House of Commons
Monday, July 25, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Colne Corporation Bill,
London County Council (General Powers) Bill,
Sunderland and South Shields Water Bill,
Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.
Southend Water Bill [ Lords ],
As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.
De Trafford Estates Bill [ Lords ],
London and North Western Railway (Holyhead Harbour Leasing) Bill [ Lords ],
Slough Trading Company, Limited (Canal) Bill [ Lords ],
Wolverton Estate Bill [ Lords ],
Read a Second time, and committed.
Liverpool Corporation Bill [ Lords ] (by Order).
Consideration, as amended, deferred till Wednesday, at a quarter-past Eight of the clock.
Metropolitan Water Board (Charges) Bill (by Order),
Consideration, as amended, deferred till Thursday.
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (Aberavon and Neath Extension) Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
Oral Answers to Questions
Trade and Commerce
German Potash Contract
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the German potash contract has been concluded; what profit the Government have made on this contract; whether the Treasury have collected such profit; and, if not, why this has not been done?
The German potash contract has been concluded. The net profit on the contract amounts to £28,700. This has not yet been paid to the Treasury. A balance is owing by the agents who distributed the potash on behalf of the Board of Trade. Steps are being taken to collect this balance.
Cold Storage, London Docks
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that all the cold storage depots in London are now full up of imported meat, and that a number of ships are in the London docks full of meat which cannot be unloaded; whether this glut of imported meat is caused largely by the fact that the importers are demanding high prices for the same, which prices react on the retail butchers and stop sales to the ordinary working-class buyers; and whether his Department has any powers in order to compel any reductions in the wholesale and retail prices of imported meat?
I am not aware of any acute difficulty in obtaining cold storage space in the Port of London. A certain congestion has been caused by the storage of commodities other than meat, and arrangements have now been made to relieve this congestion. The suggestion contained in the second part of the question would appear to be incorrect, since the consumption of meat throughout the country is normal. The third part, therefore, does not arise.
Turkey (British Claims)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if there is any reason why His Majesty's Government should not make an immediate advance of 50 per cent., as requested by the British subjects who have claims against the Turkish Government and recommended by the British Chamber of Commerce of Constantinople, advising the Turkish Government that they are doing so, and that the sum so advanced will be charged as a loan to the Turkish Government bearing interest at the current rate?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given him on the 31st May.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Government refusal to make an advance in respect of the claims of British subjects in Turkey is already seriously prejudicing British trade?
I am not aware of that. I have already explained that there are no funds for this purpose.
Why is it that the Treasury makes advances to people in more or less similar conditions to every other nationality except our own?
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether Government officials whose claims against the Turkish Government are based on identical legal grounds as those of non-officials have received from the British Government advances up to 50 per cent. of the amounts of their claims; and whether he can assign any reason for such preferential treatment of officials?
Payments have been made by the Foreign Office to officers of the diplomatic and consular services withdrawn from enemy territories, including Turkey, on the outbreak of war, as compensation for hardship due to their being deprived of the use of, and in some cases losing finally, articles of necessity left in those territories at the time of withdrawal of the officers. The grants are regarded as payments on account of compensation ultimately recoverable by the officers from enemy Governments, and are confined strictly to articles necessary in the maintenance of a household, within a maximum total value of £1,000. This procedure is not regarded as preferential treatment of officials, but is undertaken by the State solely in its relation of employer to those employed abroad in its service.
Can the hon. Gentleman say why special consideration should be given to officials and not to these people?
There can be no wholesale arrangements of this kind. In the case of officials, it is because the Government is their employer.
Is it not a fact that the French Government have already voted a considerable sum of money to make advances to traders of French nationality?
I have not heard of that.
Turkish Prisoners, Siberia (Repatriation)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if His Majesty's Government has advanced to the Turkish Government the sum of £48,000 to defray the cost of repatriating Turkish soldiers, prisoners of war, from Vladivostok by Japanese steamer; and why such sum, if available out of the funds of His Majesty's Treasury, was not rather devoted to helping British merchants whose claims have not yet been satisfied by the Turkish Government?
His Majesty's Government undertook to transmit, as an act of courtesy and humanity, £48,000 supplied by the Turkish Government to the Japanese Government, to enable the latter to repatriate Turkish prisoners of war from Siberia. No British funds were involved. The second part of the question, therefore, does not arise.
Ex-German Ships (Sale)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the whole of the German ships handed over to this country have now been sold; if so, what tonnage of the whole has been sold to British firms, or to any firms belonging to any of our Allies; whether any ships have been sold to firms belonging to our late enemies and, if so, what tonnage; and what tonnage still remains to be sold, and what conditions are now put upon the sale of these ships?
About 85 per cent. of the tonnage allotted to this country has been sold—1,350,000 tons to British or Allied firms, and 70,000 tons to ex-enemy firms. 250,000 tons remain to be sold. There is, moreover, a further amount of about 200,000 tons, which has not yet been allotted by the Reparation Commission, but is likely ultimately to come to this country. The principle now followed is that after British shipowners have had an adequate opportunity of bidding for the ships, the market is thrown open to all comers.
Are the Board of Trade able to state whether it is proved that British ships cost three times as much to build as German ships under present conditions, as represented on former occasions in this House?
I must ask for notice of that question.
Will the Government consider the advisability of drawing up a statement giving the whole facts of the case—the number of British ships sold, the amount realised, and the people to whom they were sold—because there are many questions on the subject?
Perhaps my hon. Friend will put down a question, and I will consider it.
Have any of these ex-German ships been sold to German firms?
Is any preference given to our Allies and neutrals as against our former enemies in selling these ships?
Immigration Law, New York
asked the President of the Board of Trade what steps are being taken by the British authorities to protect British subjects arriving at New York as first and second class, as well as steerage, passengers, in view of the confusing interpretations of the new immigration law and the hardships arising therefrom?
His Majesty's Consul-General at New York is affording, and will continue to afford, British subjects every assistance. Negotiations are proceeding for the settlement of difficulties incidental to the first application of the new immigration law.
Can the hon. Gentleman say what is the nature of these difficulties?
Yes, I can give my hon. Friend a detailed answer if he will put down another question.
Coal Prices
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the increase in the price of coal to the householder since the conclusion of the coal stoppage and the contradictory reasons assigned; and has he sufficient information at his disposal to enable him to inform the householder that a present policy of, as far as possible, doing without will be successful in bringing the producing and selling interests to a more reasonable attitude?
asked the Secretary for Mines whether his attention has been called to the prices charged in London to small buyers since the coal settlement; whether he is aware that prices are now from 3s. 5d. to 3s. 9d. per cwt., and that buyers of smaller quantities are even charged more; whether he is aware that contracts for quantities have been placed during last week at 46s. to 50s. a ton; and whether his Department have any powers which can compel suppliers of small quantities to the working classes to charge a reasonable price?
I would refer the hon. Members to the statement on this subject made by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 1st July. The Government have no power to control the price of coal, which depends entirely on market conditions.
Can the hon. Gentleman say why the price of coal has been advanced to the householder, and why the price for business purposes remains unchanged?
The price depends upon market conditions over which the Government have no control, and I cannot give any other answer.
Bolshevik Propaganda, Great Britain
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the report recently issued by Herr Linovieff, the president of the Executive of the Third Internationale, in which reference is made to the reports sent to Moscow by Herr Krassin as to the industrial situation in Great Britain and the instructions given to Krassin regarding the steps to be taken by him to foment industrial unrest, in order to stimulate the Communist movement in this country; and whether it was as the outcome of these activities that Krassin has been recalled to Russia?
I have no information as to the report referred to in the first part of the question. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative.
Am I to understand that the hon. Member has not seen this report? Is not the Government aware that instructions have been sent from Moscow urging that all possible unrest should be caused in this country?
So far as the Board of Trade is concerned we have no information.
If this be a matter which comes under the Board of Trade, will the hon. Gentleman make inquiries and I will put down another question in a week?
Is it not a fact that the Russian Government has been too busy at home to pay much attention to this country?
Government Staffs and Offices
Ministry of Transport
asked the Minister of Transport how many officials are employed in the Finance and Statistics Department of the Ministry of Transport; and what is the total amount of salaries paid to them, inclusive of bonus?
The answer to the first part of the question is 134, and to the second £63,655. This excludes typists and messengers, but includes the part of the general staff of the Ministry which n employed in connection with this branch.
Can my hon. Friend say why, if there be such an enormously large Finance Department to look after the Ministry, it should also require another very highly paid official from, the Treasury, at £5,000 a year, to do the same thing?
The question as to the Treasury official is raised in my hon. Friend's next question.
asked the Minister of Transport what are the duties of the Treasury representative in the Ministry of Transport who receives a salary of £5,000 per annum?
I have been asked to answer this question. A statement of the duties performed by the Treasury representative at the Ministry of Transport was given on the 7th July, 1920, in reply to a question by the hon. and gallant Member for Anglesey. I am sending the hon Member a copy of the answer then given.
Is it not part of the duties of this official to inquire into the large staff in the Finance and Statistics Department of the Ministry, and has he from time to time rendered any reports to the Treasury as to the enormous number of officials in the Ministry of Transport?
No, Sir; it is not one of the special duties of this official to exercise any control over the staff of the Ministry of Transport. That control is exercised through the ordinary channels.
Does this official receive a war bonus, in addition to the £5,000, and, if so, what is the amount of the bonus?
I think that there is no bonus attached to the salary, but I should like to have notice.
Who is he?
Foreign Office
21 and 22.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1) if he will give the name of the newly appointed Historical Adviser to the Foreign Office and state what are his qualifications for this post at a salary of £1,200 per annum;
(2) whether, in view of the fact that the present Secretary of State is an accomplished historical scholar, and that all entrants for the diplomatic service and the-Foreign Office are required to pass a searching examination in history, he will give examples of the historical questions which have been submitted to, or are likely to be submitted to, the Historical Adviser which are beyond the competence of officials who have passed such an examination and of the Secretary of State?
The Historical Adviser is Mr. J. W. Headlam-Morley. This gentleman, hitherto on the staff of the Education Department, and a scholar of distinguished record, has for many years past made a special study of historical questions and is the author of a considerable number of works of importance. The work of the Historical Adviser is necessarily confidential, and it would be neither in the public interest nor in accordance with precedent to discuss publicly the individual services of members of the permanent Civil Service establishment.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the salary paid to this gentleman is 50 per cent. more than is paid to the Regius Professor of History in one of the Universities, and is this gentleman 50 per cent. a better man than such men as Freeman, Froude, and Stubbs?
Is it part of the duties of this gentleman to point out the disastrous effects in the past of the revolutionary doctrines that are being preached in the present?
I do not think that that falls within the scope of his duties. I am afraid that these questions are an illustration of the extreme inconvenience of discussions on the Floor of the House as to the merits and duties of individual members of the Civil Service.
Are we to understand that this gentleman has no academic qualifications, and is a permanent civil servant employed in another Department?
No. He is not.
What was the salary previously paid to this gentleman in the Education Department?
I must have notice of that.
Where else would the hon. Gentleman suggest the appointment of a new official should be discussed if not in the House?
In discussing the merits of a gentleman who is a member of the Civil Service, I suggest that it is not the gentleman, but the Government who should be attacked.
Is the failure of the hon. Gentleman to give examples of similar appointments due to the fact that there are none such to be put forward?
rose —
We cannot now debate the matter.
Overseas Trade Department
asked the Lord Privy Seal when the Report into the staffing of the Department of Overseas Trade will be published?
It is intended to publish the Report referred to at an early date, together with the Report of the Advisory Committee of the Department on the same matter.
Ministry of Labour
asked the Minister of Labour how many single women are temporarily employed in his Department in a clerical or super-clerical capacity, other than those employed in employment exchanges?
Excluding the Irish figures which are not available in time for this answer, the number of single women referred to employed in the Ministry of Labour is 1,009. This total includes 254 engaged on a casual (week to week) basis whose engagements will be determinated when the volume of the work permits, and a considerable number of young girls engaged on card indexing and manipulative processes. The total also includes 123 women who have qualified at the recent Civil Service examinations for permanent posts, and are not, therefore, liable to substitution. My right hon. Friend has repeatedly reviewed the cases of these women for substitution, and where he has agreed to retention he has satisfied himself by personal examination that the circumstances were such that discharge would inflict considerable hardship—hardship which the ex-service man would himself be the first to deprecate.
Will the hon. Gentleman assure us that these 123 women who have recently qualified will not be appointed permanently in the Civil Service in preference to ex-service men who are also qualified?
Will the hon. Gentleman also explain what exactly is a single woman of "super-clerical capacity"?
The answer was a rather long one to start with, and I think further explanation should be made in the Lobby.
Local Surveyors (Salaries)
asked the Minister of Transport if the Ministry is approaching local authorities offering to pay half the salary of local surveyors and their staffs, subject to an agreement with the Ministry as to the appointment, retention, and dismissal of the officials in question?
A circular letter, dated the 9th May, 1921, was issued to local authorities in England, Wales and Scotland, explaining that under Section 17 of the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, and Section 3, Sub-section 4 ( d ) of the Roads Act, 1920, the Minister may, by agreement with the local authorities, defray half the salary and establishment charges of their engineer or surveyor. The authorities wishing to participate in such grants were invited to submit estimates of the expenditure proposed to be incurred under these heads.
Under what Vote is this money to come before this House, so that we may have an opportunity of discussing it?
I would prefer to have notice of that question, but I think that this money comes upon the Road Fund Vote. I am not sure that that is a direct Vote, but there is a Report on it.
Does this mean that the local authorities are to surrender their right of appointing and dismissing, in order to secure this money out of the taxpayers' pocket?
Is it not a fact that these proposals are made only in the case where moneys are advanced in order to absorb unemployment?
No; that is not so The position is quite simple. In order to secure an efficient class of road surveyor, which is necessary to get the roads made up to the standard that is required, the local authorities are permitted, if they so desire, and not otherwise, to obtain a grant of half the salaries, on the appointment and the conditions being approved by the Minister.
Are the local authorities not to be trusted to appoint efficient men?
The large authorities, certainly; but it is common knowledge that many of the road surveyors in the past have been quite unfit to bring the roads up to the standard that is now required.
Peace Treaties
Bulgaria
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he will state what were the terms agreed upon during the War by Bulgaria and Turkey for the grant of an outlet for Bulgaria to the Ægean Sea at Dedeagatch; and what is the difference between the outlet granted under this agreement and the outlet guaranteed by the Powers to Bulgaria by the Treaty signed at Sèvres on 10th August, 1920?
I do not fully comprehend the meaning of the hon. and gallant Member's question. As he is doubtless aware, the port of Dedeagatch only ceased to be in the possession of Bulgaria after the conclusion of the European War, and it was for the purpose of securing Bulgaria's economic, as distinct from her territorial access to the port, that the Treaty of 10th August, 1920, was framed. The arrangement come to between Turkey and Bulgaria during the War, although it contained certain transit stipulations, was essentially of a different nature, and was concerned mainly with the cession to Bulgaria of a strip of territory in Eastern Thrace in the vicinity of Adrianople.
Is there any reason why that strip of territory should not be continued to Bulgaria, so that she may have free access to the sea?
My hon. and gallant Friend knows that the whole question is now under consideration.
Upper Silesia
asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what is the present strength of the English, French, and Italian troops, respectively, at present in Upper Silesia?
I have been asked to reply. The approximate ration strength of the British troops is 4,400. The French have a larger number and the Italians a smaller number. I cannot give the exact figures.
May I ask the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether any of the Allies has power to reinforce its troops in the district without the consent of the other Allies?
I should require notice of that question.
The following question stood on the Paper in the name of Captain BENN :
30. To ask the Prime Minister whether he can make a statement on the present position in Upper Silesia?
If this question and other questions regarding Silesia can be postponed until Thursday, I shall be glad. If there is anything about which to inform the House before that day, I shall make a statement.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that all sides protest against the action of the French in Silesia? [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!" "Speak for yourself!"]
We shall debate that question later.
German War Criminals (Trial)
asked the Prime Minister whether the British Ambassador at Berlin has received instructions to take all steps in his power to prevent the escape from Germany of the remaining alleged war criminals upon the British list, pending their trial?
No special instructions have been sent to His Majesty's Ambassador in Berlin on the subject, and His Majesty's Government do not think any are required.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that of the first seven criminals for trial at Leipzig four had escaped when the trials were ultimately fixed, and does he not also know that I was told on a former occasion that the British Ambassador was fully seized of the importance of keeping his eyes on the criminals? What are we to do? Are we to go to France?
Is it not a fact that these German War criminals have only to go to Holland to obtain sanctuary, as did the ex-Kaiser?
I beg to give notice that I shall raise this question on the Adjournment.
Are we to infer that the Foreign Office is quite indifferent as to whether the criminals are brought to justice or not?
No, decidedly not.
If any more criminals escape to Danzig, will they be free from arrest?
I must have notice of that question.
Ireland
Settlement Negotiations
asked the Prime Minister whether he will give an assurance that the Government will not give any pledge outside this House entailing financial advantages to Ireland before this House has had an opportunity of discussing the question?
asked the Prime Minister whether he can yet make any statement as to the Irish negotiations?
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the grave anxiety that is felt throughout the country as to the nature of the terms offered by the Government to Mr. de Valera, he will make at the earliest possible moment a public statement as to the terms?
I hope to be in a position to make a statement on the Irish situation shortly.
In view of the remarkable statements which have appeared in the public Press as to the nature of the terms which have been offered to Mr. de Valera and to the grave anxiety which those statements have caused, will my right hon Friend make his announcement as soon as possible?
Yes. I shall make an announcement as soon as it is possible to make it without endangering the chance of a successful issue of the negotiations, but I would warn my hon. and learned Friend and others that they must not accept the accounts which have appeared in the public Press of the terms of the Cabinet offer, because all those which I have seen are inaccurate.
Is the promised statement likely to be made this week?
shook his head.
Truce
asked the Prime Minister whether the truce still obtains in Ireland pending the resumption of negotiations between Mr. de Valera and the Government?
The answer is in the affirmative.
Trusts and Trade Rings
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that, on the dissolution of the Central Profiteering Committee an undertaking was given that legislation should be introduced to restrain oppressive prices by trade rings, combinations, and trusts; whether an Anti-Trusts Bill will be introduced this Session; and, if not, whether he will introduce a short Measure enabling the public, in the event of excessive prices, to complain to the local health authority, and to empower that authority to act in a manner similar to the powers provided under the Profiteering Acts?
I have been asked to reply. I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to frequent answers which have been given on this subject during the present Session. I am sending him copies.
National Expenditure
asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the advisability of a short Autumn Session mainly to be devoted to the work of reviewing every form of Government outlay and drastically reducing national expenditure?
As has been repeatedly stated, the Government think it important to avoid an Autumn Session this year, especially from the point of view of enabling the Departments thoroughly to review their expenditure.
If there is no Autumn Session, will there be an opportunity for the House to discuss the result of the 20 per cent. circular of the Treasury?
I do not think those results will be achieved unless Ministers have the necessary leisure thoroughly to go through the whole expenditure of their Departments. It is really quite impossible for them to do so when there is a continuous Session from January to December.
Navy Estimates
asked the Prime Minister when it is proposed to take the outstanding Votes of the Navy Estimates?
I hope it will be possible to take these Estimates on Wednesday in next week.
Will that include Vote 12 as well as Vote 8?
Yes; it will, I believe.
Army Estimates
asked the Prime Minister whether there is any precedent for voting £103,000,000 for the Army Estimates for the current year under the operation of the Guillotine without any previous discussion of this Vote by the House of Commons; and whether he will take steps to avoid this result by arranging for a day for the discussion of these Estimates?
I would refer my hon. and learned Friend to the very full reply which the Leader of the House gave to him on Thursday last, to which I have nothing to add.
Can the right hon. Gentleman tell me what I was not told on the previous occasion—whether there is any precedent for passing a Vote of £103,000,000 for Army Estimates under the Guillotine without discussion?
There is a precedent, I think, for passing Army Estimates under the Guillotine. That is the operation of the Guillotine. The Guillotine has been in operation for a good many years. I do not see any other alternative. After all, it is in the hands of the Opposition to demand the subjects to be discussed, and in one form or another, I would remind my hon. and learned Friend and others, Army expenditure has been constantly discussed, in relation to Mesopotamia and in other ways. On the Second and Third Readings of the Consolidated Fund Bill it will be possible to discuss this question.
If the right hon. Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) joins me in asking for this discussion, or if the right hon. Member asks for this discussion, will there be a Debate on the Army Estimates on one of the unallocated days?
Arrangements can be made through the usual channels. If there be a general desire that this subject should be discussed on one of the remaining days, that is a question for the House, and not for the Government.
Washington Conference
asked the Prime Minister whether he can now state the names of the British representatives at the forthcoming conference in Washington?
I regret I am not yet in a position to make a statement on this subject.
Sittings and Rising of House
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether he will consider the desirability of the House meeting daily at an earlier hour than 2.45 p.m. in order to meet the wishes and convenience of Members who are desirous of making the business of the House their first consideration?
I do not think that the hon. Member's proposal would meet the general desire of the House or be in the public interest.
What sound business reason affecting the proceedings of the House can he advanced to justify the present sittings and risings of the House and to prevent the House sitting and rising at more reasonable hours?
There are many reasons, and perhaps more reasons than could properly be given in answer to a question. We have to make provision for sittings of Committees of the House and for the work of the Government of the country. I, at any rate, think it would be a great misfortune if our hours were such that we prevented anyone who had other business to do from attending the House.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many Members are fooling about the House from 2 p.m. to 2.45 p.m.?
Supplementary Estimates
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether an opportunity will be given before the closing of Supply to discuss the Supplementary Estimate for £62,00,000 recently presented?
As the hon. and gallant Member is aware, the Government intend to give two additional days for Supply if the Report and Third Reading of the Corn Production Acts (Repeal) Bill is obtained to-night. I regret that it is not possible under the present circumstances to give any further extra days for Supply, but if it were so desired the Supplementary Estimates could be discussed on the allotted days when the outstanding Votes are passed in Committee or Report. I have been informed, however, that it is hoped on these days to discuss the Admiralty and Labour Votes.
I must at the same time point out that the majority of the Votes on the Supplementary Estimate have already been fully discussed in the House. The Railway and Canal Agreements, Corn Production and Ministry of Labour Emergency Services, Agricultural Development Grant Votes, which make a total of £59,295,000 out of the total of £62,000,000, have been under full discussion during this Session, either in connection with Bills or Motions which have been or are before the House.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when the Chancellor of the Exchequer will make his promised statement on the financial situation? These Supplementary Estimates naturally make serious inroads on the possible surplus.
My right hon. Friend is going to speak on the Treasury Vote to-morrow, but I rather think it is on a different topic. I do not know about any general statement on the financial situation, but if my right hon. Friend thinks it desirable to make such a statement, I suppose it will be on the Consolidated Fund Bill.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that he proposed to make a general statement? When will that be made?
I was not aware of it, but I am not disputing it. Therefore I am answering, without knowledge of my right hon. Friend's intentions, a question of which no notice has been given to me.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not think it is absolutely necessary that this House should have a statement from the Treasury, in view of the greatly changed financial position since the Budget was introduced?
Apparently my right hon. Friend has already arranged to do that.
These questions are quite irrelevant to the question on the Paper.
League of Nations (Frontier Formalities)
asked the Lord President of the Council whether any practical steps are to be undertaken by the Council of the League of Nations in pressing forward throughout the countries of the League the simplification of frontier formalities?
As the hon. Member is no doubt aware, the Council of the League of Nations appointed a Conference on Passports, Customs Formalities, and Through Tickets in October, 1920. The resolutions and recommendations of the Conference were subsequently communicated to the Governments of the countries who are members of the League. These resolutions and recommendations have been considered by His Majesty's Government, and a reply has been sent to the League expressing general agreement with the terms both of the recommendations and the resolutions. Beyond an acknowledgment of His Majesty's Government's reply, no further communication has been received from the League, who are no doubt considering the replies from the various Government, and will be reporting further progress made shortly.
Passports and Visas (Great Britain and France)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is now able to announce that the visa on passports is definitely abolished between England and France; and whether he can state on what date this freedom of travel will come into operation between the two countries?
The visa on passports of British subjects proceeding to France and French citizens coming to this country is abolished as from to-day's date.
While thanking the hon. Gentleman for his very ready help in doing so much towards securing this con- cession, may I ask him if it is not the turn of Great Britain to set an example, and will the Government not make an offer to, at least, the other allied nations to abolish, with them, these visas?
That will be considered.
Is there any visa on passports to America?
Agricultural Wages (District Rates)
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his proposals regarding agricultural wages include a proviso binding employers to pay no less than the agreed district rate of wages, or whether they admit of any elasticity?
I must ask the hon. Member to refer to Clause 4 of the Bill, and to the Amendments on the Paper in my name which deal with this matter.
Smallholders' Rent (Norfolk)
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether his Department are insisting upon the Norfolk County Council charging a minimum rent to smallholders, at Middleton, Norfolk, of £312 for a farm hired by the council for £230; that a charge of 17½ per cent. on the total rent of £312 is being required by the Ministry for management, repairs, insurances, and contingencies, instead of the 10 per cent. usually charged on such properties, which would, in this case, reduce the rent required to £285 10s. 6d.; that the property in question is in excellent condition, and the cost of any repairs will be insignificant; and whether, in order that the prospective holders may be able to work their holdings at a reasonable rental, he will reconsider the Department's attitude on this question?
The rent of £312 referred to is made up of the following items: £230 rent paid by county council, £27 0s. 3d., loan charges on £150 cost of alteration to existing buildings, new gate posts, etc., and £54 12s., or 17½ per cent., for management, repairs, contingencies, the usual allowance for such similar cases being 20 per cent., and not 10 per cent., as stated by the hon. Member. The buildings comprise a farmhouse, cottage, a fine set of premises, and a smaller set of farm buildings, and although the farmhouse is in a very good state, the condition of the other buildings is less satisfactory. In the circumstances, I do not consider that the allowance of £54 12s. is excessive, and as I am advised that the required rent of 42s. an acre is perfectly reasonable, which is proved by the fact that the applicants express their willingness to pay 45s. an acre, I regret that I am not prepared to reconsider the matter.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, as head of the Department responsible for this, does he consider that management expenses and repairs justify this charge of 17½ per. cent.?
A charge of 10 per cent. may have been ample before the War for repairs and maintenance, but it is not ample now. There is usually a charge of 20 per cent. under that head, and in this case it is only 17½.
Experimental Farm, Norfolk (Discharges)
asked the Minister of Agriculture if he has recommended the discharges which have taken place on the Ministry's farm at Methwold, in South West Norfolk; whether these discharges include a local secretary of a trade union; and, if so, will he state the reasons for same?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, but I understand that the Director of the Ministry's experimental farm at Methwold has found it possible to effect a slight reduction of staff. It is true that a man who happened to be the local secretary of the General Workers' Union was discharged, because he was considered by the Director to be one of the least efficient workers on the farm, but the decision was in no way influenced by the fact that this man was a trade union official.
Will the Minister secure information and give it to the House, as to what the particular inefficiency was for which this man was discharged? Everybody is inefficient, of course, if he happens to be — [HON. MEMBERS: "Order!"]—
We are making reductions in staff wherever possible, for reasons of economy, and, naturally, the least efficient men are those selected for discharge.
Is it not a fact that the people living in the district consider this man to be one of your most efficient workmen?
I can only say that that is not the opinion of the responsible official on the spot.
Lambs (Diseases)
asked the Minister of Agriculture if he is taking any steps to investigate the causes of diseases which have been so fatal to lambs this year; and if the mortality this year is greatly in excess of previous years?
The Ministry is carrying out a careful investigation into the causes of the diseases in question, and for purposes of observation, a member of the Ministry's veterinary staff has been stationed in the past two years during the lambing season in a specially affected district. Although in certain districts there appears to have been a heavy mortality this year, there is no reason to believe that the mortality among lambs has been generally greater during the past season than in previous years.
Allotment Rents, Newcastle-On-Tyne
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether the allotment holders on Newton Road, Heaton, Newcastle-on-Tyne, have received notices of increases of rent from 3s. 4d. to 8s. 4d. per holder; that the town clerk of Newcastle-on-Tyne, in making this demand, states that it is done under the instructions of the Ministry of Agriculture; why such instructions are issued; if they are in accordance with the desires of the trust; and whether they can now be cancelled in view of the stringency of the times?
While it is true that the Ministry intimated to the town council that the rents of holders of D.O.R.A. allotments should be sufficient to cover the council's outgoings, I have no information as regards any increase of rents of particular groups of allotments in Newcastle. Inquiries will, however, be made, and the result communicated to my hon. Friend.
Is the right hon. Gentleman convinced, as the result of inquiries, that an increase of over 100 per cent., as set out in the question, is being imposed, and will he take immediate steps in regard to it?
I have said I am having inquiries made. Until I have the result of those inquiries, I cannot possibly lay down what course I am going to take.
India (Officers' Pensions)
asked the Secretary of State for India what decision has been arrived at on the subject of the additional pension of £100 and £200 a year which it was stated in the India Office memorandum of the 3rd June, 1920, would be granted to officers of the Indian Army on the supernumerary list who had held high civil appointments?
Yes, Sir; my hon. Friend has sanctioned the grant of these pensions. He has published a statement as to the conditions on which they are to be granted, and will circulate a copy in the OFFICAL REPORT.
The following is the statement mentioned:
In the India Office
"additional pensions of £200 and £100 a year will be granted to military officers on the supernumerary list who have held certain high civil appointments."
The Secretary of State has now decided that the additional pension of £200 a year shall be granted to officers who have rendered approved service for at least three years (including continuous officiat- ing service) in civil posts which now carry a pay of Rs. 4,000 a month or more; and the additional pension of £100 a year, subject to the same conditions, where the post held now carries a pay of Rs. 3,000 to Rs. 4,000 a month. The total pensions admissible will be subject to maxima of £1,000 and £900 a year, respectively. The decision will apply, with effect from 1st April, 1919, to all officers who are eligible, with reference to the preceding paragraph, and who retired from civil employ after 4th August, 1914. It will also apply, with effect from 1st April, 1919, to officers, otherwise eligible, who retired from civil employ before 4th August, 1914, provided that during the Great War they either rendered "paid military service" or were recalled for further civil employment in India.
Jam Preservatives
asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of his promise of inquiries into the question of adulterated jam manufactured from Dutch imported strawberries into which preservative has been introduced, he is now in a position to state what steps can be taken to ensure that such jam shall be offered for sale only under such restrictions as will disclose to intending purchasers their true character as compared with jam made from English strawberries into which no preservative has been introduced?
I have no power to require the distinctive labelling of jam made from either English or foreign fruit which contains preservatives. But imported fruit, which is found to be unwholesome or unfit for human consumption, is liable to be seized at the port of entry. The result of the inquiries so far, indicates that some of the consignments of Dutch strawberry pulp contain sulphur dioxide, a preservative frequently employed in the preservation of fruit, but in amounts which, in the circumstances, could not be regarded as injurious to health.
Bricks (Bridgwater)
asked the Minister of Health what price the Department pay for bricks in the Bridgwater district, as compared with other districts; and, if the price is less, is it because the wages in this district are much lower than the rate of wages in other brickmaking districts?
