House of Commons
Wednesday, August 10, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business,
Rotherham Corporation Bill,
Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.
Doupe's Divorce Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, without Amendment.
South Shields Corporation Bill [ Lords ] ( King's Consent signified ),
Bill read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
County of London Electric Supply Company Bill [ Lords ],
As amended, considered; Amendments made.
Ordered, That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the Third time.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]
Bill, accordingly, read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
Standing Orders
STANDING ORDER 24.—(Deposit of Plans Books of Reference and Sections with Clerks of Peace.)
I beg to move, at the end of the Standing Order, to insert the words" and of the Ministry of Health."
This is the first of a number of proposals which are made in order to carry out certain small changes in the Standing Orders relating to Private Bills. The first change is that, in the case in which a Bill proposes an alteration in local boundaries a copy of the map showing such alteration should be sent to the Ministry of Health as well as to the Board of Agriculture The Ministry of Healthy really has more to do with local boundaries than the Board of Agriculture This appears to be an obvious reform, and is desired by the Ministry.
The second and third changes relate to Bills affecting tidal waters. At present a copy of the Bill has to be sent to the Marine Department of the Board of Trade. The Admiralty wish that it should also be sent on to them, as they have jurisdiction over the tidal waters, so I do not think that this change will be opposed.
The next change is being made in the interests of economy. At present local authorities spending more than the amount authorised on loans which receive the sanction of the Board of Trade or the Ministry of Health have to send in returns showing the amount of such excess. It was accordingly necessary to specify these two Departments. Now other bodies, such as the Electricity Commissioners, are authorised to lend money, and it seems only right that such excess of expenditure over authorised loan should be shown in these cases as well as in the others. The reform goes no further than that.
Amendment agreed to.
STANDING ORDER 26.—(Deposit in case of Bill affecting tidal hands.)
In cases where tidal lands within the ordinary spring tides are to be acquired, or in any way affected, a copy of the plans and sections shall, on or before the 30th day of November immediately preceding the application for the Bill, be deposited at the office of the Marine Department, Board of Trade, marked "Tidal Waters," and on such copy all tidal waters shall be coloured blue, and if the plans include any bridge across tidal waters, the dimensions as regards span and headway of the nearest bridges, if any, across the same tidal waters above and below the proposed new bridge shall be marked thereon.
Amendment made: After the word "Trade" insert the words "and at the Office of the Civil Engineer-in-Chief of the Board of Admiralty."
STANDING ORDER 33.—(Deposit of Private Bills at Treasury and other Public Departments.)
On or before the 21st day of December, a printed copy shall be deposited—
(6) Of every Bill affecting foreshore or tidal lands within the ordinary spring tides, or relating to any dock, harbour, navigation, pier, port, or tidal waters, at the Office of the Marine Department of the Board of Trade, marked "Tidal Waters";
Amendment made: In paragraph (6), after the word "Trade" insert the words "and at the Office of the Civil Engineer-in-Chief of the Board of Admiralty."
STANDING ORDER 36a.—(Estimate of expenditure in case of works to be executed by local authority.)
If any moneys are required to be borrowed to meet any excess of expenditure previously authorised by Parliament, the Board of Trade, or the Ministry of Health, there shall be deposited with the said estimates a statement of the purposes and reasons for the borrowing.
Amendment made: Leave out the words "the Board of Trade or the Ministry of Health," and insert instead thereof the words "or any Government Department."—( The Chairman of Ways and Means
I beg to move, "That Standing Orders 220 and 246, relating to Private Bills, be suspended for the remainder of the Session."
This is a Motion which it is usual to make at the end of the Session when Private Bills are in danger of not passing, not on account of opposition, but on account of lack of time. It will be noticed that anyone interested in Private Bills can always obtain copies of any Amendments in the office and therefore will not be prejudiced.
Question put, and agreed to.
Ordered, That Standing Orders 220 and 246, relating to Private Bills, be suspended for the remainder of the Session.
Ordered, That, as regards Private Bills to be returned by the House of Lords with Amendments, such Amendments (if Unopposed) shall be considered forthwith.
Ordered, That, as regards Private Bills returned, or to be returned, by the House of Lords with Amendments, such Amendments (if Opposed) shall be considered at such time as the Chairman of Ways and Means may determine.
Ordered, That, when it is intended to propose any Amendments thereto, a copy of such Amendments shall be deposited in the Committee and Private Bill Office, and notice given on the day on which the Bill shall have been returned from the House of Lords.—[ The Chairman of Ways and Means. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Palestine
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Muza Kasim Pasha El Husseini, ex-mayor of Jerusalem, who is proceeding on behalf of a Moslem committee from Palestine to various capitals of Europe to protest against British and Allied policy in Palestine, has been received in audience by the Pope; whether the British diplomatic representative at the Vatican was present at the interview; and whether this visit to the Pope was authorised by the British Government?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, and to the second and third parts in the negative.
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether Indian soldiers are being placed on duty to prevent Mohammedans from the free and unrestrained exercise of their religious rites in Jerusalem?
I have no information that Indian soldiers are being so employed, but if the hon. Member will furnish me with further details, I shall be glad to make inquiries.
Is it not a fact that, ever since the day of General Allenby's entry into Jerusalem, Christian guards have been placed over the Christian holy places, and Indian Moslem soldiers over the Moslem holy places, to replace the Turkish troops who formerly watched over those holy places?
I am afraid I cannot speak with personal knowledge, but if my hon. Friend wishes to ask a question with the object of getting an answer, perhaps he will put down a question.
China
Consortium
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Consortium views with sympathy their promotion of loans purely for productive purposes in China; and whether, in view of the importance of stimulating trade, it has since its establishment taken any practical steps and, if so, what in that direction?
I am uncertain as to the precise scope of the question. The Consortium is not immediately concerned with private enterprise in China, which does not involve a foreign public issue and a Chinese Government or Provincial guarantee, but it views with entire sympathy the promotion of approved productive undertakings, and if its assistance is required, would, I am informed, be prepared to consider the grant of loans for such purposes. The Consortium, which a Chinese National Group has been invited to join, was founded primarily for the purpose of procuring for the Chinese Government, by international co-operative action, the capital necessary for a programme of economic reconstruction and improved communication. An offer of financial assistance has already been made to the Chinese Government, but they have not as yet intimated their desire to take advantage of this offer, and it is not the policy of the Consortium to force a loan upon China.
Foreign Post Office
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will consider the desirability of Great Britain taking the lead, in the forthcoming meeting of the Assembly of the League of Nations, in proposing the closing of all foreign post offices on Chinese soil as a friendly means of showing encouragement to China and approving officially the admitted excellence of the Chinese postal service?
His Majesty's. Government fully recognise the efficiency of the present administration of the Chinese postal service, and they are prepared, on certain conditions of a reasonable nature, to afford their sympathetic support to the Chinese Government, should the latter bring forward a proposal for the abolition of foreign postal agencies in China.
Is it not the case that the United States and ourselves favour the closing of all foreign post offices on Chinese soil, providing the Powers are unanimous, and does anyone except Japan disagree?
I should not like to answer for others besides ourselves. His Majesty's Government is favourable to the change.
Does that apply only to post offices in the interior of China, or to the Treaty ports as well?
I think it applies to the whole of them. Perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will give me notice of the question?
Tariffs and Taxation
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Mackay Treaty of 1902 with China is still binding on the contracting parties; whether, in view of the fact that China executed, in 1903, identical treaties with the United States of America and Japan, it is competent for her, once she has notified all treaty Powers to that effect, to impose forthwith a 12 per cent. import tariff and 7½ per cent. export tariff, and abolish all likin or internal trade taxation; and whether, if the answer is in the affirmative, the Government will consider the question of friendly co-operation and assistance to China, so as to expedite the consolidation of all trade taxation in China and to stimulate commercial and industrial expansion generally.
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second, Article VIII of the Treaty does not come into force until all the Powers entitled to most-favoured-nation treatment in China have entered into the engagements contained in that Article. His Majesty's Government are fully prepared to co-operate in the most friendly manner with the Chinese Government, and were indeed ready to take the initiative in the matter, but the present disturbed political situation in the country clearly renders any such move premature for the time being.
Questions
Passpoets and Visas
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of the fact that the visa is now abolished with France and Belgium, he has been able to make any reduction at all in the staff which attended to this particular operation?
Instructions have been issued for the closing of all Passport Control Offices in France and Belgium, except at Paris, Brussels, and Antwerp. The expenses of these three offices will be reduced by one-half.
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any representations have been made on behalf of His Majesty's Government to the Governments of the United States, Switzerland, and Holland, respectively, with a view to the mutual abolition of the visa; and, if not, whether he is able to assure the House that such negotiations will be put into operation at the very earliest opportunity?
Representations have not been made by His Majesty's Government to the Governments in question. It is important that the results following the abolition of the visa in the case of France and Belgium should be carefully considered.
Are we waiting for other countries to make application to us, and is it not about time that we ourselves took the initiative?
I think that we ought first to ascertain the result of the change which has been made in the case of Belgium and France.
As far as Belgium is concerned, has not the change already been found to be highly satisfactory?
As far as my information goes that is so.
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the Bavarian Government has been putting great difficulties in the way of British travellers owing to the fact that a separate visa is required in addition to that necessary for Germany; and whether he can give a promise to take this matter up direct with the authorities in question and endeavour at the earliest moment to put an end to the delays and annoyances which these regulations have caused?
This matter has been brought to my notice, and His Majesty's Ambassador at Berlin has been instructed to take it up with the German Government.
Is there any result so far?
I think that we have not received any reply.
Is it a fact that British subjects have been arrested because of non-compliance with the passport regulations?
I have not heard of that.
Peace Treaties
Turkey
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, by instructions of His Majesty's Government, the Eastern Telegraph Company have, within the last month or two, paid over to the Turkish Government the sum of —350,000 sterling, being the accumulated amount of the part of the receipts accruing to the Turkish Government and due by the Eastern Telegraph Company since the Armistice; and whether this money should have been re tained in part payment of reparations due by the Turkish Government to British subjects?
I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member for Gateshead on the 3rd instant.
asked the Under secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether His Majesty's Government has advanced to the Turkish Government the sum of —48,000 to defray the cost of repatriating Turkish soldiers, prisoners of war, from Vladivostock by Japanese steamer, and why was not such sum, if available out of the funds of His Majesty's Treasury, devoted to helping British merchants whose claims have not yet been satisfied by the Turkish Government?
I would refer the hon. Member to the replies which I gave to identical questions put by the hon. Member for East Islington and the hon. and gallant Member for Gateshead on 25th July and 2nd August.
Will the hon. Gentleman consider carefully and sympathetically the claims of these British subjects to treatment somewhat different from that which they have been getting?
The whole matter is under consideration.
Supreme Council (Paris Decisions)
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether an opportunity will be taken before Parliament rises of making a statement, which may be subject to Debate, on the decisions of the Supreme Council now sitting in Paris?
Pending the return of my right hon. Friend, I am not in a position to make any statement.
Are we to understand that this House will have no opportunity before the Recess of discussing the decisions of the Supreme Council?
If the hon. Gentleman would understand what I believe is plainly conveyed in my answer—and I do not know that I could put it more expressly—he would understand that until the Prime Minister and the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs return from the Council, and until the Council's deliberations are over, I can make no statement.
Questions
Naval Construction, United States
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Government have any information in connection with a recent resolution placed before the United States Congress to convert two battle cruisers into aeroplane-carrying ships, and demanding suspension of work on capital ships now under construction?
I have been asked to reply to this question. From the official report of proceedings in the United States Congress it appears that a Bill to authorise the suspension of construction on six battleships and three battle cruisers, and the conversion of two of the latter into aircraft carriers, is now before Congress. No further details are available.
Is it not a fact that even if this Bill be passed, the United States will still be ahead of us in new construction?
That is a fact.
Japan (British Nationality)
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Government can see its way favourably to consider the appeal of British Subjects in Japan that British nationality may be assured to their descendants if they are registered at birth with the British embassy and so continue to register themselves throughout their residence in Japan; and whether registration at a British consulate will assure the same status should the British child be born at a distance from the embassy?
This question is already receiving the favourable consideration of His Majesty's Government.
Royal Navy
Royal Naval Hospital, Plymouth
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is now in a position to state what steps have been taken to improve the accommodation for the sick-berth staff at the Royal Naval Hospital, Plymouth?
It has been decided to construct new quarters for the Sick Berth staff at the Royal Naval Hospital, Plymouth, as soon as financial conditions permit.
Wardmastees
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is now in a position to give the decision of the Admiralty with regard to lieutenant-wardmasters being appointed as secretaries to the three home hospitals; to commissioned wardmasters being borne in the small hospitals in the three general depots; and to one additional warrant wardmaster being appointed to each of the three home port hospitals?
I am not yet in a position to state the decision arrived at, but I hope it will be possible to announce it in the Fleet Orders next week.
Engineer Officers (Accommodation)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether cabin accommodation, where spare cabins are always available in small ships, can be placed at the disposal of the engineer officer of the ship whatever his status?
The allocation of cabins is covered by the Rules embodied in Article 850 of the King's Regulations and Admiralty Instructions, which it is not proposed to amend.
Is it not a fact that the engineer-in-charge has always a large amount of writing to do in connection with the ship's register, the making of various returns, and so forth, and is it not reasonable that such an officer should have a separate berth for the performance of such duties?
I presume that that was taken into account.
H.M.S."Victorious."
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether £6,000 is to be expended in fitting out H.M.S. "Victorious" as a harbour depot ship for engine-room artificers; and whether this amount could be saved by full utilisation of the very satisfactory mess already in existence in His Majesty's Naval Barracks at Devonport?
£6,000 is the amount which will be spent by the Dockyard during the present financial year for the purpose stated in the first part of the question. With regard to the second part of the question, the object of adding the "Victorious" to the "Indus" establishment is not to improve the messing accommodation for the supernumerary engine-room artificers, but to secure the most efficient and economical use of the Port resources for repair work. This will be done by reverting to the arrangements which existed before the War and by concentrating in the Mechanical Training Establishment the whole of the repair work of the Port which is not don* in the Dockyard.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this new arrangement has created a considerable amount of dissatisfaction amongst engine-room artificers?
I am not aware of it.
Reserve Fleet Officers
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty how many officers are now employed in the Reserve Fleet; on how many occasions, respectively, they have flown their flags at sea since their appointments; and whether their staffs are at full strength in each case?
I assume my Noble and gallant Friend refers to Flag Officers, in which case the answer given to his question on the 1st December, 1920, still holds good.
Battle Cruisers
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is yet in a position to state the names to be given to the new battle cruisers?
No, Sir.
Coastguard Pensioners, Ireland
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that coastguard pensioners in Ireland are not given leave, although 21 days' leave per annum was promised when they signed on in the new force, and that the sleeping accommodation at many stations is very inferior; and whether he will take steps to remove these grievances?
The conditions in Ireland have for some time past rendered it impossible to grant the coastguard their usual 21 days' leave per annum, and it has not yet become practicable to resume the normal routine. It has been found necessary in many cases temporarily to concentrate the crews of the Irish coastguard stations, with consequent discomfort to the men and separation from their families, for which, however, they receive compensating money allowances. If, as it is hoped, the conditions in Ireland remain settled, then the usual leave will be granted and accommodation carefully scrutinised and improved.
Will the leave which was not given in 1921 be given in 1922–23?
I cannot answer that question. My hon. and gallant Friend will realise that leave is always subject to the exigencies of the service.
When a coastguard is given compensation, is the compensation actually paid, or is the amount levied on the rates, and has the coastguard to wait until the levy is paid by the town council?
I require notice of that question.
Government Staffs and Offices
Ministry of Labour
21.
asked the Minister of Labour (1) whether it will be possible to dispense with one of the two joint permanent secretaries to the Ministry at an early date;
(2) why the salary of one of the joint permanent secretaries to the Ministry has lately been doubled from £1,500 to £3,000 a year?
When the Ministry of Labour was first formed at the end of 1916, the staff of the Department included a permanent secretary and also the Chief Industrial Commissioner. In 1919 the attempt was made to combine the duties attaching to the two in one and the same office. Experience proved that with the great increase in the volume of business the work could not be effectively done by one officer; and in April, 1920, arrangements were made to free Sir David Shackleton from the duties attaching to the permanent head of the Office, and to enable him to devote himself exclusively to the work required of Chief Labour Adviser. These arrangements involved the appointment of a separate secretary of the Ministry. It was further decided by the Government to assign both officers appointed the salary of £3,000 a year, in common with the permanent heads of other offices included in the category of first class Departments. The salary and rank attaching to the Chief Labour Adviser are personal to the present holder, and will be reviewed when the post becomes vacant.
Is it not true-that when the Government desired to dispense with the services of the Chief Industrial Commissioner it was on the ground that his work was redundant?
I cannot say, but I should not think so. Sir David Shackleton was both Permanent Secretary and Chief Commissioner, and that proved too much; even for him.
Is it not true that Sir George Askwith's services were dispensed with, on the ground that his work was redundant?
That was before-my time and I cannot answer.
If these two offices are so necessary why review the position, as suggested?
The Chief Labour Adviser's salary is personal to the present holder of the office and will be reviewed when he ceases to hold the post.
Why review the position when they are both necessary?
Is it not an enormous increase to double the salaries since last year?
Has my right hon. Friend any record of the salary earned by this particular official before he was. appointed to his present office?
There are two persons concerned, one the Permanent Secretary and the other the Chief Labour Adviser.
I was referring to Sir David Shackleton?
I think he for a time, in 1919, combined both offices, but that proved impossible. What his salary was then I cannot say.
Did he not receive £250 a year as a trade union official?
I do not know what his salary was, but I desire to say that it is impossible for me to place too great a value on his services.
Regional Medical Officers
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the opinion is held by county councils that the appointment of regional medical officers at £1,000 a year was waste of money, their duties being simply to receive reports of tuberculous cases to pass on to the councils' officers; whether his attention has been called to this matter by the County Councils' Association; and whether he will now review and reconsider, in view to their early abolition, all these appointments?
No, Sir; only a very small part indeed of the time of a regional medical officer of the Ministry is required for the duty presumably referred to in the question of securing the due preparation and transmission to tuberculosis officers of the reports which insurance practitioners are required to furnish. As to their main duties, I would refer my hon. Friend to previous answers and to the statement made by me on presenting the Estimates of my Department on the 12th May.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, notwithstanding the statement he made, the Chairman of the Nottinghamshire County Council the other day declared that these officers had no duties whatever to perform, and that their salaries were therefore wasted?
I do not think that the Chairman of the Nottinghamshire County Council knows what duties these gentlemen have to perform.
Temporary Buildings
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commis- sioner of Works, if he will state how many of the temporary buildings erected during the War in the parks and open spaces of London have so far been demolished, apart from the temporary buildings on the Horse Guards Parade; whether, in addition to the temporary buildings erected in the parks, a large number of temporary buildings have also been erected on the roofs and quadrangles of many Government offices; whether any of these temporary buildings have been demolished; and what is the approximate floor space area of the temporary buildings still in use by the Civil Service in the London district?
Apart from the huts on the Horse Guards Parade, the only temporary building which has been removed is that which was erected in the grounds of Lancaster House. The answer to the second part of the question is in the affirmative, and to the third part in the negative. The approximate floor space of all the temporary buildings in the London area so far as my Department is concerned is 1,000,000 superficial feet, of which it is anticipated that more than half will be vacated during the next six months.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman take steps to see that the country generally knows the efforts at economy indicated by him?
Yes, Sir.
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether it would be possible without further delay to remove from St. James's Park the large buildings now used as refreshment rooms and to arrange that the officials should obtain necessary refreshment from the many restaurants and eating-houses in the neighbourhood?
The question of the demolition of the canteen building in St. James's Park is receiving close consideration, though I fear it will not be possible to secure its vacation before the end of the year, by which date the two other buildings in the bed of the lake will be vacated. The three buildings will then be removed and the ground reinstated in due course.
Why cannot these officials take their refreshments at the ordinary places of refreshment? Why should the vacating be delayed till the end of the year?
