not restored, and therefore I strongly support the giving to these places the same facilities as they enjoyed prior to the War.
I have another reason. For many years it has been the professed desire of successive Governments to retain the people on the land in these outlying parts. But you cannot keep people on the land if you do not give them facilities for sending their commodities to market. That is absolutely essential. I must confess that the Government have done a good deal in that direction already. They have spent a large amount of money in providing harbours in certain parts. It has enabled the people in those parts to remain there instead of compelling them to migrate to large centres, where it is not desirable that they should be for various reasons. For instance, along the Moray Firth we have a number of small nourishing towns there with a very healthy and industrious population and these people have been kept to their homes because of the support that has been given by the Development Commissioners and by other Government Departments in connection with their harbours. I claim that the same facilities ought to be given to the outlying parts such as Stornoway and other places. If such support is given then the trade will continue and will flourish as in the past, because it has been proved that the more frequent the communication is between these parts and the mainland the greater is the increase in the volume of the postal traffic and the loss to the Post Office is diminished by the frequency of the communication that is allowed to be sent there. I desire very strongly to support the request made by the hon. Member because, from my association with these outlying parts, I know how deeply the necessity exists and I trust that the Post Office will yet see its way to give the daily service which Stornoway had before the War.
This is really a question which is of vital concern to thousands of people in the north of Scotland and it is not every day that their claims can be put forward. Therefore even at this inconvenient hour of the morning we who know something about the conditions up there are, I think, bound to do what we can to impress on the Government the strong case which they have for exceptional treatment in this matter. Economy is much in the air to-day and when any Member comes forward and presses on the Government some expenditure the Government turns round, usually, and says that the House is always for economy in the abstract, but that when it is a question of a Member's own constituency then the question is different. I would impress on the House that in this particular case it is nothing to me. I have personally no interest in the Western Isles, but I know the position in which these men in the Isle of Lewis are placed and I know that they have a very special case and I am afraid that the Government are not giving adequate consideration to that particular case.
Why is it that they do not give a daily service? I presume it is because, they say, it does not pay—a daily service to Lewis Island does not pay. But I am sure that the Postmaster-General would not say that the service to every particular village and town in Scotland, or England, or Ireland pays the Post Office. Much less would they say that the service to all these islands pays. Yet the Post Office continues the daily service to these particular islands. The point which I press on the Government is that this is not a case to be considered merely on the basis of its cash value. There is the question of sentiment in the first place. It comes in here—and again may I preface what I am going to say by saying that I have no connection directly with Lewis, but I do know that the record of Lewis in the War is second to none throughout the whole of the United Kingdom. It is, I am certain, the best record in the War of any district in the country. There were no "badged industries" in Lewis. The whole of the men went to the War, and voluntarily. They got promises that they would get land when they got back. The result is that the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Scotland is up against one of the most difficult problems that any Secretary for Scotland ever had to struggle with in trying to provide land for these men.
That is going a very long way. The sole question is whether the contract is to be approved or not. If hon. Members do not like the contract, let them say "No" to it; but a general Scottish Debate is not in order.
I am sorry you think that I am straying. I am not going into questions of general Scottish debate, but only pointing out that the Secretary of Scotland has a difficult land problem to tackle. He cannot do it, because it is impossible. His difficulty is a land problem. There is not enough land to go round, and he must look to cultivating the sea in order to get over his land problem. He must look to get wealth out of the sea, and he cannot do that except by an efficient transport service, and that is what he has not got. I think my argument— if I may say so—is quite germane to this question of the contract. I say that this contract does not give the proper transport service upon which alone the prosperity of this island can be built up. The right hon. Gentleman would have to find land for these men, or try to do it, and that is a physical impossibility.
This has been brought of course to the attention of the right hon. Gentleman before, and it has been pointed out to him that unless you have a daily service to Stornoway you cannot develop a proper fishing industry. The right hon. Gentleman, when he dealt previously with the subject, said that the fish curers and the fishing industry made their own arrangements if need be. But that is a mistaken policy altogether. The fishing is a seasonable occupation and it springs up at any time almost, without much notice, and you cannot expect boat fishermen to go to Stornoway—you would never get these boats to go there—when there are no facilities for dealing with their fish or taking them to the market. They must have a certainty, and if these boats do not go there you would never have a transport service at all. I hope the Secretary for Scotland will do something now to give us an undertaking that these men will really be given justice. I do not think my hon. Friend (Dr. Murray) was putting it too strongly when he said that they were not getting justice. I think the change in the mail service to Stornoway which is made by this contract is one of the most shabby things the Government has done, particularly in view of what they are doing for people in Mesopotamia and Palestine. And Skye is not much better, I think it is even worse, because Skye is much nearer. Lewis is a six hours' journey and therefore necessarily more expensive. Skye is only a mile or so away. Therefore in regard to Skye I do not think there can be any objections on natural grounds such as there are in the case of Lewis. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will take this matter up and impress on the Government as a whole that the case of these islands is an exceptional one and that you must not treat it on the basis of its cash value. That is the only way you can pay back to them something of the great debt you owe.
Question put, and agreed to.
Resolved,
"That the Contract, dated the 1st and 4th days of July, 1921, between the Postmaster-General and Messieurs David MacBrayne, Limited, for the maintenance of certain passenger and cargo sea services in the West Highlands and Islands of Scotland, and for the conveyance of mails by certain of the vesels so employed, be approved."
Irish Railways (Settlement of Claims)
Committee to consider of providing for the payment of a lump sum in satisfaction of claims of Irish railway companies under an agreement with the Government, and otherwise, in respect of the possession or control of their undertakings by the Government, for the distribution of such sum amongst the several companies, and for the continuance of a Clause in the said agreement — ( King's Recommendation signified )—To-morrow.—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
It being after half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Wednesday evening, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Six Minutes before One o'clock.