The average price paid by the Department for bricks in the Bridgwater district is 81s. 2d. per thousand. This price is higher than that paid in some districts and lower than the price in others. It is difficult to make a useful comparison inasmuch as the costs of manufacture and the quality of the bricks differ widely from one district to another.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the brickmakers in this district of Bridgwater refused to pay the last increase of wages of 8s. a week, under the award of last year, but are insisting upon making the reduction of 3s. 6d. per week which comes into operation this year, and has the question of wages any effect upon the contract price paid by the Department for the manufacture of bricks?
I am not aware of those facts, but if my hon. Friend will put them down in a question I will look into the matter.
Unemployment Benefit
asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that Charles Watson, of Heywood, an insured person, has been refused unemployment benefit, although genuinely out of work, on the grounds that he is a branch secretary of a trade union, a position he has held for years and which is only a spare time job?
The questions at issue in this case are whether Mr. Watson's employment as branch secretary has ordinarily been followed by him outside his ordinary working hours and whether the remuneration he receives for that work exceeds on the average 3s. 4d. a day. Benefit has been disallowed by the insurance officer and the disallowance has been upheld by the court of referees, who, however, have given Mr. Watson leave to appeal further to the Umpire should he desire to do so. We have no authority to intervene.
Naval and Military Pensions and Grants
Pre-War Disability (Officers)
asked the Minister of Pensions whether, as it would appear that, in respect of the reassessment of pre-War disability pensions of officers who served again in the late War, such officers are debarred from any increase of either the service or disability elements of their retired pay unless the total of such retired pay is less than the service element alone would now be under the new Regulations, thereby depriving them of all compensation for the injuries received in their former service, he will take steps to remove this injustice at once; and whether, as the pre-War Warrant, 1913, Article 564, laid down that these pensions were never to be less than the half pay of the rank, he will apply the new scale of half pay to such cases, pending the settlement of the new standard of disability retired pay, which it has been stated is still under consideration?
As the reply involves a somewhat length explanation, I propose, with my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the statement:
It is necessary in this matter to distinguish (1) officers disabled before the present War and again disabled by service in it, (2) officers disabled in former wars and not further disabled, and (3) officers disabled by peace service before the present War, and not further disabled.
The position of officers in the first class is not as appears to be suggested in the question. It was fully considered by the Select Committee on Pensions and is provided for in the Royal Warrants of the 1st August, 1917, and 2nd July, 1920; such officers generally gain considerable advantage so long as their disablement by Great War service continues.
Officers in the second class can be dealt with under the Warrant of the 19th December, 1919, the general effect of which is to give the disablement addition allowed by the Warrant of 1917 to officers disabled in former wars and still suffering from the effects of such disablement.
With regard to officers in the third class, I can only refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the last part of the reply given to him on the 28th June by the Financial Secretary of the War Office.
Article 564 of the Pay Warrant, 1913 or 1914, only entitles the officers to whom it applies to the half pay rates laid down in that Warrant, and not to any higher rates introduced subsequent to the officer's retirement; and my right hon. Friend is not prepared to recommend either as an interim measure or otherwise, that the much increased rates of 1919 should be conferred as a permanent pension on officers who retired before the present War.
North-Western Region and Scotland
asked the Minister of Pensions the number of pensioners in the North-West Division of Lancashire and in Scotland, respectively; and the relative population in each case?
The approximate number of non-commissioned officers and men in receipt of pension or allowance in the North-Western Region (which includes Lancashire) is 165,000, and in Scotland, 100,000. The population of these regions, as shown in the census figures for 1911, is
Pensions Issue (Decentralisation)
asked the Minister of Pensions where his decentralisation scheme with regard to the issue of pensions is first to be tried; and the reasons which have actuated him in choosing the particular locality?
My right hon. Friend has decided to try the decentralisation of the issue of pensions in Scotland, because that part of the United Kingdom is administratively and geographically most suitable for the purposes of the experiment.
Taking into consideration the comparative figures and the fact that where decentralisation takes place it means the employment of 500 or 600 extra staff in the district, will the hon. and gallant Gentleman take into consideration the claims of the North-Western Division for decentralisation?
I am not prepared to recommend that this change should be tried in Lancashire. If my hon. Friend will read the Report of the Departmental Committee, he will see that this is a highly technical subject—and I was chairman of the sub-committee that dealt with it—but Lancashire is already suffering in its pensions administration from the recent great shortage of offices in Manchester, and to throw an additional burden on offices already overburdened would be a great mistake from the point of view of the pensioners.
War Pensions Bill
asked the Minister of Pensions whether, in introducing the War Pensions Bill, he has taken into consideration the fact that some 40,000 new pensions were granted this year to men who applied; and whether, if this is so, the new measure will penalise those ex-service men who are developing maladies due to war service long after the Armistice but who have carefully abstained from making any claim for State assistance until their need is absolutely urgent?
Full consideration was given to the fact stated. My right hon. Friend is, however, satisfied, for reasons which have been explained in the Debate on the Second Reading of the Bill and subsequently in Committee, that the period of seven years is sufficiently long to prevent the disqualification of claims genuinely based on disability due to military service.
Surely there must be cases where men underwent operations and yet are able for the time being, and may be for four or five years, to follow their employment and yet later on may develop, as a result of the weakness from the operation, a condition in which it is impossible for them to earn their own living and when they really want to receive the bounty of the State?
My hon. and gallant Friend's case of four or five years would be covered because our limit is seven years. If the pensioner is in receipt of some regular pension, even a small one, he is entitled to full treatment allowance and hospital treatment at any time, indefinitely, for the rest of his life, and I would point out that we are giving seven years, whereas in the case of France they are giving only four years, and in the case of the United States of America two years.
Will the hon. and gallant Member, in thinking this matter over, take no notice of the agitation outside about economy where the interests of these fellows who have defended the State are concerned?
I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that we are paying no attention whatever to the demands for economy so far as the rights of pensioners are concerned, and we are granting better terms than those given by our neighbours and Allies.
Admiralty Yacht
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what is the annual cost of the Admiralty yacht, and whether, in the interests of economy, it could now be dispensed with?
The actual cost of the Admiralty yacht is mainly for fuel and other stores consumed on cruises of inspection. This amount is very variable, but the average of the two financial years completed since the Armistice is £9,820. This is apart from expenditure on dockyard repairs. Owing to the fact that the yacht was laid up throughout the War a considerable expenditure had to be incurred in refitting her for service. This, averaged over the two years since the Armistice, amounted to £15,960 per annum. No additional officers or naval ratings, with the exception of six men for care and maintenance, are borne on the strength of the Navy for service in the yacht, as they form part of the complement of fighting ships to be mobilised on the outbreak of War, and would equally be required if the yacht were not in existence. Great importance is attached by the Admiralty to the facilities which the yacht affords for the Board to keep in personal touch with the fleet and naval establishments generally, and it is not considered that it would be either desirable or economical to dispense with her.
Ex-Service Men, Woolwich Arsenal
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether, in view of the great dissatisfaction that exists among ex-service men in the Civil Service with regard to the order of their dismissal, he will arrange that in all Departments dismissals shall take place in the order that is being observed in Woolwich Arsenal, that is to say, non-service personnel first and disabled men last?
I have no reason to believe that the procedure recommended by the Lytton Committee is not being carried out when reductions of staff in Government Departments have to be effected. Subject to departmental requirements, preferential treatment is accorded to ex-service men and among ex-service men to disabled men.
Is the hon. Member aware of the extraordinary dissatisfaction amongst ex-service men arising from the fact that the recommendations of the Report are not being carried out by the heads of the Department?
I am not aware of any such widespread dissatisfaction as that to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers, and, as I have already stated in my answer, the recommendations of the Report are, as far as the Treasury is aware, being conscientiously carried out.
Is the hon Member aware that—
The hon. and gallant Member is repeating his original question. If he has any information to contribute, he should send it to the Treasury.
Crown Colonies (Indian Subjects)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether His Majesty's Government agree definitely to the principle of equal status for European and Indian British subjects in all Crown Colonies?
The question of the status of Indian British subjects in the Colonies is, in my opinion, one of too great importance and difficulty to be discussed within the limits of an answer to a Parliamentary question. I would refer the hon. Member to what the Secretary of State said in his speech on the Colonial Office Vote as to the principles by which we must be guided in trying to solve this problem.
Mesopotamia
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has any information regarding hostilities between the tribesmen of Ibn Rashid, Emir of Hail, and the tribesmen of Northern Hejaz; whether these hostilities have any connection with the Wahibi movement or with Ibn Saud; and whether there is any alliance or understanding between the respective Emirs of Hail and Nejd?
I have no information regarding hostilities of the nature referred to in the first part of the hon. Member's question. A report was received a few weeks ago that some of the followers of Ibn Saud, not of the Emir of Hail, meditated an attack on Kheibar, a place some distance to the north of Medina; and I instructed the High Commissioner for Mesopotamia to make inquiries. I have now received from him a telegram stating that Ibn Saud's agent in Bagdad has heard nothing of this report and entirely discredits it. As regards the second and third parts of the question, I have no reason to believe that there is any understanding between the Emirs of Hail and Nejd.
Can the hon. Member say how this misleading report appears in the Press, and whence it came?
I am afraid I cannot be held responsible for what appears in the Press.
Aden
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the contemplated amalgamation of Aden with British Somaliland is now complete; from what date the revenues of Aden will cease to be part of the revenues of India; and whether the pre-War frontiers of the Aden Protectorate are to be maintained?
The future administrative and financial arrangements with regard to Aden are being considered by His Majesty's Government, but no decision has yet been reached.
Rhodesia (Native Franchise)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what is the property and educational franchise required of natives in Rhodesia to-day; how many have votes on that basis; and; whether he intends to widen the franchise for natives if responsible government is, granted to that colony?
For the full details of the property and educational qualifications, which must be fulfilled before a person-can become entitled to a vote in Southern Rhodesia, I would, with my hon. and gallant Friend's permission, refer him to the Southern Rhodesia Ordinance No. 14 of 1912. I am unable to say at present the exact number of natives registered as voters, but it must in any case be small. As regards the last part of the question, I cannot add anything to the reply given to the hon. and gallant Member's question on the 21st instant.
Will the hon. Member send me a copy of that Ordinance and make inquiries as to the number of voters on the list; and, further, may I ask the Leader of the House whether he can fix any day on which the Secretary of State himself will be present to answer questions addressed to the Colonial Office?
Answering the two parts of the supplementary question addressed to me, I cannot undertake to send the hon. and gallant Gentleman a copy of the Ordinance, but it is available for his study, and for that of any other hon. Member who may wish to study it, in the Colonial Office Library. There is only one copy of it, I understand, here. As to the number of voters, I did make inquiries, and I am not sure that we have the actual information, but I will make further inquiries, and if we have any further information I will give it to my hon. and gallant Friend.
May I have an answer from the Leader of the House? [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] May I ask the Speaker of the House whether there is any arrangement, or whether they have come to any arrangement, whereby the Secretary of State, when he is asked questions, cannot, at any rate, be present on one day of the week?
The Parliamentary Secretary is also in the House, and it is usual for him to make arrangements sometimes to answer questions. I think the House will agree that the hon. Member is doing extremely well.
Are we to understand that it is usual for Secretaries of State to depute their Parliamentary Secretaries to answer questions—[HON. MEMBERS: "Yes!"]—every day of the week? That is a nice new rule!
I did not say "on every day of the week." I said that he might sometimes make arrangements in the Office.
Palestine
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies the terms of Lord Allenby's Proclamation in Palestine in 1918 to the effect that the Government to be set up by Great Britain should derive its power from the free will of the people; and whether the Zionisation of Palestine is at present carried out in accordance with such Proclamation?
My hon. Friend is, I assume, referring to the joint Anglo-French Declaration issued on the 7th November, 1918. This was also issued by Lord Allenby as a Proclamation at about the same time. It is rather a lengthy document, and, with my hon. Friend's permission, I will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
I would remind my hon. Friend that the declaration of His Majesty's Government in favour of the establishment of a national home for the Jews in Palestine was made in November, 1917, i.e. , a year before the joint declaration to which I have just referred. It is obvious, therefore, that nothing contained in the latter can be regarded as abrogating in any way the earlier pledge. I may add that, although no specific mention was made of Palestine in the Proclamation, His Majesty's Government are now engaged in formulating a scheme with the object of admitting local elements to such a degree of participation in the government of the country as is not incompatible with the Balfour declaration.
"The object aimed at by France and Great Britain in prosecuting in the East the War let loose by the ambition of Germany is the complete and definite emancipation of the peoples so long oppressed by the Turks and the establishment of national governments and administrations deriving their authority from the initiative and free choice of the indigenous populations.
In order to carry out these intentions France and Great Britain are at one in encouraging and assisting the establishment of indigenous Governments and administrations in Syria and Mesopotamia, now liberated by the Allies, and in the territories the liberation of which they are engaged in securing, and recognising these as soon as they are actually established.
Far from wishing to impose on the populations of these regions any particular institutions they are only concerned to ensure by their support any by adequate assistance the regular working of Governments and administrations freely chosen by the populations themselves. To secure impartial and equal justice for all, to facilitate the economic development of the country by inspiring and encouraging local initiative, to favour the diffusion of education, to put an end to dissensions that have too long been taken advantage of by Turkish policy, such is the policy which the two Allied Governments uphold in the liberated territories."
Airships
asked the Secretary of State for Air what is the present position of the airships and their crews and staff?
The Committee set up specially to consider the possibility of the retention and use of our existing fleet of airships for purposes of rapid Imperial communication has met three times, and hopes to hold its final meeting to-morrow. I am, therefore, unable to make a definite pronouncement. In reply to the second part of the question, I, myself, accompanied by General Sykes and other members of the Air Council, interviewed representatives from the airship crews and staff, and informed them how matters stood. In view of the decision to close down State airship activities on 1st August unless either an Imperial scheme can be established or private interests come forward, notices have been served to several of the temporary civil staff, and certain Royal Air Force officers employed in airships have been warned for other duties.
Will the right hon. and gallant Gentleman undertake to make a statement to this House as to the result of this Committee before the 1st August, so that we may know what is going to happen?
Yes: I hope to be able to present a report to the Imperial Conference to-morrow evening, and to make a report here as soon as possible.
If the financial situation be so improved since the decision was originally taken, is there now any question of the cutting down of these airship establishments?
It is not conceivable, except under either of the two terms I have stated—either the Dominions and the British Government decide to take up an Imperial scheme, or some private interests come forward with a workable scheme.
When the right hon. and gallant Gentleman says he will report, does that mean to this House, and will there be a Debate? Or is it to be in the nature of a White Paper? Will the right hon. and gallant Gentleman be prepared to answer questions on Wednesday with regard to the decision?
Yes; I hope that on Wednesday I shall be able to do so.
Cadets' Camp
asked the Secretary of State for War whether the junior officers training corps camps are to be held this week; if so, whether, to avoid the risk of sunstroke, pith helmets instead of the usual service caps will be served out to the boys attending camp at such places as Tidworth, on Salisbury Plain, and other similar spots where no shade is available; whether proper arrangements have been made for the supply of sufficient water to these camps; and whether, in the opinion of the War Office medical advisers, it is desirable, under present atmospheric conditions, for boys of 16 to 19 to go into camp this year?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. Pith helmets are not being issued to the cadets attending camp, and are not considered necessary, provided the training is not carried out during the heat of the day. Every cadet will be in possession of a sun-flap to be fixed to the service cap. Sufficient water is available at the camps, which are all situated in comparatively shady areas. Instructions have been issued that the programmes of training should be so arranged that, in the event of the excessive heat continuing, no work will be done during the heat of the day, and parades will take place in the early morning or evening. I am advised that, subject to these instructions, and provided the lads are physically and medically fit, the atmospheric conditions now prevailing should not affect them adversely.
Illegitimacy Bill
"to extend and amend enactments relating to bastardy and to affiliation and certain other orders, and to provide for the legitimation of illegitimate persons by the marriage of their parents, and to amend the law relating to the rate of legacy duty and succession duty in the case of illegitimate persons, and otherwise to make further provision with respect to illegitimacy and illegitimate persons and their parents, and for purposes connected with the matters aforesaid," presented by Mr. WIGNALL; supported by Mr. Clynes, Mr. Arthur Henderson, and Mr. Griffiths; to be read a Second time upon Wednesday, 10th August, and to be printed. [Bill 187.]
Private Bills (Group H)
reported from the Committee on Group H of Private Bills; That the parties opposing the Pilotage Provisional Orders (No. 5) Bill had stated that the evidence of Captain James Stuart Wylde was essential to their case; and, it having been proved that his attendance could not be procured without the intervention of the House, he had been instructed to move that the said Captain James Stuart Wylde do attend the said Committee To-morrow, at half-past Eleven of the clock.
Ordered, That Captain James Stuart Wylde do attend the Committee on Group H of Private Bills To-morrow, at half-past Eleven of the clock.
Selection (Standing Committees)
Standing Committee A
reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee A: Major Cope, Colonel Gretton, Mr. Hurd, Mr. Mason, Mr. Matthews, Lieut.-Colonel Nall, Mr. Waterson, and Mr. Woolcock; and had appointed in substitution: Major Breese, Mr. Bartley Denniss, Sir Henry Norris, Major Godfrey Palmer, Mr. Allen Parkinson, Lieut.-Colonel Raw, Mr. Sidney Robinson, and Mr. Rodger.
further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Fifteen Members to Standing Committee A (in respect of the Licensing (No. 2) Bill): Sir Gordon Hewart, Sir John Baird, Mr. Rei Carter, Mr. Ernest Evans, Sir Edward Goulding, Colonel Sir James Greig, Colonel Gretton, Mr. Lunn, Mr. Munro, Mr. Murchison, Sir Herbert Nield, Captain O'Grady, Mr. Raffan, Mr. Robert Richardson, and Mr. C. D. Murray.
further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee A (during the consideration of the Licensing (No. 2) Bill): Mr. Seddon and Sir Charles Townshend, and had appointed, in substitution, Mr. Broad and Mr. Simm.
further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee A: Sir Arthur Shirley-Benn, Sir James Greig, Mr. Gould, Major Malone, Mr. Sexton, Captain Sir Beville Stanier, Mr. Waddington, Mr. Stephen Walsh, Colonel Penry Williams, and Lieut.-Colonel Sir Rhys Williams.
Standing Committee C
further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Fifteen Members to Standing Committee C (in respect of the Territorial Army and Militia Bill): Sir Ryland Adkins, Captain Bowyer, Lieut.-Colonel Campion, Captain Coote, Mr. Alfred Davies, Major John Edwards, Sir James Greig, Captain Hacking, Mr. Halls, Major Henderson, Major Watts Morgan, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Robert Sanders, Lieut.-Colonel Stanley, Major Mackenzie Wood, and Sir Laming Worthington-Evans.
Reports to lie upon the Table.
Orders of the Day
Corn Production Acts (Repeal) Bill
As amended ( in the Standing Committee ), considered.
The new Clause ( Provisions as to minimum rate of wages ) standing in the name of the right hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) will come as an Amendment to Clause 4.
CLAUSE 1.—(Repeal of Corn Production Acts.)
The Corn Production Acts, 1917 and 1920, are hereby repealed as from the first day of October, nineteen hundred and twenty-one:
Provided that, without prejudice to the general application of Section thirty-eight of the Interpretation Act, 1889, with regard to the effect of repeals—
( a ) This repeal shall not prejudice or affect the power to take any proceedings in relation to payments in respect of the wheat and oats of the year nineteen hundred and twenty-one or such of the powers mentioned in Section nine of the Agriculture Act, 1920, as are excepted from the operation of that Section;
( b ) Where on the thirtieth day of September, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, any legal proceedings are pending to which the Agricultural Wages Board or a district wages committee are parties, the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries shall be substituted in those proceedings for the Board or committee, as the case may be, and the proceedings shall not abate by reason of the substitution; and
( c ) The body of persons constituted with respect to any area by the Board of Agriculture for Scotland under Subsection (2) of Section eleven of the Corn Production Act, 1917, shall, notwithstanding this repeal, continue to exercise the powers and duties of the agricultural committees for that area under the Agriculture Act, 1920, and the power of the said Board to constitute such bodies of persons, shall continue.
I beg to move at the beginning of the Clause to insert the words that have accrued to agriculture from the Wages Board are such that, in my opinion, the Board ought to be retained. The improved condition of the agricultural workers and their families is so plainly visible in the rural areas of this country, that if this Board be permitted to lapse there is nothing in the nature of the Board that can possibly replace it. I know quite well that there has been a good deal of restiveness in the country owing to certain forms of control which have been incidental to the Board, and I have a good deal of sympathy with men, who have been accustomed all their lives to be practically free from all control in the matter of arrangement of wages with their workers, when they find that the question of the rate of wages that must be paid to their employés is fixed by an independent authority. It has been proved to my satisfaction, and I am sure that agricultural labourers throughout the country generally are of the same opinion—that of themselves, and in their own organisation, they are unable to maintain the position which the Wages Board has conferred upon them. Under these circumstances it is a great pity that the Government contemplates abolishing the Wages Board. The effect of that Board has been so good and of such great benefit to the agricutural worker—and, I think, the farmer also—that it is well worth retaining.
The Minister, in speaking on the subject in the House the other day, told us that the abolition of the Board would be an advantage to the workers as well as the employer. We cannot accept that. We do not believe it will be an advantage to either party in the long run. It is true that a board might be instituted with more elastic powers than those possessed by the Wages Board. The pity to me is that instead of abolishing the Board the Minister did not go in the direction of reforming it, and of bringing it more into line with what might be regarded as the requirements of agriculture at the present time. It seems to me a great pity that this course was not adopted. How it will be to the advantage of the agricultural labourer that the Board should be abolished passes my comprehension. It is said there will be more employment. I do net believe it. I am perfectly certain on one point, that the farmer will never employ one more hand than necessary. If the abolition of this Board gives longer hours it will diminish employment rather than increase it. That is a matter that is worthy of the consideration of the Minister.
In regard to many jobs that it has been alleged in the discussions which have taken place in this House that the agricultural labourer can be employed upon were it not for the high wages, I should like to point out that these same jobs were not performed on farms in the days before the War when agricultural wages were low. It has been suggested in my county that there was the cleaning out of dykes and hedges, which are not being now performed because of the high rate of agricultural wages. Was this work performed more efficiently when wages were from 16s. to 18s. per week? It was not! As a matter of fact, more progress has been made, there are better agricultural conditions, and a higher state of cultivation upon the farms now than was general in the ante-War period when wages were low. So far, then, as the argument that it will increase employment is concerned, I am sure it will not be effective.
There is another reason why the agricultural Wages Board should be retained. I regard it as of very great importance that the agricultural wages local committee or sub-committee of that committee should be available under Part II of the Agriculture Act, 1920, in dealing with the housing conditions on the farms. This work is now delegated to the Courts. It would be far better, more easy, and far more efficiently performed by the retention of the wages committee or the sub-committee, and it would enable the labourer to obtain justice very much more rapidly and easily. I doubt very much whether he will care to go to the Courts, as suggested under the new conditions. May I point out the fact, also, that this part of the Act has been in operation since 1917. It was so satisfactory that the Minister regarded it as being worthy to be embodied in the Agricultural Bill of 1920 It had then been tested for several years, and he was perfectly satisfied with its operation. I should like to know what has occurred since the passing of the Act of 1920 that has altered his mind in regard to the Agricultural Wages Board? Then it was regarded as so valuable- an institution that, after full and mature consideration, it was included in that Act. Now we are told—at short notice—that it is to be abolished. This seems to me a reversal of the policy for which there are no good grounds. So I say the Agricultural Board ought to be retained.
There are other reasons. It is asserted that in those days the agricultural labourer was not organised, that he is organised now, and that his organisation will be able to look after his interests. That is true only partially. It is true that the agricultural labourer is better organised, but whether with the great reduction in wages he will be able to maintain his organisation is a problem, the Labour party consider very serious. It is worth considering whether he will be able to maintain his organisation with his lowered wages. That can be the only possible reason for the abolition of the Board. I do not believe that anything can be substituted for the Board. I do not believe that the suggested conciliation board is of any value whatever. The farmer is not a person that cares to have any interference in dealing with his labourer. I cannot conceive the possibility of the farmer members of the Wages Board, with no statutory obligation or restraint upon them, proceeding by train or motor car to meet the men who will be opposed to all their ideas—as probably the labourer element will be—to go, I say, to a distant place at some considerable expense of time and money, and talk about something they can achieve on their own farm. I do not think the substitute suggested is of any real value. I do not believe there is anything in the substitute suggested that will prevent the labourers gradually drifting back to the conditions that the country thought so bad when they took the matter in hand and inaugurated this Board as a protection for the agricultural labourer.
I am sure, so far as the conduct of the labourer is concerned during all this period, he has done nothing that warrants the interference with something which was conferred upon him as a privilege. Practically the whole of the decisions of the Board have been arrived at mutually. There has been no question of anything approximating to serious disagreement. There has been no stoppage of work during all this period analogous to other industries, and looking over the whole field, so far as the agricultural labourer is concerned, I cannot help coming to the conclusion that he has been abandoned now and in a period that does not give him a fair opportunity of fighting. He has not done anything that warrants him being treated in so bad a fashion.
I beg to second the Amendment.
4.0 P.M.
I desire to bear out what my hon. Friend has just said. Like him I should like to know what has come over the Minister's mind since last December, when we passed the present Act. It is most essential that the Wages Board of that Act should be retained. Arguments have been put forward why this Board should be abolished. To my mind those arguments are reasons why it should be kept going. We are told now that there is no necessity for the Wages Board, and that the labourer is so well organised that he can look after himself. He is well organised, but that is the very reason I want these Wages Boards to be kept on. We do not want the organisation to be used to create strife, and to cause chaos and ill-feeling between the employer and employed which, if the Wages Boards be disestablished, must necessarily follow. It is because these Wages Boards since 1917 have been able to accomplish so much in improving the lot of the labourer, and in adding to his comfort, giving him a better status in society and in the social world, that I am anxious that they should remain. The Minister of Agriculture has told us that the country cannot afford to keep them on. It is not necessary to scrap the Wages Boards even if it be necessary for the subsidy to go. Wages Boards have been established for various other industries, and no subsidy has been paid in order for them to carry out their work. If it be necessary for the subsidies to go, and I very much question it, the right hon. Gentleman should maintain the Wages Boards in consequence of the work that they have done in the interests of the labourer and of the industry generaly. Hon. Members who are opposing this Amendment should let their minds run back to the War. All during the great social unrest we had in this one industry of the country no dispute; we had no conflict, and we had no ill-feeling between employer and employed. If hon. Members want it, they are going the right way to have it, but I hope that they do not want it. For that reason, we are anxious that the Wages Boards should be kept on.
I have not heard one solitary argument used in justification of the statement that the Wages Boards have created unemployment. I would like the right hon. Gentleman to tell us in what way the Wages Boards have created unemployment. Not one argument has been used that would back up that statement. Everyone knows that it is the season which has caused unemployment. Anyone who knows a little bit of the history of the industry knows that when the price of wheat was low the number of men employed on the farm was far greater than at present. One cannot understand why the Wages Boards, within six months of their re-establishment, should be scrapped. We are anxious that in the interests of cultivation and the production of food they should be kept in being, and I, therefore, second the Amendment.
I do not at all complain of my hon. Friend moving this Amendment. The effect of it would be to repeal all the Corn Production Act, and Part I of the Agriculture Act of last year except the Wages Boards. They would still be retained precisely as they at present exist. I object to the Amendment for two reasons. First of all, the Wages Boards from the beginning have always been an inseparable part of the policy of the Corn Production Acts. They were brought in with the Corn Production Acts, and they were extended with the rest of the Act last year precisely in so many words. If the Act of last year had not passed they would automatically have come to an end next year, when guaranteed prices and controlled cultivation would also have come to an end. Therefore, when we decided, with great regret, that, owing to the financial conditions, we were bound to get rid of the guaranteed prices, it followed inevitably that we should at the same time get rid of those other parts of the Government control initiated during the War, namely, control of cultivation and the Wages Boards.
I object to the Amendment for another reason. It is quite true that last year, when we were extending the Agriculture Act, we agreed that the Wages Boards must be extended with the rest. The State took the great responsibility of the payment of these large subsidies. It had had to have control of cultivation as a quid pro quo, and it had to take good care that the labourer got a fair share of the increased prosperity that might result from the subsidy. As that had been done before by the Wages Boards, it was felt to be only right to continue the Wages Boards. I am firmly convinced, however, that in its present condition a central body with appointed members who are not connected with either side and with a rigidity of system which everybody deplores is not the best instrument to protect the labourer. Therefore, this is a very good opportunity on merits, apart altogether from the fact that it was part of the original policy, to introduce some other plan which will be more suitable to the condition of agriculture. Let me say that I do not wish to criticise the conduct of the members of the Wages Boards. They have had a most difficult and thankless task. They have devoted a great deal of time and trouble to it, and on the whole they have solved their difficulties very well, but I am firmly convinced that the plan of Clause 4, which has been altered and amended and improved in Committee with the general assent of both sides, is a better plan and more likely to lead to peace in the agricultural industry.
I should not be in order if I referred in detail to the plan of Clause 4, but perhaps I may just indicate it in outline in order that the House may know what is being substituted for the Wages Boards. We propose to see that there are set up all over the country by agreement conciliation committees consisting of equal numbers of representatives of employers on the one side and workmen on the other. There will be no appointed members, nobody except those who are representative of the two sides. The constitution, in fact, will be that of a Whitley Council. They must act by agreement, it may be, with regard to general rates of wages, special rates of wages, hours of employment, or conditions of labour. There are the widest possible powers given, or there is a lack of restrictions, to enable them to grant exemptions for particular cases wherever necessary. We think that in that way we shall be able to get rid of the present rigid system which, although hon. Members opposite seem to doubt it, does cause unemployment by preventing farmers from employing the older men and the less fit men, men who are not capable of doing a whole day's work, but who, at the same time, are very useful on the farm.
I must point out that the farmer now is able to get permits to employ such men.
It is quite true that permits can be got, but they can only be got under a very rigid system laid down by Act of Parliament, and my hon. Friend must give me credit for saying what I have learned in my own Department. I constantly get complaints that the older men cannot get employment, and I get complaints that in consequence a lot of useful work on the farm that might be done by half-time men, unable perhaps to do a whole day's work, is not done. I was describing the functions of these conciliation committees. I said that they could come to agreement on both sides as to general rates of wages, special rates of wages, and exemptions, and on such matters as general conditions of employment and hours of employment. The principle is that of a Whitley Council, agreement by the two sides, each side having one vote and only one vote.
Who is to be chairman?