From motives of economy and good management, I do not think that it would be satisfactory to take away one building till we can take away the three.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman really take into serious consideration during the Vacation the removal of these buildings in the parks, seeing, as he has said, that there are immense temporary buildings on the roofs of Government buildings which can be temporarily retained?
Yes; my right hon. Friend the First Commissioner is fully alive to the matter, and is doing everything he possibly can.
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he can give an early date as to when the huts in Regents Park, at present utilised by the Royal Air Force, will be vacated and removed, thereby returning to the public a considerable amount of open space to which previous to the War they had access?
The buildings to which the hon. Member refers are now occupied by the Imperial and Foreign Corporation, Limited, for the disposal of aircraft equipment and stores under a contract made with the Ministry of Munitions. The question of their continued occupation is at present under consideration with the Treasury.
Unemployment
Domestic Service
asked the Minister of Labour whether, as a result of his interviews with those representing mistresses of households and with the Central Advisory Committee on Juvenile Employment, he will say if he has decided that this and similar advisory committees should cease to use Government employment exchanges for their meetings and notepaper of his Ministry for their correspondence; and if he has discountenanced the issue from labour exchanges of conditions under which the young person should accept domestic service?
This matter is receiving my careful consideration. But in the meantime, I may tell my hon. and gallant Friend that on 3rd August I issued an instruction calling the special attention of all concerned to the fact that Juvenile Advisory Committees deal only with boys and girls under the age of 18. Further, I issued on 8th August an Order on the question of domestic service and claimants for unemployment insurance benefit. That is rather a long document, and I will, if I may, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT as part of this answer. I have also laid it down that no document shall be issued by an advisory committee with the headline "Ministry of Labour" without previously having been seen by my responsible officials or myself.
The following is the Order:
"Domestic Service and Unemployment Benefit
1. An allegation has been made to the Minister that Employment Exchange officials discourage unemployed young women from offering themselves for vacancies in resident domestic service unless the terms of the situation satisfy the conditions outlined by the Juvenile Advisory Committees, who are engaged in the voluntary work of offering advice and assistance to young people under 18 years of age seeking work.
2. It has indeed been further alleged that Employment Exchange officials recommend young women registered as unemployed, to come upon the Unemployed Insurance Fund for benefit—in cases where, by previous occupation in an insurable industry, they are eligible for the same—rather than accept situations which do not conform to the conditions so outlined.
3. The Minister is, of course, aware that the conditions in question are outlined as advice and assistance exclusively to young people under 18, and that since a proportion of these only are insured, the allegation is manifestly of very doubtful reliability.
4. He is also aware that the large number of vacancies in domestic service which have, in recent months, been actually filled by the Employment Exchanges, is substantial evidence of successful endeavour on the part of the Employment Exchange officials in a direction the direct reverse of that indicated in the complaint made to him.
5. Nevertheless, the Minister considers it desirable to remind all those responsible for administering the Unemployment Insurance Acts—in regard to domestic service as to all other forms of occupation—that the function of the Exchange official under the Act is confined to deciding whether or not the applicant for Unemployment Benefit has unreasonably refused an offer of suitable employment.
6. If the Employment Exchange official is in any doubt as to whether the refusal to take the situation is justified in the circumstances of the case, he should simply suspend benefit and at once refer the matter to the judicial decision of the Chief Insurance Officer, subject to further reference, if necessary, to the Court of Referees and the Umpire."
asked the Minister of Labour how many women are now registered at Employment Exchanges as domestic servants?
The total number of women registered at Employment Exchanges for all classes of domestic service at 8th July—the latest date for which figures are available—was 54,790.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether these Employment Exchanges discourage domestic servants from accepting domestic service?
No, certainly not. That is an allegation I have met frequently, and to which I desire to give an emphatic contradiction. On the contrary, the success which has been secured since the beginning of the year, in placing large numbers of domestic servants and in filling places—I gave the number in the recent Debate—shows that their efforts are in an entirely contrary direction.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware there is no reason whatever for these exchanges providing places for domestic servants?
It is absolutely a waste of money.
Mineks (Benefit)
asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that, when the Unemployment Insurance Act was passing through Parliament, it was never contemplated that when a dispute had endeda man who desired to resume work, but who could not for reasons connected with the industry, should continue to be disqualified for benefit; whether, in the absence of power to alter the umpire's decision on this point, he will submit a short Bill to amend the Act; whether he is aware that very many miners are being disqualified for benefit on this decision of the umpire, although the colliery in which they were formerly employed is not in disrepair and is actually working and non-employment is due to other causes; and whether he will give instructions that where a miner is unable to resume work he shall be paid benefit if the colliery is not in disrepair?
The provision referred to has been, since the original Act of 1911, that an insured person who is unemployed by reason of a stoppage of work which was due to a trade dispute is disqualified for receiving benefit so long as the stoppage of work continues. The determining factor is not the termination of the dispute, but whether there is a continuance of the stoppage caused by the dispute. There is no power to give instructions that claims to benefit shall be admitted where decisions have already been given in the contrary sense by the umpire. If in any particular case there are fresh facts which were not before the umpire when his decision was given, it is always open to the parties to apply for a re-hearing.
Who supplies the evidence on which the umpire decides whether a pit is, or is not, in disrepair, as a result of the stoppage? May I further ask, does he take evidence in the case of each colliery and each seam in the colliery?
In regard to the first part of the question, I must have notice. As regards the second, I imagine the decision of the umpire will be made applicable to all similar cases. If there are any new facts they shall be taken into consideration.
As this is a very important decision, may I ask another question? If, as the result of a stoppage, a contract is lost, and if after the stoppage has ended the cause disappears, is it to be taken then that, following on the loss of the contract, the men concerned would not get unemployment benefit in the light of this interpretation?
That question should be put on the Paper.
Has the right hon. Gentleman arranged a conference between employers and representatives of the workpeople respecting the principle involved in this question?
That is another question. I am endeavouring to see if I cannot in due course amend the Act to meet cases where men have lost their employment because of trade disputes in which they are. not directly concerned. I have not made reference to that here, because this deals with the umpire's decision.
Teade Union Seceetaeies (Emoluments)
asked the Minister of Labour whether, in consequence of the present large volume of unemployment, the emoluments of branch secretaries of unions administering the Unemployment Insurance Act under arrangements with his Department have been increased to a point which, in the event of their being thrown out of their ordinary employment, disqualifies them from benefit; whether, in normal circumstances, the emoluments of these branch secretaries never reach a figure which would disqualify them from benefit; and whether, in view of the fact that they are simply doing extra duties outside their ordinary employment which would otherwise have to be performed by Departmental officials, he will consider the possibility of amending the Act to enable these men to secure, during this abnormal period, the benefit for which they pay in contributions?
I am unaware on what basis trade union branch secretaries are paid for the duties they perform on behalf of their associations in connection with the administration of State unemployment benefit or otherwise. I understand, however, that cases have occurred in which claims to State unemployment benefit made by certain branch secretaries have been disallowed on the ground that the remuneration they have received for their secretarial duties has exceeded on the average 3s. 4d. a day the maximum allowed by the Act. This maximum is of general application, irrespective of the nature of the work upon which the person claiming benefit is engaged.
Guild of Insurance Officials
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has recently received a deputation from the Guild of Insurance Officials asking that a joint industrial council should be set up for the regulation of certain matters affecting their calling; and what answer was he able to make?
I have not received a deputation from the guild on this subject since January last, but after that deputation I took steps to ascertain the attitude of the insurance companies on this matter. As my hon. and gallant Friend is aware, these councils can only be set up with the consent of both the interested parties, but I am afraid that my inquiries did not lead me to suppose that it was possible to set up a joint industrial council of the normal industrial type. The Guild of Insurance officials was duly informed of the position.
Ex-Service Men
Building Trade
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is yet in a position to record any improvement in the. prospects of ex-service men and Government trainees in the building trade; and how long will be required, at the present rate, to absorb all the ex-service men of all classes whose names are now down for employment in the building trade?
I have already brought to the notice of my Noble Friend the resolution passed recently at Sheffield by the Employers' Federation, but sufficient time has not elapsed since the employers then reaffirmed their intention of proceeding with the scheme to enable me to judge the improvement which I hope will follow. I hope to have an opportunity of seeing the employers' federations next week.
Can I have a reply to the last part of the question?
As to the time required? No, I cannot say.
Is it a fact that these men are still being prevented from obtaining employment by reason of the attitude of the building trade unions?
It is perfectly fair to say that the operatives have undoubtedly cold-shouldered these men.
Cannot the right hon. Gentleman consult the Prime Minister as to the introduction of legislation to prevent this restraint of trade?
Land Settlement
asked the Minister of Agriculture how many ex-service men have now been settled on small holdings and at what cost; how many applicants are receiving preliminary training; how many others have been approved; and whether all those approved will be settled in small holdings if they still so desire?
11,827 ex-service men and 1,302 civilians have already been settled on small holdings by county councils under the Government's Land Settlement scheme, and it is estimated that 4,300 additional applicants will be settled on land which has been acquired but is not yet let. The total estimated cost of settling these 17,429 men is £14,660,000. In addition, 1,015 ex-service men and 253 civilians have been settled since the Armistice on land acquired by county councils before the War; and 638 ex-service men and 133 civilians have been settled on the Ministry's Farm Settlements at a total net capital cost to date of £645,000. The numbers of ex-service men placed in training by the Ministry is 4,973. I would point out, however, that the training scheme was not primarily intended for prospective small-holders and the Ministry has no information as to the number who may have applied for small holdings to county councils. Of those who have completed their training 1,777 have already been absorbed into agriculture. The total number of ex-service men provisionally approved as suitable who applied for holdings before 1st December, 1920, and who have not yet been provided with holdings, is stated to be 14,858, and it is hoped that those who still desire holdings will be provided for in due course.
I would suggest that an answer of such length should be circulated in the OFFICIAL EEPORT. It takes up too much time of the House.
Questions
Greater London Government (Royal Commission)
38 and 39.
asked the Minister of Health (1) whether the Royal Commission which is to be set up to inquire into the government of Greater London will be empowered to consider the constitution of an authority with jurisdiction over an area larger than that covered by the Metropolitan and City police districts, and having powers of dealing with town planning, transport, and the adjustment of financial relations between existing authorities, as recommended by the Departmental Committee on unhealthy areas;
(2) whether, in connection with the proposed Royal Commission on the government of Greater London, he will consider "the advisability of authorising the preparation of a general plan providing for the future development of London and the surrounding districts, including the lines of main roads and the general allocation of different areas for the purposes for which they are best adapted?
asked the Minister of Health what will be the terms of reference to the Royal Commission which it is proposed to appoint on the question of local government in the Greater London area; how many members the Commission will consist of; and if it is proposed that local authorities in the area concerned will be represented on the Commission?
asked the Prime Minister whether, before any further steps are taken with regard to the appointment of a Royal Commission on the question of the government of Greater London, he will, in compliance with his reply to the deputation of the London County Council on the 9th December, 1920, and in deference to the expressed wishes of all the county councils for the home counties, give these county councils the same right of audience which was afforded to the London County Council in order to explain their views on the question of the appointment of a Royal Commission?
asked the Minister of Health whether he can now state the names of the members of the Royal Commission to be appointed to consider the question of the government of Greater London; when it is proposed the sittings of the Commission shall commence; and whether, in view of the fact that many large cities are seeking to extend their boundaries, involving thereby considerable waste and extravagance of local rates, and many smaller towns are desiring to become county boroughs, he will include in the terms of reference to such Royal Commission that they shall inquire into the question of local government, at least as it affects areas and boundaries throughout the whole country?
asked the Minister of Health if he can state the terms of reference to the Committee of Inquiry into the government of Greater London; whether it will include reference to the equalisation of rates for services that are common to wealthy and poor districts alike; and, if so, whether, having regard to the present serious financial position of some of the poorer Metropolitan districts, in which the poor are required to maintain the poor, he will expedite the work of this Committee so that their Report may be issued at the earliest possible date?
asked the Minister of Health whether he has received communications from a large number of local authorities in Greater London protesting against the appointment of a Royal Commission on the question of the government of Greater London, and suggesting that the matter can be dealt with by a conference convened by him; and whether he is prepared, before any further steps are taken in connection with the appointment of a Royal Commission, to consider the advisability of adopting the suggestion?
asked the Minister of Health whether, before consenting to appoint a Royal Commission to consider the question of the government of Greater London, he considered the burden of the rates which, together with Imperial taxation, has made the position of the ratepayers and taxpayers one of great difficulty and reduced the local authorities to practical insolvency; and whether, in the face of this critical condition of local government finance, he is still prepared to allow the county councils and the numerous local authorities concerned to spend large sums in a protracted inquiry as to the boundaries of London?
I hope to announce the terms of reference to the Royal Commission and the membership shortly. I may say at once, however, that it is intended to include in the terms of reference the subject of the distribution as between different areas of local burdens, and that the Commission will be an impartial, body, and will not contain members, representative of the various authorities, or interests concerned. The suggestion that the matter should be dealt with by a conference was considered, but in view of the number of the authorities concerned, and the complexity of the issues, the Government came to the conclusion, that inquiry by a Royal Commission would be the most satisfactory procedure. It is not proposed to extend the scope of the inquiry so as to cover other parts of the country.
What will be the expenses of this Commission to the local taxpayers?
I cannot calculate that. at the moment.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer Question 39?
I think it is covered in the answer I have just given.
asked the Minister of Health if, having regard to the disappointment of the citizens of Walthamstow, who subscribed a large sum of money for the purpose of raising their local council to the status of a borough by incorporation, he can see his way to remove the embargo-of his Department upon their desires if an undertaking is given that no extra powers will be sought beyond those already possessed, or which he may agree to give, until the report of the inquiry into the government of Greater London has been completed?
I am sorry that I cannot meet the wishes of my hon. Friend. In view of the decision of the Government with regard to the Greater London inquiry, it is clearly undesirable to proceed at the present time with the scheme for the incorporation of Walthamstow
Voluntary Hospitals (Grants)
asked the Minister of Health what were the amounts paid in the years 1914 to 1919 respectively, as grants in aid to the London voluntary hospitals in consideration of their treating sick and wounded soldiers and sailors?
The amount paid during the period in question to the London voluntary hospitals for the maintenance and treatment of soldier patients was about £880,000. I regret that I cannot give the sum paid in respect of each year, but I hope this will be sufficient for my hon. Friend's purpose.
asked the Minister of Health whether it is proposed to publish the evidence given before Lord Cave's Committee on hospitals and if so, when this will be done?
In view of the cost of printing it is not proposed to publish the voluminous evidence taken by Lord Cave's Committee.
Housing
Building Materials
44 and 53.
asked the Minister of Health (1) what contracts are at present running with or for the Government for the supply of building materials; what is the estimated loss at current prices upon such contracts on completion; what contracts, if any, have been cancelled; what is the total compensation paid or to be paid in respect thereof;
(2) what, if any, stocks of material for house-building purposes have been purchased by or on behalf of the Government and which have been found unsuitable for the purposes for which they were bought; what is the total cost of the same; what part has been sold and with what result in profit or loss; and what is the estimated loss in respect of the whole of the stocks?
On the question of building material held on Government account, I cannot, within the limits of a Parliamentary answer, go beyond the information as to approximate total commitments which I recently gave in reply to a question by the hon. and gallant Member for Tottenham, nor do I think it would be in the public interest to make detailed statements on the subject of quantities, prices, and the other matters referred to in the questions while negotiations for disposal are in progress. No fresh contracts have been entered into for a considerable time past.
May I take it no further contracts will be made for building materials, and that the local authorities will be allowed to make their own arrangements?
The local authorities will not be allowed to make their own arrangements. No fresh contracts are being entered into.
Middlesbrough
asked the Minister of Health whether he has recently sanctioned the erection of a further 456 houses, more or less, in Newcastle-on-Tyne; and whether he can now see his way to grant the application of the Middlesbrough county borough council for the erection of 300 more houses, seeing that the housing shortage and resulting overcrowding is as severe in Middlesbrough as in Newcastle-on-Tyne?
I have agreed to tenders being obtained for the erection of a further 300 to 400 houses at Newcastle-on-Tyne. In view of the large number of houses contracted for at Middlesbrough which is still to be completed, I have advised the local authority that their proper course is to concentrate at present on the houses already sanctioned, and to leave open the question of additional houses till these are nearer completion.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, owing to his refusal to sanction these houses, a number of bricklayers and others in the building trade are out of work, and receiving unemployment pay?
They might go to work at Newcastle, then.
Will the right hon. Gentleman be able to give some statement as to the general allocation of the rationing of houses throughout the country, so that everybody will know what it is?
I am looking into that question very carefully. It is quite impossible to make a general statement upon the subject here. Every case must be dealt with as it arises.
Questions
Catering Trade (Women's Wages)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has any information as to the alleged sweating among women in the catering trade in Newcastle-upon-Tyne; whether the labour conditions and rates of pay are better or worse on the average in Newcastle-on-Tyne as compared with other towns and cities in the United Kingdom; if he is aware that it is customary in some hotels and restaurants to pay nominal wages in consideration of the tips received; that in certain instances no wages at all are received, and in others attendants actually pay a weekly amount to be allowed to serve and receive no wages whatever; and, if so, will he take steps to prevent the defamation of this city?
Representations have been made to me as to the wages of women in the catering trades in Newcastle-on-Tyne and other districts. As was recently stated by my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary, I have had certain inquiries made, and am making further inquiry with particular reference to conditions in Newcastle.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer parts 2 and 3 of the questions, and at the same time will he see whether he can devise or suggest any means to prevent the dissemination of mischievous half-truths in industrial areas, causing labour unrest?
Has anything been done with reference to setting up a Trade Board?
That has been considered, but we have not yet gone to any length with regard to it. The matters referred to in the second and third parts of the other question will be taken into consideration, but we have not yet reached a definite stage. In regard to the last part of the supplementary question as to the dissemination of half-truths, I fear I should find myself very busy if I undertook to consider that.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the two definite queries put in parts two and three of the question?
If my hon. Friend says that these are the facts, I accept his statement.
Cost of Living (Index Figures)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has considered the final Report of the Joint Labour Committee on the cost of living; and, if so, whether he intends to take any steps to meet the criticisms contained in the Report of the retail prices index number published by his Department?
The Report referred to by my hon. Friend is being examined, and the figures contained in it are being compared in detail with the figures prepared in the Ministry of Labour. When the statistical examination of the Report has been completed, I shall be able to consider what steps should be taken to meet the criticisms contained in the Report.
Runnymede (Crown Property)
asked the Prime Minister whether the Government have authorised the Commissioners of Woods and Forests to offer for sale at an early date the historic property of Runnymede, where Magna Charta was signed on 15th June, 1215, together with 7,000 acres of land adjoining the same; whether he is aware that this historic property, one of the beauty spots of England and part of the ancient domain of the Crown, is looked upon with feelings of the utmost veneration, not only by the inhabitants of Great Britain, but by all the English-speaking democracies throughout the world; whether it is proposed to devote any cash received as a result of the proposed sale of the property to meet current Government expenditure; and whether he will see that no further action is taken with regard to the sale of Runnymede and the adjoining property until Parliament has had an opportunity of expressing its opinion on the matter?
The Commissioners of Woods, with the approval of the Treasury, decided last year to offer for sale by auction 622 acres, not 7,000 as stated in the question, of the outlying portion of the Crown's Windsor Estate in the parish of Egham, including 99 acres of meadow land forming a portion of the land on which according to the Ordnance Survey map of the district, the Armies of King John and the confederated Barons encamped on the signing of Magna Charta. These meadows are situated some half a mile to the south west of "Runemed" or Magna Charta Island where the great Charter is said to have been signed, and which is private property. The auction took place on the 6th July last, but the 99 acres referred to were not sold, and I am communicating with my co-Commissioner, in whose jurisdiction the matter lies, with a view to withdrawing them from sale and so retaining them as Crown property. The procedure with regard to cash received as the result of a sale of Crown lands is that it has to be reinvested either in real property or in the redemption of charges on land, or in any one or more of the modes authorised by Section (1) of the Trustee Act, 1893. The interest on such investments becomes part of the annual income of the Land Revenues of the Crown, the net return from which is paid into the Treasury and is carried to and made part of the Consolidated Fund of, the United Kingdom.