There is to be no chairman unless they agree to have one. They may agree to have a chairman with or without a vote. If they agree to have a chairman without a vote he can exercise the most beneficial effect by bringing them together when they are in disagreement, making suggestions, proposing compromises, and helping in various ways, as we know they do, and do most successfully, in the case of the Whitley Councils. If they choose, they can, by agreement, give the chairman a vote, and that, of course, would be appointing an arbitrator. Under the plan of the Bill, that can only be done by the agreement of both sides. There is a further point. A Whitley Council acts by agreement in this way, each side having a vote, and there being no appointed members, but it cannot enforce its decisions. On the other hand, a Trade Board has appointed members, and can enforce its decisions. After a good many days' debate, thought, labour, and conference on both sides, we have hammered out a plan which combines some of the features of both the Whitley Councils and the Trade Boards. I hope these bodies will be established generally for small districts. If you come to an agreement in a particular district that agreement will be sent to the Minister, who will advertise it and register it, and after that it will be enforceable on all and sundry by the simple process of an aggrieved workman suing in the Court. That is what we propose to substitute for the Wages Board.
Is that quite so? Sub-section (5) of Clause 4 seems to indicate that if there be a special agreement as to wages the compulsory jurisdiction of the Committee is taken away.
I do not think that is so, because I have an Amendment down which substitutes a new form of words for those in the Bill, and my right hon. Friend will find that what is proposed is that in the case of some special exemption that may not have been provided for by the registered agreement application can be made to the Conciliation Committee to grant that special exemption, and if for any reasons the Committee do not come to an agreement in the last resort the Court may or may not, acting according to what they consider fair or reasonable, grant the exemption. Where no agreement has been come to, if a man who has been employed holds that he has been unfairly treated, he may then go to the Courts, having first tried to obtain the exemption from the Conciliation. Committee, and he can then go to the Court and they can confirm the decision or not to whatever extent they think right and proper.
That would, of course, be a very special individual instance. The general practice will be that, acting by agreement, both sides agree that the agreement should be registered, and then it is enforceable. We have spent a great deal of time in Committee in trying to come to this arrangement, and when we get to Clause 4 I shall ask the House to support us in the action we have taken. I have been at great trouble to ascertain the views of all parties, and I am most anxious to arrive at some plan which will be generally acceptable, and which will make for peace and good will, a matter which is far more important than studying the particular interests of cither side. I know hon. Members on the Labour Benches say they would sooner have the Wages Board as it is, but they say, if we cannot have the Wages Board, we are not sure that this is not the next best thing. Representatives of the farmers say that they want to have complete freedom, and if we cannot get that we are not sure that this is not the next best thing. When both sides say that our plan is the next best thing to their own plan, I am not at all certain that we have not hit upon the best plan of all.
Having the disadvantages of both.
My right hon. Friend says it has the disadvantages of both, but I suggest that it has the advantages of both. It is because I believe that it will be generally accepted, and that I believe it will work that I put it forward. I have met many of the representatives of farmers and labourers, and I think there is a general disposition to work this thing with good will on both sides, and for those reasons I hope the plan of Clause 4 will be accepted, because I consider it is an improvement, and I cannot go back on the general scheme of the Bill. For these reasons I must ask the House to reject this Amendment.
We will not at this stage discuss the general merits of Clause 4. I admit that much can be said for the Clause in its present form if it had to be considered without relation to what the law now is in regard to agricultural wages, and to what the system has been under the present Act of Parliament. I can enter into the spirit of my right hon. Friend's embarrassment in having to-day to unsay all that he has said before on this very question, and in having now to adduce arguments the very opposite of those which sustained his proposals when he was dealing with a previous Bill. A Minister in such a state of embarrassment is deserving of our sympathy, but those who deserve even greater sympathy are the large masses of wage earners who are affected by the reversal of policy that we are here to resist. The right hon. Gentleman was one of the most eloquent speakers in support of the principle and practice, as well as the details, of schemes for fixing the wages of agricultural workers by law. The right hon. Gentleman has dared to say this afternoon that the fixing of wages for agricultural workers by law and the other general conditions hang together, and that they are inseparable parts. I assert the contrary. I have quoted, and so have others in the previous Debates, statements of my right hon. Friend himself, as well as of those who have held the same office, in support of the view that they are not inseparable, and that they can be separated without any kind of damage to the other parts of the law. The predecessor of the right hon. Gentleman in his present office (Lord Ernle), writing only a few days ago on this particular question at considerable length, put the matter in the very clearest words in this form:
"Wages Boards formed a necessary feature in the Corn Production Act of 1917, but there was no link between them and guaranteed prices. We had established no connection between the two. It did not make one dependent on the other; it struck no bargain with the farmers."
Could anything be more complete or precise or clear than that?
It was said over and over again that, if the farmers could only get a subsidy, part of it ought to go to the men.
The two parts of the law were not inseparable, and could stand or fall separately. I assert now that it would be quite a possible thing for one part to be continued without the other. I know the one involves enormous grants of State money, but the other involves not a penny of State money, and there is a great difference between the two. I have great respect for my right hon. Friend's opinion, but however great an authority he may be on the general questions of agriculture, and in respect to laws bearing on agriculture, if we can cite a greater authority, surely it would be that of his predecessor who has had enormous personal experience of the closest official and other contact with this great problem, and he says in the clearest words that there was no link and no bargain, that they stood quite separately, and can be treated as quite separate things in the eyes of the law.
What is asserted here is true of other trades where the law now fixes wages. The law fixes wages in the case of the coal industry, but it does not fix prices. The miner gets a minimum wage. The law relating to the miners' minimum wage has not been altered by recent disputes or recent changes in the law itself. That principle was carried in an Act of Parliament without any accompanying condition of fixing the price to the consumer or to anyone else. The same holds good of numberless articles made and produced in industries covered by the Trade Boards Act. The law fixes wages for hundreds of thousands of workers without in any one case fixing the price of the particular commodity which they may produce.
My right hon. Friend says that he is now submitting to the House a more suitable proposal, but I say that it is less suitable. If there had been no fixed wage conditions in agriculture, if there was nothing to upset, and if we were starting from a fresh mark, and not destroying anything, then it could be said that the right hon. Gentleman was making a suitable proposal, but the proposal he is making does not carry us forward; in fact, it drives us back again. This proposal is certain in this particular industry to create enormous discontent which must manifest itself in the usual form of trade and industrial dislocation. There is nothing whatever in the old workman argument, and this pathetic figure in industry is always cited when it is proposed to do something to the younger men. The idea seems to be that you must ill-treat the younger men in order to treat the older men better. The practice of the law has done no injustice, generally speaking, to the older agricultural workers There may be exceptions proving the rule, but the rule in this occupation has been to show clearly that the position and the security for work of the elderly agricultural worker has been in no way prejudiced by the general practice.
Yes, it has.
I am speaking of organisations that cover several hundreds of thousands of agricultural workers, including men of all ages, and the vast majority of old men employed in agriculture now, and I say on their behalf and with their authority that the position of the old agricultural worker has been in no way prejudiced by the practice of this law. If it were true, what would we have to say to the farmer or the employer who, having got the best out of a man from his youth up to the age of 70, now treats him in this way. The argument is that the men who have got on in years have their employment prejudiced because you have an Act of Parliament generally applying the law of averages to the mass of men, old and young alike. I cannot believe that there is a man in this House following the occupation of a farmer or attached to the agricultural interests, or competent to speak for that interest, who would dare to say that there is any member of this class that will discharge an agricultural worker merely because he has to pay him a fixed living wage. I support this Amendment because it means the maintenance of existing conditions and not because I in any way belittle the fruitful results in practice which had been the outcome of what we call the Whitley Councils. It was my honour to act upon what was known as the Whitley Committee, and therefore I have personally been in some way responsible for the work of that Council. I have done my best in-various trades and industries to establish the machinery for it and I have taken some part in its working. The Whitley Councils have done an enormous amount of good, which we ought to keep in mind in regard to several millions of workers at a time when the country was distracted by war troubles and when there were troubles with the miners and railway men. My point is that we are going back by this Clause to a new and dangerous form of organisation. This is a retrograde step. It is a step which it is proposed to apply to the class of worker least suitable for it. There is one thing in agriculture which ought not to be cheap, and that is agricultural labour. Other things will adjust themselves to that. I fear the right hon. Gentleman is not disposed to give way on this point, and in consequence in practice in the course of the next year or two he may find he has been the innocent cause of a great deal of mischief, strife, and conflict which is certain to arise between these two interests when the law as it now stands is altered.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Miles Platting (Mr. Clynes) has referred us to some recent writings of the previous Minister for Agriculture. I know it is painful for the right hon. Gentleman who now occupies that post to go back on what was said six months ago, but I am bound to defend him on the present occasion because I have a quotation from what he said with reference to the Wages Board and Guaranteed Prices on the Second Reading of the Agriculture Bill last summer. On that occasion the right hon. Gentleman said:
I have said in my view what is the position with regard to the Wages Board and guaranteed prices. If one goes the other must also go. I know that the hon. Gentleman who represents the Norfolk agricultural labourers' interests (Mr. G. Edwards) said he did not understand why the Wages Board should go as well as guaranteed prices. But that question has been decided already. It is argued on the one hand that employers are receiving a subsidy of £19,000,000, and that the agricultural labourers are being thrown over. I am quite sure I shall not be contradicted by any employer of agricultural labour when I say that every single penny of that £19,000,000, as far as corn growing is concerned, has gone into the pockets of the agricultural labourers. I know from my own personal experience that had I not had a prospect of being paid something from the guarantee for the extra labour I employed in growing corn in recent years I could not possibly, except at a large loss to myself, have met the wages bills which I have been called upon to pay. Therefore, to that extent, the actual class in the agricultural industry which is getting the least by this proceeding is the farmer, and not the agricultural labourer. It is quite true that if you do away with the Wages Board it must at once have the effect, to a certain extent, of letting the labourer down with a bump, and I must say that as he is what I may call the weakest class engaged in the industry, it would not only be unfortunate, but very unfair, that at this moment when, through causes for which he is in no way responsible, the Government have found it necessary to repeal this part of the Act, he should be let down with a bump. It is for that reason that I, at any rate, have done my best to consider what proposals we can approve in order to meet the situation brought about by the repeal of the Wages Board.
As far as I can see the proposal at present in the Bill, with the Amendments which the right hon. Gentleman intends to move, will as far as possible meet that situation. I have had a great many letters from different branches of the Agricultural Workers' Union, and they have all expressed the fear that if the Wages Board is done away with the agricultural labourer will be at a disadvantage as compared with labour employed in other industries. But I go so far as to say that if Clause 4 is retained in this Bill and becomes an Act of Parliament the agricultural labourer will not only not be at a disadvantage but he will be at an advantage compared with workers in many other industries as regards the prospect of getting a fair and reasonable wage. It is all very well to say, as the right hon. Member for Miles Platting has said, that he speaks on behalf of the agricultural labourer and with his authority. I have great respect for the right hon. Gentleman, but I have yet to learn that he speaks on behalf of agricultural labourers of this country. I do not think he does. I do not think he has any authority to do so. He speaks, as so many hon. Gentlemen opposite do, with regard to the living wage of the agricultural labourer. Everybody, as far as I am aware, is in favour of giving the agricultural labourer as well as every other worker in every other industry, a living wage, and the best wage that the industry can afford. But the right hon. Gentleman and other hon. Gentlemen must remember that ultimately the wages paid must come out of the profits of the industry, and no matter whether we have Wages Boards or Conciliation Boards in their place, whatever machinery this House chooses to set up ultimately, the agricultural labourer must get his wage out of the profits of the industry in which he is engaged. Hon. Members make a great mistake in laying too much stress on the fact that wages should correspond with the cost of living. Certainly, they should if possible. But they cannot correspond unless the industry can afford to pay them; otherwise, the inevitable result must be what one hon. Gentleman (Mr. Royce) said just now, that farmers will not employ more men than is absolutely necessary. The hon. Member, however, forgot to add that they might employ a good deal fewer men than is necessary, and that is the unfortunate thing which may happen if the Wages Board or any other board or Act of Parliament fixes a wage other than what the industry can actually bear.
It is not true to say that under the Wages Board system no old agricultural labourers have been put out of employment because of their age. The right hon. Member for Miles Platting says none have, but I can assure him from my own experience, and from information which reaches me regarding the industry in various parts of the country, it is a fact that older and, consequently—through no fault of their own—less efficient workers have been put out of employment. Let me pursue that argument a little further. An hon. Member opposite maintained that it was the duty of a farmer, if he cannot make a profit at the moment, to conduct his industry on much more efficient and better lines so that he will be able to make a profit. But you cannot conduct your industry on the most efficient lines if you are to employ inefficient labour at such a high rate of wage. The two things are quite incompatible and quite impossible. If you make it absolutely necessary for the farmer to employ nothing but the most efficient labour in order to make a profit and to pay this wage, it must obviously follow that the less efficient labourer will not get employment which otherwise he might obtain. With regard to the conciliation committees which are going to be set up, there are some farmers I know who object to the system of conciliation committees—
On a point of Order. Will not the whole question of the conciliation committees arise on another Amendment I If we are allowed to discuss it here, shall we be allowed to discuss it when it comes up again?
Yes, I think it will arise on the Government Amendment to Clause 4, but I do not think I can disallow a broad reference to it, as such a reference has already been made by the Minister in stating what he proposed to set up in place of the Wages Board. It would not, however, be in order to discuss the details now.
I shall be very glad to do anything that you may suggest, but it will be very difficult, in one's remarks on this Amendment, to avoid referring to the substitute for the Wages Board which the right hon. Gentleman proposes. There are, I know, farmers who object to conciliation committees being set up in place of the Wages Board, and they ask that, if Part I of the Agriculture Act be repealed, they should be left absolutely free to make their bargains with their labourers. I have said what I have to say as to what I think is fair to the agricultural labourer, but it must be understood—and everyone knows it who knows anything about agriculture—that agriculture is dissimilar to any other industry. It is such a scattered industry, and is conducted under such different conditions from one part of the country to the other. That being so, you naturally want the elasticity which conciliation committees would give in their decisions, from their knowledge of local conditions, and which is at present absent from the Regulations of the Wages Board. Consequently, to my mind, they would act better in the interests of the agricultural industry than the Wages Board.
It is said that it is unreasonable that the awards of a conciliation committee should become legally applicable, or, in other words, that the labourer should be able to recover the wages which the award of the conciliation committee might give. To my mind that seems to be necessary in an industry such as agriculture, which is so scattered in its character. I understand that in, for instance, the boot and shoe industry and other similar industries, where conciliation committees are, and have been in existence for a considerable time, and work very well, there is no legal right to enforce the decisions of a conciliation committee. That may be so, because the boot and shoe industry is totally different in its nature from the agricultural industry. In the boot and shoe trade, as I know in my own county, there are many factories in one town all working more or less under similar conditions, and there are comparatively few employers. In the agricultural industry you have large farms and small farms, scattered here and there all over the country, and there are some good farmers and some bad farmers. To my mind, if you have confidence in the awards of conciliation committees, it is only reasonable and right, taking into consideration the scattered nature of the industry and the existence of bad farmers, that the award in any district should be made recoverable by law, so as to bring the bad farmer up to the standard of the good farmer as an employer of labour. To that extent I think that the objections to the setting up of conciliation committees are unreasonable from the farmers' point of view. One must assume that the people who are going to carry out the work of a conciliation committee are reasonable people. There are representatives of labour on the one hand and of employers on the other, and unless we assume that they are reasonable there is no object in setting up any board or committee or anything of the kind to deal with these things.
Some people say that such a scheme is unworkable, and others say that it is objectionable to have legal validity; but the only way in which it can work, and work well, is by good will on both sides. I am not surprised that the representatives of the Labour party have consistently from the commencement, when this Bill was first introduced, sought to continue the Wages Board. On the other hand, I am convinced that in their heart of hearts they know that, if these conciliation committees are worked with good will on both sides, they will work satisfactorily. Obviously, if they are worked with bad will on either side, they must come to grief. Therefore, I hope that both on the employers' side and on the workmen's side—if we can treat them as such, though I would rather treat them as one—I hope that when these conciliation committees are set up there will be the will to make them work well and in the best interests of the industry as a whole.
In the agricultural sense Scotland is the most progressive portion of Great Britain. I am sorry that some hon. Members appear to disagree with that; I thought I was merely affirming a truism. If any proof of it be required it lies in the fact that, although Scotland is a poor country, agricultural wages in Scotland have always been, in the main, higher than in England. If that be not evidence of good husbandry, I do not know what is. It is fitting, therefore, that a Member representing a Scottish agricultural constituency should say a few words upon this very important Amendment. I have very great sympathy with the Amendment as it has been moved, but I wish to suggest to my English friends that this is a domestic question for England, and that in Scotland, so far as I am aware, with regard to the abolition of the Wages Boards as we have known them in Scotland, we have no particular interest in it. I merely wish to emphasise that by quoting the opinions of Scottish agriculturists both on the employers' and on the employés' side, and I would in the first place refer to a statement made by the very able secretary of the Scottish Farm Servants' Union, Mr. Joseph Duncan, on the subject of the scrapping of the Agriculture Act. When the Government first came forward with their proposals, Mr. Duncan wrote an article in the "Farming News," and, inter alia, he made these remarks:
"When the Agriculture Bill was introduced I used the phrase that 'The farmers had been sold a pup.' It would appear now that they were merely sold a doubtful pedigree; even the pup has not matured."
He went on to say, with reference to the wages committees—and the House will forgive me for reading this, as it really is material to our point of view in Scotland—
"Four years ago the workers in agriculture were promised a minimum wage 'adequate to promote efficiency and enable a man in an ordinary case to maintain himself and his family in accordance with such a standard of comfort as may be reasonable in relation to the nature of his occupation.' In Scotland that was interpreted as anything from 31s. to 49s. a week (bare cash), when prices were at their highest. The Committees"—
those were the committees formed under the Corn Production Act—
"never once forced a rate which would give agricultural workers the poorhouse standard. The workers in Scotland did not ask for the Wages Committees, they did not expect anything from them, and so there is no reason why they should regret their passing. They have been a waste of public money."
That is the view given by the secretary of the Scottish Farm Servants' Union, who has great opportunities of ascertaining the views and opinions of Scottish agricultural workers. It is also admittedly the case that the farmers in Scotland, so far as they are able to give expression to their views through the National Farmers' Union of Scotland, are also in the main, though there may be exceptions, opposed to the continuation of the Wages Board. That being so, my hon. Friends will realise that in Scotland generally, although some of us individually have the very greatest sympathy with this Amendment which has been moved to secure the continuance of good wages for English agricultural workers, the passing of the Wages Board will be viewed, so far as Scotland is concerned, without any regret. I should like, however, to make one reference to something which fell from the hon. and gallant Member for Daventry (Captain FitzRoy). He, I remember—perhaps he does not—criticised me last year, or at any rate took exception to some remarks that I made in reference to the speech of the Prime Minister at Caxton Hall, when I accused the Prime Minister of deliberately breaking the pledge that he had given to the farmers of this country at Caxton Hall. The hon. and gallant Member suggested that I was reading too much into the Prime Minister's speech when I suggested that what the Prime Minister had said and what he had meant was that he intended to confer security of tenure on the farmers of this country. The hon. Gentleman a few minutes ago quoted a speech made by the Minister of Agriculture, and I venture to suggest that he is reading too much into that speech. He said that the Minister of Agriculture had suggested that the Wages Board and guaranteed prices should go hand in hand, and that guaranteed prices were dependent upon the Wages Board and vice versa. I would ask, if that be so, why should there not be, in other industries in which minimum wages have been imposed, guaranteed prices for the employers. We have lately had an instance, at any rate in Scotland—I do not know about England—where the Trade Board for the grocery trade has imposed a flat rate of wages for grocery assistants throughout Scotland. Opinions are very varied as to whether that is a good thing or not, and I do not propose to discuss it, but it is in effect a minimum wage for all grocery assistants in Scotland. According to the argument of the hon. and gallant Member, that minimum wage having been imposed in the grocery trade in Scotand, there ought to be guaranteed prices for the grocers. Of course, there are not, and there are not likely to be, and I venture to suggest to my hon. and gallant Friend that he has read more into the Minister's speech than it warranted, and that the true facts were set out by the late Minister of Agriculture, Lord Ernie, when he said that the English agricultural labourer deserved a minimum wage whether or not there were guaranteed prices.
5.0 P.M.
The hon. And gallant Gentleman may be right in the point in respect of the Wages Board in Scotland, but the terms of Clause 4, which were recently discussed in Committee upstairs, had never been before the mass of the Scotch agriculutral labourers, and it would be unwise to assume that their opinion is contrary to it until we know something more about it.
I was referring to the passing of the National Wages Board under the Corn Production Act. I said nothing about the conciliation commitees. We will talk about them later.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman said wages had been fixed for the grocery trade in Scotland whereas the price of groceries had not been fixed, but he has forgotten that in the Sweated Industries Act it is laid down that certain industries may have the power to include other industries. Nothing whatever was said in the Act about a guaranteed price to the employer. It was merely held that in certain sweated industries boards should be set up to investigate the wages paid in those industries. They were confined to a very small number and when they were first introduced I said it was a bad precedent. I was told it was only "The Song of the Shirt," the seamstress and that sort of thing, but there was an insidious Clause which would enable a Minister, especially one with Socialistic tendencies, to extend it. Since that Act was passed, we have had Socialistic Ministers and they have extended that Clause. When the Corn Production Act was being considered it was said over and over again that a very great advantage was going to be given to the farmer and that he ought not to receive the whole of the benefit but should pass it on to the labourer, and therefore it was necessary to set up a Wages Board. The minimum wage was 25s. a week and an Amendment was introduced to make it 30s., and no one supposed for a moment that the Wages Board was going to do what it has done. I voted against the Corn Production Act because I said the whole thing was a farce. The farmer was going to get no benefit out of it at all, and all that would happen would be that he would lose. The result has been that the farmer has got no benefit, but knowing that he might possibly, under the Agriculture Act, get a benefit, immediately it is taken away from him, as I always said it would be. Under these circumstances if the farmer is not to have a grant how on earth can it be contended that he is to pay the wages fixed by someone else?
The right hon. Member for Miles Platting (Mr. Clynes) made some rather startling statements. He said it was a retrograde step to do away with a board to compulsorily settle wages. Is it not a fact that in the original Railways Bill there was a Clause which enacted that there should be a Wages Board, and that the trade unions refused to accept it, and in Committee moved to leave out the words "settled by," so that all that the Railway Wages Board can do is to recommend and not to settle I And if that was right for the railways why should it not be right for the farm workers? Therefore, the argument that we have taken a retrograde step is not based upon fact. Then the right hon. Gentleman made great play with the statement that the unions have told him that the older and less efficient men—it does not at all follow that because a man is 50 or 55 he is physically incapable of doing a good day's work; he may not be very active and he may get tired, but he may be perfectly well and healthy—were not to have the benefit of the wages fixed by the Board. He said, "Is it conceivable that any farmer would dismiss an old servant?" He totally forgot two things. A farmer may sell up and retire from business. What then happens to his workmen? They have to get other situations. Another farmer has two men applying for one job. One is a young man of 25 or 30 to whom he has to pay 46s. a week. The other is 55. Which is he going to take? He may say, "If I could get the man of 55 at 35s. a week, or something like that, I would take him, but I cannot do that unless I get certificates, and I have not the time to waste." He therefore takes the man who will do the best work, and who can blame him, especially in these difficult days for agriculture, when I should say there are very few farmers who this year will make anything but a very small profit? Take the case of a farmer who finds, when he is getting in his hay harvest, that owing to the fact that one or two of the men cannot get about as quickly as they would if they were younger, he has not been able to get it at all on a certain evening. There is a week's rain. He says I must get men who can do the work quickly and well, and again who can blame him? He has got to pay these wages, and naturally he says, "I must get the most efficient men possible." I shall certainly vote against the Amendment. I do not know what the Clause as it will be amended is really going to be, but I believe the sooner we do away with Wages Boards—I do not care whether in sweated industries or anything else—
Or directorates.
I do not think there is any relationship between the two. The sooner we do away with all Wages Boards and go back to the old original plan under which England became a prosperous country, namely, that two grown men could make their own bargains better than someone else could make it for them, the better.
The argument on this Clause seems to have fallen into two parts. The first is whether it is better to keep the Wages Board as our system or to have the alternative now suggested in Clause 4. On that I do not intend to say anything, because later on I shall move a new Sub-section to Clause 4, which rather takes a middle course, and I do not want to prejudice my argument then. But there has been another set of arguments which I must say a word about, namely, that unless prices are guaranteed in agriculture you cannot expect the industry to accept any equitable or organic system of regulation of wages. I have never been able to understand that argument. I do not think there is any real support which can be adduced for it. It is entirely unknown in any other trade. No trade has dreamt of claiming, thank goodness, that because they have to have their wages regulated therefore the State may pour millions into their exchequer to make profits for them. It has been made perfectly clear by the quotation I handed to the right hon. Member for Miles Platting (Mr. Clynes) that the author of the Act we are now repealing (Lorn Ernle) entirely dissociated the two ideas. As he shows in this article, the reasons which made it necessary to set up the Wages Board in that Act were perfectly different. They were because we were flooding agriculture with all sorts of other employment scraped up from the high roads and the hedges in order to keep agricultural production up to the mark, and unless we had guaranteed something for the agricultural labourer it would be inviting undercutting by all sorts and conditions of men, women and children, and that was the reason why the guarantees were put into the Bill, and not in the least because they were the counterpart of guaranteed prices. Surely if this argument is to hold, why in the world should we make hundreds of thousands of farmers all over the country, who never have and never could have got a single farthing of profit out of the guaranteed prices, men who have never grown a grain of oats or wheat in their lives, pay the guaranteed minimum wage just like all the others?
Ireland is a case in point. We definitely excluded Ireland from the benefits of the guaranteed prices and yet kept on the Agricultural Wages Board without a murmur being raised by anyone on those benches to try to make out that the two things go together and must stand or fall together. It seems to me that this idea that people cannot be expected to pay decent wages unless prices are guaranteed to them by Act of Parliament is based on the assumption that the Wages Board has somehow or other imposed an unduly high rate of wages. That really is not so. The rates which have been settled as minimum rates from time to time by the Agricultural Wages Board have just kept the level up to the increases in the cost of living, and only just. It cannot be alleged that we have ever gone even a point higher than the cost of living warranted at the time the rates were proposed, and that was on the basis of the cost of wages before the War, when every single person who has taken any interest in the social life of agricultural districts knows that the wages, in the great bulk of the South and West of England at any rate, were far below what they ought to have been, tested by any standard anyone could possibly lay down. It is a fact that on the whole the agricultural labourer has, even in his purchasing power, been better off during the last two years than he was before the War. But I do not think that is because the purchasing power of his guaranteed minimum wage has been higher. I think it is because during the time when everyone was willing to employ as many people as he could get hold of, in the scarcity of employment owing to the War, it was easy for the agricultural labourer to get employment at fairly good rates for any member of his family. It was the extra earnings of his wife and children who were taken on. [ Interruption. ] I know something about this. I have taken part in very careful inquiry. It was firstly the extra earnings of the wife and children, which were certainly at a far higher level than they had been before the War, and it was partly the fact that during the War the labourer had an infinitely better market for any produce from his garden—his poultry, his greenstuff, his pig, if he was allowed to keep one—than ever he had before.
Of course, these two things are rapidly disappearing. His ease of getting employment for his wife and children in odd times has gone altogether, because the men have come back from the War and for other reasons, and the bottom is rapidly dropping out of the price of eggs and bacon and other products of the garden and the pigsty, and that other help that he got during the period of high prices is rapidly falling off. It cannot be proved that anything but the minimum rate alone, the real money value of the labourer's wage, has been inflated by the Wages Board. He has not been paid beyond what he ought to have been paid under any sort of equitable system if there had been no subvention and no £19,000,000 in the matter. I have heard in this House the argument that the industry cannot pay more than the industry is getting. That argument is only good if the agricultural labourer had at the time of the farmer's prosperity any real share in that prosperity. When the farmer was doing splendidly in the years of the War did he pay more to his agricultural labourers? He did not. He kept up the pre-War standard of living cost, and in hardly any case was it the custom on any farm to pay more than has been laid down as the minimum under the Agricultural Wages Board, and that minimum only kept pace with the rise in the cost of living. During the two years of the War, when the farmer's profits were well up, did he put up the wages of his labourers? He did not. There was no appreciable rise in the wages in those years, although the farmers did extremely well.
That is not the fact.
I do not say there was none, but I say there was no increase at all corresponding to the increase in the farmers' profits, and that during the time when the farmer made high profits in the War, as a general rule, he did not do anything that could be called sharing those profits with the labourer. He paid the minimum rates of the Wages Board, and those only reflected the rise in the cost of living from time to time. If the labourer had effectively shared in the farmers' good days, it would be right to say that he ought to share also in the farmers' bad days. The first charge on the industry ought to be a reasonable rate for the worker, and although the farmer, who has had splendid years, is doing badly now, it is no justification for pushing his labour down below the decent standard cost of living. [HON. MEMBERS: "Nobody wants to do that!"] I know that they do not want to do it, but if they know the figures they must realise that that is what they are going to do. I know that many farmers are talking about getting down to 35s., 32s., and 30s., before Christmas, and the cost of living will not stand figures of that kind. The agricultural labourer will be back again below the wretchedly poor standard which prevailed before the War if you do not take care.
It would have been infinitely better to allow the rates of the Agricultural Wages Board to continue, under a system of greater elasticity, which would have been perfectly easy to bring in, so that they could keep in touch with the cost of living as it goes down, just as they kept in touch with the cost of living as it went up. That is very much better than sweeping the whole thing away, because whatever voluntary substitute you put in its place only throws the onus of bringing down the wages upon the farmer, instead of preserving a system which would have kept up the general standard. It is not right to put upon the worker the onus of the present undoubtedly stringent time in agriculture. His wage has never been higher than was necessary to maintain a decent standard of life, and he ought not to be pushed down lower than is reasonably necessary to maintain a decent standard of life. If this Amendment is defeated, I hope that the farmers will bear in mind that the agricultural worker, except what he could make extra by the work of his wife and children, and his overtime in his garden, has always been down to the lowest figure that it was reasonable to pay to any man who had to maintain a wife and family, and I hope that there will be some contact kept between the cost of living figures and the figures of the Agricultural Wages Board.
I cannot allow my right hon. Friend's speech to pass without comment. In the first place, I suggest to him that what we want in the agricultural industry is good will, and if any speeches could be made less calculated to produce good will than the speech which the right hon. Gentleman has just delivered, and similar speeches which he has delivered, I should be very sorry to hear them. My right hon. Friend rises in his place to-day, on this Bill, when we are trying to arrive at an agreement, and the whole burden of his speech is that the farmer's one desire is to grind down the labourer to the lowest possible point. He will not allow the farmer to have any good will towards the labourer. He has as much right to his opinion as I have to mine. My opinion is, that the farmers and the labourers have good will towards each other, and it is this kind of political interference, which attempts to sow bad blood between people who are working together in a common industry for the common good, which is most to be deprecated and which brings this kind of Debate into discredit. My right hon. Friend said that until the Wages Board had been appointed there had been no appreciable rise in the wages of the agricultural labourer. He led the House to suppose that the labourer was being ground down by the farmer, and that until the Wages Board came to his assistance his wages remained at or about the pre-War level.
Until we fixed the rate.
I live in one of the poorest counties of England, and in August, 1917, the Wages Board fixed a wage of 25s.
We fixed 30s.
Twenty-five shillings.
The Act of Parliament fixed 25s. That happened some months before. Then the Wages Boards got to work, and they fixed 30s.
Not in August; that was later. In my district the wages before the War were 16s. and 18s. The wages on 8th March, 1917, were 21s. On 15th March, 1917, they were raised to 23s., and in July of the same year they were raised to 24s. In August the 25s. rate came into force, and it only meant a rise of 1s. in the rate of wages then being paid in my district. The wages had been steadily raised. I have the most perfect recollection of the matter, because on going down at the week-ends, when the price of food was rising, I remember that the farmers kept saying that the cost of living was rising and that wages must be raised 1s. or 2s. In no single case in that district were the rises asked for. They were always offered to the men, and never was there a better feeling existing between employers and employed than in August, 1917, when this Wages Board was imposed.
I referred specially to two years after the War began, which would take us up to the end of 1916.
You said up to the time the Wages Board was imposed. There never was a more excellent feeling than existed at that time between employers and employed in my district. What is lost sight of in these debates, and it is very important, is the fact that no agricultural interest either of employers or of employed ever asked for the Wages Board.
I deny that statement. Ever since 1910, year after year, the agricultural labourers have asked to be included in the Trade Boards (Sweated Industries) Act.
The difference between us arises out of the question as to what is meant by the agricultural labourers. I know that my hon. Friend has a right to speak for agricultural labourers, because he has lived amongst them, and I regard what he says with the greatest respect; but that demand in 1913 and subsequently did not arise from the agricultural labourers as a whole. The agricultural labourers were not behind that demand. It was put forward by Labour leaders as part of a move for the solidarity of labour. It was the interests of the Labour leaders and of Labour policy and not of the agricultural labourer that was being sought. I maintain, with a full inside knowledge of agriculture, that there was no general demand for the Wages Board either on the part of the farmer or of the agricultural labourer. At any rate, I never heard of it. It was imposed upon the industry by Labour in the interests of their policy. Had it worked satisfactorily on both sides we should have agreed to continue it. It has not worked satisfactorily on both sides. It has not only dealt with wages, but it has dealt with hours. Everybody knows that 50 hours a week, of which you are liable to lose a considerable proportion by weather, is not sufficient for dealing with the natural conditions of a farm in summer time. I have heard many a farmer say, when the farmers were a little better off than they are now, that they could afford to pay the wage if they could get the same value for it.
When you compare the wage which is being paid to-day in purchasing power with the wage which was paid before, you must take various things into consideration. You must recollect the great advantage which the agricultural labourer gets from his rural conditions, in having a good garden and being able to grow vegetables and to keep fowls, etc., which he can not only produce for himself, but from which he is able to make profit, availing himself of the high prices. That is a big factor, and his low rent is also a big factor, and the whole taken together proves that, so far as the cost of living is concerned, if you are dealing with it purely to the extent of a relative figure, the agricultural labourer is in a better position on that account than the relative figure would show him to be. We are only too delighted that he should be. One thing he cannot get in the country districts is money, but he can have as much land as he wants for cultivation. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Yes, in the poor land districts it is so. The land is going out of cultivation by hundreds of acres because it is absolutely impossible to find the money on these poor lands to pay the wages stipulated by the Agricultural Wages Board. We can provide other things. We can make it possible for the labourer to live, and that is why I welcome the scheme in the Bill, because in these poor land districts the farmers and the labourers are capable of coming together, without any outside interference, and fixing a fair rate between themselves, where the labourer will be able to get the best wage possible in that district. Although it may not be high, it can be made up to him in other ways, where he can get plenty of land on which to produce large quantities of food. By that means you will get agreement, better conditions for the labourer, and more land kept in cultivation.
That system is the only system under which without any interference whatever it will be possible to keep a large proportion of our land under cultiva- tion. If I speak with some warmth it is because people like myself and my neighbours and friends who are struggling in times of unexampled difficulty to keep land under cultivation, who know that we can agree with our men, and that our men can agree with us, recognise the bad results of this system of interference. We have kept land cultivated with those very men in the 'eighties and the 'nineties when prices were at their bottom depth, and there was no official control to prevent us from doing our best with the land, and the only difficulty which we had to deal with was nature. Nature is difficult to deal with, but we are not afraid of nature, but we are afraid of interference by this House in matters with which it cannot deal. If the House tries to prevent us cultivating our land with our own men in the only way in which we can do it, this House must take the responsibility, and we must wash our hands of it.
I am always interested to hear the right hon. Gentleman speak on agricultural matters, because, however much we may disagree with his point of view, he always speaks with an enthusiasm which shows a very great interest in the industry. When he comes to speak of the case which affects the labourer, I am afraid that he shows perhaps unconsciously a certain amount of bias. He spoke just now with some amount of bias. He spoke just now with some amount of warmth as he acknowledged, in regard to the statement of the right hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) to the effect that wages were not raised voluntarily by farmers at a time which did permit the industry to pay better wages. So far as my knowledge of the industry goes, and I can speak after close association with the labourers' point of view, not only in the time when the industry was increasing in, prosperity, but at other times, every attempt, whether organised or by individuals, which the labourer made to secure improved conditions on the farm or better wages, was resisted by the farmers, and if the experience of the right hon. Gentleman is different in that respect, then I can only say that it is unique. Perhaps he will square the position with one of his own friends, the hon. and gallant Member for Daventry (Captain Fitzroy), who, speaking in this House in February, 1919, used these words:
"The first two years of the War farmers made very large profits, because the price of produce went up, but wages and machinery did not."
If the statement of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Camborne is challenged, we can quote in support of it the words of the hon. and gallant Gentleman.
The hon. Gentleman is giving much too literal an interpretation of what I said. What I meant then, and I repeat now, was that agricultural wages did not go up at a rate corresponding with the rise in the price of produce, and if it was the same now they ought to fall more quickly than the price of produce. But we have always found that an increase in prices precedes an increase in wages and that the high wages go on for some time after the fall in prices.
It is very ingenious on the part of my hon. and gallant Friend to carry his argument a little further to suit his own point of view. But the point at the moment is as to whether or not wages had been voluntarily raised by those connected with the industry, and if I have now too literally interpreted the hon. Member it is because I cannot be expected to know exactly what he meant. I can only quote exactly what he said. The Minister of Agriculture has argued that the Wages Board is part of a dual system, and that it goes with the guarantees. He stated to the Committee that the only authority quoted in support of the contrary view was the statement made by an ex-Minister of Agriculture, Mr. Prothero, as he then was, but that statement, which we can quote, raises an important point because it was an interpretation of his previous statement and therefore leaves no doubt as to what he intended. The hon. and gallant Member for Daventry also stated that in Committee an Amendment was made and accepted, and was also accepted in this House, definitely linking the two together. I have looked through the 1920 Act, and I cannot find that that is so, and if it were so it should be in the Act.
It is that by Order in Council Part I of the Act may be re- pealed on giving four years' notice. As the Bill was originally drafted it would only repeal by Order in Council the guaranteed prices. A Member upstairs submitted that the whole of Part I should be repealed by Order in Council, not only guaranteed prices, but Wages Boards. That was accepted in Committee upstairs, and, so far as as I can remember, that decision was never challenged on Report in the House.
I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his information. I follow what he said, but I could not see anything definite in the Act which would link the two together. But there is this difference, that in the case under consideration there was four years' notice, and it was never anticipated that the proposal now made would be brought before the House. Very few of us perhaps would be prepared to say that we contemplate that for all time it would be necessary to have the Wages Boards. Our special objection to this repealing Bill is that it abolishes this machinery at the very worst time when it could be abolished. It is a period when there is no phase of the situation that lends itself to a continuation of those conditions which in my judgment are by no means unfair, which the Wages Board has established. The right hon. Gentleman went on to say, in speaking of the Wages Board, that it is a centralised body with appointed members and a rigid system, and, therefore, that it is not fair to those concerned. Where a claim of that description is put forward we should have something in the nature of evidence to support it.
All the arguments and the inferences to be deduced from the arguments would seem to suggest that the Wages Board is a body composed of persons having no association with the industry. I repeat what I have said before—and possibly I have to qualify the statement now. With two exceptions, the decisions of that body and the Orders which they have made have practically been by agreement. The one decision was in reference to the last increase of the minimum and the second was the decision which was come to last week. One decision was in favour of the labourer and the other against it, so that they practically cancel each other. Apart from those two the whole proceedings of the Board have been of a mutual character and the persons who have come to the conclusion agreed on have been people who are directly associated with the industry. I understand the difficulty of the right hon. Gentleman in this matter, because he has come to an agreement with the Farmers' Union about it, but that in itself ought not to be taken as evidence that ought to weigh heavily with those of us who at least claim to represent the agricultural labourer in this matter. We were never consulted at all. The labourer was definitely concerned with the repeal of this Act, and never in a single instance has he been consulted in regard to the change which is now contemplated. Therefore we feel that we have a definite grievance so far as that is concerned.
Now take the question of the permits. The right hon. Gentleman quoted instances of old men who are incapable of doing a full day's work, who perhaps could do a half-day's work, but who cannot be employed because the men who would employ them would have to pay the full rate of wages. There is nothing in the Act itself or in the administration of the Act by the Wages Board that would justify that statement. If a man has become incapable physically of doing a full day's work, that is in itself a reason and a justification for a permit being granted, and in order that the House may understand that the granting of permits has not been carried out on a rigid system, I may state that both my hon. Friend the Member for South Norfolk (Mr. G. Edwards) and myself have sat on district wages committees which have granted permits. We have taken part in the working of the machinery and can speak of the question with first hand knowledge, and in some counties, so mutual has been the working with regard to the necessity of permits, that where there has been doubt or difficulty because of the absence of definite knowledge with regard to a specific case, the understanding between the two sides has been so complete that they have left it to the officials of the Labourers' Union to investigate, and they would take his word as to whether the permit should be granted or not.
A system which has worked out in that way which has been accepted by the representatives of the workers, to such an extent that the farmers are prepared to take their word as to whether or not permits should be given does not warrant the term of rigidity being applied to it. If the figures are looked into it will be found that in one county the number of permits granted would amount nearly to 10 per cent. of those employed in the industry. Can it be suggested that a system that has worked so efficiently has a right to be termed rigid or to be described as imposing hardship upon the individuals concerned? No. What has been asked for is this—and it seemed to be in the minds of hon. Members—that a man when he reached a certain age, because he had reached that age should be denied the minimum wage. We have opposed that because men at 65 years of age in agriculture, more especially men who have to look after stock, men like shepherds and team men who have the whole of a life's experience behind them, are really worth more than the minimum wage instead of less. But where it has been shown that for any reason, mental or physical, a man is below the standard, I challenge any hon. Member to show that the withholding of the permit has caused a single agricultural labourer to be unemployed.
That is a fair test to apply. I have no knowledge of one such case and no cases have been reported to us. In criticising the Wages Board, it is not fair to put forward arguments which, however unintentionally, misrepresent the Wages Board. Reference has been made to the proposed substitute for the Wages Board, provided for in Clause 4, and it has been said that we have accepted that substitute more or less by agreement. I admit that as a result of consultations we have come to some measure of agreement upon that matter, but that is merely because we are anxious to preserve the goodwill and the good relationship to which reference has been made. I do not want to say a single word that will upset good relations between farmers and labourers. But we have never taken the proposed scheme as a proper substitute for the Wages Board, and we have not been able to convince ourselves that at this stage it will cover the period through which we are passing in a way that will prevent undesirable results. That is our fear. Objection has been taken to what was said by the right hon. Member for Camborne regarding the desires and intentions of some employers. I am sure the right hon. Member did not exaggerate. The daily newspapers con- firm all that he said, so far as some employers are concerned. One can only hope, as they are a small minority, that they will be influenced by the better judgment of the majority. But the expressed intention is there. Not only are they going to have longer hours of work, but they are going to pay lower wages.
On the Second Reading of this Bill I mentioned an instance which came within my own knowledge of a farmer who is just about to retire. He has three farms, one of which he has bought. That is evidence of prosperity. He possesses a motor car. He is cutting down his men's wages by 16s. a week. Surely, then, we are justified in our fears of what may happen generally when the Wages Board goes. The Wages Board enabled the best on both sides to meet and fix wages, and it gave us the machinery for preventing the minority from breaking away. It has been said that it is a coercive body. The reply to that is that there have been only 334 prosecutions. Such a small minority could break down agreements. Agriculture has had experience only of agreements that have a more or less war-time character. If we had had conciliation boards before the War, and were now reverting to them, it would be different. We have had no experience except under the 1917 Act. To take the whole machinery away now is to do something which we fear will plunge the industry into conditions which no hon. Member wants to see. That is why we plead so strongly for the retention of the Board. We are always prepared to use the policy of conciliation rather than any other policy, but that is our fear.
The concluding words of the last speaker sum up the whole case. He is definitely frightened, and some of us who are not associated with the Labour party are also definitely frightened, that, by surrendering the Wages Board, we are surrendering the substance and will have to accept the shadow. Nothing that has been said today lessens that fear. I think the right hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman) was a little too hard on my right hon. Friend the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland). My right hon. Friend made good points, and they have not been shaken. It was a little unfair to challenge the spirit of previous speeches of my right hon. Friend in Committee and elsewhere. I think my right hon. Friend has been singularly fair, and if he has had to meet the right hon. Member for Chelmsford halfway he has not gone booted and spurred to the halfway house. Let us pass that. I wish to refer to the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Daventry (Captain FitzRoy). The hon. and gallant Member said that the whole of the subsidy would go to labour. I do not know how he works out that. I should like to see how it could be done on the basis of accountancy. It is quite conceivable that a farmer may lose by his own folly, make a loss in the ordinary way, and that the subsidy will not make good that loss. It would be vitally unfair to put against all that loss, which has nothing to do with labour, the wages paid to the agricultural labourer.
The hon. Member for Daventry said also that with the passing of this Bill the agricultural labourer would still be at an advantage in relation to other workers. Again I think he is wrong. The agricultural labourer will have a very shadowy security, and he will remain the worst paid worker in any industry in the country. I am certain that farmers in the National Farmers' Union mean to bring in as much good will as possible, but there are outside farmers who are not of that opinion. The difficulty is that under a voluntary arrangement the outside farmer need not come in. You have no security that the Conciliation Board or the District Wages Committee will function or will even be set up. Assume that it is set up and that good will is shown on both sides, what probability is there of agreement? I hope there is such a probability, but I am bound to say, having seen one or two farming friends in my constituency during the week-end, that their minds are not working in the way indicated by the hon. and gallant Member for Daventry. They want to have nothing to do with this business. Having become free and having been obliged to surrender something of substance, they do not see why they should have Conciliation Boards or District Wages Committees. I am rather frightened that even if the Wages Committees or Conciliation Boards are set up they may not all together come to an agreement. In that view I am rather strengthened by what was said at Taunton by the Minister of Agriculture on Saturday week. A Report I have contains these words:
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According to the statements of hon. Members opposite, they have some doubt whether we on the Labour Benches have credentials to speak for the agricultural labourers. Officially, I have no such credentials. My authority is the fact that I am the son of an agricultural labourer, that I worked on the land until nearly 20 years of age, that since then I have been intenstly interested in agriculture, and that to-day I happen to be the president of a society which farms between 700 and 800 acres of land. During the period the Wages Board has been in operation we made it our proud boast that not only did we pay the rate of wages fixed by the Board, but 5 per cent. above it. Reference has been made to what was paid during the harvest period, and with regard to that, instead of paying £7 10s. as laid down for the harvest period, we paid £10 per man, so that in every case we have been above the average. My experience shows that both for the farming interest, and for the labourers, the Wages Board has been a good thing, because it has removed from both, the responsibility of fixing wages. Hon. Members opposite who represent the landed interest or the farming interest may not have first-hand knowledge as to what the lot of the agricultural labourer formerly was, but I possess experience in that respect, which is possibly unique in this House. I am very much afraid that, as a result of the scrapping of the Wages Board, labourers on the land in the near future will go back with a rush into bad conditions.
An hon. Member has stated that the man who works on the land has an advantage over other workers. My view is, that he is decidedly at a disadvantage as compared with the average worker in other industries. He has to live in the one locality, he too often lives in a house owned by the man who employs him, and if he loses his employment with that particular farmer, especially just at present, he is going to have a very poor chance of getting either employment or shelter. Knowing what I know, and I can remember agricultural conditions for 40 years, I am satisfied that the Wages Board was one of the greatest boons that ever came to the agricultural labourer. I knew what it was to be an agricultural labourer. It is neither a virtue nor a vice, but I was one of a family of 10 whose father never received above 18s. a week, and I knew what it was to live in poverty when my father worked on the land. It may be news to some hon. Members, but I remember a time, when a man who worked on the land dare not even let it be known that he was discontented with his lot. Hon. Members who happen to be landowners and farmers may not be aware of the conditions that obtain among agricultural labourers because of that fact, that the men did not dare to let it be known that they were discontented, let alone ask for increased wages. If a man let it be known that he was dissatisfied, or asked for an increase of 1s. or 2s. a week, it would be regarded as a sufficient reason for getting rid of him. It was only in the family circle that a man allowed his discontent to be known.
Perhaps some hon. Members will hardly credit the statement I am about to make, but it is true. I remember as we sat at the fire, if we were talking about our lot and all that we had to put up with, my poor old mother, when she heard any person going past, would say, "Do not talk so loud, or so-and-so may hear what you are saying." That illustrates the condition of things existing among agricultural labourers in the years gone by, and that is why I say it was one of the greatest blessings that ever came to the agricultural labourer to have these Wages Boards established and an authority set up which determined wages and conditions. I am prepared to admit, with the farmer, that if a certain wage had to be paid, it was only right that there should be a standard price for produce, but I have yet to learn that there is not some useful purpose to be served by the Board, even when you have removed the subsidy and done away with the fixed price of produce. Even in those circumstances, the Board may still remain in existence and determine from time to time what adjustments should take place with regard to wages.
With regard to hours, I do not share the view expressed that the hours are too short. The good all-round farmer can always find suitable work for his men, even in bad weather. If he is a good all-round farmer, and has good all-round men, he can do his own fencing and prepare his own material, and he can find suitable employment for his men indoors when it is raining. With regard to the position of the old men and the men who are less fit, I share the view that men old enough to receive pensions are probably as profitable to the farmer as the younger men, if not, indeed, more profitable. It takes a man half his life to become a good all-round agricultural labourer. It is the one industry in which a man hardly ever becomes thoroughly fit and practised until after middle age—I mean so as to do everything around a farm, and do it satisfactorily. The older a man becomes the more efficient he becomes in the all-round sense, and the better acquainted with stock and with every detail of the work, even though he may also lose a little of his activity. The wise farmer who understands getting value for money will not want to get rid of a man simply because that man is over 60 years of age. I would like hon. Members to remember that it is they and their predecessors who are to blame for not having made some provision for these men at an earlier period of life than 70 years. If that had been done there need not be so much concern about the older man who is becoming less fit. In any case, if a man does become a little slower with his hand, if we have had all the value of that man's experience and knowledge out of him, we should not be anxious to get rid of him, nor seek to pay him a lower rate of wages. I agree that can be taken advantage of, and has been taken advantage of very extensively under the Wages Board.
I have a great fear as to what is going to happen on the land if these Boards are removed. I warn hon. Members there is one thing likely to happen. The agricultural labourers have had a taste of a higher standard of comfort, because of the increased earnings of themselves and their families. During the period of these Wages Boards they have got an extended view of these matters. If this House does not make some adequate provision to safeguard the agricultural labourer, then he will use the weapon bestowed upon him, and will send a certain type of men to this House to legislate for the protection of his interests. That may be one of the good things that will come about as a result of this Measure. I think it will be the best thing that can follow as a result of it. The agricultural labourer is awake to-day, and, if you are alive to your own interests, you will be very wise and careful in what you are doing with regard to the repeal of this Act, so far as the Wages Boards are concerned. I hope you will be wise enough in your day and generation to leave intact the Wages Board, as a safeguard against any slipping back to the old conditions of poverty which obtained in days gone by. The man on the land is worthy of protection, and if we do not give him protection, and ensure for him a reasonable standard of comfort, not only shall we have poverty, but all its attendant evils in its train, among the dwellers on the soil. In the best interests of the nation it is the duty of the House to protect the man who works on the land by continuing the Wages Boards.
A good deal was said a few minutes ago by the right hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Pretyman) as to the good will which is necessary if we are to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion upon these matters. I entirely agree with him, but I disagreed with him when he took to task the hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) for what he said with regard to the conditions prevailing in agricultural districts when agreements were possible between farmers and labourers. I want to set another test which has not been applied up to now. In 1914 when there were no conciliation boards, and no Wages Boards, the price of wheat was 34s. 11d. and the agricultural labourer's wages, at the very highest figure, was 19s. per week. In 1915 wheat rose to 52s. 10d., but the agricultural labourer's wages remained at 19s. In 1916 wheat went up to 58s. 6d. and the labourer's wage was increased by 1s. a week. In 1917 wheat rose still higher and reached 75s. 9d. The employers were coining money. The representative of the Government in this House at the time, said it was estimated that the farmers' profits up to then had amounted to no less than £200,000,000. Yet the Government had to step in in 1917 and order that a wage of 25s. per week should be paid to the agricultural labourers. Let me bring forward another witness who is surely not a friend, except, of course, in the personal sense, of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Camborne. Lord Lee, in a speech at Chelmsford in March, 1920, said he had the most profound sympathy with the agricultural labourers. He said their troubles and their grievances had been very real and they had not received enough sympathy either from the Government or from the employers. There is evidence even from the party to which the right hon. Member for Chelmsford belongs.
I quite understand the right hon. Member telling us that in pre-War days he used to pay 16s. a week to the agricultural labourers in the county in which he lives. I can understand his wanting to go back to those days, inasmuch as during the past two years he has had to pay 46s. He wants to go back to the old sort of agreement, when it was really he who made the agreement, and the man had no views in the matter at all. During the Debates in the course of the passage of the Act last year there was manifested a solicitude to pay high wages to the agricultural labourer on the part both of the Minister and of hon. Members opposite. It seemed to me that the Measure was being passed in the interests of the agricultural labourer, but what do I hear to-day? Here we have the Minister disproving the very statements he himself made at that time, and stultifying everything that he then said. We were then told that agriculture was so important that subsidies were necessary. Wages Boards were necessary, and security of tenure was necessary. To-day we are asked, within six months after the passing of that Act, to undo the whole thing in the interests of economy. If we want to practise economy, there are many other directions in which we could practise it better than this. We are told by the Minister, in the beautiful language of which he is so capable an exponent, that we are to set up committees who will have the power of dealing with these disputes and will settle all these matters amicably. We are looking forward to the splendid spirit that is going to animate all the members of these committees, but I believe a bird in the hand is worth a good many in the hedge, and I for one am going to support the Amendment in the Division Lobby.
I speak as living in an agricultural district and as having been brought up in an agricultural district from a boy. It is possible that a large proportion of employers in this country and workmen might be able to arrive at an amicable settlement, but we must remember that there are bad employers, as there may be bad workmen, and it is to guard against those bad employers that we must continue to have this statutory power that we have now in the Wages Board, and that the bad employer, of whom there are many to-day, must be prevented from taking undue advantage of men who are always at a disadvantage living in country districts as compared with industrial districts. The agricultural labourer is now well organised, and those who know the hon. Members sitting on this Bench know they are well led, but being an organised agricultural labourer is vastly different from being an organised engineer or railwayman. Sometimes you get two or three men
living in a hamlet far away from their fellows in the next hamlet, and pressure is brought to bear in these districts on these men. Hon. and right hon. Members opposite know very well that that is so, even now, where it is possible. It always has been, and it always will be, and the more latitude you give to these unscrupulous employers the more will they exercise it.
In my younger days, in the early 'seventies, I travelled about with Joseph Arch at meetings in Gloucestershire and Wiltshire, and I know the voluntary agreements that were come to in those days. The farmer said the wage he would pay, and the man had to accept it or leave the district. It is more difficult now to do that sort of thing, but it is not impossible to bring very great pressure to bear even now. In my opinion, what is proposed by hon. Gentlemen opposite would not work out in practice, and I have very little faith indeed that it would fill up the gap that will be created by the abolition of the Wages Board. I know that something can be said about the betrayal of the farmer by the Government in the matter of subsidies, but what we have to consider here is whether the Conciliation Board which is to be set up will be a fitting substitute for the Wages Board which it is sought to abolish. In my opinion it will not be, and I shall have no hesitation in going into the Lobby in favour of the Amendment.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 73; Noes, 202.
Division No. 284.] AYES. [6.20 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Halls, Walter Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Hayward, Evan Myers, Thomas Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hirst, G. H. Newbould, Alfred Ernest Barnes Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Hogge, James Myles O'Grady, James Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Holmes, J. Stanley Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Irving, Dan Raffan, Peter Wilson Briant, Frank Jephcott, A. R. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jesson, C. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Cairns, John Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Cape, Thomas Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Rose, Frank H. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kennedy, Thomas Royce, William Stapleton Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Seddon, J. A. Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Kenyon, Barnet Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Lawson, John James Spoor, B. G. Entwistle, Major C. F. Lunn, William Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Galbraith, Samuel Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Swan, J. E. Gillis, William Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Glanville, Harold James Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Grundy, T. W. Mills, John Edmund Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Morgan, Major D. Watts Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) Waterson, A. E. Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Winfrey, Sir Richard Mr. Wintringham and Mr. W. Wignall, James Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Smith. Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)
NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Murchison, C. K. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Ganzoni, Sir John Murray, William (Dumfries) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Gardner, Ernest Neal, Arthur Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Armstrong, Henry Bruce Gee, Captain Robert Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City of Lon.) Gilbert, James Daniel Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Balfour, George (Hampstead) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Grant, James Augustus Parker, James Barlow, Sir Montague Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Barnett, Major Richard W. Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Barnston, Major Harry Gretton, Colonel John Perkins, Walter Frank Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Gritten, W. G. Howard Perring, William George Beauchamp, Sir Edward Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Pilditch, Sir Philip Beckett, Hon. Gervase Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Pratt, John William Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Hambro, Angus Valdemar Purchase, H. G. Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Raeburn, Sir William H. Blair, Sir Reginald Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Harmsworth, Hon. E. C. (Kent) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Remnant, Sir James Brittain, Sir Harry Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Broad, Thomas Tucker Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Brown, Major D. C. Hills, Major John Waller Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hinds, John Rodger, A. K. Bruton, Sir James Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hood, Joseph Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hopkins, John W. W. Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Butcher, Sir John George Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Campbell, J. D. G. Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Simm, M. T. Carew, Charles Robert S. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Casey, T. W. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A.(Birm., W.) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Steel, Major S. Strang Churchman, Sir Arthur Jameson, John Gordon Stewart, Gershom Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H H. Spender Jodrell, Neville Paul Sturrock, J. Leng Coats, Sir Stuart Johnstone, Joseph Sugden, W. H. Cobb, Sir Cyril Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Lianelly) Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Joynson-Hicks, Sir William Sutherland, Sir William Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Taylor, J. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Klnc.) King, Captain Henry Douglas Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Thorpe, Captain John Henry Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Townley, Maximilian G. Curzon, Captain Viscount Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Tryon, Major George Clement Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Lloyd, George Butler Warren, Sir Alfred H. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Whitla, Sir William Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Looker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Doyle, N. Grattan Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring M'Connell, Thomas Edward Wilson, Capt. A. S. (Holderness) Edgar, Clifford B. M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Wilson, Lieut.-Col. M. J. (Richmond) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Wilson-Fox, Henry Erskine, James Malcolm Monteith Macquisten, F. A. Wise, Frederick Evans, Ernest Magnus, Sir Philip Wolmer, Viscount Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Fell, Sir Arthur Mitchell, Sir William Lane Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Young, E. H. (Norwich) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Foreman, Sir Henry Morris, Richard Younger, Sir George Forestier-Walker, L. Morrison, Hugh Forrest, Walter Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Mount, William Arthur Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert McCurdy.
I beg to move, in paragraph ( b ), after the word "pending," to insert the words "in England and Wales."
This is purely a drafting Amendment. Paragraph ( b ) of the Clause refers only to a matter within the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, and therefore to make it perfectly clear I move this Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
The Secretary for Scotland.
On a point of Order. I submit that this is a Bill to repeal the Corn Production Acts and to make certain consequential Amendments in Section 12 of the Agriculture Act, 1920, and that the Amendment standing in the name of the Secretary for Scotland is not consequential to the repeal of the Corn Production Acts. It is an Amendment which takes power to repeal certain important provisions in Part II of the Agriculture Act, 1920. These agricultural committees were originally appointed under the Corn Production Act and given powers and duties under both Parts I and II of the Agriculture Act, 1920. Their powers under Part I are repealed by this Bill, but it is submitted that it is outwith the purposes of this Bill to take powers to abolish them and their powers and duties under Part II of that Act. Further, I submit that this Amendment appears on the Paper for the first time, that it has never been discussed or mentioned during the discussion in the Scottish Grand Committee, and that therefore it is out of order.
The last point raised by the hon. and gallant Gentleman is not a point of Order, but has to do with the merits of the proposal. In regard to the earlier point, I have been carefully into this matter, and have come to the conclusion that the Amendment proposed is in order, because in Scotland these committees were appointed under the Corn Production Act, 1917, which is being repealed. It is necessary, therefore, consequential on this Bill, to make some provision for the continuance of those committees.
I beg to move, in paragraph ( c ), to leave out the words Under the Corn Production Acts, 1917 and 1920, the various functions of the agricultural committees in Scotland were to be exercised by committees constituted by the Board of Agriculture under Section 11, Sub-section (2), of the Corn Production Act, 1917. The more important of those functions arose under the provisions for the better cultivation of the land. Those provisions disappear under this repealing Bill. When this Bill becomes effective, the only statutory duties which remain to be discharged by these committees, if they are continued, are those under Section 10, Sub-section (2), and Section 15, Sub-sections (1) and (3), of the Agriculture Act, 1920. I will explain what those three duties are. Under Section 10, Subsection (2), a committee is empowered to grant certificates that holdings are not being cultivated according to the rules of good husbandry. Under Section 15, Subsection (1), committees may, in certain circumstances, on the application of the tenant, direct that an improvement which has been made upon the land shall be treated for the purpose of the Agricultural Holdings Act as if it were an improvement which had been effected in Part II of the First Schedule of that Act. The third duty to which I have referred is in Section 15, Sub-section (3), under which a committee may decide that a holding is to be treated as a market garden. As regards the first of these matters, there is an appeal from the decision of the committee. Under Sub-sections (2) and (3), the landlord or the tenant may either go to arbitration or the Board, according as they select.