While thanking the right hon. Gentleman for the assurance which he has given, which will be received with great satisfaction by the country, whether or not the Magna Charta was actually signed in these meadows or on the island, is he not aware that the Barons, with their men-at-arms, were without doubt encamped on these meadows when the Charter was signed, and therefore that they are a historic spot, which should be protected, and will he communicate this fact to his no-Commissioner, as I know he himself feels as I and the country do?
I am not prepared to go into the historical question as to precisely where Magna Charta was signed, or whether it was ever signed at all. I am told by some historical authorities that "signing" is not the technical word to use. But, on the general question, I have already signified that, in my opinion, this particular property should not have been included in the proposed sale, and that I hope it will be withdrawn from the sale and retained as Crown property.
Safeguarding of Industries Bill
asked the Prime Minister if he will state the nature of the representations received by His Majesty's Government from the French Government regarding the Safeguarding of Industries Bill; whether the communication or communications will be published; and what answer has been given?
Some weeks since the French Government represented that the Bill would have an adverse effect on French export trade. In reply, it was pointed out that it was not possible to make any statement in advance of the discussion of the Bill in Parliament. At the same time the attention of the French Government was called to the recent increases in the French tariff introduced with the avowed object of safeguarding French industries against competition from countries with depreciated exchange.
Can the hon. Gentleman say whether, when he told the French Government that no reply could be given without discussion in this House, he also told them that that discussion was being curtailed and put under a time table?
May we have the whole correspondence published?
That will receive consideration.
But that is what I have asked in my question.
I shall have to confer with my Noble Friend the Secretary of State on the matter first.
Will the hon. Gentleman see that by to-morrow, which is the last day for discussion on the Bill here, the papers will be circulated?
Certainly not.
If we are to have a tariff war with France, would it not be well to have the correspondence laid?
There is no prospect of a tariff war.
Ireland
Beer (Average Gravity)
asked the Prime Minister whether brewers in Ireland are permitted to brew beer and stout at a higher average strength than British brewers; if so, what is the reason for this preference; and whether, in importing their products into Great Britain, there are any Regulations to ensure that no advantage is thereby accorded to Irish brewers over British brewers when selling their beer in competition with the homemade article?
I have been asked to reply. Throughout the period of control a higher average gravity was permitted in Ireland than in Great Britain, the proportions being based on the relative pre-War average gravities. The preference which this arrangement gave to Irish brewers was mitigated by permitting British brewers to pool average gravity; with the revocation of the Regulations governing gravity it will disappear altogether.
May I ask the hon. Gentleman whether it is fair that a preference of this sort should be granted to any selected area in the United Kingdom, in view of the enormous advantages which those receiving it would enjoy over their competitors?
Prisoners (Release)
asked the Prime Minister whether he will state the reasons for the release of two prisoners condemned to death by a Military Court in the martial-law area in Ireland.
This action was based solely upon the existing situation in Ireland, and the importance at the present time of avoiding a conflict between the civil and military authorities. The releases were not due to any decision given by a Civil Court in Ireland. Civil Courts have no power to over-rule the decisions of the Military Courts in the martial-law area in Ireland. The decisions of the military officers administering martial law in Ireland will be upheld.
Have not the Civil Courts in Ireland declared that the Military Courts are illegal?
No.
Will the right hon. Gentleman see that the same amnesty is granted to police and military that has been granted to the other side?
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister if he will inform the House whether it is the case that the Government, in consenting to the release from prison of Members of Dail Eireann, specially exempted Mr. John McKeown on the ground that he had been convicted of murder; and, if so, will he state the reasons which have induced them to reverse that decision?
When considering the question of a release of the members of Dail Eireann who were in custody, in order that they might be able to be present at the meeting of that body fixed for the 16th instant, the Government felt that there were grounds for differentiating between the case of J. J. McKeown and that of the other convicted men. But as it seemed possible that this distinction might endanger the prospects of a successful issue of the present negotiations, the Government subsequently decided to order his release. In taking this decision, we were not uninfluenced by the fact that McKeown had successfully intervened to save the lives of certain wounded policemen in a previous affray, as was testified by the police at his trial.
Are we to understand that the Government, in coming to their decision at first, did not go fully into the facts, and that it was only after the threat from Ireland that the truce would not continue if Mr. McKeown were not released that the Government altered their decision and Mr. McKeown was released?
The Government occasionally take the liberty, which other people enjoy, of revising a decision which they have come to, in the light of fuller information and after further consideration. In this case no threat was received by the Government from any quarter whatever.
Is it not consistent with the Government's policy frequently to revise their decisions?
It is consistent with the course of wisdom in a changing world to revise your decisions.
Are we to understand that the Government were in full possession of the facts as to why Mr. McKeown was convicted of murder when they first of all came to their decision that they would not liberate him with the other members?
Yes, all the facts of the case were in the possession of the Government with regard to Mr. McKeown's past, including that part in which he saved the lives of the policemen, and including the later one in which he killed the inspector, and for which he was convicted.
Are we to understand that it is the considered policy of the Government that when persons are tried, convicted and sentenced to death, the organisation that has incited them to the commitment of murder has only to threaten the Government, and an amnesty will be granted?
Nothing that I have said or that the Government have done would justify any such suggestion.
Questions
Canadian Cattle (Royal Commission)
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether the Report of the Commission upon the Importation of Canadian Store Cattle will be laid upon the Table before Parliament is prorogued; and whether, in view of the urgency of the matter to both Canadian and British stockbreeders and feeders, he will allot time to give effect to the findings of this Commission before the House rises?
I understand that it is unlikely that the Royal Commission will be able to present their Report before Parliament rises, and that in any case the evidence could not be available for consideration in the short time that remain to us.
North Eastern Railway Company
asked the Prime Minister for what special service the £50,000 was paid by the Government out of the taxes of the country to the Minister of Transport under an agreement made between him and the North Eastern Railway while their deputy manager; and if he will circulate a copy of the agreement to all Members?
The payment referred to was not made by the Government to the Minister of Transport. It was a payment made by the directors of the North Eastern Railway Company to their retiring deputy general manager in the ordinary course of their management of their undertaking, and in pursuance of an agreement made between the North Eastern Railway and their deputy general manager in 1912. The decision of the Government, whatever it might have been, could not, and did not, affect the obligation of the company under that agreement; but the company claimed that this payment was properly chargeable to the company's working expenses in accordance with the agreement providing for the control of the railways by Government during the War. This was a question of law, and accordingly the Government referred it to the Law Officers, and acted upon their advice.
No wonder we have to pay for our tickets twice over.
May I ask whether, as the House of Commons, or, in other words, the Government, have paid this money, they are not entitled to see the agreement under which they have paid it, and if the Government have the agreement, is there any reason why the Members of the House of Commons should not also see that agreement?
I have not myself seen the agreement, nor do I feel myself competent to express an opinion upon it. As Chancellor of the Exchequer, I undertook that no payment should be made unless the Law Officers advised that the Government were under an obligation to make it. They have so advised, and I see no reason for taking any further action.
While thanking the right hon. Gentleman for his explicit reply, which does not answer my question, may I ask if the House of Commons may see a copy of the agreement under which this £50,000 was paid by the British taxpayers?
The answer to my hon. Friend's question is that the agreement under which that sum was charged to the working. expenses of the railway and therefore came into the accounts of the Government with the railway, is within the knowledge of the House.
Not the whole House.
It is within the knowledge of the House (HOST. MEMBERS: "No!"). It is the agreement, or series of agreements, under which the Government assumed control of the railways during the War.
Not known to individual Members.
That is a matter for individual Members.
There are a lot of things we do not know.
That is because individual Members do not care to read, or do not think it necessary to read them.
They do care.
May I ask, if it is within the knowledge of the House, where I can see it?
The agreements regarding the control of the railways have been published.
In other words, does the Cabinet rule the House of Commons or the House of Commons rule the Cabinet?
At the end of Questions —
May I ask your advice, Mr. Speaker, which I trust you will kindly give? How, in the event of a refusal by the Government to show a Member of this House an agreement made—in this case between the North Eastern Railway Company and its then deputy-manager, the present Minister of Transport—under which a large sum, a very large sum, of money was paid to him; in the event of the Government refusing to show that agreement to a Member of this House, and Members after all represent the taxpayers of this country, and this is paid out of the taxes of this country—how, I ask, is that Member to get a copy or to be allowed to inspect that agreement, which he may be anxious to do?
I do not see how I can help the hon. Member in the matter. It may be that the agreement is not in the possession of the Government. I do not know. If the Government decline, there is no further remedy.
Are we to take it, Sir, that this House of Commons is absolutely helpless in the face of the refusal of the Government?
If it were a public document, it would be published. I have no power to compel the Government?
Does it not become a public document when the public have to pay for it out of their own pockets?
The hon. Gentleman, I am afraid, will not entice me into a discussion of the merits of the case.
On a point of Order. You yourself, Sir, said a moment ago that possibly the document was not in the possession of the Government. An answer to that is from the Leader of the House to the effect that it was in the possession of the Government—
No, no; I did not say that.
Within the knowledge of the House?
No.
The hon. Gentleman is referring to quite a different matter. Is he not speaking of the agreement between the Government and the railway companies at the beginning of the War?
Why not employ Sherlock Holmes?
Old Age Pensions
asked the Minister of Health why Mary Cornisk, residing at Nantyglo, Monmouthshire, for upwards of 45 years, and who is over 70 years of age, has been refused an old age pension; is he aware that this old lady had two sons in the Great War, one son in the Boer War, and one son-in-law and one grandson killed in the Great War; and will he see that no technical difficulty shall be allowed to deprive this widow of her old age pension after she has made such great sacrifices in the interest and for the honour of this country?
This claim was disallowed because the applicant does not satisfy the statutory condition that for at least 10 years before receiving an old age pension the person must have been a British subject. I have no power to allow an old age pension where the statutory conditions are not fulfilled.
Is it not a fact that this old lady has lived in this place 45 years, and has been paying rates and taxes in this country the whole of that time? Now that she is 70 years of age, is she to be deprived of the old age pension?
I do not know whether that is a fact, but she is not a British subject, and, therefore, under the Act, she cannot have an old age pension. In the 45 years she might have become naturalised.
National Insurance (Panels)
asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been called to the allegations of the high chief ranger of the Order of Druids regarding the working of the National Insurance Act, to the effect that the Ministry doctors issue certificates habitually without seeing the insured persons; that there is a medical tendency to refer patients for hospital treatment as out-patients, as doctors then receive the capitation fee whether the patient is well or ill; that, in some cases, doctors show reluctance to call on patients out side surgery hours; that the number of panel patients is in numerous cases beyond the physical capacity of doctors adequately to deal with; whether any inquiry will be made into these allegations; and whether, in the event of their being found accurate, improvements in the medical services will be introduced without delay?
asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been called to the fact that many panel medical men issue certificates of illness without ever seeing the patient; that private patients very often receive priority of attendance when medical practitioners have a combined practice; that many panel patients requesting attendance at home, owing to serious illness, are asked to call at the surgery; that many panels are too large to secure necessary and efficient service to insured persons; and what steps he proposes to take to improve these conditions?
I have seen Press reports of the allegations in question, and if specific cases in support of term are given to me, I am quite prepared to go into them. As I pointed out in reply to a question on the 4th instant, a certain number of complaints must arise in working so large a scheme, and machinery is provided under the Regulations for investigating complaints and imposing penalties if necessary. I am considering whether the time has not come for a general inquiry into the working of the National Health Insurance Acts.
asked the Minister of Health the maximum of patients a doctor may have upon his panel; and to what extent he may increase this number by having assistant doctors?
The limit of the number of insured persons whom an insurance practitioner may have on his list is determined by a scheme made for each area by the Insurance Committee and the Panel Committee jointly, and the extent to which the limit may be increased where the doctor engages one or more permanent assistants is determined by the Insurance Committee, who is required to have regard to the particular circumstances of the doctor's practice. No doctor working single-handed may have more than 3,000 persons on his list, The maximum has been fixed in a large number of areas at 2,000 to 2,500, and the average number per doctor is approximately 1,000.
Nurses (Registration)
asked the Minister of Health whether, under the Rules for Registration of Nurses now lying upon the Table of this House, a nurse who has been trained in Scotland and is practising in Scotland can be admitted to the English register and thereby remove herself entirely from the jurisdiction of the council of the country in which she is practising; and whether he will consider the Amendment of both the English and Scottish rules so that all nurses should originally register in the country in which they are practising but should be able to be placed on the register of the other country without difficulty or payment if they subsequently desire to practice in that other country?
I am advised that it is not competent to the General Nursing Council to refuse to admit to the register a nurse who is otherwise qualified on the ground that she is not practising in the country. Registration is purely voluntary, and no nurse can be brought within the jurisdiction of any of the three Nursing Councils except by her own choice. A nurse practising in Scotland would derive no advantage from admission to the English register, since she would not thereby be entitled to describe herself in Scotland as a registered nurse.
Is it not competent for a Council to draw up rules which would allow a nurse practising in another country to be placed on the register? Does the right hon. Gentleman not realise that the whole object of the Act will be defeated if these Councils have no jurisdiction over the nurses in their own country?
They have jurisdiction over the nurses practising in their own country.
No. If a nurse practising in Scotland has registered in England, is it not the case that the Scottish Council will not have jurisdiction over that nurse, although she is practising in Scotland?
Rhodesia
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, in considering the grant of responsible government to Southern Rhodesia, he will see that Northern Rhodesia, being less developed and occupied by natives less able to look after themselves, is not included in the grant of self-government or subjected in any way to the government of Southern Rhodesia; and that if the chartered company cease to administer Northern Rhodesia, that colony is taken over as a Crown colony by His Majesty's Government?
I am well aware of the difference of the circumstances of Southern and Northern Rhodesia, and the considerations referred to in the question will not be overlooked. I cannot add more at the present moment, but I would refer the hon. Member to the second Report of Lord Buxton's Committee, which I hope to be able to lay very shortly, and with which I am in agreement.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the settlers of Northern Rhodesia have taken up the attitude that they are as much entitled to be consulted in these matters as any Member of this House, and that they resent the suggestion that they are less capable of looking after themselves than the natives of Southern Rhodesia or Newcastle-under-Lyme?
Is my hon. Friend aware that in Northern Rhodesia the overwhelming mass of the population are uneducated natives, and will he see that in any grant of self-government the interests of the natives are protected by the British Crown, and not merely by elected white settlers?
Kenya Colony (Indian Subjects)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been called to alarmist cables from Kenya reporting the establishment of a recent anti-Indian society among the settlers; whether he is aware that action may be taken by these malcontents to serve notice to quit on Indians in the Highlands; that any such action would cause an outbreak in India; and will he cable the authorities to see that adequate protection is given to Indians in the Highlands to protect them against European outrages?
My attention has been drawn to a message from Kenya, through Reuter's Agency, stating that the European settlers are organising themselves to oppose the grant of the concessions which have been demanded by the Indian community. I have no further information. It is the normal duty of the Acting Governor to repress disorders whenever or however they arise, and I do not propose to cable instructions to him founded on the gratuitously offensive suggestion that outrages by Europeans are in contemplation.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in this telegram it was specifically stated that the settlers were forming secret organisation, and, in view of the danger of secret organisations of this sort, will he telegraph to East Africa insisting that it is the duty of His Majesty's Government to protect all the inhabitants against secret organisations?
British Army
Militia (Recruiting)
asked the Secretary of State for War when it is proposed that recruiting for the Militia shall commence, and if any commanding officers have yet been appointed?
As regards the first part of the question, I would refer my hon. find gallant Friend to the reply on Monday last to the hon. and gallant Member for Hulme. As regards the latter part, commanding officers have been appointed for a certain number of battalions, and others are under consideration.
Remount Officers (Bonus)
asked the Secretary of State for War what is the money value of the cost-of-living bonus given to district remount officers for the years 1920 and 1921?
The average amount of the cost-of-living bonus to district remount officers is £210 per annum.
Is not the bonus the equivalent of the whole of the salary of £200 given to these men?
I cannot answer that offhand.
Questions
Downing Street (Entrance Gates)
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether the wooden gates at the entrance to Downing Street are to be replaced by permanent iron ones, or taken away and the street left unobstructed; and when it is proposed to remove them?
There is no intention at present either to remove the existing gates or to replace them by permanent iron ones.
What purpose do these gates serve, and is it not a peculiar comment of our democracy that they are necessary?
Was I not assured six months ago that it was intended to replace these gates by iron ones which have been ordered?
The first part is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary, not for me. As to the second point, the work has been abandoned from motives of economy.
Business of the House
May I ask the Leader of the House what Orders of the Day he proposes to take after the proceedings on the Safeguarding of Industries Bill come to a conclusion?
After 11 o'clock to-night, we propose to take the following Orders: which would rather indicate that the Measure is of a contentious character, and if hon. and right hon. Gentlemen, in whose names those Amendments stand, determine to proceed with them, it will be impossible for us to make any progress with the Bill, and the settlement of the claims between the railway companies and the Government must be left to the ordinary course of agreement or litigation.
Is the Leader of the House aware that agreement has been arrived at as regards 31 out of the 32 railway companies concerned, and they have agreed with the men's representatives? In these circumstances, will the Government take steps to bring pressure to bear on the Great Northern Railway (Ireland) not to endanger what the other general managers have already agreed to?
My right hon. Friend has only mentioned one of the companies. I believe the facts as to the measure of agreement and disagreement are correctly stated by him. The Government have done all they could to secure agreement among the parties concerned, and they can do no more. If the parties cannot now come to an agreement, and the Bill remains a contentious Measure, we shall not attempt to proceed with it. I think to-night is the very latest moment at which we can take the Committee stage of the Resolution with any prospect of completing the Bill this Session.
This question is mixed up with the larger Irish truce, and I am sorry to say there are people who are trying, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, to break the truce under the guise of an industrial dispute. Will the right hon. Gentleman be prepared to do this in order to remove all opposition. We are agreed that it is only one company that is the barrier to peace, and will the Government undertake to put a proviso in the Bill that that company shall not participate in the benefits of the Bill unless they join with the other companies in sharing the responsibilities?
I am afraid there is only one position that I can take up, and it is that which I have already stated, namely, that unless there is agreement about this Bill it is impossible to proceed with it in the time at our dis- posal. I do not want to enter into this controversy, but I must just say that I should not like to be taken as accepting the right hon. Gentleman's suggestion that at the bottom of this disagreement about the Bill there is any political question. I believe it to be purely and solely a railway question which is preventing an agreement being arrived at.
I wish it were.
If before 11 o'clock to-night it is ascertained that the Bill can be treated as an agreed Measure, we will take it, but if not, we shall definitely abandon the attempt to-legislate and the railway companies and ourselves must be left to come to an agreement or litigation.
In the event of this Bill not being proceeded with this Session, could it not be introduced next Session for the payment of the £3,000,000, and is it not true that in point of fact all that would happen would be a delay of not more than a month or two in the payment of the money in the case of the Irish companies compared with the time of payment in the case of the English companies?
If this matter be not settled before control comes to an end, it may become the subject of litigation at the option of the parties at any time. That is the urgency of the question, and that is why I so deeply regret that even at this late hour no agreement has been reached.
As the right hon. Gentleman knows, we want to facilitate the business in regard to controversial matters. May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he means that in regard to the Committee stage of the Irish Railways Bill there should be no explanation or even a moderate discussion? Does he mean that we must not ask for an explanation of this £3,000,000, and that we cannot have an ordinary discussion, and ask necessary questions? We might do that, and yet be able to pass it to-night.
I was waiting for the hon. and gallant Gentleman to finish his question, or rather his repetition of the same question, before I rose to reply. That is only one question. Of course I do not say there is to be no explanation or discussion, but it is absolutely impossible to carry the Bill if it is to be treated as a contentious Measure. It must be treated broadly as an agreed Measure with no desire on either side to kill it, and the time occupied on it must be reasonable or it will not be proceeded with.
Will an opportunity occur to discuss the Report of the Estimates Committee?
I know of no opportunity except that which is the last refuge of the destitute.
When is it proposed to take the Exchequer and Audit Departments Bill, in which the Public Accounts Committee is so much interested?
I know that the Measure which the hon. Member refers to is recommended by the Public Accounts Committee, of which, I believe, he is the Chairman, I was anxious that it should pass this Session, but there appears to be considerable opposition to it, and I do not think I ought to ask the House to sit unduly late for the purpose of passing this Measure.
May I point out that the Second Reading was adjourned with a very distinct understanding that it would be proceeded with this Session?
What I had hoped and understood was that it should be given a Second Reading by general consent after a brief discussion, but so much objection was taken to the Bill that that was not even possible.
The discussion was adjourned to allow the Debate to proceed on the Civil Service.
It was adjourned because there were so many people who wished to speak upon it, and were not prepared to treat it as a non-contentious Measure. I should be very glad to see it passed, but I do not want to keep the House up all night in order to pass it.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to:
Peterhead Harbours Order Confirmation Bill, without Amendment.
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 8) Bill,
Coventry Corporation Bill,
Lancashire County Council (Drainage) Bill, with Amendments. Amendments to:
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (Ossett and Wakefield Extension) Bill [ Lords ],
London and North Western Railway (Holyhead Harbour Leasing) Bill [ Lords ],
Stock Conversion and Investment Trust Bill [ Lords ],
De Trafford Estates Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Glasgow University." [Glasgow University (Dundonald Bursaries) Order Confirmation Bill [ Lords ].
MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 8) BILL
Lords Amendments to be considered To-morrow.
GLASGOW UNIVERSITY (DUNDONALD BURSARIES) ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]
Ordered (under Section 7 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899) to be considered To-morrow.
Public Petitions Committee
First Report brought up, and read.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Orders of the Day
Safeguarding of Industries Bill
[1ST ALLOTTED DAY.]
As amended, considered.
NEW CLAUSE.—(Exception for goods used in shipbuilding.)
"Subject to compliance with such conditions as the Commissioners may impose, this Act shall not apply to goods imported for the purpose of being used in shipbuilding or ship repairing."—[ Major Barnes. ]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
4.0 P.M.
This Clause is put down as a last effort to save at least one of the great staple industries of this country from the shackles with which the Government are proposing to fetter all the industries upon which we depend for our prosperity. I do not know that there is much chance of it being accepted. If there were anything consistent or coherent in the policy of the Government, there might be some reasonable ground for that expectation, but, of course, no such qualities are displayed by the Government. They are a hand-to-mouth, haphazard, shifting, and opportunist Government. We cannot rely that the policy which they carry out in one field of industrial conditions in this country will be carried out in another field. If one could really do that, one would be given ground for believing that this Clause might be accepted by the Government. It tries to ensure that we shall at least be able to secure external transport as cheaply as it can be secured. We are in this country dependent on transport, internal and external, and for the last nine weeks or more we have been engaged upon a Measure the sole object of which is to cheapen the internal transport of the country. If the Government were consistent and coherent in their policy, one might expect that they would be as anxious to cheapen the external transport as they have shown themselves to be in dealing with the railway system of the country, but, so far from that being the case, they are pressing forward a Measure which is going to increase the cost of building ships, and consequently increase all the charges that appertain to the carrying of goods by water. If the Government are determined to spare no-other industry, there is at least some ground for them making a concession in this case, because even most Protectionist countries, such as Germany and America, exempt from their tariff materials which are required for shipbuilding. By this Clause we ask, not that this matter shall be taken entirely out of the authority of the Commissioners, but that, subject to compliance with such conditions as the Commissioners may impose, this Act shall not apply to materials used for the purposes of shipbuilding and ship repairing.
I beg to second the Motion. This, as my hon. and gallant Friend has well said, is a very-important Clause. It affects the livelihood and well-being of over 1,000,000 people. It concerns every port in the country. The men earning their daily bread in London, Newcastle, on the Clyde, on the Tyne, and in every port of this country are vitally affected by the decision of the Government this afternoon. When I am asking the Government to take a big decision, and in some respects to change the character of the Bill, it is only due to the House that I should remind them of the position to-day, so far as shipbuilding and ship-repairing are concerned, in every part of the civilised world. Our shipbuilding and ship-repairing industry, as the House well knows, is the envy and admiration of the whole world. The Government this afternoon are, deliberately turning their backs on the policy which has built up this great industry, and I suggest that they would be well advised, even at this last minute, to revert to that policy. To-day in America, that highly protected country which is often held up to us by the President of the Board of Trade, and to which he has gone for many definitions in this Bill, all the articles used in the building of ships may be imported, and, on proof that they have been so used, are free of duty. Japan, which has made vast strides in shipbuilding and ship-repairing during the last 10 years, has recognised that that industry stands on a different footing from every other industry in that country, for by recent legislation, passed in May, 1921, iron and steel materials, ships' equipment and parts thereof, were exempted from import duties. Belgium also passed, in June, 1920, an Act admitting all materials for the building and equipping of ships free. The same thing applies to Germany, and to a certain extent to Italy. Even the Argentine grant special privileges for ship-repairing in that country. I think I have brought before the House sufficient evidence to show that when these countries with long records of Tariff Reform behind them come to deal with the shipbuilding and ship-repairing industry they adopt a more scientific method, owing to the experience which they have gained.
The Government, unless I am much mistaken, propose to turn their backs on the policy which has made this country great in the eyes of the world. They seem to have learned nothing during the course of the War. During many Debates in this House the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department has often reminded the House that Part I of this Bill is brought in because of serious deficiencies in ammunition and certain other things in the autumn of 1914. He has played, and rightly played, on the feelings of this House in urging that special facilities should be given, or special protection granted, to these industries. Let me remind the House, not of the autumn of 1914, but of a more dangerous and anxious period during the late War. Every hon. Member remembers the early months of 191V, when the German submarine menace was at its height. The one cry from the Government Bench and from every part of the House was for ships, and more ships. If the Government of that day had come down to the House and had proposed to check the free import of raw materials for the shipbuilding industry of this country, what a reception they would have had from hon. Members I think I am entitled to press the real experience of the War so far as the shipbuilding and ship-repairing industry is concerned. Through the enterprise of men in bygone days, and through the policy of this country in permitting shipbuilders to purchase their raw materials at the lowest possible price in the markets of the world, we were able in the spring of 1917 to meet, and meet successfully, the most dangerous time in the War. Does that appeal fall on deaf ears? Are the Government going to rely on political expediency rather than on the real teaching of the War for the sake of a party majority? Are they going to scrap the policy which made this country safe, and which brought to the shores of Prance one or two million men from America in the years 1917–18? If there be the slightest change from the policy of the past, our shipbuilders are bound to be adversely affected.
What will be the position if this Bill becomes law? The shipbuilder on the Clyde or at any port in this country will receive inquiries from the Continent, and he will sit down in his office and calculate the cost of the ship. He will send out inquiries of the steel manufacturers here and abroad. He will receive prices from the steel manufacturers at home and from the steel manufacturers abroad. When those prices are received, he will have to take into consideration whether they are the true prices, or whether he will be forced to add the 33⅓ per cent. duty. He may be competing for the order of that ship with a Continental shipbuilder. Under the present laws in force in this country, he is able to purchase his steel plates and equipment at the lowest possible price, and I suggest that the Government by their policy are placing a direct impediment in the way of the industry, checking the output of ships and the free employment of people, and, with full knowledge, are striking a blow directly at the greatest industry in this country. I have spoken, I am afraid, with some heat, because I represent a shipbuilding constituency. I have spoken strongly because I feel strongly. Looking at this matter apart from party politics, I see no reason why the Government should deliberately stab this industry in the back and be traitors themselves to the cause and the principle which have made this little country the Great Britain of to-day. If this Amendment be not accepted, they are traitors to the cause which brought this country through the War successfully. We were able, as I have already reminded the House, to carry on our shoulders the extreme burden and to bring to these shores the foodstuffs and ammunition which were required. We were able with our vast mercantile marine, day in and day out, to bring men from all parts of the globe to France and to other theatres of war. That experience is evidently lost on the right hon. Gentleman, but I hope that he may yet see his way to accept this Amendment.
There is one further point which I venture to put before the House. The raw material for shipbuilding is steel. If the Government are anxious to protect steel at the expense of the shipbuilding and ship-repairing industry, they are anxious to protect the small industry in comparison with the great. In fact, they admit that the part is greater than the whole. For every individual employed in the steel trade, there are at least five employed in the subsidiary industries. The Minister of Health throughout these Debates has given the strongest support to this Bill. His constituency, I know, adjoins steel works, but I suggest that the House would be better advised, not in looking at a section, not in looking at the interests of one, but at the interests of the whole. If the Government do not accept this new Clause, they are deliberately saying to this country and to this House that the shipbuilding industry is of less consequence than the steel trade. They are putting these two industries into competition with each other. In all this clamour for Protection the pressure comes from protected industries. But shipbuilding is an international trade. Our ships to-day are on the high seas in every portion of the globe, and they are there because this little country in days gone by stood firm for Free Trade. The Government by their policy in this Bill are showing themselves traitors to that cause—traitors to the cause of Free Trade. Every hon. Member who votes for this Bill at a later stage will, I suggest, be turning his back on the experience gained in the early months of 1917, when this country could not have withstood the German submarine menace unless she had provided herself in days past with numbers of shipbuilding yard3 and with staffs of men skilled in shipbuilding and ship-repairing—a provision which enabled her to build 2,000,000 tons of shipping between the spring of 1917 and the spring of 1918.
That at any rate was the experience of this country, and if any hon. Member is prepared to question that statement I will give way to him. I suggest that this country has adapted her industries to her own peculiar position as a small island surrounded by great neighbours. We have built up our shipbuilding industry on a policy of free imports, and if the Government refuse to accept this new Clause on its merits will they not accept the far greater experience of every protected country to-day? I would remind the President of the Board of Trade that in Argentine, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Italy, America, and Japan—in every one of those countries there is some special provision definitely laid down so that shipbuilders may know exactly where they stand. They are not handicapped by such a Bill as this, and if the Bill is passed into law without this new Clause being included in it, every shipbuilder in the country will be handicapped and a low state of employment will be directly attributable to the action of the President of the Board of Trade.
After the heated, and by his own admission, heated, impassioned, highly patriotic, and almost euclidian logic which the hon. Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins) wound round his head in garlands of rhetoric, picturing what would happen in the shipbuilding trade if this new Clause were not passed I dare scarcely ask a plain, quiet, and humble question. The hon. Gentleman is pleading passionately for special exemption for one particular industry—the shipbuilding industry. I want to ask in about three words what is the position of the British steelmakers. The hon. Member for rhetoric, I beg his pardon, I mean Greenock, was particularly anxious, amidst all his admitted heat and passion, that the shipbuilding industry should be protected by providing it with dumped steel. He says that the introduction of the Bill is a matter of political expediency on the part of the Government and he suggests that they should either drop the Bill or allow this Clause to be inserted. Now I know little or nothing about steel or iron, but I wonder if the hon. Gentleman went down to the steelmakers of Sheffield or Middlesbrough, or any other place, and told them that political expediency ordained that they should be all thrown out of employment—in order that this Clause should be put into the Bill—I wonder what they would say. I say without that heat or passion or rhetoric which, as he reminded us, marked the speech of the hon. Member for Greenock when he dealt with what would happen if we did not accept this Clause that if he cannot give a better and more satisfactory reply as to the position of our steelmakers struggling against dumped cheap steel, than he has given, I, for one, shall certainly vote against him.
The hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) has chosen to make such an attack on the' gentleman whom he describes as"the hon. Member for rhetoric" that I am induced to say that the constituency of rhetoric has a very able representative in the hon. Member himself, who has been not unknown to fame thereby in the past. Unlike him, I should greatly regret to see the prosperity of the steel industry founded on the ruins of the shipbuilding industry, because, for the sake of bolstering up the steel industry, he might conceivably ruin the shipbuilding industry. He would not be doing a very great service to the steel industry because, unless the British steel industry is able to compete on level terms with the steel workers of other countries, the British steel industry is doomed. There is one point in the speech of the hon. and gallant Member who moved the new Clause with which I profoundly disagree. I do not think he intended to do so, but he gave an impression to the House that he was attributing to the Government, and particularly to the President of the Board of Trade, something like treachery to the British mercantile marine, with which the interests of this country are so intimately associated. Many of us know how near to the heart of the President of the Board of Trade are the real interests of the British mercantile marine and of the men who compose its personnel, and, therefore, I am sure if the right hon. Gentleman were convinced of the great menace which this Bill would offer to the interests of that vast organisation, he would feel inclined to accept this Clause. I can quite understand why my hon. Friend who seconded the Clause spoke with great heat. He represents one of the greatest shipbuilding interests in the country. The shipbuilding industry is in for a period of fierce competition. It is greatly handicapped already, but if it can get the best and cheapest materials in the world, and if in respect of those materials it can be placed on a par with its competitors, then I profoundly believe that the skill of the British builder and the skill of British management will carry us through and will place the industry in the same position as it had before the War. They only want a fair chance.
They have very serious handicaps to face. First there is the policy of reparation. I am not questioning that policy, but German ships have been dumped down in this country in large numbers, and that has been accompanied by a policy of refusing to sell them at any price to Germans. That, in the first place, has created an enormous slump in British shipbuilding itself, and it has also had the effect that it has forced the Germans to build ships. What is the result of that? Although the total shipping of the world is entirely adequate or almost entirely adequate to the prospective needs of the world for some years to come, we have been forcing Germany to put into the water ships which are totally unnecessary, and as a consequence we have a slump which has fallen with great severity on British shipowners and shipbuilders. To these great handicaps we are now adding this Bill, causing an unexpected and quite gratuitous obstacle to the recovery of British shipbuilding.
The proposal of the Bill is something far worse than a general tariff. With a general tariff one does know where he stands, but with a general menace instead of a general tariff we have a threat of something which may fall at any moment upon this great industry, blocking tip the channel of supply by which it is enabled to compete with the shipbuilding resources of the rest of the world. Under this Bill shipbuilders will never know know where they stand from month to month, and I would venture with all the force at my command to endorse the case which has been put forward so ably by my hon. and gallant Friend opposite. Before I sit down perhaps the House will allow me to read a resolution passed unanimously by a body of which I have the honour to be a member—a body which I think, unless I am doing it an injustice, is composed largely of trusted members of the party which is predominant on this side of the House, and which also includes Q2 among its membership men of all shades of political opinion—men who understand this problem. I refer to the Chamber of Shipping which, on the 8th July last, passed this resolution unanimously: real ground even for equivocation on the subject, and his only alternative is to accept this Clause.
I came into the House totally unprepared to speak on this point, being unaware that this was the first Amendment on the Paper. It may seem rather strange to my hon. Friend who has just sat down, that I, who have lately been the President of that Chamber of Shipping which passed the resolution which he read, should have any doubt on the matter at all. Nevertheless I have. In the first place, the Bill is only for a period, and a comparatively short period. I want to look at the position as it really is today—not upon abstract principles, but upon the real position at present. If anyone imagines that cheap steel—that is to say, steel at the price at which Germany, Belgium, or America can send it to us at the present time—is going to induce shipowners to order ships, he is making a vast mistake. The tonnage of the world at the present time is far in excess of what it was in 1914, and trade is very much less now than it was in 1914. What are we doing? We are suspending the building of vessels that are already commenced, and are suspending the buying of steel for them. Half the tonnage of Great Britain is laid up in harbours here and there at the present time, and there is no immediate prospect—I wish there were—of any revival in shipping for a very long time to come; and if a revival does take place there are hosts of ships that will come out of harbour and compete for the trade, while there is a large amount of tonnage presently under construction or on order for which contracts have been placed. What is the other side of the position? Our steel workers at the present time are in a very perilous condition. Many of the steel works of the country are entirely closed for the time being, and forges are closed also. My hon. Friend the Member for Greenock must not think that it is only in steel works that there is employment in the steel industry. There is a large import of ore from Mediterranean and other foreign parts, which gives employment to a tremendous number of British ships. Then there are the quay labourers who are engaged in dealing with the discharge of ships, and many other workers, so that there is any amount of work and employment before the ore ever reaches the condition of being steel. Is any damage going to be done to British shipping if this temporary Measure is passed? I think not. My deliberate opinion is that you have to do something to protect industries that need protection. Shipping needs no protection at the present moment. If you could bring in steel even at lower prices than those at which America, Germany, and Belgium can now send it, it would be of little use to the shipping industry at present.
There is another rather extraordinary thing which I hope and believe cannot be of long duration, namely, the extraordinary state of the exchanges. We hope that, long before this Bill expires, the exchanges will have passed into a normal condition. Moreover, it must not be supposed that the steel sent to us from these foreign parts at the present time is quite to the liking of British shipbuilders. I am not going into details, but a huge law suit is about to be started in America on account of the quality and want of adherence to specification of large quantities of steel which were ordered into the Clyde. Again, I recollect that years ago, in the case of a vessel of mine, the shipbuilders, without my knowledge, placed an order for what was called a cast steel sternpost from Germany. I never knew that it was from Germany. The boat got her keel upon the strand near Calcutta, and the sternpost snapped; and it being cast steel, there was no work in Calcutta that was able to repair it. It might be thought that the British shipowner, if he were looking after his own interests entirely, would be very glad to have cheap steel, but he has some regard for the quality of the material, and I cannot say that either Belgian or German steel is on a parity with British. It is not necessary to worry about shipbuilding in connection with this Bill. Shipbuilders are not going to get new orders for a long time to come, and they know it. The only thing that can bring back the trade of the shipping industry to what it was will be for ships to become scarcer than they are at the present time. If the present supply lasts, unless we are going to have great prosperity within the next few years, there will be no more shipping ordered, and, indeed, there is a great deal at the moment that is sus- pended. In principle, I quite agree with what was said on the opposite side of the House. Every country that I know admits materials for shipbuilding and ship repairing free of duty. But, as I have said, I am looking upon this, not in the abstract, but as a practical matter at the present time, and I am perfectly prepared, whatever may be the general principle in normal times, to support the Government with regard to their proposal.
We have listened to a very interesting speech from an hon. Member who speaks with great authority on this subject, and I think that everyone must have been greatly impressed by what he said. But, if I may make the suggestion to him, I think he has made his speech a little too late; it should have been made at the meeting of the Chamber of Shipping, at which he was present, when a very large number of his fellow shipowners passed, as far as I am aware unanimously, the resolution that was read by the hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Shaw).
I did express myself there. I asked not to be entrusted with the resolution.
The hon. Member's position is now even worse. Having failed to convince the shipowners that his views should be supported by them, he appeals from the shipowners to the House of Commons as to the propriety of legislation on this matter. With very great deference and respect to him, I prefer to take the opinion of the shipowners themselves upon a question which concerns the shipowning industry.
Where are the shipowners? There are many hon. Members of this House who are shipowners, but where are they?