As this Clause is drafted, the existing committees are to be kept in being, notwithstanding the repeal of the Act of 1917 under which they were created. They are to continue to exercise such statutory powers and duties as remain to them, and the Board of Agriculture has power to constitute them, which power is continued. After carefully surveying the situation, it appears to me, and to those who advise me, that, looking to the comparatively exiguous character of the duties which would remain to be discharged by these committees if this Bill goes through, there should be power taken to bring them to an end in their present form, and to transfer these—as I have called them—very exiguous duties to the Board of Agriculture, with power to the Board of Agriculture, however, to re-reconstitute the committees on possibly a less expensive scale, and, possibly, in a merely advisory capacity. In point of fact, these committees to-day cost something like £15,000 per annum, and it is a question whether it is worth while to continue these committees in their present form under existing circumstances. It will be quite obvious to the House that, looking to the character of the duties that these committees have to discharge to-day, they are duties of a quasi-judicial character, which involve a considerable staff, and fairly frequent sittings. Under the proposals, which I now make, namely, that the powers of the committee should be transferred to the Board with power to reconstitute these committees upon a more economical, more appropriate, and, possibly, an advisory footing
Without any reference to Parliament?
The power is to be given to the Board. I am here to represent the Board. The proposal is to reconstitute these committees upon a more economical basis, and, possibly, upon an advisory basis, which would involve less frequent meetings, a diminished staff and, as I think, with no detriment to anybody. Accordingly, the purpose of this Amendment is to open the way to a possible economy, which can be secured, as I believe, without any disadvantage either to any farmer, or farm labourer, or to the State.
Any proposal emanating from the Government which even shows the faintest tendency towards economy is one which, no doubt, the House and country will welcome, and if the functions of these committees are of the character which my right hon. Friend intimates, and they are getting less and less necessary, shall I say, but no less expensive, it will be a very desirable thing, indeed, to put an end to them as swiftly as possible. The point I wish to make more particularly on the Amendment is this. I think Parliament ought to know when these committees are to disappear, and under what conditions they disappear. There is an economical way of getting rid of these committees, and there is an expensive way of getting rid of them. I, therefore, suggest that when the Board of Agriculture for Scot- land has come to the conclusion that these committees are no longer necessary, or that a part of them could easily be dispensed with, it should be done by Order in Council, and that Order should lie on the Table for a brief period. In that way Parliament would be able to exercise its power of control over the Ministry in this direction. I ask my right hon. Friend whether he will so amend this as to bring the suggestion I make into practical operation?
I venture to protest against the way in which this Amendment has been brought forward. I was not on the Standing Committee which considered this Bill, but I understand this matter was not discussed in any way upstairs. Here we have an Amendment placed on the Paper which none of us have had any time to consider. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman has been in consultation with the agricultural bodies in Scotland with reference to this Amendment. He says he has consulted his advisers. I suppose by that he means the Board of Agriculture for Scotland. I do not know whether he has been in consultation with any other agricultural bodies in Scotland upon this matter. I really do not know how we stand. It is very difficult to follow off-hand the duties which are retained by the agricultural committees, and those duties which it is proposed to repeal by this Bill. I further ask this. As I read the Bill, it is only proposed to do this particular thing in respect of Scotland. What about England? Is England to retain the agricultural committees as set up under the 1920 Act, or are those duties of the agricultural committees as exercised in England to be repealed; and if not, why not? We have had no indication as to why it should be necessary to do this in respect of Scotland and not in respect of England. We really have not had time to consider this matter. It was not brought forward in Committee. It was brought forward by the Secretary for Scotland, as I take it, without any consultation with any agricultural bodies in Scotland. We are not really certain which powers are repealed and which are not. The Corn Production Act as amended by the Agriculture Act, as amended by this Bill, is the worst piece of legislation by reference ever passed in this House, and it is perfectly impossible to follow it. The right hon. Gentleman, having considered the matter with his advisers, knows, of course, what is going on, but it is very difficult for the ordinary Member of Parliament to know what is going on.
Of course, we all wish to bring about anything which is going to produce reasonable economy, but I do suggest that these unlimited powers should not be conferred upon the Board. Under this Amendment, the Board has the power to constitute agricultural committees of some sort. We do not know what they are to be. The right hon. Gentleman suggests that they will be advisory committees, but I think Parliament should have some indication before they are set up as to what they should be, but I hope the Secretary for Scotland will pay attention to the suggestion of the right hon. Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) that this is a matter in which Parliament is pre-eminently concerned, and that, instead of giving to the Board of Agriculture the power to set up these committees and to give to the committees such powers merely as are designated by the Board of Agriculture, some statutory sanction, such as is conveyed by an Order in Council, should be obtained from this House before that is done. I, therefore, hope the Government will not press this Amendment to-day, in order that we may further consider this matter, or, if they will not adopt that course, I hope they will be prepared to reconsider the matter before it goes to another place, so as to introduce into the Clause some such Amendment as has been indicated by the right hon. Member for Peebles.
By the leave of the House, I may be permitted to say a word in answer to the proposal of the right hon. Gentleman opposite. There are certain attractions about his suggestion, and I should like to be able to accept it here and now if I could; but, on the other hand, there are certain difficulties. For example, it is not proposed, as I understand, to abolish all these Committees en bloc , but one by one, and it may be exceedingly cumbrous to bring a large number of Orders in Council into this House for that purpose. Therefore I should like to be able to look into the proposal a little more closely, to consider whether I could, in the circumstances, accept it, and I suggest to my right hon. Friend and my hon. and gallant Friend that, if they will be good enough to assent to this Amendment going in now, I will carefully consider the matter before the Bill is taken in another place. By that time the agricultural opinion, to which my hon. and gallant Friend attaches importance, will have time to mature; and, though the matter is really not obscure, as he has said, because these committees have only three simple duties left, which I endeavoured to enumerate, nevertheless I quite accept that the question as a whole is difficult. I do not wish to press it unduly, but if my suggestion be approved, to permit this Amendment to be now inserted then the proposal about the Order' in Council, and the question whether or no this later Amendment of mine secures the acceptance of agricultural opinion in Scotland might well be gone in the interim. Assuming that all goes well the Amendment might be made in the Bill in another place. If, on the other hand, I find it practicable to give effect to my hon. and gallant Friend's Amendment, I shall do so.
This suggestion is in keeping with the general legislative tendency to bureaucratise administration. If the Board of Agriculture, not one by one, but more rapidly than that, swallows up these various local functions, it will not be in the interests of economy, and it will not provide an outlet for giving expression to local opinion upon various agricultural questions. Nor will it tend to continue the interest of local people in the administration of the Agriculture Act. I am not at all sure that it is a wise development of legislation to attempt to kill local interest in these matters by keeping the whole of the administration in the hands of the central body.
I join in my protest with the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite. The Amendment has been introduced without any consideration whatever by Scottish Members. It has nothing to do with the Bill. This is a bureaucratic Measure of the very worst kind. It affects, or may affect, every rural parish in Scotland. Wherever any question arises between landlord and tenant, which has been decided hitherto by the Agricultural District Committee, you are now going to direct the Board of Agriculture to go down and settle the question. That is bureaucratic control, and centralisation, the matter being in the hands of a big Board in Edinburgh such as we have been accustomed to under the Land Settlement Act. It will fail as that has failed and will not be a success. Being bureaucratic it will not be cheap. Whenever a small question arises, one, two, or three officials of the Board of Agriculture will go into the district to try to settle the question, and you will have a very large bill for railway expenses, as the Estimates at the present time suggest. I would ask English Members as well as Scottish to do their utmost to induce the Government to put off taking this action at least for some time, knowing, as I do, that it will be the cause of very considerable inconvenience in many parts of Southern Scotland.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 2.—(Payment in respect of crops of 1921.)
The sums to be paid under Section one of the Corn Production Act, 1917, to the occupier of land in Great Britain in respect of each acre on which he proves in manner required by that Section that wheat or oats have been produced in the year nineteen hundred and twenty-one, shall subject to the provisoes to that Section, he the sums of three pounds and four pounds respectively instead of sums calculated in manner provided by the Corn Production Acts, 1917 and 1920, and shall he payable on the first day of January, nineteen hundred and twenty-two.
The second and third Amendments of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland)—one to leave out "January" and to insert instead thereof "October," and the second to substitute "nineteen hundred and twenty-one" for "nineteen hundred and twenty-two"—impose a charge upon the Exchequer, and are, therefore, out of order. The right hon. Gentleman can move his first Amendment.
I beg to move, after the word "shall" ["and shall be payable"], to insert the words "except in case of dispute."
In moving this Amendment, I would remind the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Agriculture that he promised to do his best to arrange for post-dated cheques to be issued in October in regard to these payments. He explained it was not possible for the Government to pay in October, because they would not have the money until the Income Tax came in. I only want to know whether the right hon. Gentleman has been able to arrange for drafts or cheques to be issued on which the farmer could get credit from his bank. I shall not press my Amendment if the right hon. Gentleman can confirm the arrangement which, he suggested, he hoped he would be able to make.
What I said was that I would approach the Treasury and ask them whether, in view of the fact that the Bill lays down that the money shall not be paid till January, they could not issue post-dated cheques at an earlier date, say, October or November, which the farmers could use by taking to their banks and raising money upon them. I have approached the Treasury more than once, and I am sorry to say that, although I have done my best, that best has not been very effective. There are, as pointed out by the Treasury, very grave financial difficulties in the course suggested. Therefore, though I very much regret it, I am afraid the arrangement suggested cannot be made.
Amendment negatived.
CLAUSE 3.—(Provision of funds for agricultural development.)
For the purpose of providing a special fund for promoting agricultural development, including the establishment of scholarships and maintenance grants for the sons and daughters of agricultural workers, there shall during the financial year ending on the thirty-first day of March, nineteen hundred and twenty-two, be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament the sum of one million pounds.
Out of the sum so to be paid as aforesaid the sum of eight hundred and fifty thousand pounds shall he paid to the Development Fund to be applied for the purpose of aiding and developing agriculture in England and Wales in the manner specified in paragraph ( a ) of Sub-section (1) of Section 1 of the Development and Road Improvement Funds Act, 1909, other than the extension of the provision of small holdings, and the sum of one hundred and fifty thousand pounds shall be paid to the Agriculture (Scotland) Fund to be applied by the Board of Agriculture for Scotland for the like purpose in Scotland.
I beg to move to leave out the word "workers" ["sons and daughters of agricultural workers"], and insert instead thereof the words "workmen and others."
Can we have some explanation of this proposal?
We are dealing with a special fund for agricultural development and research, and the words in the Clause are considered not quite to meet the case. I merely suggest that instead of the words already in, "the sons and daughters of agricultural workers," it should be "the sons and daughters of agricultural workmen and others." This will bring in the sons of small farmers, and make it quite clear that the agricultural workers are not to have any monopoly of this grant.
Can any of this be given to anyone outside the agricultural industry?
It does not follow that because we have agricultural education that it has to be confined to the sons and daughters of agricultural workers. The matter must be left to the commonsense and discretion of the Ministry and the Board of Agriculture for Scotland, with the various committees that act under them. All I say is that I am willing to put in words in order to make it clear that there should be a perfectly free hand given to those disposing of the grant.
I am very grateful to the right hon. Gentleman. We all wish to help the agricultural industry by the best brains in the country. How does this proposal affect Sub-section (1, a ) of the Development and Road Improvement Funds Act? Do these new words limit this Sub-section in any way?
No. certainly not. In Sub-section (1, a ), what is contemplated is money for the establishment of colleges and farm institutes, and the attendant scholarships that have been suggested. It will rather extend the scope than limit it.
I hope the money will really be expended so far as Scotland is concerned on agricultural education and research.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 4.—(Establishment of voluntary joint councils of employers and workmen in agriculture.)
Whereas it is expedient that joint conciliation councils and committees representative of persons employing workmen in agriculture and of such workmen should without delay be formed by agreement throughout Great Britain for the purpose of dealing with wages or hours or conditions of employment:
(1) Now, therefore, the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries as. respects England and Wales, and the Board of Agriculture for Scotland as respects Scotland, shall have power to take such steps as they think best adapted for securing the voluntary formation thereof.
(2) The persons who are at the date of the passing of this Act members of a district wages committee for any area as representatives of persons employing workmen in agriculture or of workmen engaged in agriculture shall, until the expiration of two years from that date or until a joint conciliation committee is formed, whichever first happens, form a joint conciliation committee for the purpose of dealing with the matters aforesaid within any part of the said area for which a joint conciliation committee does not exist, and any vacancy occurring among those representatives shall be filled by the appointment of a member by the organisation representing employers or workmen by whom the vacating member was nominated.
(3) Any such council or committee as aforesaid which has agreed upon a rate of wages for any class of persons employed in agriculture in the district or any part of the district for which the council or committee is formed (except the members of the class for which on account of special circumstances exemption is provided by the agreement) may submit the agreement to the Minister or Board, as the case may be, for confirmation and the Minister or Board may confirm the agreement and cause the same and the date from which it shall operate to be advertised in the district to which it applies, in such manner as the Minister or Board may think fit, with a view to bringing the terms thereof, as far as practicable, to the knowledge of the persons affected.
(4) Where any rate of wages has been so agreed, confirmed, and advertised, and so long as the agreement is in operation, it shall be an implied term of every contract for the employment after the specified date of a workman of any class to which the agreement applies (having regard to any exemptions provided by the agreement) that the employer shall pay to that workman wages at not less than the rate payable under the agreement.
(5) An agreement for the payment of wages less than wages at the rate payable under the confirmed agreement shall be void unless it is shown to the satisfaction of the council or committee by which the rate of wages was agreed or of the court, that the payment of wages at a lesser rate was fair and reasonable on account of special circumstances affecting the worker, or of the special terms of the contract of employment, and where the council, committee, or court is so satisfied the wages recoverable shall be at such lesser rate as in the opinion of the council, committee, or court is fair and reasonable.
(6) Any such council or committee as aforesaid may appoint an independent person to act as chairman, or may agree to such an appointment being made by any Government Department or other body, and a chairman may be appointed with or without power to vote, and with such other powers as the council or committee may determine.
(7) The representatives of employers and workmen on a joint conciliation council or committee shall, respectively, have one collective vote on any question.
I beg to move to leave out the words "councils and" ["joint conciliation councils and committees representative of"].
This is the first of a series of similar Amendments. We have spoken of joint conciliation councils and committees. Some of the words are redundant. There is no difference whatever between a conciliation council and a committee. I propose, therefore, both in this Clause and in the title simply to use the word committee.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, in paragraph (1), after the word "formation" ["the voluntary formation thereof"], and insert the words "and continuance."
It is my duty, and that of the Secretary for Scotland, to take such steps as we may think practicable to secure the formation of voluntary conciliation committees; it is also important that we should take care that they are continued.
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, after paragraph (2), to insert a new paragraph:
"(3) The organisation representing employers and workmen by whom any member of any such committee as aforesaid was nominated or appointed (whether before or after the commencement of this Act) may at any time appoint another person to be a member of the committee in place of that existing member, and thereupon the existing member shall vacate office."
This Amendment merely deals with the representatives on the one sdie of the employers, and on the other side the workmen. They will, in the first instance, be those members who are to-day members of the District Wages Committee, having been appointed some time ago, but they have no longer that representative capacity on behalf of their respective unions. I understand, therefore, the unions on both sides desire to have some such words as these.
7.0 P.M.
This has been agreed, as I gather, by the Workers' Unions and by the National Farmers' Union. It will go through, but I am not at all sure it is the right principle. It comes to this, that the conciliation committees have no sort of status whatever. You have a committee acting for, say, a quarter or a half of a county. It has been appointed by branches of the Farmers' Union, on the farmers' side, but the moment that one single member representing the farmers on that committee is believed by them to be taking a view which they majority do not agree with, they can immediately nominate someone else to take his place. Whether members of these bodies will think their lives are worth living, I do not know. I do not know whether they will think it worth while to expend their time and money—for there is no money provided for them in this Bill. They are to have no sort of independence, and I do not know whether it would not be better that they should not have a period of independence—say six months—in which they would have authority, instead of our saying that by a simple majority vote of the Farmers' or Workers' Unions of the district one man can be turned out and another man put in. People will have no desire to take up public work if they are to have no more security of tenure and independence than is given by what is before us.
So long as the Minister is sincerely desirous of working those committees he can do so, and he can arrange such members as are necessary, for the continuance of the committees. In other circumstances I do not think they would have had an opportunity of living very long. The Minister may stimulate the appointment of members, and I think it best that the Amendment should be inserted.
If the Minister is going to abrogate his functions, we do not know where we are going to end.
I do not abrogate any functions. I never had any functions. The members of the Wages Board are nominated by the organisations.
It would have been a fine chance for the Minister to regain his independence. He might have taken the matter into his own hands. I want to raise this point here. You are to have the whole of the members of this District Wages Board continued, so far as the employers are concerned. It will be the members of the National Farmers' Union and nobody else. There was an agreement—how it was made I never quite understood—that on the employers' side there were to be only members of the National Farmers' Union and, therefore, all independent farmers' associations, who are fairly entitled to speak for farmers, are automatically ruled out of this conciliation committee. It so happens that, in the county which I represent, we have a very strong independent association which has a different character altogether as regards its farming. As members of it are not members of the National Farmers' Union they would be ruled out of any voice in a settlement.
The farmers in their own interests, and in the interests of the machinery which is being set up, will find it best for them to be members of the farmers' organisation. I do think, however, that there is some substance in the contention that the representatives of the Farmers' Union, and those of the workers' unions, have not the security they ought to have, and that they can be turned out of any meeting, at any time, by a coterie. On these terms of reference, I would not serve as a representative of the farmers or the workmen. I should know I had no authority, and I should know that I would be liable to be turned out. It is not like anything on earth. The Minister does not get it from the Whitley Councils. It is some fantastical thing which he is going to substitute for the Wages Board. I think he makes it more shadowy. I do think he should have in his mind some duration of time, or with the best will in the world to make these conciliation boards function, you will not get any responsible men to accept the positions on them, when they know that at any moment they may be cleared out.
The question is sufficiently important for the House to be supplied with some information on the subject of the agreement that the National Farmers' Union is only to be represented. If there is some agreement by which the Minister of Agriculture is bound in the future, now I think is the time the House should know what it is. I do not wish to express an opinion whether it is good or not. It may quite conceivably be that in the vast majority of the districts of this country the National Farmers' Union may be the proper body to make these appointments. But I am inclined to think that the position may not be the proper thing to-day. The tendency of this Bill will be, and I think it is a very desirable thing, to strengthen the organisation both of the farmers and landowners and the workmen. But while that is taking place there will be a transition period, and during that period, in certain districts, it may be an undesirable state of affairs that one organisation should be given a monopoly of power to make these appointments. On that we are clearly entitled to ask whether there is any explanation. Then with regard to the Amendment, it strikes me that if one is going to assume that these conciliation committees are not arising in an atmossphere of good will, then this House may spend weeks and days upon the subject without success, if there is a desire to work them mala fides. I support the Minister for Agriculture in the proposal he has made.
As regards the appointment of these committees, there is nothing in what has been said as to any agreement between the National Farmers' Union and myself. No such agreement exists. The existing members of these District Wages Boards are appointed in accordance with Regulations made by the Wages Board. I believe they made the Regulations to the effect that, as regards employers, the National Farmers' Union was to nominate representatives, and that the Agricultural Labourers' Union and Workers' Union, in varying proportions according to the strength of the unions, should nominate the workers' representatives. But the Minister handed over to the Wages Board the right to make their own Regulations.
I think the regulations were made by the Minister, but ho made them under the recommendations of the Wages Board.
Perhaps the Wages Board made regulations and the Minister confirmed them, but they were made before I was Minister, and really what I said describes what took place. When first we begin under this Clause, we take the existing members of the District Wages Committee, and they are nominated, as regards the farmers, by the National Farmers' Union, and, as regards the workers, by the workers' unions. The House will realise that we are going in for a system of collective bargaining, and under that agreement the award can be enforced. If there is to be collective bargaining, the people who are bargaining collectively must be representatives of the greatest organisations on both sides, and there is nothing unreasonable in the proposition as put forward by the Clause. As regards the future the matter is left open. We do not lay down who are to form the conciliation committees in future. Take the labourers' side. You have two unions, and it is quite conceivable there might be a third union. If it was strong in a particular district we could not exclude it. We could not refuse to ratify an agreement in a particular district where the representatives belonged in such a case to neither of the existing unions. The National Farmers' Union is by far the strongest organisation, but there are other organised bodies, and the only thing the Minister can do is to be satisfied in his own mind that the people making an agreement fairly represent the two sides.
It appears to me that the drafting of this Clause does not carry out the object in view. There will be nothing to show what organisation is meant. All that we shall have will be that the Board of Agriculture are to take such steps as they think best for securing the formation of a committee, but that does not state that those steps will ask these organisations to appoint members. That may be implied, but it is not stated. I think the re-drafting of this proposal should be overhauled.
I cannot help thinking that there is some misunderstanding with regard to this proposal. As I gather from the discussion, the committee alluded to in the Amendment does not refer to the Joint Conciliation Board, but only to the District Wages Board. That is not the object of the Amendment. I rather fancy the Minister is actually laying down what is to be the constitution of the eventual Joint Conciliation Committee, and surely some alteration is needed.
I quite appreciate what has been said on this point, but there is a new Sub-section. With regard to the point raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill), if there is any mistake in the drafting, I will have it inquired into between now and the consideration of the Bill in another place with a view to having the matter put right.
Does this only apply to the District Wages Board and not to the new conciliation committees?
No, it does not apply only to the hew conciliation committees. The organisation, whatever it may be in the future, will have the right to appoint.
I confess that I view this proposal with a great deal of apprehension because it seems to me to be on the wrong lines. If you are going to have a conciliation committee it should act independently and impartially without outside influence as far as possible. That seems to be the essential part. You are going to say by this proposal you are to act, not in accordance with what you think right, but in accordance with what an outside body thinks right, acting as those bodies do without having heard the evidence. Therefore they will never give a decision on the evidence or the facts placed before them, but always in reference to the constituent body from which they had been chosen. That really will make this part of the Bill quite unworkable, and it destroys any hope of producing the result that is intended.
There is no such thing as an organisation representing employers and workmen. In an earlier portion of the Clause it says "employers or workers" and therefore I think the word "or" should be inserted in the Amendment instead of the word "and".
As far as I understand this proposal the district committees are to act in the interim, and they have representatives already. Some of them are appointed by the Agricultural Labourers' Union and some by the Farmers' Union. Under the new conditions, and as a temporary measure, some of those members who are now members of a Wages Board with full powers of decision might not be willing to work the new conciliation system of agreement, and therefore there should be an opportunity during the interregnum when these bodies are functioning to replace any of their members by the body appointing them. If it were confined to them it is quite clear that there can be no other member of those district Wages Boards now functioning on the conciliation committees except representative members, and every one of them must represent an organisation. It was repeatedly pointed out in Committee that the Minister should suggest that as far as they were concerned, in any case of unwillingness any member should be replaced by the organisation which had appointed him.
If the hon. and gallant Member reads this Amendment he will see that that cannot possibly be the meaning of it.
I am only speaking of what I understood to be the meaning of the Amendment. I am not so skilled in drafting as my right hon. Friend, but if he is correct, and I gather from what my hon. Friend the Member for Canterbury (Mr. B. McNeill) said that there is some doubt on the point, the effect is that this does not merely cover the point raised in Committee dealing with a temporary difficulty, but it means that these conciliation committees are to be members, and the new conciliation committees are to be removed. The thing is entirely new to me, and is quite impossible. It would be possible in the constitution of the committees for the members to be appointed for a definite time. They must be responsible to somebody, and their responsibility should be defined both as to powers and limit of time, as is the case in many other committees of that kind; but to say that at any given moment any member of one of these conciliation committees may be removed by the body that appointed him is an impossible position, and I hope that is not the intention.
I think there is a great deal in what has been said by the last speaker and others who have spoken on this point. There are two simple questions raised. One is whether we shall take the members of the existing Wages Committee, and in that case it is desirable that there should be a power of reappointment. It is not unnatural, when they are put on the new basis, that the organisations might wish to have substitutes. I am afraid this is introducing a new point with regard to the conciliation committees. It has always been left to those bodies to appoint them for what period they like. I agree with what the hon. Member for Swindon (Sir F. Young) said about the insertion of the word "or," and I will move the Amendment in that form. I will undertake to reconsider the matter entirely, and, if necessary, introduce further Amendments in another place.
I hope the President of the Board of Agriculture will not attempt to alter this Clause too much. I do not see that any exception can be taken to the Clause. After all, these conciliation committees must be representative in their character. You cannot have individuals going there without any relationship whatever to some organisation, and surely on any conciliation committee where organised bodies are represented you must concede to them the right to choose their own representative. You must have the organisations in the first place. There will be considerable expense which can only be borne by an organisation. I do not think there is any conciliation body in this country representing employers and workmen where the bodies represented have not perfect freedom in choosing their representative. It is merely intended to keep the representative character of these committees, and you can only have that by linking them up with definite organisations who shall be free as far as these people are concerned.
Amendment made to proposed Amendment: Leave out the word "and'' ["employers and workmen"], and insert instead thereof the word "or."—[ Sir A. Boscawen. ]
Proposed words, as amended, there inserted in the Bill.
Further Amendments made: In paragraph (3), leave out the words "council or" ["council or committee as aforesaid"]; leave out "council or" ["council or committee is formed"]: leave out the words "or Board, as the case may be"; leave out the words "or Board" ["and the Minister or Board may confirm"].—[ Sir A. Boscawen. ]
I beg to move, in paragraph (3), after the word "which" ["date from which it shall operate"], to insert the words "and the period for which."
The hon. and gallant Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness) raised this point in Committee as to whether notification should not state the period for which it was to remain in operation, and this Amendment has been put down to meet that point.
Is it intended that every decision and agreement come to must carry with it a period of time, and that no discretion is given to the committee to attach such conditions as they may deem expedient having regard to the circumstances? Is the Minister asking that there must be a period attached to every agreement? If so, that is rather contrary to the general policy, because it is usually left to the bodies making the agreement to attach such terms arid conditions as they think wise and expedient. Sometimes it is decided that the agreement shall remain until it is substituted by another and sometimes it is made only for a limited period, but there is no rigid position, and I want it to be as free as possible here.
I think this will leave the committee perfectly free to confirm the agreement for an indefinite period.
It is rather unfortunate that the Amendment is drafted in this form because, as I read it, it will give the committee power to decide the period. They will not merely have to ratify the arrangement come to by the local body, but apparently they will have to decide the period. It appears to me that the local body is to suggest the period but it will be for the Board to determine it.
That is so. It is provided that the parties may submit the agreement to the Minister for confirmation and the Minister may confirm the agree- ment and cause the same and the date from which it shall operate to be advertised.
Are not the two provisions separate?
I think not.
Amendment agreed to.
Further Amendment made: In paragraph (3) leave out the words "or Board' ["Minister or Board may think fit."]
I beg to move to leave out paragraph (5) and to insert instead thereof a new paragraph.
(5) Where any rate of wages has been agreed by a committee and been duly confirmed and advertised as aforesaid nothing in any agreement for the employment of a workman in agriculture shall operate to deprive the workman of his right to receive wages at that rate, except—
As this is a matter of some importance perhaps I may briefly narrate the history of the paragraph. As originally drafted it was thought that we were giving very wide powers in contracting out of agreements arrived at by the Conciliation Committee, and, consequently, in Committee I had the paragraph redrafted. It was done very hurriedly and I undertook between the Committee stage and Report that I would confer with persons on both sides and see if we could come to some general agreement with regard to the wording of the paragraph. After a conference at which both sides were represented, and a good many Members of Parliament who were members of the committee were also present, we came to certain conclusions which are embodied in this Amendment. The position contem- piated by the paragraph is this. The committee has come to certain agreements—to an agreement for a general wage basis, to another agreement for a special rate of wages for a special class of work, and to a third agreement as to cases for which exemption may be given, but which are not dealt with in the general rules. There may be cases that do not appear to come under the general rules, but for which some special exemption is desired. What we propose is this. If a workman makes an agreement in a special case like that, not covered by anything in the terms of the committee's agreement; if his employer is willing to employ him it may be longer hours or at a lower than the general rate, they may agree together to do that and they will then have to go to the Conciliation Committee, unless the employer takes the grave risk of not getting the agreement confirmed. Then the man may go to work at once, but subsequently the parties can go to the conciliation committee to get confirmation of this special, agreement. Cases might arise where the conciliation committee would not or could not come to any agreement on the matter, and therefore we think it is absolutely necessary that as a last resort there should be a court to stand behind the whole thing. If the workman is aggrieved he has a right of appeal to the Court for the balance of wages which he has been denied, and in a case like this, if no exemption has been made by the conciliation committee, the workman would go to the Court and sue for the balance of wages to which he thinks he is entitled, and the Court would have a right to award him the whole sum if they thought he had been badly treated, or if they thought the agreement that had been made was fair and reasonable they would award him nothing, or they might take a middle course and say, "We think there was a special case here, but the employers have taken undue advantage of it, and therefore we award the man what we think right and proper." That is the effect of the Amendment as we drafted it. It deals only with very special cases not covered by the general agreement. It deals only with cases where an attempt has been made to get special exemption from the conciliation committee, and it gives a loophole for really special cases of that sort. After much discussion last Friday between the representatives of the Government and both sides, we came to the conclusion that these words should be adopted.
I must say that this paragraph seems to me extraordinarily complex and difficult. We are told that one of the great reasons for getting rid of the Wages Boards was that they led to much trouble, and that where a man could be employed at a lower than the regular rate of wages it was very difficult to allow that to be done under the existing procedure which was much too rigid. It was therefore urged that it would be a good thing to get rid of the Wages Board because of its rigidity and inelasticity. This is a proposal which is supposed to be less rigid and much more elastic. I would like the House to consider what would happen if I have read it aright. An old workman goes to a farmer and says, "I am willing to work for you." The farmer replies, "It would be economically impossible for me to give you the regular rate of wages, but I am prepared to give you so much less." The workman is willing to accept that. They then go to the conciliation committee.
I am sorry to interrupt the Noble Lord, but I would like to make clear what would happen. This cumbrous procedure would not be adopted except in very special cases, because the conciliation committee has the fullest right to lay down general rules for exemption, and the exemption of an old workman, in nine cases out of ten, would be covered by those general rules. Those general rules will be far more elastic than the rules of the Wages Board or those now laid down by Act of Parliament. It is only in exceptional cases not covered by the rules made by the Conciliation Committee where exemption is desired that this procedure will be adopted.
I do not think that that differs very much from the case I am trying to make. If the objection to the Wages Board is that the existing Regulations are not sufficiently elastic they can be reformed without touching the Wages Board at all. The point, as I understand it, and I thought it was a strong point, was that however you drew up your Regulations of a general character there would always be the risk of hard cases, and it was to meet hard cases that I understood you desired a more elastic system than that of either the Wages Board or the conciliation committee. I am trying to test that. I am assuming a hard case, a very general case in which a farmer and labourer have agreed that it would be reasonable to give the labourer less than the general rate of wages insisted upon by the conciliation committee. What happens is that first you go to the conciliation committee, and if the conciliation committee cannot agree with or rejects the proposal the labourer will have to go to the Court and sue for his wages at a lesser rate than the general rate. That is the only way he can get his wages. He will have to bring an action for them. Then the matter comes before the Court, and the question will arise, has he a right to recover wages at a lesser rate than the general rule? The Court will have to examine whether the rate agreed to be pad him is a reasonable rate or not, and whether it is reasonable on the whole that an exception should be made in this particular case. That seems to me to be an extraordinarily complicated and difficult method of procedure. I quite agree it is a great deal better than the Bill as it stands, but the proposal seems to throw light on the extraordinarily difficult procedure the Government has adopted, and it gives me serious doubts whether the only merit which I conceived it had, of providing a more elastic system, has, in fact, been achieved by the Government.