That is more than I can explain. I have very often asked the question,"Where is the Financial Secretary to the Treasury?" He is going to impose the duties. Where is he? If we started to ask where Members are, I am afraid we should get into very deep water, and might even stray beyond the ambit of Mr. Speaker's ruling. The hon. Member, having put himself in opposition to the views of the official organisation of the shipowners of the country, went on to say that shipbuilding was in such a bad way—and certainly the figures seem to support that view—that the best thing to do was to raise the price of the materials used in the industry. That sort of argument may have weight, but I have never quite been able to see that it carries conviction with it. We know what is done by all other tariff countries. We are now, or shall be as soon as this Bill passes, a tariff country. [HON. MEMBEES:"Hear, hear !"] This Bill is supported by Tariff Reformers because it makes us a tariff country. The countries with tariff experience have all exempted these materials for reasons of their own which must be obvious to anyone who gives the matter a moment's thought. Our supremacy in shipping has been of enormous value to us, not only in commerce, but in the minor matter of war as well, and if we permit the industry to pass to other countries, as it inevitably will if this Bill is passed, and these orders are given and are put into operation, we shall lose the mercantile supremacy of the world. Shipbuilding and shipowning will be carried on elsewhere, and nothing we can do will save the commercial and mercantile supremacy that we have hitherto enjoyed. Is it wise at the present moment to handicap our own shipbuilding industry, in view of the operation of the Reparation policy on the German shipbuilding industry? Germany is exporting under a really crippling export tariff of 26 per cent.' German wages will remain for a long time depressed, and German industrial conditions will be bad. Men will work harder than before and for less wages, under the pressure of patriotism. They will be told that it is necessary for them to' do that, and that any movement towards higher wages will prevent Germany from recovering her position in the world. One industry, however, is exempted, and that is shipbuilding. They can build and export ships and capture our shipping trade without the operation of the 26 percent, which is laid upon them by the tariff under the Treaty of Versailles. The result will be that at one and the same moment the German industry is being stimulated to an enormous extent, and ours is being handicapped to whatever extent this Bill becomes operative.
To whom is Germany going to sell ships? Does the hon. and gallant Member know that America has about 3,000,000 tons of unsold tonnage? Who is going to buy?
Germany will use the ships to export the enormous quantities of dumped goods which she is forced to export under the Reparation arrangements. I should like, in conclusion, to read to the House some remarks made by Mr. McKenna, whose opinion will carry some weight, on this very matter. He said:
"The reduction in wages due to the compulsory payment of a 26 percent, export duty will not be confined to the trades engaged in export business. Wages in every industry will be similarly depressed, and the basis of cost in Germany will be universally below ours. The effect on her shipping industry is obvious. Ships will be built and manned on the German basis of cost, but the freight and passenger rates will be on the international level. The export duty of 26 percent, will in fact constitute a bonus or preference of 26 percent, in favour of German shipping. The same will be true of banking and insurance business. The cost of carrying on business of this kind in Germany will be far below that in other countries, which will allow German bankers and insurance companies a considerable margin to give away in the rates they charge."
Therefore, I would urge in support of this Amendment the argument that a handicap is placed on what is really a key industry in this country, and at the very moment when the policy of the Government is stimulating a most dangerous war of competition on the part of our competitors abroad.
I heard the opening remarks of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) with the greatest pleasure when he said,"Where is the Financial Secretary to the Treasury?" because it reminds me of the first days when I served on these Benches and one of the wisest men in the Civil Service and the Treasury said to me,"Whatever you do when you are Financial Secretary never sit on the Bench unless you have business there. The House will always say,'Where is the Financial Secretary?' But if you show yourself when your business is not there someone will say,' I see the Financial Secretary there. What does he think about it?'" I am afraid that, in spite of the kind remarks of my hon. Friend the Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. A. Shaw), I shall make a very dull speech, because when you confine yourself to facts you are obliged to be more or less dull. It is only when you can give free play to imagination and fancy that you rise to greater heights. I think this Debate has been a very interesting one and I think it owes its genesis to two causes. I think there is a very general apprehension among hon. Members who sit for constituencies where shipbuilding is conducted, and I think there is a genuine apprehension among some people connected with the shipbuilding trade, and I think it arises very largely from an imperfect apprehension of the facts. But I think also this feeling which is manifested in this discussion arises from another fact, and that is that there has come a very subtle change over the country in the last year or two, and whereas a year or two ago everyone was anxious for Government help, Government support, and Government interference, now the only thing that people ask for is to be let alone, and therefore that feeling comes to the front whenever legislation is under discussion which may possibly in any way cause any interference with the business of any individual. That is very natural. It has always struck me that at this moment—I do not think my judgment is very good in this matter—I believe any party would be returned to power if they merely went to the country and promised that they would do nothing, that in no circumstances would they interfere with industry and commerce, but that they would get into the jungle of waste not with an axe—a somewhat discredited weapon—but with a tank.
May I say a word or two about where I think the Movers of the Amendment have shown an imperfect apprehension of the facts of the case? I agree with a good deal that has been said by the various people who have supported the Amendment. I agree with them in this, that if this were a protective tariff, no doubt with regard to shipbuilding, and possibly other things, we should follow what we have found almost the universal practice in highly protected countries, and also m countries where they have no coal or steel, and we should admit the materials for shipbuilding free. The fundamental fallacy hero is, in my view, that this is not a Bill to bring in a general tariff. It is a Bill to try to stop dumping when that dumping causes serious unemployment. It becomes a very simple problem if we keep that elementary fact before our mind, because then our conduct, so far from being incoherent and inconsistent, becomes both consistent and coherent, because we say that, no matter what the industry may be, it is entitled to protection if it can make out its case that employment is being seriously affected in it by dumping from either of the two sources mentioned in the second Clause of the Bill. But I have gone some way to meet what I think—all my Friends do not agree with me—was a legitimate complaint. It is perfectly possible that by protecting—if I may use the word roughly and without any settled significance—one industry, and possibly saving a certain amount of employment in that industry, you may be causing much more unemployment in other industries, and it is for that reason that I think it is only fair that an examination should be held into the question as it affects the user of the material that is coming in. There is an Amendment later on which deals with the same subject. We said a good deal about that on the Committee stage of the Bill, on an Amendment, where the phrase"aggregate employment" is used. I do not propose to say anything at this stage beyond reminding the House that I pointed out, as well as I was able, when the matter came up for discussion, that, in my opinion, it will be perfectly impracticable to decide such a question.
With regard to these shipbuilding materials, I tried to show that there is no general tariff against shipbuilding. It is only when materials come in under one of two conditions, and each condition is subject to the still more important condition that serious unemployment is caused thereby. The materials must come in under cost price in the country of manufacture, or they must come in aided by that bounty which is a creation of modern times, and of which none of us had much suspision of before the War, which is the result of the difference in the internal and the external value of the currency. If hon. Members will only bear these facts in mind, and realise that while it is perfectly right for the Government to take such steps as it can against the invasion of material under these circumstances so as to give a sense of greater security to the industries of the country which are likely to be affected, yet at this moment the countries which are largely affected by that very big bounty are very few in number, and, so far as we have knowledge at present, I am not aware of cases where the selling is below the cost of production in the country of origin. In these matters it is very easy to use the rhetorical and exaggerated language, but beyond making some of the more nervous of the shipbuilders wonder if in making a contract, perhaps at some future date, a case may be put up for this particular Bill, there is nothing the Bill is doing to harm that great industry, and I am very grateful to my hon. Friend the Member for Dumbarton (Sir W. Eaeburn) for giving the House some very plain facts as to the state of that industry at present. The whole danger to which hon. Members have referred is entirely hypothetical and problematical, and I should be very much surprised if the perils they anticipate have to be met within the duration of this Bill.
The right hon. Gentleman, in all the course of his arguments in favour of this Bill, has been never more disarming to his critics than he has been this afternoon because, in fact, what he really said is this,"I quite agree with you that there is a great deal to be said for the arguments which you adduce, but my little Bill will not do any harm to anyone. There is nothing in it at all. When it really gets to work, with all the safeguards I have inserted into it, the thing will not really work at all." That is the argument which he has addressed to us.
And a very good argument too.
I dare say the hon. Member agrees with me about the Bill. The more unworkable it is, the better. Let me take one or two of the arguments the right hon. Gentleman laid before the House. First of all, he suggested that there we a great deal of wild imagination and that we need not fear the long list of countries which have been given in the shipowners' memorandum which has been laid before the House this afternoon. On collapsed exchanges, what about Germany? It is a country which is admitting material for shipbuilding and ship-repairing free. Before the War everyone knew, and especially Free Traders were constantly pointing out, that with the scientific tariff which Germany had set up, whenever they really got down to shipbuilding they saw that the whole of the shipbuilding material was left to come in free, and, of course, that is one of the reasons why the Germans were so successful in shipbuilding and the repairing of their ships. What is happening today? I speak with very considerable personal knowledge. I know some of the most important ship repairing yards in this country, and every week ships of large tonnage are going in ballast to Continental ports to be repaired.
The joiners' strike.
5.0. P.M.
The joiners' strike may be a factor in it—every strike is a factor in it—but it by no means accounts for the whole of it. If I had time I could give some most striking figures of some actual cases which I know of my own personal knowledge. Under these circumstances, when the shipyards are struggling, both by way of building and repairing, to maintain themselves as a commercial entity in operation, here is the Government throwing at them, by way of encouragement, a Measure which will stop business. I cannot imagine any more foolish proposal than the Bill and the refusal of the Government to accept an Amendment which is based upon the experience of tariff countries. It is no use saying this is not a tariff Bill. That is not what Mr. Hewins thinks about it. That is a matter more for Third Reading, as no doubt you, Sir, would remind me in a moment if I elaborated it. The view the right hon. Gentleman's colleagues in the Conservative party take of it is that this is a tariff Measure, and it is for that reason that it has been pressed in the House and such determination shown at the back of it. But, being a tariff Measure, surely you ought to be guided by the experience of tariff countries. That is the real charge, which the right hon. Gentleman has wholly failed to meet. We only take this up as an exception because we present is as a clean cut case of experience. We are against the whole Bill, of course, but here we are backed by the experience of the Argentine, of Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Italy, the United States and Japan, and, in spite of all that, the Government are determined to see not only that all the industries of the country come within the ambit of this Measure, but that this one special basic industry is subject to the same handicap as all the rest of them. There is no more important industry to this country than the shipping industry, not only as affecting our own ports, but in its world wide effect on our international relations, on our relations with our Dominions, and on our interests at home. They are all bound up with the shipping industry, and you have in favour of this Amendment not a party or parties on this side of the House, who are in natural opposition to the Government, but you have the backing of every trade interest throughout the country. In face of that, the Government pursue the course to which they are doomed. That is what it amounts to. Their real reason is that this is a tariff Measure, and they must for that reason put it on the Statute Book.
We have had a gloomy Debate. The hon. Member for Dumbarton (Sir W. Raeburn) has said that shipowners will not build ships whether steel is dear or whether steel is cheap, and no one has really contradicted that argument. So far as I can see, the only salvation for the shipping industry is for the hon. Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) and the hon. Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins) to form themselves into a company, with the appropriate name of Scuttle Limited, and to go round and sink half the British mercantile marine. That is the only way to put the British shipbuilding industry on its legs according to what we have heard today.
Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that that proposal has been actually made with reference to the reparation ships?
:I had no idea whether it had been made or not, but it has been made in this House by implication this afternoon by nearly every speaker. I cannot understand the view that this Clause is of any importance whatever, in spite of what has been said by those who support it. They have presupposed that a duty is going to be put on all the materials with which shipbuilding is conducted. If hon. Members will scrutinise the Bill, they will see that that cannot by any possibility happen. What has to occur before the duty is put on? In the first place, as the right hon. Gentleman has pointed out, there is a Clause which provides that account shall be taken of unemployment caused in other industries affected by the imposition of a duty in connection with a particular industry. There is another condition to be fulfilled, and that is that the industry shall be conducted with sufficient efficiency in the view of the Committee. Therefore, it seems to me that the supporters of this new Clause are asking for something less than the Bill itself gives them.
Is the hon. and gallant Member aware that there is a proposal on the Paper by the President of the Board of Trade to take out that Clause which the hon. Member says is of such value?
The hon. Member is quite wrong. As I explained in Committee, that Clause is taken out to be inserted as a drafting Amendment in the appropriate place in the Bill.
The hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. A. Shaw) is referring to Clause 14. That is covered by a drafting Amendment, as I have no doubt he was aware when he interrupted. The hon. Gentlemen who are supporting this Clause are making a fuss about nothing. When the President of the Board of Trade is playing so well the part of the wicked uncle, and by degrees strangling his own Bill so efficiently and so effectively upon the Report stage, why do they interfere with that procedure? He is doing all that they want him to do, it seems to me, and he is doing it whilst keeping up an excellent pretence that his Bill is going to be effective. It cannot be effective. It cannot be effective in the shipbuilding industry unless a number of almost impossible conditions are fulfilled. Why hon. Gentlemen want to make such a fuss about this particular Clause which, whether it is passed or whether it is not passed, cannot have the slightest effect on the shipbuilding industry, I cannot for the life of me see, and I hope that they will not press it to a Division, even for political considerations.
If any justification were needed for the absurdity of the whole Bill, the hon. Gentleman has just provided it. He began by saying that he despairs very much because of this being a gloomy Debate. The state of the industry which some of us are trying to protect is very gloomy at the moment, and, surely, if those most concerned, apart from politics and political considerations, feel that further disaster is likely to arise in this industry, and they warn the Government, although it may be a gloomy prophecy, it is a very practicable one, and one which the Government ought to know. After the elaborate attempt of the President of the Board of Trade, who first says to the tariff people:"This is a sort of tariff; this is a kind of Protection," and then he says to us:"What are you worrying about? There is nothing in it whatever"; we feel that interference of this kind with such a vital industry is disastrous. I ask the Government, in view of the fact that those who know most about it are opposed to their Bill, that they should take note of the warning of the shipowners, and at least give them an opportunity to save themselves if the Government will not do anything to save them.
It would be interesting to the House to look at the position of the steel trade before the War, especially as it affected the shipbuilding industry. My hon. Friend the Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) asked us what would happen to the steel trade if this Clause was passed, and the steel works were not protected. Before the War the steel works were not protected, and the steel plate maker was very prosperous. He paid very big dividends, his works were in full swing, he developed his works, and generally did a very lucrative business. He was in a very highly organised industry. They had the whole country mapped out in associations—the Scottish Steelmakers' Association, the North Eastern Steelmakers' Association, and so on—and no shipbuilder could buy at a competitive price from any steel works in the country. It got so bad that the only thing that could keep these gentlemen in order was competition from abroad, and steel plates came in to the Tyne and the Tees from Germany. Then the Steelmakers' Associations got together, and said to the shipbuilders,"We will supply steel plates at £8 10s. a ton provided that you take all your steel plates from our association, but if you dare to import one single ton from Germany, then your price will be £9 for the whole of your consumption."
It is very well known that some shipbuilders worked entirely on imported steel plates and built snips very satisfactorily from that material. The plates came over to this country in all specifications. They came over as required, and practically there was no difficulty in importing this material. I was told by a man who dealt in steel castings, which are required for shipbuilding, that if he ordered 1,001 castings from one firm abroad, they would all come true to specification, and there would be no waste. If we are going to protect the steel industry by 33⅓ percent, duty on imported steel, what about the enormous pressure which the steel makers will exercise on the shipbuilders? They will be working behind a protective tariff wall, and they will be able, practically, to screw the life out of the shipbuilding industry. What we are suffering from in the shipping trade are high prices. The hon. Member for Dumbartonshire said that cheap steel would not result in the building of one single ship more. I doubt that. What the shipowner is required to do in the national interest today is to use some of the enormous profits that he has made in the past in writing down the value of his fleet. A shipowner's fleet today may stand at £20 or £25 a ton, whereas pre War a ship could be bought for £5 or £6 a ton. A ship that has a capital value of £5 or £6 a ton can compete with and beat any ship at £20 or £25 out of the market.
Ships of mine, built before the War at £6 and £7 a ton are not able to run at a profit, so that the hon. Member's argument does not hold good.
That is not the point. The hon. Member's ships at £6 a ton will be able to run at a profit for a considerable period before the ship at £25 can possibly hope to make a profit. No ship at over £5 or £6 a ton will for years to come make a profit, and the shipowner is bound, in the national interest and in his own interest to write down his capital value and sarcifice the loss which he has made on his fleet. My hon. Friend knows quite well that there are many shipowners who deliberately sold their fleet at over £20 a ton, and put the money into the bank, and are waiting for the ships to come down to £5 and £6 a ton, in order to re-buy. My hon. Friend and his friends are deliberately trying to keep up the price of steel for shipbuilding in order that they may realise the capital value of their ships to-day.
That is quite wrong.
That is not in the national interest. So far as my experience goes on the North east coast, if we tax ship repairing material, the only thing that will happen will be that ships will go abroad to be repaired. They are going over to Holland and Germany and Belgium wholesale to be repaired today. That is largely due to the joiners' strike; but if the cost abroad is anything like 33⅓ percent, less than here, it is quite easy to send over a ship to a foreign yard to be repaired, and we shall lose the work which the ship repairer is now getting in this country. This Bill is thoroughly bad, and if the Government were wise they would accept this new Clause, which is moved in order to mitigate as far as possible damage that might be done to a vital industry. It is to this nation of the supremest importance that we should be able to transport our foodstuffs and our materials abroad and to this country at the cheapest possible rate.
In all the speeches which have been made in support of this new Clause it has been assumed that if this duty of 33⅓ percent, be put upon imported iron and steel that it will increase the price by that amount to the consumer in this country. The experience of the last 18 months has shown that it will do nothing of the kind. The idea that this duty to correct the exchange is going to increase the cost of the article in this country was the old free trade theory that the moment you tax an import, that tax finds is way on to the article and against the consumer. The experience of the last 18 months has shown that nothing of the kind happens. Owing to the collapsed exchange the German is able to send his goods to this country at a ridiculously low figure. A Prices Office was set up in Germany, and the German Government said:"That is not good for you. You must get the best price which you possibly can get for your goods." Therefore in regard to the goods that are sent here from Germany the price is fixed by the German Price Office at a point just underneath the English price.
The result is that this 33⅓ percent, is not going to advance the price of iron or steel in the slightest degree. It will be merely an appropriation of part of the enormous profit which the Germans and others are able to make by sending their material to this country. It is suggested that the money which now goes abroad for repairing purposes would be retained in this country if we could get cheaper steel and iron. It has nothing whatever to do with it. The collapsed exchange means that in Germany you get skilled labour at sixpence an hour, in competition with our skilled labour at two shillings am hour. Even if you got all your repair material for nothing, until you can get our labour down to some reasonable basis, our labour will never be able in that class of work to compete against the labour of other countries where the exchange is in a collapsed condition. I am glad to think that the President of the Board of Trade is sticking to the Bill in the form in which it now is. I am sorry to say that he has whittled it away in many respects, but there is still something in it of benefit to industry I trust, therefore, that he will not allow himself to be persuaded to make any more concessions, which are not concessions to demands intended to help this industry or that, but demands made with the deliberate intention of destroying the Bill.
I have listened with some interest to the course of this Debate, as I happen to be a shipbuilder who would be affected by this Amendment. My hon. and gallant Friend said that it was impossible to conceive that this Clause would ever function, at any rate function efficiently, to the advantage of the shipbuilder. My hon. Friend the Member for Dumbarton (Sir W. Raeburn) will agree with me that the price of steel has got nothing to do with the condition of the shipping industry today, and that it does not make the slightest difference what tariff you put on steel or what protective measures the Government provide against dumping. It is not the price of steel or the cost of production of steel in this country which has driven business away from us; it is the conditions of labour. I am going to give the facts to the House, so that the House may understand them. As a shipbuilder, I can quote facts and figures. The price of steel plates in this country today is £15 a ton. I can import Belgian steel into this country for £8 10s. a ton; I can buy American steel plates in this country for £12 a ton—and nobody is going to say that the cost of labour in America is cheaper than here. But the cost of an 8,000 ton ship today, without any profit to the builder, is approximately £175,000. Before the War it was £55,000. The cost of the steel today is approximately £51,000; before the War it was £17,000. You have a total amount expended upon labour today of £120,000, as against £38,000 before the War. I would take out of the £120,000 today £15,000 for woodwork and joinery work, and you have £105,000 spent on the engineering and steel work in the shape of labour, as against probably £32,000 or £33,000 before the War.