As this matter was discussed in Committee, I understood the intention was that whereas at the moment it is illegal for a farmer and workman to contract for a lower wage than that fixed by the Wages Board, and whereas it is illegal for a master to employ a man on any other terms than those sanctioned by the Wages Board unless he has obtained a certificate of exemption, this proposal will enable master and man to come to the agreement and immediately set to work under it. The agreement is to be deemed legal and the parties will work under it without any reference to the conciliation committee, the master, however, taking the risk, through not having been to the conciliation committee, of having to pay the difference between the rate he has agreed upon and the wage fixed by the conciliation committee. The matter would never come before the Court unless the man was dissatisfied with the agreement to which he had come with his employer and sued that employer for the difference in wages. I understand that that was what we discussed in Committee and what was intended. I think that the right hon. Gentleman will bear me out as to that, and if his Amendment does not carry it out I am sure he will agree to make it do so.
The Labour party objected to the abolition of the Wages Board, but they agreed, when the Government decided upon that course of action, that the next best thing was the procedure embodied in this Amendment. There can be no doubt, therefore, that as far as we are concerned we are not attempting to go back upon what, after all, was the agreement made. There are, however, two things in the Amendment which, personally, I fail to understand. In the first place, I deprecate any attempt to force workers into the Law Courts. I cannot conceive that it is possible to bring harmony into an industry, and to make the relationship between employers and employed that which is desired and which has been talked about as necessary, by resorting to the Law Courts. Whether it be the employer or the employé that goes to the Law Courts, any agreement made in such circumstances can never work well, because one or other of the parties feels that he has a grievance and that he will get his own in another way. In the next place, I fail to understand how a man can go to the Law Courts if he and his employer agree in the first place. This is supposed to give an opportunity to an old workman and his employer who are both agreed. On the one hand, the employer feels that the services that this man can give are not sufficient to warrant the full wage being paid. The worker, on the other hand, admits a disability, and says, "Very well, I admit my disability and I will take a less wage." If in these circumstances both are satisfied that there ought to be some mutual arrangement outside the rigid application of the Wages Board, I fail to understand where the appeal to the Law Court comes in. If, as my Noble Friend the Member for Hitchin (Lord E. Cecil) says, that was the intention, where is the departure from the original Wages Board? At all events, so far as we are concerned, we believe that this is the kind of illustration which proves the mistake of departing from the Wages Board. Having regard, however, as I have said, to the fact that in bargaining for the agricultural workers we felt that this was the best that could be done, we intend, so far as the Labour party is concerned, to stick by the arrangement.
The first thing I ought to say is, that it seems to me that in this matter the Minister has most exactly and entirely carried out what he suggested to some of us on Friday that he would do. As he explained to us then, and as we agreed, no one was bound, but I feel sure that he has carried out most exactly what, according to the general opinion, we should have preferred him to do. With regard to the two points raised by my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas), I think there is this to be said: Even though the court is brought in here, it is only as a last resort, and there is very much less of it than there was in either of the two alternative forms of dealing with this matter which were before the Committee previously. I think the Minister has gone some way to do away with what we should all wish to do away with, namely, saying that the only protection that the worker shall have is to go into court and try and get something other than that to which he has agreed. The first thing that any court would say to him would be: "Why, when you have made an agreement, are .you breaking your word which you passed to your employer, by asking now for a higher rate of wages than you agreed with him was reasonable, under your special circumstances?"
As far as I can understand the matter, it would work out in this way. The employer would probably begin by saying, "I cannot afford to employ you any more at the rate of wages recommended by this committee. You must go." The worker would say, "Well, I am willing to work at less than the rate, and I hope you will keep me on at some less rate." The employer, not wanting to have to turn him away altogether says, "All right, I am willing to give you so much less, and am willing to give you employment if you will take so much less." The employé says, "Well, I do not think I can agree to that. I really think I am still quite able-bodied, and that such physical infirmity as you allege really does not affect my work; but you get one of these forms of application to the committee, and whatever they think is fair I will accept. Meanwhile I will take what you suggest." Then it comes before the committee, and the workman has the opportunity of asking those who represent him on the committee either to fight it or to let it go as being fair. I am taking the case where he does not think it fair that he should get such a reduction as the employer has proposed. Then the committee say that they cannot agree. If the committee agree, and decide that it should be 5s. or 7s. 6d. less, or whatever it may be, that settles it, and I think that that is the best way of settling it. If you trust the conciliation committee, you ought to trust them as much as you possibly can. That is the framework of what we have before us, and it is a very great improvement upon what was before us previously.
We are imagining a case in which a subcommittee or committee has failed to agree with respect to the matter. Then the worker, still without having definitely agreed on his own behalf, can, if he thinks it right, sue for the recovery of wages at the full rate that has been laid down. It says that the proceedings are "taken for the recovery of wages at the rate agreed," and that means at the rate agreed as being the general rate applicable—not the rate agreed between the two, but by the committee. He therefore has to say that he wants the full 40s., or whatever the district rate may be, and that really means that he throws it upon the court to decide—the district committee having turned it down—as to whether, in his special circumstances of age or infirmity, or something of the kind, the reduction which the employer has proposed is really a reasonable reduction to make, and he can produce such evidence as he likes to show that some lesser reduction would really have been fairer. At any rate, the cases to be brought before the court are not confined simply to cases where the man has agreed to a rate, and where subsequently he goes back on his word and tries to get the agreement upset. The court is brought in to go into the question whether the reduction proposed is reasonable in any case in which the conciliation committee has failed to reach agreement. It is a little cumbrous and a little difficult, for it is a very difficult question, but I am bound to say that I do think my right hon. Friend has reached about as near a way out as it is possible to find from a really difficult position.
I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) has quite fully and correctly described the effect of the Amendment, but it appears to me that there is one point which is not covered by it, and I have myself given notice to my right hon. Friend of a manuscript Amendment intended to cover it. As I understand the Amendment on the Paper, there is no machinery by which the parties concerned can ascertain in advance whether the proposed agreement is or is not fair and reasonable. In other words, if an employer comes across the ancient labourer about whom we have been talking, and is anxious to employ him, but feels that he cannot give him the full standard rate of wages, and they both agree upon some smaller wage on account of the special circumstances of the case, there is no way by which the employer can find out whether he is safe in doing that until the question comes up either before the committee or before the courts—in other words, until his action is challenged. Then it becomes, of course, a good defence if he can prove to the satisfaction of the committee, or ultimately of the court, that there are special circumstances or special terms in the agreement which justify him in offering and paying wages at the lower rate. That is a point which I think ought to be covered. I understand from my right hon. Friend that he is of opinion that it is covered, but I want to see whether other hon. Members of the House agree with him in thinking so. In the meantime I have given notice of an Amendment to add, at the end of my right hon's Friend's Amendment, the following words:
"Any person may submit to the Committee at any time a proposal for an agreement for payment of wages at a lower rate, with an application for a certificate under paragraph ( a ) of this Sub-section; and where such a proposal has been so submitted a workman may be employed in accordance with the terms of such proposed agreement for one calendar month notwithstanding that no certificate has been issued."
That is in order to give a reasonable time for the tribunal to issue its certificate, and also, it may be, incidentally, to put a certain amount of pressure upon them not to spend too much time in coming to a decision, so that the workman need not be kept out of employment for a good many weeks, it might be, until the point had been submitted to the tribunal as to whether or not the terms were fair and reasonable.
Is this limited to one man? Is it a general application, or an application in respect of an individual? Should it not be "workmen"?
I have said, "A workman may be employed," because I think that that is a general term. If it applies to one it applies to all, but that is merely a matter of drafting. My own view is that "a workman" is, in the circumstances, the most general term that you could apply. If this point does require to be covered, I think it would be fair that some such interval as I have suggested should be provided during which it would be lawful without a certificate to give employment. Otherwise the effect might be that a person would be perfectly unnecessarily kept out of employment for a good many weeks, when a job was going in which he might be useful, merely because, owing to the state of business at the tribunal or to its periods of session, there was no opportunity for some weeks of getting the point decided. The employer might very naturally feel that, it being, as has been said, illegal to employ anyone at less than the standard rate, he could not safely do so until the point had been decided. I propose, therefore, to move my Amendment, but, of course, if my right hon. Friend can convince me arid the House that it is unnecessary, I shall not be anxious to press it. As at present advised, however, I think that my Amendment, or one in similar terms, is required in order to make my right hon. Friend's Amendment complete.
We are now proposing to leave out the existing paragraph. So that the hon. Member's Amendment would have to be moved when the proposed new words came to be inserted I called the hon. Member in order that we might now deal with the whole question.
8.0 P.M.
I do not think it is necessary to add these words. There will be the fullest power to draw up general rules. Paragraph (3) speaks about the registering of agreements, and says:
"Except the members of the class for which on account of special circumstances exemption is provided by the Agreement."
Therefore the special circumstances will be laid down, and a great number of these cases will already be covered by the terms of the Agreement.
Surely that cannot be so if my right hon. Friend has regard to his own Amendment. The wages must be at the standard rate except where, "having regard to any special circumstances affecting the workman," the tribunal is satisfied that the Agreement is fair and reasonable. That must mean the special circumstances of each particular agreement. There might not be any two cases the same. It requires special circumstances as affecting the individual workman to be excepted from the general rule.
I am advised not. I am advised that, first of all, there are the general rules and conditions and there are the special cases which may come outside the general rules, and in such a case there is nothing to prevent any workman agreeing with an employer who employs at a rate not covered by the general rate or the special rate or the rules of exemption. The employer, no doubt, takes a risk.
How big is the risk?
Supposing the general rate is 35s., and he employs at 30s., the risk is 5s. a week.
For how long?
As long as he chooses to do it. My Amendment is really a protection to the worker from being exploited by a very hard employer who takes advantage of a hard case not covered by the general arrangements of the committee and tries to exploit him. It says the workman, if he is so disposed, can raise the question whether he is being fairly and reasonably treated. [HON. MEMBERS: "After he has agreed!"] There are lots of cases which have arisen in agriculture and other trades where attempts have been made to contract out of increases, and a man who thinks an unfair contract has been made can go, in the first instance, to the committee and ascertain whether it is a fair arrangement, or if the employer wishes to protect himself he can, and probably will, go to the committee as a safeguard. If the committee does not agree, the workman has the further safeguard that he can go to the Court and say, "No agreement was made by the committee. I was not covered by the general rules of exemptions. They did not agree to give an exemption in my case, and I am under this agreement that I have made with my master, which I think is unfair." The Court in that case can give him relief. All my hon. Friend's proposal would do would be to give the employer a free run for one month without any risks. In most cases no risk will arise. In any case it will be a very small amount, because the employer, if he thought that there was a danger of the agreement being objected to afterwards by the workman, would go to the conciliation committee at the first opportunity. If the conciliation committee does not agree, the workmen might sue him in the Courts. In that case he would have to pay the difference during the period for which he actually worked at a lower rate.
I intervene because we seem to have got into a rather difficult position. I know this was an agreed Amendment, and it is certainly an improvement upon what is in the Bill. It is not, however, so good in our view as the Wages Board, and I see no reason to alter the view I expressed on a previous occasion in view of the position in which we now stand. Supposing a workman goes to the Court. Surely the law is just the same now as it always has been. If the answer is that he entered into this agreement with his eyes open, will there not be a danger of the Court saying, "As you have done so, you have no redress." The right hon. Gentleman has not made the point clear. While I am anxious to see this Clause come about as being the next best thing to the Wages Board, unless there is some explanation of this apparent anomaly, I am afraid the protection to the workman is not such as we supposed. How can the workman get over the difficulty of being non-suited on the ground that he voluntarily entered into the agreement with his eyes open?
The first words of my Amendment are:
"Where any rate of wages has been agreed by a committee and been duly confirmed and advertised as aforesaid nothing in any agreement for the employment of a workman in agriculture shall operate to deprive the workman of his right to receive wages at that rate."
He cannot be non-suited after that. A private agreement outside the general agreement is practically null and void except under certain circumstances.
I should have thought that was an entirely new reading of the law. I hope I am wrong, but when it says "nothing shall deprive a man of a. right," it assumes that he is not claiming the right. If in this case he surrenders his right, I do not see how the Court could enforce it against his agreement to surrender it.
I would appeal to the House to agree upon this Amendment. It seems to me to be a very happy and ingenious compromise between two absolutely conflicting ideals. Hon. Members opposite stand for the Wages Board. I stand for freedom of contract. It was pointed out in Committee that it might well be that there will be instances where agricultural labourers, some of whom are not very educated, and may be slow witted, might be taken advantage of by a grasping employer, landlord or farmer, and this arrangement was devised in order that there should at any rate be an element of freedom of contract and at the same time some compulsion upon the employer to treat his workmen properly. The Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) criticised this Amendment but made no constructive suggestion as to how a better idea could be arrived at. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Ilkeston (Major-General Seely) criticised it, but he has not made a really sound suggestion as to how the two conflicting ideals can be reconciled. After all, this is only an infinitesimal minority of cases. 99¾ per cent. of the workmen will come under the general rules and regulations made by these conciliation committees. Therefore I really think we are making a mountain out of a molehill. Although I am quite in favour of the workman being allowed to go to the Court, and even break his contract if he has really been deceived, and recover the money, there ought to be some limit of time. The employer and the workman might have carried on harmoniously for three or four years, and someone may put it into the man's head that he was being badly treated. Three or four years' back pay is an outrageous amount to ask. I think six months or a year, or some limitation, ought to be put in.
In some counties, instead of having weekly arrangements they have hirings, as in Scotland. I gather that all those bargains will be outside the operations of the Bill. They are individual bargains, probably with the unions behind them on each side, and therefore this Amendment will not apply where hirings take place. I have put down an Amendment later on to endeavour to exclude one county where hirings take place.
There is nothing to stop any conciliation committee agreeing to proceed by hiring if both sides agree. If they agree on it, there is nothing more to be said.
Or they could set down the terms for hiring.
Certainly, they could say hiring within certain limits as to hours or wages—they should not fall below a certain figure. With regard to the suggestion of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Fylde (Colonel Ashley) as to a time limit, I do not think it is likely to arise, but I will consider it before the Bill goes to another place.
Question, "That paragraph (5) stand part of the Bill," put, and negatived.
Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
So far as I can read the drafting of this Amendment, my right hon. Friend is really not quite correct in his explanation of it. I think as drafted, with the exception that is brought in in paragraph ( a ), it can only operate, so to speak, in defence of an action, because the first part of the paragraph contemplates a man trying to assert his right to a full rate of wages. He is entitled to get a full rate of wages except in certain cases, and that exception, as I read it, can only arise when one of the parties goes before either the Committee or a Court, in which case the employer would have a good defence to an action if he could show that the agreement come to was fair and reasonable, and that he holds a certificate from the Committee. But it does not appear to me that the Committee would have any locus standi to hear an application for a certificate under that paragraph unless the parties went before them in pursuance of paragraph (5), to which ( a ) is an exception. I think it is rather a drafting point, but I am very doubtful, indeed, whether my right hon. Friend's intention is carried out by the paragraph.
It is rather difficult for me to deal now with a drafting point. I believe that what I said is correct, so I am advised, but I undertake to have a careful note made of what my hon. Friend has just said, and if it is necessary, we will have Amendment made in another place.
Considering the complexity of this matter it would be well to accept that suggestion. From my experience of the Wages Board I am not sure that this might not be one of the matters to be dealt with by the conciliation committees themselves. It would not be impossible that in laying down the general exceptions from their general rate they could say that an exception should be made on behalf of any case in which it was proposed, by submitting the matter to the committee, to pay a less rate, and that less rate, if subsequently confirmed by the action of the committee, should have validity up to a period not exceeding six weeks, or something of that kind. The committee would be better able to deal with these cases when they had visualised their own proceedings and come to a conclusion as to the speed with which they could deal with these matters. They might vary it from time to time, and that would be better than our prescribing for it now by hard and fast sentences in an Act of Parliament. I do not press that, but I think on the whole it might be well to have it looked into, as the Minister suggests, rather than trying to decide it once for all now.
I hope that the Minister is quite clear as to the point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill) because it is of fundamental importance. There may be hopeless confusion unless the matter is cleared up. This is a very involved Amendment, and unless the Government know what the result will be there may be an appalling condition of affairs when the committees are set up. Nobody will know how the matter stands unless it is made considerably clearer. I hope the Minister will read the speech of my hon. Friend in the OFFICIAL REPORT to-morrow, and have it submitted to the Law Officers of the Crown, and see whether the point is a good one or not. It is typical of the way in which this Government does its business, that they do not know what will be the effect of one of their own Amendments. No doubt owing to the hurry in which the Bill has had to be brought before the House that state of things may be explained.
If I have understood my hon. Friend the Member for Canterbury (Mr. R. McNeill) aright, he has raised a very important point, from the point of view of the employer and from the point of view of the workman. A man wants to employ a workman at a less rate of wage than the standard rate, and the workman wants to be so employed in the special circumstances of the case. It is exceedingly important for both of them to be able at once to enter into an agreement, because the harvest or some other agricultural operation is coming on. I understand that my hon. Friend wants to make an interim arrangement so as to enable the employer and the workman to enter into a bargain as to the wages which are to be paid during the month or so before the certificate can be obtained, and to make the agreement so arrived at valid, so that until the certificate is given the agreement shall stand and the wages paid agreed upon by both sides, shall be valid wages. When the certificate is given it may or may not sanction the arrangement, but in the meantime it is most desirable in the interests of the workman who wants to get on with his work, and in the interests of the employer who wants to get the job done, that they shall be able to mate a valid agreement until the certificate is given.
Question, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill," put, and agreed to.
That disposes of all the Amendments on paragraph (5).
Further Amendments made: In paragraph (6) leave out the words "Council or" ["any such Council or"]; leave out the words "Council or" ["as the Council or"].
In paragraph (7) leave out the words I "Council or."—[ Sir A. Boscawen. ]
I beg to move, after paragraph (7) to insert a new paragraph: is only paying 35s. If there was an interim period which would mean a great breaking of rates it is possible that a great many farmers who are perfectly well disposed, and who do not want to do anything unreasonable, might be placed in a very difficult position. As things are now with the cost of living pretty stationary, inclined if anything to rise, I am afraid that we would get that weakness in a great many districts if any tolerable standard of comfort is to be maintained. This argument was so strong in the Committee at one time that the Minister of Agriculture admitted it and offered to us that the Orders left in force by a Wages Board which was to end on the 1st October should, at any rate, remain in force unless and until it was superseded up to the 1st January. There is no breach of faith in the withdrawal of that now because it was superseded by a further and larger offer, that the force of law might be put behind the recommendations of these conciliation committees when set up, and he withdrew the lesser concession when he made what seems to me the greater one. But I believe that those who look at this matter closely will say that the balance in favour of giving farmers some incentive to bring conciliation machinery into existence is provided if you say, "The Wages Board have come down now to the fairly reasonable rate of 42s. That is probably the rate which they will leave in existence when they die. It is not at all unfair that you should have to pay that rate by law unless and until the day you set up a conciliation committee and that committee inserts some other rate in its place."
It would not be fair for me to put that argument unless I also indicate a very strong point that can be made on the other side. You may say that you admit that the whole of the scheme of Clause 42 requires a very great amount of good will by the representatives of the employer, and that its working depends entirely on that good will. But the farmers had got the Government pledged to the unconditional abolition of the Wages Board and the substitution of nothing in its place, and they were invited to accept £19,000,000 and to make things go as far as they could themselves. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] That was exactly the original form of the Bill. All that the Bill said was that it was expedient to set up these conciliation committees and that three months after the Bill passed it should be in the power of the Minister of Agriculture to take steps to form conciliation committees. That would have been two months later at least than the abolition of the Wages Board. It would have had no effect in avoiding this interim period which I am now trying to cover. That being so, the farmer's argument is that he had the Minister absolutely pledged that the Wages Board should go without anything effective to take its place, and that the concession now made—and the Clause now goes a long way in the direction of concession—was not in the Bond and was put in solely to preserve peace and good feeling. It was done because leading representatives of the farmers believed that in acting through the Farmers' Union and that the workers should retain the effective right of acting through their Union as well, which they will lose if there is no organised method of fixing these minimum rates, if everything is left to the go-as-you-please solution.
That is a strong argument against my Amendment. It is based on the fact, which we all recognise, that the farmer is a very easy man to lead but a very hard man to drive, and as the leaders of the industry are genuinely doing their best to lead it into paths of moderation and reasonableness, it would be unwise for this House to impose anything—even the very moderate provision that I am proposing, namely, that the rates for the Wages Board should continue Until they are superseded by the recommendations of the conciliation committees—which might be taken or represented as a threat to the farmers or as limiting in any way their absolute freedom of action. They would say: "Everything depends on our good will and therefore we must be kept in a good frame of mind about it, and everything depends on the successful use of the method of the carrot, and it is therefore unwise to have a stick in your hand at the same time, much less to use it." That kind of reason would be strengthened by anyone who happened to find out—I got the information this morning—what the county branches of the Farmers' Union are doing at present on this subject. It is a fact, so far as I can make out, that a considerable majority are in favour of giving these conciliation committees a fair trial. I think that 28 have already expressed an opinion in favour of working this system, and there are only eight on the other side.
On the other hand, I would ask the Committee to concentrate on what we all have in common, the desire that these conciliation committees should be formed as quickly and amicably as possible, and I would ask them to ask themselves what point of view the representatives of the employers might reasonably take and what point of view is most threatening to that speedy and amicable formation. Is it this feeling which farmers might fairly have for my Amendment? A farmer might say, "If I have to remain under the 42s. until I fix my own rate I will cut up rough. I will not play the game, though I might by agreement fix a lower rate very quickly, but I will cut off my nose to spite my face rather than bring the machinery into operation. I will have nothing to do with conciliation machinery. I will evade the legal rate as much as I can and not meet the workers." The farmer may take that point of view, but I do not think that he is likely to do it. On the other hand, if nothing of this kind is done and if the Wages Board with all its works is swept away entirely by the 1st October, is not this likely to happen? He can say: "After the harvest has been got in I do not want to have to bother with committees and to go into the question of appointing representatives on the conciliation committee. I am free entirely from every sort of statutory sanction from the 1st October." The Minister of Agriculture would like me to set up a conciliation committee, and the Central Executive of the National Farmers' Union would also like me. I do not care very much about the Central Executive of the National Farmers' Union, and I do not care anything at all about anything which the Minister of Agriculture says at present, because he is a bit blown upon, from my point of view. Then when difficulties arise, if there is any real difficulty in the men accepting anything I choose to give them, then I will see about forming these conciliation committees, but for the moment I am in favour of the thing being left to itself and to individual bargaining, and of having a good old couple of months of free action before bothering my head with conciliation committees at all."
I think that that is the greater danger. I do not at all minimise the desirability of not doing anything whatever which might seem to the farmers like a threat, or keeping anything hanging over them until they take some other action. I feel that the balance of action lies in keeping some system at work until another system is able to take its place. To meet a point made by my right hon. Friend in previous discussions in Committee, I have put in a proviso. My right hon. Friend said it might be possible, if we continued in operation the orders of the Wages Board and if the workers' representatives hung back, that the conciliation committees would not be brought into operation, because the workmen would prefer to remain under the orders of the Board. I am certain that that will not be so. I am certain that the workmen's representatives will be ready at once to nominate their representatives on the conciliation committees and to get them to work in perfect amity with the other side. However, to meet an imaginary point, I have put in a proviso at the end of the Clause. If the proviso were put into operation it would be quite easy for the Minister to say, "I am sure that in a certain area they are hanging back unreasonably, and therefore I declare that the orders of the Wages Board shall come to an end and that the conciliation machinery shall be brought into operation." My whole contention is this: Avoid an interim period; avoid plunging the industry into confusion and chaos; take the opinion which the Minister took quite definitely in Committee upstairs, namely, that it was not possible to put the new machinery into operation by 1st October, and continue the old machinery in operation until it is possible to provide something new, and, as we hope, something better, to take its place.
I cannot accept this Amendment. Incidentally, I cannot accept one of the statements made by my right hon. Friend as to my relations with the National Farmers' Union or as to any undertaking I gave them. Throughout we contemplated setting up a conciliation committee, and there really was no kind of bargain. I need not go into that subject. It has very little to do with this particular proposal. What docs this new Clause propose? That any rates left behind by the Wages Board, the legacy of the Wages Board, shall continue to operate until, by agreement, a conciliation committee has substituted other rates or until such time as the Minister makes a declaration in accordance with the proviso. What would be the effect of that? Rates of wages, unfortunately, are falling. The presumption, therefore, is that the legacy rates would be higher in most cases than the new rates fixed by the committee. Why should representatives of the workmen, with the best will in the world, agree to new rates when they are convinced that those rates will be lower, and when they have only to stand by and insist on a continuance of the rates left by the Wages Board? I am not suggesting that they have any double dose of original sin, but it would be only natural for their representatives to take that line. The Minister can terminate that by declaring, by Order, that "the failure to agree to such rate is due to the action of the representatives of the workmen upon such committee."
Can my right hon. Friend imagine a more invidious task? He said it would be quite easy. I am not sure that he would think so were he in my position. I can imagine the Adjournment of the House being moved on such a declaration. Although I am not one of those who shirk responsibility as a rule—I should not have consented to bring in this Bill had that been the case—I do hesitate before undertaking such a responsibility as that. We depend, in the working of this scheme, upon good will. If there be good will on both sides—I believe there will be—the scheme will work. If there is an absence of good will, the scheme will not work. The farmers hold that to keep in force the rate which was made by the Wages Board before that board's decease and to maintain that rate, the Wages Board having meanwhile passed out of existence, is an unjust proposition.
It will be an incentive to settlement.
Yes, an incentive to one side, but a great "decentive," if there be such a word, to the other side. It means keeping the rate on, when the body which made the rate has disappeared, and therefore cannot vary it any more in the light of circumstances which may have changed. That at all events is their view, and it is a great factor in the case. I am not taking any narrow party point of view on this, but the farmers feel it to be an unjust proposition. We want them to come into this matter with good will, and I have every reason to hope they will, but you will destroy that good will absolutely if you force that proposal upon them. They will feel that they have been let down, and nothing will be more likely to mar the success of the scheme. My right hon. Friend the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland) referred to my attitude in Committee on this matter, and it is quite true that at one time I did fear that there might be what I call an awkward interim period, and to meet that I did suggest that the Wages Board rate should be kept on for a period of three months—up to 31st December—after the Boards had disappeared. It is quite true I was afraid of that, and to be perfectly candid, all through I have sought to avoid chaos or trouble in the industry, and I am not ashamed to say so. When I put that forward, however, grave objections were raised to it, especially on the farmers' side, and it was pointed out that if it were carried out we should get no kind of conciliation committees formed until the 31st December, and we should bump up against a most awkward period just as fatal as if the rate terminated on the very day the Wages Board went out of existence. It was proposed instead of doing this we should take the bolder course of providing for joint conciliation committees with the right to enforce their agreements. I was told that was a far better solution. I substituted that plan for the one which I had previously put forward and I took the earliest opportunity of announcing my intention of doing so. May I also point out that we have now laid it down that the existing representative members of the district wages committees shall be interim conciliation committees covering the whole of England and Wales to act as from the passing of this Measure. This Bill, we hope, will receive the Royal Assent possibly in less than a month's time. There will then be six weeks between the receipt of the Royal Assent and the disappearance of the Wages Board. There will be abundant opportunity for these bodies to come to- gether and meet, and having regard to the extraordinary good will that prevails on both sides, I see no reason why these bodies should not get to work, pass their rates, and possibly get them registered before the 1st of October. The attitude of the Farmers' Union is, I think, very satisfactory. The latest figures I have got are these: 29 county branches of the Farmers' Union have expressed approval of the formation of the conciliation committees, only 5 have expressed disapproval while 5 have expressed a more or less guarded opinion, saying that the matter should be reconsidered. We must consider the matter in the light of two facts. First, the central body undoubtedly will use all its influence to bring the branches into line. Secondly, though the Ministry does not wish to take a public part and wishes these things to grow up in the industry rather than attempt to force them on the industry, we shall use all the powers we can in the back-ground to see that these bodies are set up and got to work on a thoroughly practical basis. I feel if the Bill is to work, it is more likely to work as it stands, and while I fully appreciate what prompted my right hon. Friend to put this Amendment down, I feel he will rather defeat the success of the scheme than assist it, if his Amendment is carried. Therefore I feel bound to resist it.
I have no right to be surprised at the attitude the Minister has taken up in regard to this Amendment, but whilst that is so, I very much regret he has not seen his way to view it from a different standpoint. He has practically admitted that the point involved is one of substance, and that he himself at one time had real fears in regard to the matter. The only difference of opinion between us now evidently is that he feels his new provisions are adequate to meet the point, whilst we feel that the opposite is the case. He has mentioned that if he accepted this Amendment it would leave neither the desire nor the means, from the workman's point of view, for getting on with the work of the conciliation committees and the establishment of new rates. I do not complain of that form of criticism, although I do not think it has any foundation. On the other hand, one might be entitled to ask, once we get a period during which no rates are applicable, what incentive will there be for the farmers to agree to these conciliation committees? Surely one argument is just as sound as the other. If it is fair to assume that the workman, feeling security in the continuation of the existing rates, will not seek to form conciliation committees, it is also fair to assume that the farmers, being free from any form of restriction, will seek to perpetuate that condition of things rather than enter into these voluntary arrangements. The possibility is that both contentions are wrong, but at least one is just as fair an assumption as the other. I look forward with a great deal of apprehension to the possibility of an interim period between the decease of the Wages Boards and the coming into being of the new conciliation committees. In that circumstance lies great danger to the possibility of the new arrangement being carried out in the way we desire. There are reasons which make it fair to assume that, unless some extended period is given, the Wages Board orders will lapse some time before any new rate has come into being.
I can quite see the Minister's difficulty in being called upon to determine the point at which workmen become unreasonable and act as an obstructive force in the establishment of new figures. I appreciate that point, and personally I should be quite willing to accept the same principle as he himself at one time thought was the best way of meeting the case, that is to say, to fix a definite period of time, and I have on the Paper an Amendment in which I suggest that it should be 25th February. The reason I fixed that date was because very largely that is the beginning of the agricultural year so far as general farming operations are concerned. As apart from the autumn sowings, the spring is the time when most of the farming operations commence, in regard to the ploughing and the preparation of the soil for the coming crops; and that perhaps might obviate the difficulty that the Minister has raised of his being called upon to determine when the point has been reached at which the workmen may be considered unreasonable. I hope it is still not too late for the Minister to give some further consideration to this point, in order that the fear that he once held, and the fear which we still hold, that an interim period will ultimately eventuate may be overcome. Personally, I think there is a great danger of some- thing in the nature of chaos following, if ever we experience that interim period, and although the Minister has said that the various county unions have by a fairly large majority sanctioned the conciliation scheme, I suggest that that does not entirely meet the situation.
9.0 P.M.
Assuming that once we get to work with these conciliation committees, there are many questions to be considered and settled before there is any possibility of even a discussion of rates of wages. There would be the question of the area over which a committee should have jurisdiction. I can quite imagine the present county committees meeting, and at once there would be an, objection to a county area being the most suitable in each case. You could take the county of Lincolnshire, for instance, and you could divide that county very easily into three areas, and arguments could be brought forward to justify such a sub-division. In fact, on the Wages Board we have had all these points arise, and we have had brought before us the different character of the soils obtaining in different parts of the county, each wanting different treatment. I do not think I am exaggerating in the slightest degree when I say that there would have to be, as a preliminary, a discussion on that point, and it would take some amount of time before a decision could be reached. Then there will be difficulty in getting anything done under this Bill until it has passed its final stages. I think the Minister knows as well as I do that I have very strong grounds for making that statement, because I base it upon information that was expressed in the hearing of both of us, that until this Bill has passed its final stages, and the industry knows exactly where it is, no steps will be taken to bring these provisions into actual operation. The Minister has stated to-night that it may possibly be another month before the setting up of these committees can begin, and perhaps by that time the harvest will have been finished. That will mean the end of August, and then we have September, which is the month which, so far as agriculture is concerned, those who accustom themselves to taking holidays generally choose, or it is the beginning of a season which also has some relationship to agriculture which is taken advantage of.
I want to emphasise that all this goes to prove that there are circumstances of no mean importance which all operate against the committees commencing early, while once they have met there are a great many preliminary questions that have to be dealt with before the actual matter of a rate of wages can be considered. There are all the grounds for exemption, for instance, which will have to be discussed. No body of employers, nor any body of workmen, could possibly issue an agreement on a rate of wages which is subject to exemptions, unless first of all they had considered well what was to be the basis upon which those exemptions should be granted. Then there is the question of framing standing orders and rules and regulations to govern our procedure, and the question of whether or not we are to have a chairman, and whether he is to have a vote, and all that kind of thing, and I suggest most seriously that I think I have put forward here, not arguments for the sake of arguing specially for a certain position, but arguments which go to show the impossibility of these committees being able to come to a decision whereby a rate of wages can be in operation by the 1st October, the date from which the Wages Board Orders shall cease.
I suggest to the Minister that, as he-views this question of the dangers of an interim period from the same standpoint as ourselves, and seeing further the almost impossibility of these committees getting into operation in time to frame new rates to take the place of the old rates without an interim period, if he cannot accept the terms of this Amendment as the exact basis upon which the position can be met, at least he might consider it from the standpoint contained in my Amendment which I have mentioned, which amounts to the same principle as he himself expressed earlier. I am urging this, not with any desire or intention of putting any obstacle in the way of the operation of these committees, if that is all that is to be left to us after this Bill passes. If we have to lose all we have previously held, and this is all that remains to us, I am all for making the fullest use of it. I am not blind to the fact that if we do get this interim period, during which no rates of wages have any application, then if it be a fair assumption that their indefinite continuation may act as an incentive to the workmen not to proceed with the business, so, in many cases, will the absence of these Regulations provoke delay, which is just as bad, in bringing the new bodies into being, whereby they may function on a basis which, we all hope, may ultimately be for the good of the industry itself. Therefore, in order that these committees may be given a. chance, in order that there shall be no obstacle placed in the way of their development upon the best lines possible, I do ask the Minister, for the reasons I have given, which I do not think can be controverted, that there shall be no delay between the time the Wages Board orders pass out of existence and this Bill is carried, for all its machinery to be brought into being and become as workable and as effective as we would like it to be. Therefore I ask the Minister, even at this stage, although he has spoken emphatically against accepting the principle contained in this Amendment—for I believe he desires, as we desire, to see these conciliation committees function—not to place them in jeopardy by allowing this period of time, which may be fatal to the success we desire them to have.
I quite recognise that it is natural for a Minister in charge of a Bill, which is going to try a new experiment, that he should induce himself to believe that there is very little danger of its failure, and that there is an excellent chance of its success. I hope he is right, but I cannot conceal from myself that the whole of this Bill, and particularly the Clause we are now considering, does produce the possibility of a very serious state of things. I do not want to use the language of exaggeration, but I am, I must say, exceedingly anxious about the effect which the policy of the Government may have, and it does seem to me that if this Measure is to have any chance of success, it is really vital that you should take care there is no interval between the existing system and the system that you are going to set up. If you allow such an interval to take place, you will inevitably lay yourself open to the charge that the whole thing is a fraud—I am not saying this at all—that you did not mean this to me a settlement of the question, but that you meant to leave a period, without any security to the labourer, to intervene between the new system and the old, during which, of course, all the injury to the labourers' interests would be capable of being carried out.
I want the Minister to devote his mind very seriously once again to the almost certainty that, as the Bill stands, without this Amendment, there must be such an interval. We are now at the 25th July. The Bill will not be through until the beginning of August; it may be even later than that. At any rate, it cannot be through for another week or two. Then you will have August, the harvesting month, when not much may be done, and you will have September. Suppose that no interference, such as was suggested by my hon. Friend, takes place, and that all settle down, and the Bill is put into operation immediately. You have, in the first place, to settle your committee. I know it is proposed that the district committees shall be provisionally the conciliation committees, but my right hon. Friend has himself pointed out that it may be necessary to reconstitute those committees in some respect, and an interval evidently must be allowed for that to be done. You must give time for the organisations to consider that. Then they will have to consider whether the areas under these committees are suitable. I should rather doubt whether they were suitable for the purposes under consideration. Then, as my hon. Friend points out, they will have to settle the whole of their procedure. Preliminaries are a troublesome business, especially the preliminary of settling on the procedure. You are not going to continue the existing arrangement of the wages under the Wages Board. On the contrary, the whole purpose of this Bill is to have a new system. You are to have a much more elaborate system, a much more elaborate schedule of wages, providing for exemptions and all that kind of thing. Questions of great difficulty will arise. How are you going to treat the old workmen? Are you going to put them into categories, or are you going to leave the same method of dealing with them individually?
Very difficult questions will arise, and, taking the fact that the agricultural mind does not move very rapidly, is it really reasonable to suppose that all that will be done by the 1st October? It seems to me a gamble, with very little chance of success. I do not think my right hon. Friend really dealt with that part of the case—the probability and. danger of the interval, which is really the important point. He adopted a well-known device. He preferred to deal with the actual proposals of the Amendment, and he criticised them. I am not so sure that he made a very strong case against them. He said that if you hold out any threat of compulsion at all over the heads of the employers, you will make it absolutely certain that they will not work it, or you run great risks that they will not work it, and the whole idea will break down. But you must remember there are two sides even to that. You must have some system which will give confidence to the labourers also, and it will be just as fatal to your plan if the labourers have not any confidence in the conciliation committees as if the farmers have not any confidence in them.
I confess that I should have thought that to say the system as it exists shall go on until you set up a new system, provided that if one of the parties acts unreasonably, then we may put an end to the existing system without further delay, is not an unfair solution of the difficulty. If my right hon. Friend objects to that responsibility being placed on the Minister, surely there must be some device by which you will secure that the Wages Board system will go on until the new system is set up. That is the essence of it. Are we really to be told that there is no means by which that may be accomplished? Are we really to be told that we must just trust to luck that there will not be an interval? I very earnestly hope the House will not adopt that solution—a moat dangerous solution. I know my right hon. Friend says—and is doubtless perfectly convinced on the point—that the farmers will work this system quite fairly, and that there will be no delay. Yes, but I cannot help remembering a very recent example, and the very-great, the very serious, danger which this country ran by relying on that kind of facile outlook, and by saying: leave it to those concerned, they will come to terms. We know what happened. I do not suggest there is going to be a great strike of agricultural labourers. I hope and trust there is no chance of it; it would be disastrous if any such thing should occur. But is my right hon. Friend so very confident that there is no danger of serious unrest? I cannot believe that! I remember nearly two years ago going through my constituency—which is almost entirely agricultural—and, by agreement with the farmers, talking to the labourers privately on a number of farms in all parts. What struck me most in my tour was that there was very often a much more considerable feeling of unrest than I had any conception of, or the employers either. It not infrequently happened that I would go to a farmer, a personal friend, and he would say to me: "Oh, .yes, go and talk to the men, you will find everything all right here. You will not find the slightest discontent among my men." I found when I came to talk privately to the men, that my friend the farmer had, over and over again, greatly misestimated the condition of affairs that actually existed. If there were to be really bitterness and discontent in the agricultural industry, it would be a most dangerous state of things. Just consider, however, what is going to happen?
It is said wages are going down. I believe that is true. I believe whatever measure .is adopted, whether you keep the old Wages Board, or adopt a new-system, or allow free contract—whatever system, there will be a fall in wages—at all events, it looks very probable. But if you leave the impression in the minds of the workers that this is the result, not of economic causes but of legislation passed by this House of Commons, then, indeed, you will find a much more bitter state of things in the country than you can easily imagine. I am very doubtful of the whole policy of this Measure. Do not, for heaven's sake, destroy the Wages Board and leave nothing in its place. It really is madness to do that. That must end in a very serious state of things in the country, as I think. I do trust the Government will carefully consider their action, lest by ill-considered haste they produce in agriculture the same disastrous condition of affairs that they produced by ill-considered haste in the coalmining industry.
I shall not be quite so dismal as the Noble Lord. I look with disapproval on the whole scheme, and I think the outlook entirely arises from the date, 1st October, being too short. Farmers are not likely to touch this thing. They have the experience of the previous Bill of last Christmas. That brings us to the end of August. Between that date and 1st October is all too short for the purpose. The Minister of Agriculture has met the farmers and arranged the compounding of the Government's liability with them, bat there is no meeting of workers. Over and over again we hear of meetings of farmers, but we do not hear of negotiations and meetings with the workers.
My hon. Friend was present with the workers when the workers were actually in my room a while ago.
I am speaking of events prior to that date. The right hon. Gentleman met .the farmers, but we never heard of him meeting the workers, or considering their interest. That is my point, and I think it is a serious point. The worker sees and says that the Wages Board is done. He sees that the last thing the Wages Board has done, apparently, is to make a cut in his wages. He says that the last cut leaves him with a bare subsistence wage, and no margin if he has a wife and children. He finds that the Wages Board goes on 1st October. I say that you are rushing the thing. You are bound to have trouble in arranging such an early date. I quite see the difficulty, for the Minister may say that if we have a later date the workers are not likely to be over anxious to set up the new machine. I should certainly carry on to the end of the year, if necessary. It may be said the farmers would not like that. But the workers are largely interested in agriculture, and why should they have to have what they do not like? Can you not find a via media in some reasonable arrangement? This really is a point of substance, that you should have some bridge of transition from the Wages Board to the new machine. I clutch at this arrangement for the Minister as a sort of last straw, though it is a very bad substitute indeed for the Wages Board. Although I am fearful of trouble, although I cannot help thinking, looking at it as fairly as I can, that the farm workers are bound to feel very badly left over the whole thing—just as the farmers may feel it—yet, whatever the solution is, so far as I have any influence in my area, I shall be willing to try to avoid trouble and come to some settlement. I should, however, much more readily do this if I thought the Minister of Agriculture would try and arrange some transitional period from the departure of the Wages Board. I think the worker would feel fairly secure if he realised that there was some adequate machine.
I only want to endorse what has been said by the Noble Lord (Lord R. Cecil), the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland), and the hon. Gentleman in front of me. I sat upon the Committee upstairs where everyone recognised that time does enter into this matter. The Minister has said so. He has spoken of the interval which may elapse between the end of the Wages Board and the setting up of this Board. It is not only statesmanlike, but necessary, that there should be continuity through what will undoubtedly be delay. There will be difficulty and delay in setting up these conciliation boards, and when they are set up there will be preliminary work. These difficulties have been foreseen, and are obvious to us in agricultural districts. We know the farmer is slow-moving in everything. He is a very pertinaceous, but honourable, man in most cases, and he will not move in six weeks. The Wages Board is still the authority to decide this matter. If this good-will is to become operative, let us have some indication of it, but for Heaven's sake let us safeguard ourselves until we are certain that good-will will become operative. But supposing that good-will is conspicuous by its absence; suppose bad-will takes the place of the good-will we are told to expect. There is every incentive to delay by the farmers in this matter. Supposing, in some districts, the farmers, or workmen, decide that they will be no party to establishing a conciliation board, what is going to happen in these districts? At the commencement of October, with the winter before us, the farmer will know he holds the whip hand. We cannot, and must not, trust to good-will in this matter.
The weakness of it all is that there is no compulsion to set up these conciliation boards—and there is no time either. That is the weakness of the whole scheme, and without something of this kind we shall have a fiasco. I know the position in which the Minister has been placed through no fault of his own. He has been placed in a most humiliating position, especially through having to bring this Bill forward. It is now said that what needed statutory authority six months ago is to be replaced by good will, which we have to take upon trust, and I ask the Minister at the last moment, very earnestly and seriously, to consider whether he cannot even now accept the Amendment moved by the right hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland), and thus avoid the chaos which I am certain will result unless there is something to cover this interregnum.
This matter was considered upstairs, and if hon. Members are asking for more time the sooner we get the Bill through the better it is for the time we have. I think hon. Members do not realise—I do not think my Noble Friend the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil) realises—that we have provided that the existing members of these committees shall act.
I said so.
They shall act not only for their own districts but parts of the districts. [HON. MEMBERS: "They may refuse!"]
What about change of personnel?
That only arises if they do not act. I have no idea they will refuse. Once this is through another place, steps will be taken so that they are brought together. The other alternative is to leave behind a rate which may be considered a fair rate on the part of the employer, but we may not have good will. If we wish this scheme to work, I think the far better plan is to take the provision made by the Government—namely, for the existing members to operate immediately—and not complicate matters by introducing a plan to cover the interim period, which will simply have the result of postponing these conciliation committees. I think it would be far better to adopt the Government scheme.
I was wondering whether the Minister is free on this point to admit the multitude of difficulties and inconveniences which arise in setting up a conciliation board. I speak with some knowledge of an industry which knows something about conciliation, and I say that the Member for Wellingborough (Mr. W. R. Smith) very largely underrated the difficulties which have to be faced. I cannot help but think that if the Minister for Agriculture were really free to confess these facts, he would extend the period as set forth in this Amendment. But take the situation as it is. It is not a matter of setting up one conciliation board, but of setting up many conciliation boards in different parts of the country, not merely for counties, but possibly for districts.
They are there already.
After all, these conciliation boards are going to be worked by the elected representatives of both sides, and it does not follow that the elected representatives will be the people who are upon these Boards at the present time. This is a new departure altogether. This industry has been in a worse condition than other controlled industries. Other industries have been controlled, and as a result of de-control they find themselves in an awkward position, but at least they have had their organisation of boards to fall back upon and there has been great experience. In the agricultural industry, the conciliation boards have really to be made and they cannot function properly until they are really elected. They have also no experience to fall back upon. Some of us outside industry, and engaged tries, will watch this very closely, and very sympathetically. We hope that it will work out for the good of the industry, and the good of the agricultural workers generally. I wish it were possible for the right hon. Gentleman to be free in his mind, because I do not think he is free to deal with this question. He wants the conciliation boards to succeed, but I think after the
argument of the hon. Member for Welling-borough he must have been very much impressed by the difficulties he has to face during the temporary period. I am very pleased indeed that, apart from the Wages Board, we are going to see something like conciliation in the agricultural industry. That is to the farmers' benefit as well as to the workers' benefit, and the farmers will soon find that out. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) does not believe that, and he believes in freedom of contract. If we had universal experience in regard to freedom of contract in this country I am sure there would be a call for organisation, for collective bargaining—
rose —
I rather deprecate the introduction of this question in the Debate by the hon. Member, because it only calls for a rejoinder from the right hon. Baronet.
In the industry with which I am connected we have had much experience in conciliation. Who asked for conciliation boards and for collective bargaining? Why, the employers themselves, and so I say that the farmers will find ultimately that collective bargaining is the best thing for themselves as well as for the workers. This is a new method which is being tried, and we will watch it closely and sympathetically, but if it is to be successful the right hon. Gentleman ought to extend the period by accepting this Amendment. I prophesy that before very long he will have to extend the period in face of the difficulties.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 57; Noes, 184.
Division No. 285.] AYES. [9.40 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Myers, Thomas Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Halls, Walter O'Grady, James Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hirst, G. H. Poison, Sir Thomas A. Cairns, John Hogge, James Myles Raffan, Peter Wilson Cape, Thomas Holmes, J. Stanley Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Irving, Dan Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Kennedy, Thomas Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Lawson, John James Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Entwistle, Major C. F. Lunn, William Royce, William Stapleton Galbraith, Samuel Mallalieu, Frederick William Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Gillis, William Mills, John Edmund Swan, J. E. Glanville, Harold James Morgan, Major D. Watts Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Grundy, T. W. Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Waterson, A. E. Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Wignall, James Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Winfrey, Sir Richard Mr. Wintringham and Mr. W. Smith.
NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John Armstrong, Henry Bruce Green, Albert (Derby) O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Atkey, A. R. Greenwood, William (Stockport) Parker, James Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Gregory, Holman Pennefather, De Fonblanque Balfour, George (Hampstead) Greig, Colonel Sir James William Perkins, Walter Frank Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Gretton, Colonel John Perring, William George Banner, Sir John S. Harmood- Gritten, W. G. Howard Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Barlow, Sir Montague Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Barnett, Major Richard W. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Pratt, John William Barnston, Major Harry Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Llv'p'l,W.D'by) Purchase, H. G. Beckett, Hon. Gervase Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Raeburn, Sir William H. Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C H. (Devizes) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Ramsden, G. T. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Bewyer, Captain G. W. E. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Broad, Thomas Tucker Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Reid, D. D. Brown, Major D. C. Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Remnant, Sir James Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hinds, John Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Bruton, Sir James Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hood, Joseph Roundell, Colonel R. F. Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington) Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Hopkins, John W. W. Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Butcher, Sir John George Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Campbell, J. D. G. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Carew, Charles Robert S. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Simm, M. T. Casey, T. W. Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Cautley, Henry Strother Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jameson, John Gordon Steel, Major S. Strang Churchman, Sir Arthur Jephcott, A. R. Sturrock, J. Leng Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Jodrell, Neville Paul Sugden, W. H. Cobb, Sir Cyril Johnson, Sir Stanley Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Johnstone, Joseph Taylor, J. Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvll) Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Conway, Sir W. Martin Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Lianelly) Townley, Maximilian G. Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Tryon, Major George Clement Dawes, James Arthur King, Captain Henry Douglas Waddington, R. Dean, Commander P. T. Lane-Fox, G. R. Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Doyle, N. Grattan Looker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Whitla, Sir William Edge, Captain William Lort-Williams, J. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) M'Connell, Thomas Edward Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Elveden, Viscount McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Macquisten, F. A. Wilson-Fox, Henry Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Winterton, Earl Farquharson, Major A. C. Middlebrook, Sir William Wise, Frederick Fell, Sir Arthur Mitchell, Sir William Lane Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Molson, Major John Eisdale Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Worsfold, T. Cato Forestier-Walker, L. Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Forrest, Walter Morris, Richard Young, E. H. (Norwich) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Mount, Sir William Arthur Gange, E. Stanley Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Ganzoni, Sir John Murray, William (Dumfries) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Neal, Arthur McCurdy. Gilbert, James Daniel Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)
I beg to move, at the end of paragraph (7), to insert a new paragraph:
"(8) This Section, except Sub-section (1) thereof shall not apply to Scotland."
I have endeavoured to ascertain, by consultation with agricultural opinion in Scotland, their views with regard to the conciliation committees which are proposed to be set up by this Bill. I have no interest in the matter, except to ensure that in regard to it I get the support of the agricultural community in Scotland. That is my sole desire and intention. The position is this: Scottish agriculturists do not desire to have paragraphs 2 to 7 applied to Scotland. The situation there is quite different from what it is in England, and the position, so far as I have been able to ascertain, is as follows:—The National Farmers' Union in Scotland are unanimous in their desire to exclude Scotland from the operations of paragraphs 2 to 7. So far as the Chamber of Agriculture is concerned, I have endeavoured to obtain their view, and, after consultation with the Board of Agriculture on Saturday, their representative stated that they also desired to be excluded from the operation of these Sub-sections, except in so far as paragraph (1) is concerned. Then with regard to farm servants, I am able to inform the House that they do not dissent from the Amendment which I now move. The actual position, therefore, is that the National Farmers' Union, a very powerful organisation in Scotland, supports this Amendment. The Farm Servants' Union do not dissent, and the Chamber of Agriculture, so far as their representative is concerned, in consultation with the Board of Agriculture last Saturday, also desired to be excluded. Therefore, I am entitled to say that, as regards employers and employed in Scotland, they are either in agreement with or do not dissent from this new Sub-section which I propose to move. The situation in Scotland is quite different from what it is in England. The Farm Servants' Union in Scotland is a powerful and homogeneous body which rightly thinks they can by collective bargaining secure better wages for farm servants in Scotland than any Wages Board could secure for them, and it is significant to observe that the current rate of wages in Scotland is higher to-day than the minimum wage fixed by the Wages Board in Scotland.
On the average.
Yes, on the average, and they therefore desire to be exempted from the somewhat rigid provisions of this Clause which they regard as not in conformity with the freedom they wish to have. I have, therefore, no hesitation in asking this House, so far as Scotland is concerned, to agree to this Amendment.
This Clause 4 is chiefly concerned with the Scottish agricultural labourer, and I am in this difficulty, that he has really not had any opportunity of considering the Clause as it has been before the House this afternoon. Consequently the weight of the evidence which the Secretary for Scotland calls to his aid, does not seem to me to be of very great value. I have followed the somewhat scanty references to this matter which can be found in the OFFICIAL REPORT of the Committee upstairs, and it seems to me the argument is something like this. The Scottish farm servant is in so good a position, has such good wages, and is so comfortably off, that he wishes to have nothing to do with the Clause which has been put together by the best agricultural brains in this House for the purpose of preventing strikes and for improving the conditions of agricultural labourers. Let me put this one point to the right hon. Gentleman. That is the main argument from the Scottish labourer's point of view. But there is nothing in that argument which should prevent him from including the Scottish labourer in the Bill even if it be true that he does not want to come in it at the present moment. Even if the Scottish labourer does not want it, that does counter the advisability of including the Scottish farm labourer in the Bill at a time when wages are dropping and trouble appears to be imminent. This Clause which we have been discussing all this afternoon is really the result of an agitation among agricultural labourers in England, it has been very well devised, and notwithstanding all the criticism the Clause has received, it seems to me it has done something to quell that agitation. I represent a very large number of Scottish agricultural labourers, and I will engage that if I went to my constituency to-morrow, and read to them this Clause, if I told them that in England Wages Boards are to run on as conciliation committees, if I told them that they might by agreement set up rates of wages, that the Wages Committee could make special arrangements, and that men who were not satisfied with their agreement with their employers, would have an appeal to the Board—if I tell them all these things, I am certain that the meeting I might be addressing would say that they would desire that these things, or most of them, should be enjoyed by the Scottish labourer as well as by the English labourer. I only desire to put one further point. There is nothing in what I have said that is injurious to trade unionism. There is nothing in the Clause we have been discussing which would do injury to trade unionism. I am not against trade unionism; what I am trying to obtain for the Scottish labourer is the best of both worlds. I want him to obtain the benefits of collective bargaining as expressed in this Clause—and this House has had much experience in making arrangements for collective bargaining within the last 50 years. I want him to enjoy those benefits, and at the same time to enjoy all the other rights which he may have.
10.0 P.M.
My hon. and gallant Friend has just said that he is endeavouring to obtain for the Scottish farm worker the best of both worlds. We are naturally all desirous of doing that for those whom we represent and for ourselves, but I am afraid that there are practical difficulties in the way. I should like to say a few words in order that it may not be supposed that all Scottish representatives hold the same views as my hon. and gallant Friend has expressed. What is the point in this case? Scotland never asked for the original Wages Boards; they were imposed upon us. Under this Bill it is proposed to abolish the Wages Boards set up under the Corn Production Act. When that suggestion was made the English agricultural workers asked for something instead of the National Wages Board, and, after discussion, which has been pursued in this House to-night, the alternative presented to them has been the conciliation committees. The question that has arisen is: Does Scotland or the Scottish farm worker, in the main, desire those conciliation committees or not? The Secretary for Scotland has done all that has been possible to ascertain what is the opinion of Scotland on that matter. He has, as he has pointed out, consulted the National Farmers' Union, which, I think, represents the great bulk of the farmers in Scotland. That is from the employers' point of view. He has consulted the Scottish Chamber of Agriculture, and he turned to the body which, so far as I am aware, represents the great bulk of opinion among the Scottish farm workers, that is to say, the Scottish Farm Servants' Union. After consultation with that body, the Secretary for Scotland came to the conclusion that the Scottish farm workers, in the main, whilst giving no definite opinion one way or the other, did not dissent from the conclusions to which the right hon. Gentleman has come, namely, that they should not be included in this Bill for the purpose of the conciliation committees. My hon. and gallant Friend said that if he went down to his constituency and asked them whether they would like these conciliation committees, they would say that they did desire them. That may be so, but I am not sure that, if they had studied what the committees actually consist of, they would say that. Having listened to the Debate to-night, I venture to think that there is not very much in these committees, but the actual situation is that the Scottish farm worker does not dissent from the right hon. Gentleman's Amendment, and, that being so, I for one shall certainly give it my support. I should like to ask, however, what is the use of paragraph (1). I do not see why we should leave it in. I do not think it will have any effect, and I do not know what powers the Minister proposes to exercise under it. Is it merely for window dressing purposes? Does he really intend to make an effort to form these committees on a voluntary basis, or does he not? If he does not, I should think that it would have been very much better, from the point of view of Scotland, that paragraph (1) as well as the other paragraphs should be left out.
Perhaps I may answer my hon. and gallant Friend's questions. The Chamber of Agriculture certainly desire that paragraph (1) should be retained. It is an empowering paragraph, and, under circumstances which may be foreseen, the Minister of Agriculture in England and the Board of Agriculture for Scotland may take steps to form these committees. In taking up the attitude which I have taken up to-night, I am fortified by the desire of the Chamber of Agriculture that the paragraph should be retained. It is not in any sense window dressing, and therefore I invite the House to assent to the Amendment which I have moved, and which involves the deletion of paragraphs (2) to (7) as applied to Scotland, but which retains paragraph (1).
Amendment agreed to.
I beg to move, after the words last inserted, to insert the words
"(9) In this Section
I beg to second the Amendment.
My right hon. Friend is prepared to accept this Amendment for the reason that what it does is to bring within the scope of the present Clause those persons who were within the repealed provisions relating to the Wages Board. It gives to the present Clause the same ambit as was provided for in the repealed Clause. That, of course, does not mean that in all cases committees will necessarily agree rates for all classes, including boys, girls, and apprentices, though they would have power to do so if in their judgment they think it right. I observe that in the copy of the Amendment handed to me the words "dairy farming and" have been added in manuscript, in order, as I understand, to meet some particular decision which has been recently given, and which my right hon. Friend has not had the opportunity of fully considering, and he desires to reserve his right to consider whether or not those words are properly considered. Indeed, upon this Clause, which is of some length and is introduced in the form of manuscript at the last moment, my right hon. Friend desires to say he must allow himself some reconsideration if matters are pointed out to him in which perhaps it goes too far; but, as I believe it does in fact include those persons who would have been included in the repealed Clauses, subject to the reservation I have made, my right hon. Friend is prepared to accept the Amendment.
I beg to move, as an Amendment to the proposed Amendment, in paragraph ( a ) to leave out the words "or woodland."
It is rather unfortunate that the Government, through no fault of their own, have to accept a manuscript Amendment without the House really having an opportunity of thoroughly understanding what they are doing. Those employed on woodlands are in a different position from those engaged in general agriculture.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I would ask my hon. Friend not to press this. Woodlands were excluded in the repealed Sections. My right hon. Friend is quite prepared to consider the exact form of this Amendment. Indeed, he reserves his right to do so, and the general scope of it is merely to put into the Clause those persons who were within the repealed Sections. The matter shall be reconsidered, and I hope my hon. Friend will make representations to the Minister for Agriculture without putting the House to the trouble of furher considering the matter.
It is conceivable that there are not many Members in the House who would be more helped financially than I should be if this Amendment were carried, but I hope we shall not accept it now. I hope it is right that it should be left in the position the Minister has suggested. All my hon. Friends behind me are doing is to repeat the old definition, and if we begin to pick pieces out of it because we are interested is one thing or other it will take us a long time.
I agree with what the right hon. Gentleman has said. It would be better to leave this to subsequent consideration, but it is quite necessary to enter this protest now.
It is all very well, but what has been the result of imposing upon anyone engaged in woodlands the wages imposed by the Agricultural Wages Board? It is that a lot of work, which would have been done by people who were quite competent to come in and do work of that sort, has not bean done, because people could not afford to pay the enor- mously high wages. There are a large number of people out of employment who would be employed if reasonable wages were allowed to be paid to do odd jobs at various times in woodlands. It is not a question of employing woodmen by the year. It is a question of having men at odd times to assist the permanent woodmen. Why on earth should owners of woodlands be penalised and compelled to pay the high wages which have been imposed by the Agricultural Wages Board because they want to employ men who are prepared to accept a lower price to do two or three days' odd work? I must protest against the conduct of the Government in accepting from the other side of the House manuscript Amendments, handed in at the last moment. The Minister assured me, when the Bill was brought in, that the whole matter would be voluntary, and that he would not consent in any way to the setting up of a Wages Board. He is now practically setting up a Wages Board.
The right hon. Baronet is now anticipating the Third Reading.
These men are not to be employed unless they have their wages fixed by the committee which the right hon. Gentleman is setting up. I submit that it is in order to point out that you will be unable to employ these men for a short time in the woodlands if this Amendment be carried. I understand that the right hon. Gentleman wishes to reconsider it. Then why does he not accept the Amendment of my hon. Friend and, in the meantime, if he thinks something should be done, get it put in in another place? If we allow this to go without a Division it will be said in another place that the House of Commons did not object to it, there was a feeble suggestion to move an Amendment which was not persisted in, therefore there was no objection, and nothing will be done. I hope we shall divide against it.
I hope the right hon. Baronet will not divide. I understand the Solicitor-General has accepted the Amendment subject to our reconsideration of it when it gets to another place. A good deal can be said for taking these words as they stand. They are the words which are in the existing Act. I fully realise the point which has been made with regard to forestry. I am quite prepared to receive any suggestions which are made to me to confer with my hon. Friends and I reserve full liberty to have the words altered or amended in another place. Having regard to the importance of getting the Bill through quickly, because we want to get these conciliation committees to work, I ask the House whether we cannot now conclude the Report stage and take the Third Reading.
In view of the assurance, as I understand, that the Government will consult the Forestry Commissioners and others who are really interested in forestry, I ask leave to withdraw.
Amendment to proposed Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Proposed words there inserted in the Bill.