My right hon. Friend the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean) referred to ships going abroad for repairs. That is again not due to the cost of material. The cost of material is a very small factor in the total cost of the bill for repairs. I do not suppose that the total cost on the average for material on a repairing job exceeds 10 percent, of the price. We are faced in the ship repairing indusdry today with this condition, that we have not the power to select our men for the job. We cannot take on men whom we have had for years and who are standing by us. We have to go to some little office and say to the delegates in charge of the union,"We want so many men; please send them to us." And we have got to take men we know to be unfit and incapable of doing their job properly. That is the condition existing today in the ship repairing trade. I am faced with the condition here that I cannot get my men to work more than seven or eight hours a day. They will not look at overtime when work is plentiful. When I send my boats abroad to be repaired, the men work 24 hours around the clock in two shifts of eight hours, with four hours' overtime at double pay, and my job is done in one third of the time, and at one half of the cost. But I do not get the benefit of that one half of the cost, because these foreigners see the position and study carefully what it costs in this country, and they just give 2, or 3, or 5 percent, under it. These are actual facts, which can be substantiated by the circumstances.
My right hon. Friend then referred to the joiners' strike. He said that he had considerable experience of the repairing industry. So have I. And the joiners' strike has cost this country in work, labour, and wages something probably in the neighbourhood of a million pounds, and there is no prospect of its being settled, and work today is going abroad to be done week after week, and will go abroad, because these men are not inclined to go back for the reason that they are subsisting in some cases upon unemployment pay, and in other instances they are drawing from the Carpenters' and Joiners' Union, who are employed on houses. We must understand the position of the shipbuilding industry. We are capable in normal circumstances of looking after ourselves, but we cannot by any legislative measures, Protection, Free Trade, or anything else, build up thtis industry until we can get our men to realise that steel must first be produced to us in this country on the same competitive level as it is in other countries, and that the workmen engaged in the industry, whether engine building or shipbuilding, must be prepared to give the same competitive labour as the men abroad. Before the War, although we paid far more wages than the German shipbuilders, we could always take, in open competition with foreign countries, the orders from them. We could build at from £5 15s. to £6 a ton—I am talking of a 7,000-ton ship—though we paid higher wages and though the price of our own steel was higher than the price of German steel, and we could always, in open competition with the Japanese or the Spanish, get the orders to this country, because the men gave us more work and better work.
To-day the position is reversed. My hon. and gallant Friend (Colonel P. Williams) referred to the cost of ships, and said that many years would pass before ships would be able to earn a profit, if they were standing at more than £5 a ton. He said,"Let the shippers take some of their enormous profits and write down the costs." I do not know whether my hon. Friend is fully aware of the conditions in the shipping industry, and whether he is aware that all the profits which they made have been more than absorbed by the depreciation, and that there is no owner today who is carrying his boats on his books at any value, for the reason referred to by the hon. Member for Dumbarton. There is a surplus of some 4,000,000 or 5,000,000 tons of American tonnage, which they cannot operate, and which they would be only too glad to scrap. Whatever we do, or attempt to do with regard to steel plates, is not going to settle the shipbuilding industry. It cannot prosper until trade revives and there is more to be carried, and until we get into a position in which we can get our people to work more and to realise that they have got to give us better work, and until we decrease the cost it is hopeless for us to expect a rehabilitation or recrudescence of orders in the shipbuilding world.
I will mention one other fact to illustrate what I have said. We had to make a few days ago a tender for some engines, in which steel is very largely used, and in the course of making these tenders I asked if I could have a comparison of the increase of wages, as against the cost of production. And I found that, although the ratio of wages over 1913 was 250 percent, the increased ratio in the cost of production was 325 percent. That means to say that it is hopeless for us to expect to be able to compete in those conditions, which neither this Bill nor any other Bill is going to rectify, and that it is useless for hon. Members to discuss measures of this kind. Until the main factor is remedied, all the tariffs in the world will not affect it. What we require is a change in the conditions of labour and a general willingness on the part of the community to recognise the facts, and to realise that tariffs are no solution for the existing condition in which we cannot compete with the producer abroad.
The speech of the hon. Member for Cardiff (Mr. Gould) cannot be any consolation to the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell). The hon. Member has laid down in explicit terms that until British steel, of which the hon. Member for Chippenham is one of the guardians, can stand on its own feet, a tariff is no use for helping the shipbuilding industry. But this discussion is not, from our point of view, to be limited merely to the technical experience of various Members of this House who are engaged directly in the shipping industry. I do not mean that the House does not listen with deep interest and attention to such speeches as that of the hon. Member for Cardiff, packed, as it was, with facts and information, and it is only repellant to myself, if I may say so, because it seems to imply a covert attack upon labour. If it be said that the cost of labour today is so high that it is making it difficult for shipowners to build, and for ship managers to compete successfully on the seas, after all it is negligible, compared with the increased profits which accrued to shipowners during the period of national necessity. There is no advantage in making these charges on one side or the other. What I do say to the Government is, that unless the Government is frankly abandoning the Free Trade policy of this country, we need not appeal in vain to have shipping excluded from this Bill. Shipping in this country is the ozone of the industrial and commercial life of this country. We are a people not fed by any artificially created oxygen or specially favoured industries, but the whole people of these islands are fed because we are the world's masters of the shipping business. We build ships more cheaply normally, and we manage them more ably, and we are the only nation which can capably man ships in the face of the competition of the world. I have just returned from a short visit to America, and although we have our troubles here, I can assure the House, in relation to shipping in particular, that highly favoured Protectionist country, the paradise of those whose belief accords with that of the hon. Member for Chippenham, America is in a most deplorable condition.
They have adopted the free steel policy.
I do not understand the hon. and gallant Member's interruption. May I make my argument clear? In the course of its short career the American Shipping Board has cost the taxpayers of America four billion dollars. They are running ships now at a monthly loss of 16,000,000 dollars. The fact is, that we are the only nation which. in the circumstances of today has any hope of running ships at a profit; but if the Government is to interfere, even to the extent of this Bill, our shipping will be hampered and interfered with to the extent of the Government interference, and the cost of manufacture will be put up in so far as this 33⅓ percent, relates to things required for the shipbuilding industry; and in so far as costs are put up, to that extent our shipowners will be hampered in the competition of the world. That is a very simple and true argument. When we ask the Government to exclude shipbuilding materials from this Bill we can even turn for an illustration to Protectionist countries and point out that they have excluded them. Take Germany, with her high protective tariff. She is practically"free trade" as regards shipping. An article in their tariff law says:
"The materials necessary for building, repairing or equipping sea or river vessels, with the exception of cabins and galley requisites, are to be exempted."
France also gave subventions, although she is not a free trade country. Of course, she has been very much less successful than Germany in increasing her shipping. America granted tariff rebates on goods going into ships, provided the ship kept strictly and always to foreign trade. Here is an extract from the evidence of Mr. Rotch before the United States Commission on Merchant Shipping. It refers to the deplorable condition in which the American mercantile marine was in in 1904, and Mr. Rotch in his evidence said:
"The chief cause, I think, is our protective policy. It was the declared intention of the promoters of that policy that it should raise the price of labour and material. This it has done most effectually, and the cost of building a ship today in this country is 40 percent, to 50 percent, higher than the equivalent ship would cost abroad."
At the present moment we have a great opportunity to regain our position in overseas trade and our mastery of the sea. America has decided to adopt a high tariff policy—the McKinley Government was known for the McKinley tariff, and I suspect that the Harding Government will be known for the Harding tariff—'but in this particular America is "Free Trade." If we in this country do not realise our opportunity, if we do not realise the power and strength of British shipping throughout the world, if we do not maintain that strength by Free Trade, we shall lose an opportunity which we have not had for a generation, and we shall lose all hope of permanent recovery. We are envied today in every part of the world because we make every part of the world our debtors by our shipping policy. To the extent of this Bill the Government is interfering with the shipping of this country. Unless the Government say frankly that they are abandoning the traditional Free Trade policy of this country, a policy which has made us great, which has made us supreme in the construction, manning, and management of shipping, I appeal to them at least to delete shipping from the Bill. If that be not done it is idle for the Government to deny that the purpose of this Bill is protection of the worst sort.
The strongest argument against the imposition of tariffs of any kind is that all industries should be treated alike and that the State should not attempt to interfere between one industry and another by the imposition of tariffs. If you accept that as the basic principle, what is it that we are discussing now, as advocated by hon. Members who declare themselves free traders? They are advocating the special exemption of a particular industry. If this were a protectionist country, raising income from protectionist tariffs, probably I, as the representative of a constituency which is largely interested in shipbuilding, would be eager to get that altered, and to have free entrance of materials required for that industry; but approaching this Bill from the general point of view, I ask, is it a Bill which imposes a protectionist tariff at all? Those of us who are free traders and who have been supporting the Bill do so on the principle that there is one particular kind of competition that we intend to stop, if we are able—that is unfair competition. You find it denned in the resolutions of the Economic Council in Paris, defined again by Lord Balfour's Committee, and adopted by prominent free traders like Mr. Runciman. We are out against unfair competition, but we are not out to grant any relaxation at the expense of one particular trade. If restriction on dumping, with the safeguards of the Bill, is to be imposed at all, it should be imposed against all industries and not against one.
What is it that the Bill does? It is a gross exaggeration to say that the Bill imposes a tariff on these particular materials. It does nothing of the sort. All it says is that if anyone can come forward in any of the cognate trades and say that employment is being injured, he can then, after proceeding through a very long process, get an Order issued imposing a particular tariff. But, with the safeguards in the Bill, I maintain that it would be very difficult indeed to do that unless the person so complaining were absolutely certain that he could prove that there was unfair competition existing. I am against unfair competition; I am in favour of fair competition. Looking at the Bill in that way I do not think it is fair to exempt one particular trade, and I shall vote against the Clause.
The speech of the hon. Member for the Eye Division (Mr. Lyle-Samuel) was an admirable illustration of a remark he made at the beginning, to the effect that he and his friends had a soul above mere facts and figures, such as had been brought forward by those with a practical knowledge of industry.
I am sure I never said I had a soul above facts and figures.
I do not think the hon. Member did make any literal allusion to his soul, but that was the effect of what he said. It is obvious, after the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff, that there is no substance whatever in this new Clause. Whether it be carried or not, the question of a tariff of 33⅓ percent, upon steel has no bearing at all on the shipbuilding industry. Therefore, in one sense, we are wasting time in discussing the question at all, but, as by 7 o'clock we have to come to the end of Part I of the Bill, I suppose there is no particular reason why we who are supporting the Bill should not humour our Friends on the Opposition Benches, and pay to their arguments a little more attention than they really deserve. It has been said over and over again that we ought to pass this Clause because it represents the policy of certain Protectionist countries. One cannot help admiring the ingenuity of hon. Gentlemen who pick out from the practice of Protectionist countries the one sin they have a mind to and disregard all the others that they are not inclined to. It is well known, of course, that the policy of various Protectionist countries of allowing in free the raw material of shipbuilding is only the first stage of a well thought out policy, the object of which is to protect the shipbuilding industry. The shipbuilding industry in all those countries which have been mentioned was in a nascent condition; it had to try to find its way against the competition of an old established and generally prosperous industry in this country, and without some special measure of Protection there was not much chance of its success. Once the industry was thoroughly established, those countries would not hesitate to put a duty on the raw material of shipbuilding, and in fact they did so.
Let me relate a personal experience. I happen to be connected with an industry which supplied a particular kind of material used in shipbuilding. When I first went into the industry, many years ago, the shipbuilding trade in Germany was in a nascent condition, and accordingly my production was admitted free. I did an extremely good trade with Hamburg and other shipbuilding centres in Germany. What happened? After a certain number of years, thanks perhaps to the very cheap rates at which I supplied the materials, the German shipbuilders became prosperous and established, and then my German competitors put in a claim to have their industry protected, and it was protected. Of course, the shipbuilders protested. I (daresay they said it would ruin their industry, but as a matter of fact a duty was put on and an industry was gradually built up in Germany which competed with my industry, and actually took business away from us in other countries. That is an illustration of the policy of these Protectionist countries. It is no use hon. Members saying,"Why do you not take out this particular item in the policy of Protectionist countries?" unless they are prepared to take the whole thing.
Give us that scientific tariff which other countries have adopted and which, thanks to those hon. Gentlemen who call themselves Free Traders, we do not seem at the moment to have much chance of getting here. It is perfectly easy to quote what the Chamber of Shipping say, and I have not the slightest doubt that every industry in the country would pass resolutions to the effect that their particular raw materials should be admitted into this country duty free. Why should they do anything else? If you take the long view, however, the best thing that could possibly happen to the shipbuilding industry in this country would be that there should be a strong, well established steel industry in this country. If the steel industry is crushed, and if shipbuilders are obliged to depend entirely upon supplies of foreign steel, they will then become subject to the same process which has operated in so many other industries. They will have prices raised upon them, and in the long run they will suffer more by that policy than by a policy which would establish in this country a supply of their own raw materials.
The hon. Member who spoke last, like others, has protested that although this particular Measure, as it stands, may not do much harm to shipbuilding, at any rate it is necessary in the interests of the steel trade. I would like to ask whether representations have been made from the steel trade of this country asking for this protection? The representations which several Members have received are entirely in the opposite direction. The steel trade seeks liberty from State control of any sort. It asks to be relieved of that uncertainty which always arises from restrictions and the hampering of trade. Before the War the greater part of our iron and steel products, in their various forms, went to the export market. There they had to meet the competition of the world. If we were dependent, as a small nation, entirely upon our home markets, then no doubt there would be a great deal to be said for protecting any particular industry, but as I have pointed out, the iron and steel industry of this country, before the War, had to depend on the foreign market to dispose of the bulk of its products. Following on the great extensions which have taken place since, the home market will be quite unable to take those products in any considerable additional quantity. The trade is dependent on the markets of the world, to dispose of the increased production which will be the result of the extensions made during the War. It is folly to seek to protect an industry which is dependent, not on the home market but on the world market. Unless it can produce more cheaply than its competitors it is doomed. The representations made from the steel trade, from the re rolling trade and from every other section of industry concerned, have been unanimously in favour of freedom and of having full opportunity to buy in the cheapest market and to sell in the markets of the world.
How in the world is this particular Bill going to help the steel industry? The hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. G. Terrell) said this would not raise prices, but if it does not raise prices it will not keep out any goods that are coming in at present. Assuming for the sake of argument that it does raise prices and keep out these goods, what will happen? Will not our steelmakers, our shipbuilders and our engineers have to meet in the world market the products which you keep out of the home market? You do not close the door to competition because, like the ostrich, you hide your head in the sand and say you will not allow goods to come here. As exporters to the world we shall find that the products which do not come here will meet us in competition in the markets of the world. We are not gaining anything by adopting this course, and on the other hand, we are losing advantages both as regards the shipbuilding and engineering trades and also the steel trade. It has been rather curious to notice the nature of the support which the Government has received upon this Measure. One Member after another has got up and said in effect:"Why make all this fuss? This is really a very little thing" Others have said:"It will not function. It really is immaterial and it will not make any difference whatever." The hon. Member who has just spoken said we were beating the air because the issue before us on this particular Amendment was not a material one. If that be the case, what is the only possible result of our proceedings here? It is to create in the minds of the commercial community a feeling of uncertainty and that is a feeling which is not good for trade. It will raise doubt as to what may happen, and, as we know, that is even worse for trade than a measure of high tariffs. It is said that the provisions with regard to the steel trade do not at present affect shipbuilding, one way or the other. That may be perfectly true, but this Bill is not for today only; it is for some years ahead, and does anybody know whether the position of trade in the country in regard to prices is going to be the same next year or the year following that? In legislating today we have got to remember what may be the position of affairs three, four, or five years hence, and not to do anything which is going to militate against that confidence, security and certainty which is at the
root of really healthy trade and in industry.
Question put,"That the Clause be read a Second time."
The House divided: Ayes, 81; Noes, 198.
Division No. 336.] AYES. [5.55 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Rendall, Athelstan Ainsworth, Captain Charles Halls, Walter Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Hayward, Evan Rose, Frank H. Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Sexton, James Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hinds, John Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Hirst, G. H. Spencer, George A. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hogge, James Myles Spoor, B. G. Bigland, Alfred Holmes, J. Stanley Swan, J. E. Bromfield, William Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Taylor, J. Cape, Thomas Irving, Dan Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) John, William (Rhondda, West) Thomas, Brig. Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Kennedy, Thomas Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kenworthy, Lieut Commander J. M. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West), Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Kiley, James Daniel Wallace, J. Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Lawson, John James Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clltheroe) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Waterson, A. E. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) MacVeagh, Jeremiah White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Mallalleu, Frederick William Wignall, James France, Gerald Ashburner Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Galbraith, Samuel Mosley, Oswald Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Gillls, William Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Glanville, Harold James Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Myers, Thomas Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) O'Grady, James Grundy, T. W. Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T. Shaw. NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Cockerill, Brigadier General G. K. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Agg Gardner, Sir James Tynte Cohen, Major J. Brunel Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Hanna, George Boyle Armstrong, Henry Bruce Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Atkey, A. R. Conway, Sir W. Martin Harris, Sir Henry Percy Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hills, Major John Waller Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Curzon, Captain Viscount Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Barnett, Major Richard W. Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Hood, Joseph Barnston, Major Harry Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Beauchamp, Sir Edward Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Hopkins, John W. W. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Betterton, Henry B. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Dennis, J. W. (Birmingham, Derltend) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Blades, Sir George Rowland Dockrell, Sir Maurice James, Lleut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Blair, Sir Reginald Doyle, N. GraUan Jameson, John Gordon Borwick, Major G. O. Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Jesson, C. Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Eyres-Monseli, Com. Bolton M. Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvll). Bowles, Colonel H. F. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Lianelly) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Kellcy, Major Fred (Rotherham) Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Fitzroy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Brassey, H. L. C. Flannery, Sir James Fortescue King, Captain Henry Douglas Breese, Major Charles E. Forrest, Walter Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Brlttain, Sir Harry Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Lindsay, William Arthur Bruton, Sir James Frece, Sir Walter de Lloyd, George Butler Buchanan, Lleut.-Colonel A. L. H. Fremantle, Lleut.-Colonel Francis E. Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Buckley, Lleut.-Colonel A. Glbbs, Colonel George Abraham Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Gilmour, Lleut.-Colonel Sir John Lorden, John William Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Glyn, Major Ralph Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Butcher, Sir John George Goff, Sir R. Park M'Connell, Thomas Edward Carr, W. Theodore Gould, James C. M'Donald, Dr. Bouverle F. P. Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Wlthlngton) Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Macklnder, Sir H. J. (Camlachre) Casey, T. W. Green, Albert (Derby) Macpherson, Rt. Hon, James I. Cautley, Henry Strother Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Magnus, Sir Philip Chamberlain, Rt. Hn.J.A. (Birm., W.) Greenwood, William (Stockport) Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Grelg, Colonel Sir James William Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Churchman, Sir Arthur Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Martin, A. E. Clay, Lleut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Mason, Robert Clough, Sir Robert Hallwood, Augustine Matthews, David
Mildmay, Colonel Rt. Hon. F. B. Prescott, Major W. H. Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Mitchell, Sir William Lane Purchase, H. G. Thomas-Stanford, Charles Moles, Thomas Randies, Sir John Scurrah Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Molson, Major John Elsdale Raper, A. Baldwin Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell (Maryhlll) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Morltz Rawllnson, John Frederick Pee. Thorpe, Captain John Henry Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Tickler, Thomas George Murchison, C. K. Richardson, Alexander (Gravesendi Tcwnley, Maximilian G. Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Tryon, Major George Clement Murray, William (Dumfries) Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Wallace, Thomas Brown (West Down) Neal, Arthur Rodger, A. K. Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Flnchley) Roundell, Colonel R. F. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Warren, Sir Alfred H. Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Nleld, Sir Herbert Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Whltla, Sir William Norrls, Colonel Sir Henry G. Seager, Sir William Wllloughby, Lieut. Col. Hon. Claud Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Seddon, J. A. Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Parker, James Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Wise, Frederick Pearce, Sir William Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Worthlngton-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Stanton, Charles Butt Young, E. H. (Norwich) porcy, Charles (Tynemouth) Stewart, Gershom Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Perkins, Walter Frank Sturrock, J. Leng Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Sugden, W. H. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Pratt, John William Sutherland, Sir William Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy.
6.0 P.M.
The next Clause ( Prohibition of Trusts ) on the Paper, standing in the name of the hon. and gallant. Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn), is without the scope of the Bill.
NEW CLAUSE.—(Exemption of goods used for educational or scientific purposes.)