Title
A Bill to Repeal the Corn Production Acts, 1917 and 1920, to make provision as to payments under those Acts in respect of the crops of the current year, to provide funds for agricultural development, to promote the formation of joint conciliation councils and committees for the industry of agriculture, and to make certain consequential Amendments in Section twelve of the Agriculture Act, 1920.
Amendment made, leave out the words "councils and."—[ Sir A. Boscawen. ]
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
We have three-quarters of an hour for the Third Reading, and we ought to get it in that time, for a reason which may meet the general convenience of the House. If we get the Third Reading to-night we shall get an extra Supply day. I commend the reticence of my Scottish Friends on the Scottish Amendments, knowing that if they went to their usual length they would not get a day for the Scottish Estimates. The fear that I had on the Second Reading was that the Bill was an abandonment of the promises and expectations held out to the worker at a time when anything of the kind must come extremely hard upon them. I was afraid that it would mean the inevitable break-up of the workers' unions which they have built up so steadily and so well during the last few years, that it would mean the denial of any sort of collective bargaining, and that that would have, in the long run, a most disastrous effect upon the industry. I thought that all organised labour must come to the rescue of the agricultural workers as far as they could, because if the right of collective bargaining was to be destroyed in regard to agriculture the same sort of attack might be made on other industries where a favourable opportunity presented itself. I thought the conciliation committees as provided in the Bill on Second Reading was pure eye-wash, and that the farmers were not sufficiently loyal to their union, and there were not sufficient members in the union to make the conciliation committees of any really good effect.
How far has that criticism, so far as it is valid, been met by the work in Committee and on Report. There were six distinct stages in Committee, and each one was a real piece of progress, from the time when the right hon. Gentleman said he would set up the committees at once instead of waiting for three months, until the time this evening when we very much improved the machinery which otherwise would have allowed practically absolutely free contracting out. The best I can say of the Bill in its new form is that it may work, and if it does work it is something in the nature of a raft which the House has been able to save from the wreckage of the Corn Production Acts which the Bill repeals. My hopes that it will work are only equalled by my fears that it will not work. If it does not work farming will go back to what it was before the War when farming was one of the worst sweated industries that has ever disgraced any country. The thread is somewhat slight on which one hangs one's hopes that that will not come about.
How much of the raft which has been saved from the wreckage will be subject to destruction by wind and waves? It depends upon the willingness of the farmers to do what Parliament and the Minister of Agriculture has suggested that they ought to do. In the majority of cases the farmers distrust Parliament and they have no expression which is even Parliamentary in which to express their opinion of the action of the Minister of Agriculture. It depends upon the loyalty of the farmers to the decision of their leaders in the Farmers' Union. The leaders of the farmers on the Central Wages Board have shown very extra- ordinary patience and consideration in their handling of wages questions; and they have shown a very wise statesmanship now in their endeavour to get this conciliation machinery accepted by their members throughout the country. Farming is faced with hard times, and I am not at all sure that farmers will be willing to pay the affiliation fee to the union as willingly as they have paid it in the last few years, and I am not at all sure that such loyalty as there is to the Farmers' Union will be very long continued.
It depends on another thing. Farmers have got to put up money if this is to work. No one likes to put up money. Sometimes I am inclined to think that farmers are one of the least likely of all sections to put money for anything which does not immediately affect themselves, and I have had practical experience of getting in small affiliation fees for the Agricultural Organisation Society. But to work these conciliation committees will require funds. Forms will have to be printed. The permit machinery will be difficult. There will have to be money, as there is under the Wages Board, to meet travelling expenses. Everything will have to be found by the representatives of workers and employers, and I doubt if they will be very willing to find it. Then, unless the Bill is amended, it will be in the power of the majority of any county branch of the Farmers' Union at any time, by a simple majority vote, to put out of action the whole of the persons who represent them on conciliation committees and nominate others to take their place, or it may be others who are pledged beforehand not to continue the work and who will refuse to function. If we consider this, we must realise that the new machinery, though a great improvement on the old, has still a heavy handicap, and no one can be very hopeful as to its ultimate success. I believe that the Government have taken the wrong road in this matter. I believe that in the original Act passed last Session, they dashed violently in one direction and now they are dashing with equal violence in a contrary direction. I believe that the industry is in for such difficult and critical times and crises, as regards the arrangement of its labour, that the Government may soon be back again on another course. I am convinced that they have, as usual, done the wrong thing in the wrong way, and, as usual, if they live so long, which I hope they will not, they will live to regret it.
When I think of the steps that led up to the passing of the Agriculture Act, Part I, when I think that a great deal of that Act had already received the test of experience under the Corn Production Act, when I find that after months of Parliamentary time being spent in passing that Bill into an Act of Parliament, when I think that after it had been passed after what appeared to me to be mature consideration, suddenly and without any previous explanation we were informed that it was the intention of the Government to kill Part I of that Act, then I am forced to the conclusion that we have wasted a very large amount of Parliamentary time. We have excited hopes in the minds of the farmer and labourer in agriculture. We are involved in liabilities which may reach £30,000,000. Everybody connected with the business is dissatisfied; everybody has lost faith in the Government. If we contemplate the Bill as a piece of this Government's legislative work, all I can say is that a Labour Government could not do very much worse. We on the Opposition Benches sympathise with a Minister who has been forced, as he expressed it. I think he is doing a very courageous work. I could not find many men on the Labour Benches who would care to take the right hon. Gentleman's task. He is doing a very distasteful job, and it is extraordinary loyalty to his chief and the Government that has induced him to do it. To that extent he has our profound sympathy.
Notwithstanding all the dissatisfaction expressed, I hope there will be an effort made to work this conciliation machinery. I am not sanguine. I am less sanguine than the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken. I cannot imagine that any man will desire to incur expense and waste time by meeting people who are opposed to him so far as interests are concerned, when he can make all the adjustments he desires on his own farm. If the farmer does work the Bill and if the labourers work it, they will show a very fine example to the rest of the community. Personally, I am not disposed at present to give them the credit of believing that they will do so. I can only ex- press the hope that they will. Speaking generally, I regard this as one of the worst Bills any Government could pass. I regard it as a gross breach of faith, as disturbing in every sense not only the agricultural population, but the whole nation. It will lead to distrust with the work of Parliament, and altogether I regard it as an exceedingly discreditable performance on the part of the Government. I wonder that the Government did not try to find some way out without the entire scrapping of the Act. When they realised that corn was the great thing we wanted to produce I wonder they did not scrap the oats business. I suppose the Government have thought of that also. They have thought it would be better to pay millions rather than to make any attempt to amend a Measure which they could not work. At any rate, that is their trouble, and I sympathise with them all. Those hon. Members who represent agricultural constituencies will have a job that I and other hon. Members have to share, of going to the labourers and tolling them how badly Parliament has mismanaged their affairs and how it has thrown agriculture into the melting pot with very little hope, so far as they are concerned, of the realisation of those bright visions which were so admirably painted by the head of the Government.
As one who voted against the Second Reading of this Bill and as one who proposes to vote against the Third Reading, I wish shortly to state the reasons for my action. It is only five months ago that, as a supporter of the Government, I fought a contested election in a constituency which is very largely agricultural. At many meetings in that constituency I endeavoured to claim credit for the Government of having adopted an agricultural policy and of having done something to keep agriculture from reverting to that condition in which it had been for many years before the War. I am not prepared to go into my constituency again and perform an act of verbal cannibalism. During the Debate on the Second Reading there were many charges brought against the Government. I have here a list of some of the adjectives and phrases that were used. "Breach of faith." "Broken pledges." "Loss of Parliamentary honour." "The basest betrayal ever committed on any class." "Treacherous conduct." "The grossest breach of Parliamentary faith." "A scandalous breach of faith." I do not agree with any of those adjectives or phrases. When charges of that sort are made against a Government collectively, we should consider their effect, and how they would sound, if made against individuals. Charges of breach of faith are thrown very lightly against Governments and bodies of men which, if thrown against an individual, would lead very rapidly to a breach of the peace.
I cannot go as far as these violent charges. I will try to put the case in more moderate language, and say it is a reversal of policy so violent and so sudden, as to amount almost to the classic back somersault turned by the old gentleman invented by the fertile mind of Lewis Carroll. When the respected Father William performed that feat, it was not dishonourable, but it was certainly undignified. Another way I would put it is, that it is a withdrawal of promised benefits, but that is a different thing from a breach of faith. Many people forget when they makes charges of breach of faith and breach of contract that there is in connection with contracts what is legally called "consideration"—in simpler language, what the other fellow pays, looking at this particular case it is difficult to see how the actual charge of breach of contract can be brought against the Government, mainly because of the lack of consideration on the other side. Where that consideration has been given, there the Government has endeavoured to meet it, by the payment of a large sum on money. There are small instances where the consideration will not be met by the payment, but I do hope that out of the £19,000,000 something may be found to give compensation in those cases where men have bought farms since the passing of the Act, on the understanding that this guarantee was to go on, and also that something may be done for those who have taken farms on long lease, and have expended money on the rotation of crops in advance of this year. If these things are done the actual charge of breach of contract cannot be brought against the Government. I will further put it in this way: Although it is not a breach of contract, it is a withdrawal of promised benefits. It is the same sort of thing as if a father were to send his son to the university, and tell him he could spend three years there, during which all his expenses would be paid, and at the end of that time he would be able to earn his own livelihood and stand on his own feet. At the end of six months the father writes and says he is very sorry, but he is extremely hard up, and in fact "broke"; that he cannot keep his son at the university any longer, and that the son therefore must come home. When the son arrives home, if he finds his father is actually "broke," then he will agree with the father and accept the inevitable; but if he finds that other members of the family are receiving benefits, and his have been stopped, the case will be different. If he finds some powerful brother has been able to obtain by force what he could not obtain by reason; if he finds the father has a larger number of servants than before employed about his premises; if he finds that certain favoured servants are receiving larger remuneration than before; if he finds that the father, although pleading poverty, is subscribing largely to missionary societies, carrying on good work in the Middle East—if he finds these things, then the son will not be satisfied that his own career has been sacrificed. He will suffer under a deep sense of injustice, and will feel that the father is not really as bankrupt as he tried to make out.
My main objection to this Bill is contained in the first Section of the Agriculture Act, 1920. That is the pith of the whole thing. There it says definitely that the Act shall continue in force till Parliament otherwise determines. Are not they purely unnecessary words unless they are read with what follows? Is it not a truism that every Act of Parliament remains in force till Parliament otherwise determines? It seems to me that they can only possibly have been put-in in order to be a preliminary to the second part of the Section, which shows how Parliament shall otherwise determine, namely, by an Address presented by both Houses to His Majesty praying for the issue of an Order in Council to bring the operation of the Act to an end after due notice given. It seems to me to be a very serious thing when in an Act of Parliament you definitely state that notice is to be given, that you should determine it in another way than by giving that notice. I greatly dislike this Bill because of the fear I have that it may be used as a very dangerous prece- dent in the future. It is a most serious thing for Parliament to go back deliberately upon what it said a very short time ago. In the last place, I object to it because I feel that it will be sending the agricultural industry back again towards the very bad conditions from which it emerged during the War, and from which everybody hoped it would continue to be free. In considering the economy of this question, we ought to try and remember that the agricultural community is really the backbone of the country, that unless we have a happy, healthy countryside, it is almost impossible that we shall have a happy healthy country. It is from the agricultural countryside that the strong, vigorous, healthy manhood has flown from this country to the ends of the earth, and this Bill is striking a blow at the fount of the Empire. If this reservoir of health which we find on the countryside is to be drained rapidly and flow into the towns, we are only going to add to the insanitary conditions, to the housing problems, and to all the other difficulties of health and sanitation which we have in our overcrowded communities in the congested areas, and we are also going, by draining that reservoir too rapidly, to stop the natural flow of good blood, and life, and vitality from the countryside to our towns and other places. For these reasons I regret intensely that this Bill has been brought forward, and I shall vote against it.
Although the Bill has been somewhat improved and is now better than it was when it was introduced into this House, my objection to it is as strong as ever, and I am not repenting at all—the hon. Member for Hereford (Mr. S. Roberts) mentioned extravagant language—of any remark I made on the Second Reading. Call it by what name you may, use all those fine phrases that the right hon. Gentleman has used, it is, after all, a breach of faith and not following what this House did six months ago. I cannot find any phrases more suitable than the ones we used on Second Reading. What does this Bill do to this industry? First, it is repealing one of the Clauses which we were led to believe, and which we were sure was essential for the best interests of this industry, and for the purpose of providing food for the people. I am speaking first of the cultivation Clause, and this being repealed, we shall drift back into that bad state of cultiva- tion into which the Prime Minister, in one of his speeches, said the industry would never go back. The right hon. Gentleman on the bench opposite stated over and over again that this cultivation Clause was essential in the interests of the industry. Why this sudden change of mind and sudden change of policy?
In December, 1920, it was necessary that, by Act of Parliament, something should be done to keep this great industry in a state of prosperity and to provide for better cultivation. What has happened during the last six months'? The farmers having set themselves to work to bring the land into a high state of cultivation, the Government are, I think, taking a very unwise course. Then, so far as the agricultural labourers are concerned, in spite of what had been said about the Wages Board, its wickedness, its rigidness, its unfairness, its establishment did something for that class to which I belong, and am proud to belong. It did something for that class which had been neglected in the past. It did do something to improve their lot in life, and to give them a better home and a better outlook for the future. Now, suddenly, this is to be scrapped, and, so far as the Government is concerned, the industry is to go back to the old, bad days of starvation and slavery. It is said that the labourers are going to be patriotic; there is going to be no trouble; they are going tamely to submit to any conditions that are imposed upon them. I would like to know who is more patriotic, who more loyal to his country and to his class, than the man who, when he sees an attempt being made to throw him into a state almost of helplessness, says, "My wife and children are not going to be starved and the industry thrown into the state in which it was before; I am going to stand up!" That, to my mind, is being most loyal to his friends and most patriotic. I want to warn the right hon. Gentleman that I look to the future with some amount of anxiety. None of us want to see what happened in the coal industry. I warn the right hon. Gentleman that he is running a very severe risk of that taking: place. Therefore I am as much against this Bill now as when it was introduced, in spite of the improvements made. I shall do my best, if it is passed, to endeavour to help it to work smoothly. But it will not accomplish what the right hon. Gentleman thinks it will. My last words are that I protest against it. This Bill is a betrayal of a great industry, and if the matter is pressed to a Division I shall vote against it.
I have followed with very considerable interest the blessings and curses so impartially showered by my hon. Friends opposite on this Bill. I congratulate them on the diplomacy which has enabled them to meet every party in their constituencies who wished to discuss the Bill. In this House it has been variously said that this Bill is a disaster and a blessing to agriculture. It is a disaster, certainly, to those whose business it is to go about the country seeking to destroy the old feeling, of individual esteem between master and man. There is no doubt it spells confusion to them. But for those who wish to see the old feeling of loyalty one to the other, of willingness to concede, to give, to help in the common welfare, I say most emphatically that, considering this in Committee on which I served, it is one of the wisest Bill the Government have even sought to put through. One must recognise finalities, and that one has to make good. The Government have done so; they have realised that in the strenuous circumstances of the past two years that the legislation originally brought in cannot be made good for the future in view of the financial situation to-day.
As to whether the Bill is wanted or not may I ask hon. Members opposite to clear their minds of the fact that we are not talking about steel or foundries, or rolling mills, or coal. We are talking of agriculture, which is a special industry and requires special dealings. Above all, it requires good will between those engaged in it. I know in my constituency over 20 old men I have met in the last week or two who have asked me when the Corn Production Bill was coming to an end, so that they might have a chance of working again. There is another side. It is perfectly true that the farmer cannot afford the current wages to those men, but they themselves realise that they cannot earn the wages, though they are very anxious to do what they can. To my mind it is a jewel in the crown of the Ministry of Agriculture that this Bill will enable these old men to earn an honest livelihood.
I have every sympathy with the Minister of Agriculture, who has had to introduce this Bill after all the wonderful things tie said about the Act of last year. I regret that during these proceedings the Prime Minister has not been here. He was not present during the course of the passing of the 1920 Act, and he has not been present during the Second or Third Beading of this Bill. The Prime Minister in 1919 held out hopes of a new future for the agricultural industry He introduced the 1920 Act, in Part I of which there were guaranteed prices to the farmers of Scotland and England. The farmers of Scotland never asked for guaranteed prices; they were imposed upon them. When the Act was going through Committee last year, several of my Scottish colleagues and myself moved an Amendment in order to substitute what we considered the best alternative policy from the Scottish farmers' point of view—that was security of tenure, which was promised by the Prime Minister in the Caxton Hall speech. But Scotland was told that it must take the guaranteed prices, and that we should have four years' notice before the guaranteed prices were brought to an end, so that the Scottish farmers could have confidence to increase the area under cultivation. With one stroke of the pen that is brought to an end, and all this great future held out to us by the Prime Minister and his Government ceases to exist. The hon. Member for Hereford (Mr. S. Roberts) endeavoured to define the difference between broken pledges, the withdrawal of promises and benefits, and political somersaults. In the earlier portions of his speech I was not sure whether he approved of this Bill, or whether he was attempting the rather difficult task of sitting on the fence. But at the end of his speech he expressed his real view that this was a distinct breach of faith to the farming and agricultural community.
What I want to say to the Secretary for Scotland is that the Scottish farming communiy have in no sense relaxed their desire for security of tenure, the claim for which they put forward under the 1920 Act. The Government said to us that agriculture was one of the industries of the country which ought to be protected and fostered by legislation. By this Bill they repeal all their promises to that effect, and in doing so they have taken the bottom out of every argument they had for the Safeguarding of Industries Bill, because, if ever there was a key industry, it is agriculture. That is the sort of thing that we are being led more and more to expect. The Government never seem to have a consecutive mind for two days running on any matter. The farmers of Scotland consider this Bill to be a breach of faith, and they will in no sense relax their determination to see sceurity of tenure finding its way on to the Statute Book.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just spoken put me into a state of fear and trembling when he said that the farmers of Scotland never asked for guaranteed prices, lest he was going to say that they were not going to take any part of £19,000,000.
No doubt the hon. Gentleman thinks he has made a good point. I said that the Scottish farmers did not ask for guaranteed prices, and they were imposed upon them. Under the promise of guaranteed prices they increased the area under cultivation.
I am sorry I introduced that point, but I only want to say, in
regard to this Measure, that I cannot help thinking that it would have been better for agriculture if the Government had never introduced the Act last year. I am convinced that, bad as the state of agriculture was previous to that Act, it is going to be far worse following the repeal of those Acts. You cannot create hopes in the minds of people, and then suddenly destroy them without its having some effect upon agriculture as a whole, and the distress and disturbance that this Bill will bring about is great in the extreme. Many farmers bought land on the strength of the guarantee under the 1920 Act and many of them will now go bankrupt as the result of the policy which the Government have adopted. Although the main part of the discussions that have taken place has been in regard to the Wages Board, I want to utter a most emphatic protest from the standpoint of the industry of agriculture against this repealing Measure being brought forward at the present time.
rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The House divided: Ayes, 203; Noes, 53.
Division No. 286.] AYES. [11.0 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Conway, Sir W. Martin Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Armstrong, Henry Bruce Dawes, James Arthur Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Dean, Commander P. T. Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Atkey, A. R. Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Doyle, N. Grattan Hills, Major John Waller Barlow, Sir Montague Edge, Captain William Hinds, John Barnett, Major Richard W. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Barnston, Major Harry Elveden, Viscount Hood, Joseph Beckett, Hon. Gervase Evans, Ernest Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington) Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Hopkins, John W. W. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart. (Gr'nw'h) Farquharson, Major A. C. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Birchall, Major J. Dearman FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Forestier-Walker, L. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Forrest, Walter James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Broad, Thomas Tucker Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Jameson, John Gordon Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Jephcott, A. R. Bruton, Sir James Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Jodrell, Neville Paul Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Gange, E. Stanley Johnson, Sir Stanley Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Ganzoni, Sir John Johnstone, Joseph Campbell, J. D. G. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Carew, Charles Rebert S. Gilbert, James Daniel Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Casey, T. W. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Cautley, Henry Strother Goff, Sir R. Park Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Green, Albert (Derby) Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) King, Captain Henry Douglas Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Greenwood, William (Stockport) Lane-Fox, G. R. Churchman, Sir Arthur Greig, Colonel Sir James William Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Gritten, w. G. Howard Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Coats, Sir Stuart Guinness, Lieut.-Col Hon. W. E. Lloyd, George Butler Cobb, Sir Cyril Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Lort-Williams, J. Pratt, John William Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C. Lyle, C. E. Leonard Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Sutherland, Sir William M'Connell, Thomas Edward Purchase, H. G. Taylor, J. McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Raeburn, Sir William H. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Macquisten, F. A. Ramsden, G. T. Thorpe, Captain John Henry Maddocks, Henry Rankin, Captain James Stuart Townley, Maximilian G. Mallalieu, Frederick William Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Tryon, Major George Clement Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Waddington, R. Middlebrook, Sir William Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Wallace, J. Mitchell, Sir William Lane Reid, D. D. Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Molson, Major John Elsdale Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Morden, Col. W. Grant Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Whitla, Sir William Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Roundell, Colonel R. F. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Morris, Richard Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Mount, Sir William Arthur Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Wilson-Fox, Henry Murchison, C. K. Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Winfrey, Sir Richard Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Wise, Frederick Murray, William (Dumfries) Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Neal, Arthur Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Simm, M. T. Worsfold, T. Cato Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Young, E. H. (Norwich) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Parker, James Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Younger, Sir George Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Steel, Major S. Strang Pennefather, De Fonblanque Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Perkins, Walter Frank Sturrock, J. Leng Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Sugden, W. H. McCurdy.
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Swan, J. E. Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Halls, Walter Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hirst, G. H. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Holmes, J. Stanley Waterson, A. E. Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Irving, Dan White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kennedy, Thomas Wignall, James Cairns, John Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Cape, Thomas Kiley, James Daniel Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Lawson, John James Wilson, James (Dudley) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lunn, William Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Morgan, Major D. Watts Winterton, Earl Entwistle, Major C. F. O'Grady, James Wintringham, Thomas Galbraith, Samuel Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Gillis, William Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Glanville, Harold James Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Gretton, Colonel John Royce, William Stapleton Mr. Hogge and Mr. T. Griffiths. Grundy, T. W. Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough)
Question put accordingly, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
The House divided: Ayes, 193; Noes, 66.
Division No. 287.] AYES. [11.10 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Campbell, J. D. G. Elveden, Viscount Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Carew, Charles Robert S. Evans, Ernest Ainsworth, Captain Charles Casey, T. W. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A.(Birm., W.) Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Armstrong, Henry Bruce Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Farquharson, Major A. C. Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Atkey, A. R. Churchman, Sir Arthur FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Coats, Sir Stuart Forestier-Walker, L. Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Cobb, Sir Cyril Forrest, Walter Barlow, Sir Montague Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Barnett, Major Richard W. Conway, Sir W. Martin Fraser, Major Sir Keith Barnston, Major Harry Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Gange, E. Stanley Benn, Capt. Sir I. H., Bart.(Gr'nw'h) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Ganzoni, Sir John Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Birchall, Major J. Dearman Dawes, James Arthur Gilbert, James Daniel Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Dean, Lieut.-Commander P. T. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Goff, Sir R. Park Broad, Thomas Tucker Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry Green, Albert (Derby) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Doyle, N. Grattan Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Bruton, Sir James Edge, Captain William Greenwood, William (Stockport) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Greig, Colonel Sir James William Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Gretton, Colonel John Gritten, W. G. Howard M'Connell, Thomas Edward Shaw, William T. (Forfar) Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Macquisten, F. A. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Maddocks, Henry Simm, M. T. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Mallalieu, Frederick William Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l,W.D'by) Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Middlebrook, Sir William Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Mitchell, Sir William Lane Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Molson, Major John Elsdale Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Sturrock, J. Leng Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Morden, Col. W. Grant Sugden, W. H. Henry, Denis S. (Londonderry, S.) Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C. Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Sutherland, Sir William Hinds, John Morris, Richard Taylor, J. Holbrook, Sir Arthur Richard Mount, William Arthur Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Hood, Joseph Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Thorpe, Captain John Henry Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington) Murchison, C. K. Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Hopkins, John W. W. Neal, Arthur Tryon, Major George Clement Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Waddington, R. Hotchkin, Captain Stafford Vere Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Wallace, J. Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) O'Neill, Major Hon. Robert W. H. Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Parker, James Ward, Col. L. (Kingston-upon-Hull) Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Pennefather, De Fonblanque Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Jameson, John Gordon Perkins, Walter Frank Whitla, Sir William Jephcott, A. R. Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Jodrell, Neville Paul Pratt, John William Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) Johnson, Sir Stanley Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Johnstone, Joseph Purchase, H. G. Wilson-Fox, Henry Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Raeburn, Sir William H. Winterton, Earl Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Ramsden, G. T. Wise, Frederick Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Rankin, Captain James Stuart Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Worsfold, T. Cato King, Captain Henry Douglas Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Lane-Fox, G. R. Reid, D. D. Young, E. H. (Norwich) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Younger, Sir George Lloyd, George Butler Roundell, Colonel R. F. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Lort-Williams, J. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. McCurdy. Lyle, C. E. Leonard Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton)
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Halls, Walter Royce, William Stapleton Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hills, Major John Waller Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Hirst, G. H. Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Holmes, J. Stanley Steel, Major S. Strang Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Swan, J. E. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Irying, Dan Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Kennedy, Thomas Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Cairns, John Kiley, James Daniel Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Cape, Thomas Lawson, John James Waterson, A. E. Cautley, Henry Strother Lunn, William White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Wignall, James Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips McNeill, Ronald (Kent, Canterbury) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Wilson, James (Dudley) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W (Stourbridge) Entwistle, Major C. F. O'Grady, James Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Galbraith, Samuel Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Winfrey, Sir Richard Gillis, William Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Wintringham, Thomas Glanville, Harold James Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Grundy, T. W. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Mr. T. Griffiths and Mr. Hogge.
Bill read the Third time, and passed.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
German War Criminals
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
I am reluctant to detain the House, but I desire to raise the very grave question of the attitude of the Government towards the untried alleged War criminals in Germany. On 1st November last I asked the Prime Minister what steps had been taken to see that these alleged War criminals did not escape, and I was told by the Attorney-General, who answered the question, that we had complete faith—I do not quote his exact words—in the good intentions of Germany, and that the British Ambassador was thoroughly seized of the importance of the question. My interrogation had been partly as to whether the British Ambassador at Berlin had received instructions to see that these men did not escape. After a short time, when a date was fixed for the commencement of the Leipzig trials, the Prime Minister got up, and without any sort of apology to the House, said he regretted that four of the seven selected test criminals had left Germany and could not be tried. Then we had the farce—which I am not going to deal with now—of the trial of the other three. So far as that is concerned there is a notice on the Paper bearing the names of nearly 100 Members, but in the view of the Leader of the House that is not a sufficient indication of a general desire that the matter should be discussed. I come simply to this point, that the trial of the seven having broken down as regards four, and having been a hideous farce or tragedy as regards the other three, what is the Government doing now to see that the remainder of the alleged criminals on the British list do not escape from Germany before they have made up their mind what they are going to do? France does not wait like this. I put a question to-day to the Prime Minister in these terms:
"Whether the British Ambassador at Berlin has received instructions to take all steps in his power to prevent the escape from Germany of the remainder of the alleged War criminals upon the British list pending their trial?"
I received from the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs the most extraordinary reply ever given in this House, and it has a most important alteration in it. I will read it as it was originally drafted and as it was altered by the Under-Secretary before being handed to me:
"No special instructions have been sent to His Majesty's Ambassador at Berlin on the subject, and I do not think any are required."
That is how the answer was drafted. The Under-Secretary, or somebody on his behalf, took it upon himself to alter the answer:
"No special instructions have been sent to His Majesty's Ambassador at Berlin on the subject, and His Majesty's Government do not think any are required."
No doubt the Under-Secretary, answering on the spur of the moment, thought it only right to put the responsibility on the Government and not to take it upon himself.
It was not my personal opinion on the subject.
I press the Government, are they going to allow a repetition of the scandal which has taken place with regard to these trials? There are 1,000 people on the British list. You have selected seven; you have allowed four of them to go away, and, in the case of one of the most heinous of the crimes, you have allowed the persons to plead that they acted on the instructions of an officer who had himself escaped from Germany; and they had the audacity, in the face of the Allies, to praise and extol the merits of that particular criminal. I only intervene for the purpose of imploring the Government to realise that the public feels very strongly on this matter. We have heard the late Prime Minister say that, when the time came, every criminal, wherever he was, and whatever his station, would be brought to justice. We heard the present Prime Minister say that first of all the Kaiser himself would be brought to justice, and would be tried in London. We know now, and if the Solicitor-General, who I understand is to speak on the subject in a moment, does not know, I make myself responsible for the statement that everyone of the principal alleged criminals on the British list of 1,000 has already left Germany and gone to Holland or to Danzig. That is a grave position and a wicked position. It is an affront to the conscience of the country. It is an insult to the memory of the men who were the victims of these crimes, and it is a grave breach of faith on the part of the Government. Having uttered my protest, I content myself with making this final appeal to the Government that this answer, that no instructions were given to the Ambassador and none were required, was ill considered and that the Government will take all steps, through the Ambassador or through other channels, to see that at least the principal criminals are kept in Germany and brought to justice.
There is one matter, a question of fact, that I ought to correct at once. There are not, and there never were, 1,000 names on the British list. The British list was 97. I think the hon. Member must be speaking of the total list of the Allies at some time or another, and even then he over-stated it. He is quite wrong, and he will be the first to wish to be corrected, when he says there were 1,000 upon the British list. I know there were not. The error is perhaps accounted for by the warmth of the evening, or by the warmth of the hon. Member.
This is a serious matter.
One other fact I must state. The last two defendants who were tried at Leipzig were arrested upon the initiative of the Germans themselves, and were put upon trial on the initiative of the Germans. Perhaps the House will allow me to say that there is some confusion in the mind of the hon. Member as to what has happened. As he knows, at Spa, on 9th July, 1920, an arrangement was made, whereby a number of those who were alleged by the Allies to have committed acts in breach of the laws of War, were to be remitted for trial before the Supreme Court of Germany, sitting at Leipzig. Our Ambassador was present at these deliberations at Spa, and was fully seized of the matter. The Allies accepted the proposal made by the Germans for these trials, which were to be undertaken by the Germans, without any interference or intervention by the Allies in the proceedings. The trials in a certain number of the cases submitted have taken place. At these trials a representative of the Embassy at Berlin has been present, and no doubt that representative of the Berlin Embassy was able to make a full report to our Ambassador upon his return to Berlin. The Ambassador has thus been kept fully informed of what has taken place throughout the proceedings.
May I also remind the House that all rights under the Treaty have been reserved, and perhaps I may state once more—though it has been stated several times—that when the trials of those cases upon the Allied preliminary list have been completed, the further steps to be taken will be, as they must be, considered and deliberated upon by the Allies collectively. A premature decision upon the whole matter must be deprecated. It is quite impossible to suggest that our Ambassador at Berlin has not been throughout fully seized of the matter. He has needed no instruction. He has been kept informed throughout of all the steps that should be taken, and he has had the opportunity and knowledge of acting with the Allies, and the whole matter will have to be dealt with, and deliberated upon, by the Allies as a whole.
It being half-past Eleven of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Half-past Eleven of the Clock.