Where the commissioners are satisfied that any goods in respect of which an order has been made under this Act have been imported for educational or scientific purposes, payment of the duty shall be remitted, and where the commissioners are satisfied that such goods in respect of which duty has been paid have been so used the duty shall be repaid.—[ Captain W. Benn. ]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move,"That the Clause be read a Second time."
The Amendments to this Clause standing in the names of the hon. and gallant Members for Ely (Captain Coote) and Lanark (Captain Elliot), and providing for the repayment of the duty instead of its remission, are quite acceptable, and I am prepared to see them embodied in my Clause. This matter has been debated once or twice, and I must content myself with pointing out that scientific societies? and professors of universities from various quarters have urged that in the interests of science the articles which are necessary to them in the pursuit of their researches should be imported without any hampering import duty. There was a resolution passed by the British Cotton Industry Research Association dealing with this question, and there was also a letter published in June and signed by representatives of all the university colleges in the country, whose signatures make a very imposing array, and stand for those who are thoroughly qualified to speak on the subject. They all say the same thing, and in effect it is this: Do not interfere with the apparatus and the material which are necessary to us in the pursuit of scientific research. There was an article in the"Times" some days ago dealing with the question of dyes and pointing out the injurious effect which the prevention of the import of dyes would have upon their research work.
These are all small matters, and they would certainly not affect the volume of trade to any large monetary value, but they are extremely important from the point of view of keeping this country in the forefront of scientific research. The greatest key industry that we have is, after all, the brains of this country, and if we set ourselves apart and attempt to make a barrier and cut ourselves off from the advance of science in all other countries, we shall be rendering a poor service to this country, in a commercial sense, and especially in view of any warlike preparations which we may have to make in years to come. It is not too much to say that the whole field of science is against interference with their instruments and their laboratory apparatus and everything of that kind. I do not think it would be possible to find one person who is really interested in scientific advance who would not wish to see a perfectly free choice in everything he uses in his work. This Bill professes to be safeguarding key industries and thus promoting the ends of scientific research, but in point of fact, unless some such Clause as this is inserted, this Bill will hamper research in every possible line. We are taxing scientific books, we are taxing the spectacles of the people who read them, we are taxing the lamp and the light by which they read, and we are taxing the scientific instruments with which they work.
Why spectacles? They do not come accurately under the description of optical glass.
We have repeatedly asked that question; and we have never had any satisfactory assurance that that was not so. If and when the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) becomes President of the Board of. Trade he will exempt spectacle glasses when he makes these Orders, but in the meantime we have to take the Bill as it stands. This Clause cannot affect the main question about dumping, but I am simply asking these things which are necessary to what is the life blood of scientific, and very often commercial, advance in this country, namely, research, should be free from duties or from any other hampering interference of a Government Department.
I beg to second the Motion.
The President of the Board of Trade, in his opening speech, said he would confine himself to facts and leave flights of fancy to us, but I want to submit some facts in support of this new Clause. Our contention is that if this new Clause is refused you are going practically to tax scientific research and education, to make it more expensive, and to put a burden upon all those who provide it. In support of that argument, we can first of all recall the statement of the Minister of Health, who told us that the object of this Bill is to put up prices, and that if it does not put up prices it fails of its object. The effect of the Bill, according to that right hon. Gentleman, will therefore be to raise the cost of scientific research and the cost of education. I want to bring forward some evidence in support of that statement, and I propose first of all to call the evidence of the Conjoint Board of Scientific Societies, which is a very important body, one of the most im- portant bodies one could call in evidence. I am very glad to see the hon. Member for London University (Sir P. Magnus) is in his place, because he is one of the most important members of that Board. I have here their fourth annual report, dated 23rd March, 1921, and I see that the hon. Member for London University is one of the representatives of the Royal Society of Arts upon this Conjoint Board of Scientific Societies. That very important body is charged with the development of scientific research in every direction, not only in this country, but throughout the Empire, and what is its condition?
I find when I look at the report of its Committee on National Instruction in Technical Subjects, a Committee upon which the hon. Member for London University sits, that they were confronted with a scheme for the erection of a building and, in consequence, later, its equipment, and they were desired to consider this scheme and to represent to the General Board what their view was. They give the scheme their very hearty support, but what do they go on to say? They express the hope that the sum required for the erection of the building will soon be forthcoming, but they do not consider it part of their duty to enter into an examination of the details of the estimate. I consider they were very wise and very prudent in taking that course, but when you have, concurrently with the erection of educational buildings and their equipment, the presentation of a Bill by the Government which will have as part of its effect the increasing of the cost, not only of the erection of such buildings, but of their equipment, I think this Committee showed very great wisdom in refusing to examine the details of the estimate, but I am a little surprised that the hon. Member for London University should be one of the Members in this House who are supporting the Government in the passage of this Bill. When one looks a little further into the work of this very important body, one finds that it is abandoning a very important task laid upon it, the task of inquiring into the development of the immense water power resources of the Empire, for the reason that it is a body without any permanent staff and without any financial resources. That, of course, is the position in which scientific research has for Long found itself in this country, and in which it will continue to find itself if Bills of this character are going to be passed.
Here is a time in which money is most difficult to obtain for any purpose, and most of all for purposes of education and scientific research. One finds over and over again this difficulty in respect of carrying on scientific research on account of lack of resources. The Finance Committee of this body comes to the conclusion that it had better come to the Government for a grant in aid, so that here we have the extraordinary position arising of the Government, on the one hand, increasing the cost of scientific research by the passage of a Measure of this kind, and, on the other hand, rendering itself open, and not only open, but liable, to applications for grants in add from scientific bodies who feel themselves in economic difficulties. Not only is this the case with this Conjoint Board, it is the case with the societies which form its constituent parts. A motion was submitted to the Board by the Royal Astronomical Society on the increased cost of scientific publications, so that even stargazers are finding out that prices are going up, and asking that the Board should approach the Government for a grant. The position of the hon. Member for London University is therefore this, that he is, on the one hand, giving a measure of support to this Bill, and, on the other hand, he is a member of a body which has been entrusted with the task of approaching the Government for a grant in aid. I think I have brought into evidence here a very important witness to testify to the fact that at the present time scientific societies are not in a position to bear any added burden at all, and that they cannot stand the imposition of a single penny more upon their charges. All over the country they are finding, as' this particular society is finding, that the contributions which are coming in to them are not adequate to meet their expenses, and it is to remedy a state of affairs of that kind that the Government is pressing on with this Measure. So much for an important body of that kind, which comprises representatives of all the learned societies of the country.
Now let me bring before the notice of the President, not imaginings on my part, but some more facts, which have been placed in my possession by the National Union of Scientific Workers. I am not suggesting that this body is of the same importance as the Conjoint Board of Scientific Societies, but it is an exceedingly important body, and one point of particular interest in its composition is that it is a body which has not only branches at the Universities—it has a branch at Oxford and one at Cambridge—but it has branches amongst the great Departments of the Government. There is a Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries branch; there is a branch in connection with the Royal Air Force, and another in connection with the Royal Aircraft Establishment. There is also a branch at Woolwich. It is a society composed of people who are particularly interested in many ways in the question of national security, upon which Part I of this Bill is based. What do they, say on this point? I am not going to paraphrase what they say. I am in a position to give the House the officiall expression of their attitude towards this part of the Bill. This is a letter which was written by the general secretary of this society, and this is what he says. He is referring to an expression of opinion that some people who have supplied information desire to remain anonymous, and he goes on to say: attention to the fact that the Clause which is being proposed, has got the support in its amended form of the hon. and gallant Member for Lanark (Captain Elliot) and the hon. and gallant Member for Ely (Captain Coote), and I hope that, in its amended form, the Government will see their way to accept it. If they do so, they will only be falling into line with the policy which has been followed by the people who are looked upon as our competitors in this matter. In the United States, the university requirements are exempted from import duties, and there is a provision in the German tariff by which surgical instruments which are used directly for the performance of surgical operations, as well as astronomical, optical, mathematical, chemical and physical instruments, which are used exclusively for scientific purposes, and are not articles of industrial or ordinary use, are admitted free of duty. That is all that this Clause asks. In the first place, the Clause was limited to goods imported for educational or scientific purposes. There was no attempt to bring under the Clause similar instruments used in connection with industrial research, and that has been still further limited by the Amendment that has been accepted. As the Clause originally stood, it would have been open to any individual to benefit under it. The effect of the Amendment is to limit it to educational or scientific institutions, and I would submit that the position in which great and important bodies are finding themselves, in view of the expression coming from a body such as the National Union of Scientific Workers, and in view of the fact that the practice which we ask the Government to adopt here is a practice which, even in fully protectionist countries, is granted, the Government will see their way to accept this Clause.
There is just one other remark which I should like to make, and that is that, probably, the principal benefit of this Clause will be to assist education authorities who are great users of paper. The effect of this Clause, if accepted, will be to relieve them from the enhanced prices which the operation of this Bill will put upon paper, and one need hardly point out that if, by reason of this Bill, paper is advanced to anything like the extent of 33⅓ percent., that is going to be an enormous burden upon authorities for elementary and higher education throughout the country, and at a time like this, when local authorities are finding it of the utmost difficulty to raise rates, anything which is going to add to their burden, and, in consequence, increase their rates, is something which this House should resist.
I have been challenged, as one interested in education, for the position I take up in supporting this Bill. I have listened with considerable attention to the remarks of my hon. and gallant Friends, each of whom, I know, is interested in all educational questions. The Clause itself, as an Amendment to the Bill, is rather of a specious character, because it appeals to that large section of the population—I might say the population generally—who are interested in matters connected with our educational system. I need scarcely say that I should be the last to desire to do anything that would impede the progress of science in our schools, in our colleges, or in our universities, or prevent the opportunities which now exist for carrying on research. We all recognise the great importance of research in connection with our industries. But when we are told that, instead of introducing a Bill with Clauses such as this Bill contains, we should do all we possibly could to endow research, which would produce a far better effect, we are brought face to face with a problem which has occurred to all the professors in all our universities, namely, that you can train chemists with a great knowledge of research in any particular industry, and physicists, and other scientific men, but, when trained, it is not of much use unless you can find some opportunity for their employment. It is really a very hard case that young men should spend years in studying sciences leading up to special industrial operations if they have no opportunity afterwards of finding employment in factories in which those industries are pursued.
What industries does the hon. Member contemplate?
More than one. I might mention, by the way, that the dye industry was one in which it was impossible to find employment for those chemists who had studied the subject for a great many years. My hon. and gallant Friend who moved this new Clause spoke of it as a small one, and practically an unimportant one, except as regards the cheapening of instruments and apparatus used in schools and colleges. I agree that it is a small one, but I cannot agree with him that it is an unimportant matter. Numbers of these instruments in the Schedule— but I regret to say that, when it had passed, the Government at that time, believing, as many Members in this House now believe, that peace was likely to be permanent, made no effort whatever to supply these instruments which were then wanted.
I hope that we shall never be placed in that position again, and it is in order that we may not be placed in that position again, that we have endeavoured to build up, in this country, by the safeguarding of an industry, manufactories in which these instruments may be produced. I need scarcely say that for schools and colleges it is of the utmost importance, for purposes of research, that we should have these things; but is it desirable that we should have to go to Germany to obtain these instruments? Assuming that Germany refuses to supply them, we shall be unable to get them. Surely, an industry of this kind, which is absolutely essential in war and most necessary in time of peace, may be regarded as one of those key industries which it is important, and essential, that we should be able to build up and safeguard in our own country. That is all we are asked to do.
What are we told by the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite (Major Barnes)? He read extracts from a report of the Conjoint Board of Scientific Societies. It is quite true that I am a member of that body, and was a member of the Committee Which was engaged in arranging for the establishment of a school of research for optical glass. The Government of this country, even if it be not as liberal as one would like to educational requirements, nevertheless, does not leave them altogether in the lurch, and large grants are made by the Government and the Treasury towards the supply of what is required to carry on the educational work of the country. We have already established at South Kensington a school of the kind referred to by the hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite for the education of students engaged in the higher branches of chemistry and for research work in optical glass. At schools in other parts of England the same work is being carried on. In the East of London we are educating, and did educate during the War, hundreds of young men and women, who were able to do the manual work in connection with the manufacture of optical instruments.
One of the objects of this Bill is to encourage British manufacture as against foreign manufacture. Surely, if we do not impose any duties upon objects required for educational purposes, we shall be absolutely encouraging our schools and colleges to go to Germany for their instruments and apparatus. Is it desired that we should do that? Although this is a small matter, the Government would be losing the 33⅓ per cent. which they might get by the importation of some of these instruments. I would point out that it is quite possible to be able, to meet the wishes of hon. Gentlemen opposite if they are anxious that our schools and laboratories should be supplied at a reasonable price with the necessary apparatus. My suggestion is that the Government should give the 33⅓ per cent. that might be paid to them from the importation of other articles to these schools and colleges which require this apparatus—
On condition?
On condition that they purchase them in this country. There are other articles on which this 33⅓ per cent. will be levied. Imagine what will happen. Supposing this 33⅓ per cent. duty put upon these articles has the effect of encouraging to some extent the manufacture of these instruments in this country, and they can be manufactured at u price a little higher than those imported from Germany. Supposing that we are able to manufacture them 10 or 20 per cent. higher, would it not be a very great advantage that 10 or 20 per cent. more should be paid for these instruments if manufactured in this country and an industry built up and employment given to a larger number of persons rather than that they should be bought in Germany? I think there can be no doubt about it. It is not only a question of necessity; we see that some of these industries are being allowed to die out, and one or two have already been closed up: that has thrown out a large number of persons otherwise employed in a work of the greatest value to this country.
Many of us have been twitted here because, as Free Traders, we are in favour of this Bill. My right hon. Friend the Minister of Health made one of the most interesting speeches we have heard, which has failed to receive any adequate answer from the other side. In it he showed there was nothing inconsistent with Free Trade principles in safeguarding: infant industries. No one opposite can possibly have read works of political economy if they do not know that, as regards the question of Free Trade and Protection, even the greatest writers, John Stuart Mill, Riccardo, and others, have pointed out the exceptions to the universal application of the principle. This Bill proposes exceptional treatment of certain industries only. Therefore, I have no hesitation in saying there is nothing inconsistent for me, as a Free Trader, to be in favour of this Bill. Like my right hon. Friend, I was returned to this House-as a Free Trader. I do not hesitate to say that under normal circumstances I consider Free Trade as essential. Allow me, however, to read just a couple of extracts from a speech delivered by a great scientific man: one of those who did more for research, perhaps, than any other man of recent times in this country. He was, at the same time, one of our greatest lawyers, a prominent Liberal, and a staunch Free Trader. In the last speech he ever made before he died, Lord Moulton, at a lunch at which I myself was present, said this: the late Lord Moulton, and that it is worth any number of extracts which they may read from the reports of societies not dealing specifically with this particular point. I have only to express the sincere hope that the President of the Board of Trade will not accept this Amendment; an Amendment which, in my opinion, if pressed, would leave us in times of necessity and trouble in the same position as we were in 1915, to which I have referred, and at the same time would prevent us, in our own country, from building up those important industries winch are necessary to us in times of peace and absolutely essential in time of war.
I wish the hon. Gentleman below me who has just sat down had done me the honour of considering the Amendment to the Clause upon the Order Paper which has been accepted by my hon. and gallant Friend opposite. For, if he had considered it, he would have seen that it practically meets every argument he has advanced. In the first place, it carries out in toto the suggestion he himself made on behalf of scientific research, namely, that the Government should pay a direct subsidy of the amount of duty collected to such institutions as required to purchase such instruments. Secondly, if he will look at my Amendment, he will see that the rebate of the duty will be found solely to educational or scientific institutions which purchase the goods in question. Under that limitation there can be no question of interference with the general manufacture of those articles which are required for purposes of war. There is no question of interference with apparatus—in the general manufacture of magnetos or any of those things particularly necessary for war in this country, which, I quite agree, the Bill is right in proposing to encourage the manufacture of in this country. I suggest he was talking beside the point, and it was in not noticing the Clause had been put in an amended form.
If I may call the attention of the President of the Board of Trade to one aspect in which this Clause is amended, it is this: The effect of the Clause as amended, may be two-fold. If my right hon. Friend agrees with the hon. Member for Chippen-ham (Mr. G. Terrell) that the German manufacturer is going to pay this duty, then this Clause would have a very desirable effect. It would mean that the German manufacturer is paying a direct subsidy for British research. But on the other hand, if he does not believe the German manufacturer is going to pay this duty but the British consumer, then, in effect, all that will happen will be a little additional subsidy to this very valuable scientific work given on behalf of the Government. In either event the object which will be attained will be a most estimable one, which this House will have shown itself in favour of. Surely no one thinks that the amount we give in research is too great. On the contrary, every speech I have heard on the subject has designated it as being much too small. I should like to hear from the Government some expression of opinion as to who they think is going to pay this duty. I should like an answer to the argument I have advanced, that, whoever pays it, a direct benefit will be done to British research and British education by the acceptance of this new Clause.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman who moved this Amendment drew a lurid and vivid picture of a professor in spectacles unable, after paying this very heavy duty, to get his books or to purchase the rest of the apparatus essential to his work. That is a picture as far from anything likely to be realised as the Clause which is on the Paper is adequately designed to cover the purpose which I gather my hon. and gallant Friend has in mind. The Clause on the Paper is in this form:
"Where the Commissioners are satisfied that any goods in respect of which an Order has been made under this Act…"
Therefore if this Clause were accepted it would not apply to any articles contained in Part I and in the Schedule, because those articles are not articles in respect of which an Order is made under the Act.
The Board of Trade has to make Orders defining what is covered by Schedule I, and it is such an Order that has been specially contemplated.
I think my hon. and gallant Friend will find that there are a very large number of articles which are not covered, and that this Clause, if carried in its present form, would not have the effect of covering any of the articles mentioned in the Schedule. I think that will be the effect. Let us assume this Clause were put in such a form as to cover the articles enumerated in the Schedule, as well as any goods in respect of which an Order might be made under the second part of the Act. In the first place, I should feel a difficulty in defining what are scientific purposes, and where scientific Research merges into commercial research. No doubt I shall be told that it is research carried on in scientific institutions. The hon. Gentleman has laid great stress upon the necessity of defining with meticulous care all these institutions, but I am not sure that a scientific institution is not any institution carrying on scientific research. Take any great industry, like British Dyes, or any great metal industry which possesses large scientific departments, and practically every great industry has a scientific department. All these great industries might separate their scientific departments into one section, and they would come under this Amendment.
We should be willing to have a schedule of educational institutions chosen by the hon. and gallant Gentleman.
The hon. and gallant Member says he would put educational establishments into a schedule, but those who support this Clause say they mean places where they carry on scientific research. I quite appreciate that that is in conformity with the line which hon. Gentlemen opposite have taken, and that really is a sound line to take. Either you are going to protect all the employment which provides the instruments for scientific research or you are not going to protect it at all. I am sure the House has heard with much interest the considered opinion given by the hon. Member for the London University (Sir P. Magnus), who speak* on educational matters with an unrivalled experience and authority in this House, and he dealt specifically with the point raised as to what would happen if I accept the narrowest construction of the Clause. Speaking as a representative of education in this House, the hon. Member for the London University said he thought it was an unwise Clause to accept in the interest of scientific education and research as carried on in our scientific institutions, and I agree with him, because it is only when you combine the whole of scientific research in the places of learning with the scientific research on a commercial scale that you are really going to get the full benefit.
During the War the armament manufacturers of Sheffield said it was impossible for them to go on manufacturing munitions unless they were provided with scientific glass which was necessary in order to make tests. There is a radical diversion of opinion on this point. Either you are going to take1 as your whole policy that you mean to have scientific research and commercial research co-operating and united together, or you are not. Is not the best way to show the world of commerce that you are going to make scientific research a reality in the world of commerce. That has been the experience of other countries. I am told that Germany admits scientific instruments in some cases free of tariff. We must not forget that Germany to-day has got a completely assured position in regard to this question. When we have got a market and a production as assured as that of Germany, I would throw the market for these things open free of duty not only to every educational establishment in this country but to the whole world. May I point out that these duties are only to last for five years, and it took Germany much longer than that to build up her trade. We have heard the argument that without a tariff you would get these things a little cheaper, but we have not heard lately the argument that you would get them better. We have not at any rate had that libel thrown at British production.
You can make those instruments quite as well in this country now, but they are dearer.
How long is that cheapness going to last? We have an interesting example furnished by the Committee on Trusts in regard to scientific glass and optical glass, when they found in cases when you had home competition with the German importation the prices were kept down quite low, but when there was no competition by British production the prices were high. The issue is whether you are to have the interrelation of scientific research and commercial endeavour going forward together, and surely that is the surest way of promoting the interests of commercial undertakings and commercial life in this country, and also the interests of all the institutions of science and education.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down said that this was only a temporary provision to last five years, but we all know that if this system of protection is instituted it will not be departed from in a hurry. On this point I will quote an authority who will not be challenged, I am sure—I mean the present Minister of Health. Not long ago he said:
"Some people seem to think if you get Protection we shall get rid of it soon. Do not let these vested interests get their snouts into it. Do not let them feel how easy it is to become wealthy at the expense of the poor people of this country. Every man benefiting from a tariff is a wrong 'un."
I thought it was better to quote that sort of thing with its oriental richness to meet the argument that this seems to be merely temporary, because that proposition is without any foundation whatever. The hon. and gallant Gentleman referred to the fact that Germany can afford to dispense with her tariffs upon these instruments, but does the same argument apply to Canada and South Africa? Those two countries in reference to these matters
have refused to put on a tariff. I am not in favour of confining this Clause to institutions. I know that the hon. Baronet the Member for the London University speaks with authority on this subject, but I do not think it is disrespectful to him to say that his loyalty to the Government colours to a certain extent his opinions. I could quote opinions expressed against this Measure from his own university. There it; an eminent scientist, Professor Armstrong, of the South Kensington school, and this gentleman protested in the paper against this Bill in regard to the paralysing effect it was going to have upon scientific research. Another eminent professor, writing in the "Manchester Guardian," also confirms that view. Not long ago these scientists were so glued to the microscope that they could not hear what was going on, but recently there has been an upheaval in the laboratories of the country, and the scientific men have now come into the open, and they are. denouncing this Bill as a most serious attack upon education.
It being Seven of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKKR proceeded, pursuant to the Order of the House of 13 th June, to put forthwith the Question already proposed from the Chair.
Question put, "That the Clause be read a Second time."
The House divided: Ayes, 80; Noes, 231.
Division No. 337.] AYES. [7.0 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Grundy, T. W. Rattan, Peter Wilson Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertlllery) Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Rendall, Atheistan Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Halls, Walter Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hayward, Evan Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hinds, John Spencer, George A. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hirst, G. H. Spoor, B. G. Bromfield, William Hogge, James Myles Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Cape, Thomas Holmes, J. Stanley Swan, J. E. Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Hopkinson, A. (Lancaster, Mossley) Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Irving, Dan Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. John, William (Rhondda, West) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Kennedy, Thomas Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Conway, Sir W. Martin Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Kiley, James Daniel Waterson, A. E. Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lawson, John James White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Wignall, James Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Flnney, Samuel Mallalleu, Frederick William Wilson. W. Tyson (Westhoughton) France, Gerald Ashburner Morgan, Major D. Watts Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Galbraith, Samuel Mosley, Oswald Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Gillis, William Murray, Hon. A. C. (Aberdeen) Glanvllle, Harold James Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Myers, Thomas Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T. Shaw. Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) O'Grady, James NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B S. Armstrong, Henry Bruce Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Atkey, A. R. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Balfour, Sir R. (Glasgow, Partick) Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Baird, Sir John Lawrence Barnett, Major Richard W.
Barnston, Major Harry Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Beauchamp, Sir Edward Hallwood, Augustine Parker, James Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Pearce, Sir William Betterton, Henry B. Hanna, George Boyle Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Bigland, Alfred Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Birchall, Major J. Dearman Karmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Percy, Charles (Tynemouth) Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Harris, Sir Henry Percy Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Blades, Sir George Rowland Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Perkins, Walter Frank Blair, Sir Reginald Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Berwick, Major G. O. Higham, Charles Frederick Pratt, John William Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith- Hills, Major John Waller Prescott, Major W. H. Bowles, Colonel H. F. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Purchase, H. G. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Ramsden, G. T. Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Hood, Joseph Randles, Sir John Scurrah Brassey, H. L. C. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Breese, Major Charles E. Hopkins, John W. W. Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Brittain, Sir Harry Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Reid, D. D. Bruton, Sir James Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Remnant, Sir James Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Jameson, John Gordon Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Jesson, C. Rodger, A. K. Butcher, Sir John George Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tvdvil) Roundcll. Colonel R. F. Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Jones, G. W H. (Stoke Newington) Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Casey, T. W. Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Cautley, Henry Strother Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Kerr-Smlley, Major Peter Kerr Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. Kidd, James Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Churchman, Sir Arthur King, Captain Henry Douglas Scott, Leslie (Liverpool Exchange) Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Seager, Sir William Clough, Sir Robert Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Seddon, J. A. Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Lindsay, William Arthur Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Lloyd, George Butler Simm, M. T. Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Stanler, Captain Sir Seville Davidson, J. C. C.(Hemel Hempstead) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tlngd'n) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Lorden, John William Stanton, Charles Butt Davies, Thomas (Clrencester) Lowe, Sir Francis William Stewart, Gershom Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Sturrock, J. Leng Dennis, J. W. (Birmingham, Deritend) Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Sugden, W. H. Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Ablngdon) Sutherland, Sir William Dockrell, Sir Maurice M'Connell, Thomas Edward Taylor, J. Doyle, N. G rattan M'Donald, Dr. Bouverle F. P. Terrell, George (Wilts, Chlppenham) Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Macklnder, Sir H. J. (Camlachle) Thomas-Stanford, Charles Evans, Ernest Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Macquisten, F. A. Thorpe, Captain John Henry Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Magnus, Sir Philip Tickler, Thomas George Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Townley, Maximilian G. Fitzroy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Manville, Edward Tryon, Major George Clement Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Martin, A. E. Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Foreman, Sir Henry Mason, Robert Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) Forrest, Walter Mitchell, Sir William Lane Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Moles, Thomas Warren, Sir Alfred H. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Molson, Major John Elsdale Weston, Colonel John Wakefleld Frece, Sir Walter de Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Wheler, Col. Granvllle C. H. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Whltla, Sir William Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Morden, Col. W. Grant Williamson, Rt. Hon. Sir Archibald Glyn, Major Ralph Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Goff, Sir R. Park Munro, Rt. Hon. Robert Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Gould, James C. Murchison, C. K. Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Colliding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) Wise, Frederick Grant, James Augustus Murray, William (Dumfries) Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Neal, Arthur Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Green, Albert (Derby) Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Flnchley) Worsfold, T. Cato Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Worthington Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Greenwood, William (Stockport) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfleld) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Greer, Harry Nield, Sir Herbert Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swlndon) Greig, Colonel Sir James William Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Norton-Griffiths, Lieut.-Col. Sir John TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy.
Mr. SPEAKER then proceeded, successively, to put forthwith the Questions on any Amendments moved by the Government of which notice had been given on that Part of the Bill to be concluded at Seven of the Clock at.this day's Sitting.
CLAUSE 1.—(Charge of Customs duties on goods in Schedule.)
(5) For the purpose of preventing disputes arising as to whether any goods are or are not any goods chargeable with duty under this Part of this Act, the Board may from
Every list issued under this Section shall be published forthwith in the London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Gazettes, and in such other manner as the Board think proper.
If within three months after the publication of any such list any person appearing to the Board to be interested delivers to the Board a written notice complaining that any article has been improperly included in, or excluded from, the list, the Board shall refer the complaint to a referee to be appointed by the Treasury, and the decision of the referee shall be final and conclusive, and the list shall be amended so far as is necessary in order to give effect to the decision, without prejudice, however, to the validity of anything previously done thereunder.
Amendments made: In Sub-section (5)
After the word "to" ["shall refer the complaint to a referee"], insert the words "the arbitration of."
Leave out the word "Treasury" and insert instead thereof the words "Lord Chancellor."—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]
Amendment proposed:
After the words last inserted, add the words "who shall not be an official of any Government Department."—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
{ seated and covered ): May I put this point of Order? This Amendment says that this official shall not be an official of any Government Department. That may mean that he will have power to appoint a new official who will require a salary. There is no provision in the Bill for a salary, and I beg to ask if the Amendment be in order.
The Amendment does not involve payment for this official, and therefore the Amendment is in order.
Do we take it that the Government cannot appoint a salaried man?
I cannot go further. There is nothing in this Bill or in this Amendment involving a payment.
Amendment agreed to.
CLAUSE 2.—(Power of Board of Trade to apply Part II to certain goods)
(1) If, on complaint being made to the Board to that effect, it appears to the Board that goods of any class or description (other than articles of food or drink) manufactured in a country outside the United Kingdom are being sold or offered for sale in the United Kingdom—
Provided that the Board shall not so refer any matter involving a question of depreciation of currency unless they are satisfied that the value of the currency of the country in question in relation to sterling is less by thirty-three and one-third per cent., or upwards, than the par value of exchange.
(2) If the committee report that as respects goods of any class or description manufactured in any country the conditions aforesaid are fulfilled the Board may by order apply this Part of this Act to goods of that class or description if manufactured in that country:
Provided that no such order shall be made which is at variance with any treaty, convention or engagement with any foreign State in force for the time being.
(3) If at the time when it is proposed to make any such orders the Commons House of Parliament is sitting or is separated by such an adjournment or prorogation as will expire within one month, the drafts of the proposed orders shall be laid before that House and the orders shall not be made unless and until a resolution is passed by that House approving of the drafts either without modification or subject to such modifications as may be specified in the resolution, and upon such approval being given the orders may be made in the form in which the drafts have been approved.
In any other case an order may be made forthwith, but all orders so made shall be laid before the Commons House of Parliament as soon as may be after its next meeting, and shall not continue in force for more than one month after such meeting unless a resolution is passed by that House declaring that the orders shall continue in force, either without modification or subject to such modifications as may be specified in the resolution; and, if any modifications are so made as respects any order, the order shall thenceforth have effect subject to such modification, but without prejudice to the validity of anything previously done thereunder.
Any order approved or continued under this Sub-section shall have effect as if enacted in this Act.
I beg to move to leave out the Clause.
I move this Amendment in the absence of my hon. and gallant Friend (Lieut.-Colonel Willey).
May I ask your ruling as to whether discussion and division on this Amendment exclude all the other Amendments to the Clause?
No. In putting the Question, I shall reserve an opportunity for moving the Amendments which I propose to select.
The effect of Clause 2 is to invite every industry which suffers from dumping, or imagines that it suffers from dumping, to relieve itself of its anxieties under the protection of this tariff of 33⅓ per cent. In this Clause there is what I venture to call a loose description of dumping, namely:
It is very interesting as one considers this Bill to pass from stage to stage. First of all we find that, owing to grave condition in times of war, we had to take a certain course. Then we find that goods are being dumped and sold in this country at prices below the cost of production in the country of origin, prices with which we cannot compete because of the high cost of labour here, prices which are so low as the result of collapsed exchanges, and yet eventually we discover that the stern reason why this Bill is insisted upon is the need for the introduction of Protection into this hitherto Free Trade country. When we listen to the various arguments on which this Clause is discussed, whether it be collapsed exchanges or the different definitions of dumping, or interference with our hitherto friendly relations with certain nations with whom we enjoy the Most Favoured Nations Clause, it comes back to this, that the solid, reliable support in this House for this Bill comes from avowed Protectionists, who support it with arguments based on the Protectionist grounds with which we have been familiar since 1903, and to which we have always been opposed, but which are now being advanced as a sound economic basis.
My right hon. Friend the Leader of the House supports this Bill in just the sort of speech which he has been making throughout the country since 1903. I never heard him speak on the subject unless it was to say that dumping was one of the chief reasons why Tariff Reform was necessary. That was said long before the War. My right hon. Friend did not need any illustration of what occurred during the War, or of collapsed exchanges, or of the dangers of war and the serious position we might be in if certain industries were not protected in order to save the lives of our men. We have had even the blood argument brought forward here in order to back up this cold, calculated Protection. The fact is this Bill goes on Clause by Clause until it proves that we are proposing by it to give up Free Trade in this country. May I call attention to the second part of Sub-section (3) of this Clause? After it has been provided that if an Order is made while Parliament is sitting it shall be laid before the House, and shall not become operative unless the House approves of the draft, the Section goes on to say: consider the retention of the most-favoured-nation Clause is of no further value, and, in so far as this provision conflicts with that, I presume the Bill will be nugatory. At any rate, I shall be glad to have an assurance on that point. From the point of view of business, it is absolutely impossible to imagine how this Bill will work, or to limit or foresee its consequences should it become an Act of Parliament. After consultation with many business men in many trades, and after reading the opinions of the bankers and merchants of the City of London, I am one of those who agree that this Bill, from the point of business and of international relationship, is bad, and I hope, therefore, the House will reject this Clause.
In the course of the Second Reading stage—
Does the hon. Member rise to second the Amendment?
Yes, Sir.
May I point out I am proposing to reserve certain selected Amendments to this Clause 1 It should not, therefore, be discussed in detail on the Motion to leave out the Clause, which is intended to reject the principle.
In seconding the Amendment, I want to draw attention to one particular aspect of the Clause which is but very imperfectly raised by a subsequent Amendment, and I trust that in drawing attention to this aspect I shall be within the bounds of Order. In the discussion on the Second Reading and in Committee on this Measure the many fallacies contained in it have been thoroughly exposed and the many anomalies which it advances for our consideration have been very thoroughly discussed. But I venture to suggest that one aspect of this Measure in its terms is not altogether free from the ridiculous. This aspect is that in this particular Clause, which deals with the depreciation of exchanges, this matter actually discriminates in favour of ex-enemy countries as opposed to ex-allied countries. This remarkable feature of this remarkable Bill has never yet been thoroughly examined in this House. By passing this Bill we actually set up what I can only term a German preference, a phrase I would commend to the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell) as a substitute for the old Tariff Reform slogan, "Colonial preference," as it apparently commands support for this pro-German Measure by its chief protagonist in this House. The Bill absolutely discriminates against commodities coming from France in favour of other commodities coming from countries such as Germany. May I point out why this is so?
The thesis of the Measure is that in countries with depreciated exchanges a bounty on exports is afforded by the difference between the external and the internal values of the currencies of such countries. Notoriously the difference between the external and internal value of Germany's currency is much greater than the difference in the case of France and consequently German goods will receive a far greater advantage than French goods imported into this country. German goods are exported to this country, as exemplified in a previous discussion by the hon. Member for Chippenham, at a far lower rate than corresponding French goods. The cheaper the goods the lower the duty. You are putting a rigid duty of 33⅓ per cent. on commodities to which you apply the duty. The Germans can export to this country at a cheaper rate than the French. Take these figures. Say a Frenchman exports to this country certain commodities and places them on the market here at a price of £100. A German, by reason of the great advantage he derives from the exchange, can place exactly the same goods on the markets of this country at the price of £50, so that, in the end, the Frenchman has to bear a tariff of 33⅓ per cent. while the German only bears a tariff of about £17 10s. or a little more. In other words, by the tariff which you are imposing under this Clause you are directly discriminating in favour of an ex-enemy country as against an ex-allied country.
As a further illustration of my argument, I will take some figures recently quoted by the hon. Member for Chippenham, who has been of great service in securing the facts for our consideration. He took the case of German pianos when the mark was 240 to the £, and he said that at that rate of exchange Germany was actually exporting pianos to this country at a price of £34, and paying a duty of £11 10s., while a similar piano exported by France to this country, taking the franc at 50 to the £, would cost £70—over double the cost of the German piano—and the duty paid was £23. In other words, you are putting a duty of £23 on the Frenchman as against a duty of £11 10s. on the German, and, what is more, the protection which you are affording to the English piano producing industry is in inverse ratio to the necessity for that protection. The cheaper the goods which are placed on this market, and the greater the menace to English industry, the smaller is the duty you impose, and the more flimsy is the barrier you place in the path of the entry of these goods into this country. Not only are you discriminating in favour of the countries in which there is the greatest bounty on exports—which means, in effect, a discrimination in favour of Germany as against France—but you are also imposing protection in inverse ratio to he necessity for that protection.
What I am saying is again illustrated by the figures of the hon. Member for Chippenham. He pointed out that, when the mark stood at 240 to the £, the German piano bore a duty of £11 10s.? but that, later on, when the mark had receded to 280, and the German piano, when placed on the English market, was still cheaper, the duty which it was paying was £9 13s. 4d. Therefore, as the goods became cheaper and the menace to English industry under the hypothesis of this Bill increased, so, under this rigid duty of 33⅓ per cent., the barrier erected against it would also decrease. The only effect of this Measure is to secure, against any possibility of French competition, the English market for what the hon. Member for Chippenham has previously described in this House as the wily Hun. That is the first effect of the Measure—to'set lip a preferential tariff for the German, to introduce a principle that is new to Tariff Reform, namely, the principle of German preference. I can only imagine that some vague longing for the fundamentals of economics lies at the back of the minds of the Government, and that they have a yearning, inarticulate, but all the same existent, to reconstitute the economic and financial position of Germany and the Central Empires; and that, instead of such schemes as the Ter Meulen scheme and others which have been projected, they seek to afford an opportunity to those countries to reconstitute their trade in this country at the expense of our late Ally, France. I do, however, submit that it is carrying altruism a little too far to discriminate against the Frenchman in favour of the German. That is the obvious, the direct, and the first effect of this Clause which we are now discussing. The President of the Board of Trade says that this duty will be applied impartially all round, and, if that be so, I challenge him to deny that the effect will be to discriminate in the way I have mentioned.
I have followed the argument of the hon. Member with close attention, but I have missed what he said as to the difference between the external and internal values of the franc.
I did not give the difference between the external and internal values of the franc, but presumably there is a difference, or the President of the Board of Trade would not have assured the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), on the Second Reading, that this 33⅓ per cent would be applied impartially all round to all countries, including France.
There is no bounty in France.
A bounty exists in many countries besides Germany. Does the right hon. Gentleman say that this Measure can only be applicable to the Central European countries—Germany and Austria?
I have explained several times, and I think it will be within the recollection of the House, that this exchange duty only acts where the bounty exists—where there is a discrepancy between the external and internal values of the currency, so far as can be ascertained. Therefore, the point which the hon. Member is making does not exist.
Do I understand that at present this bounty only exists in ex-enemy countries? I hope that the right hon. Gentleman, when he comes to reply, will inform the House in what cases this bounty exists. I think he owes that to the House. Further, I hope he will explain whether, if by any fluctuation—which is very likely to occur—France acquires a bounty of this sort by a differ- ence between the external and internal values of her currency, which he says does not at present exist, this duty will be applied in such a manner as to discriminate unfavourably against her in favour of Germany.
The hon. Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley) would have some ground for his argument if it were based upon sound premises. Although I dare say the President of the Board of Trade, and even the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell), may look upon me as very heterodox, and, perhaps, heretic, I do not believe in what is called a dual exchange value with regard to Germany, that is to say, a home exchange and an external exchange, and I am not going to base my support for this Bill upon any idea that there is a dual exchange in Germany. The hon. Member for Harrow assumes that there is a dual exchange, so that a bounty is thereby given on exports to German porducers. The hon. Member for Chippenham takes the same view, but, although I support him generally, I do not arrive at his general conclusion, in respect of this Bill, by the same road. I have taken the opportunity during the last few days to have investigations made in Germany on this question of dual exchange, and this is what I find: According to the figures given to me with regard to unskilled labour in a certain trade and proportionately the rates for skilled mechanics are, of course, much higher, but I am taking unskilled labour—the wages in 1914 were 30 pfennigs, or 4d. per hour. For the period February-July of this year, the wages—among unskilled glass workers—were 4 marks 50 pfennigs per hour. In other words, the wages to-day, for these unskilled men, are 15 times what they were in 1914. The exchange of marks for sterling, however, is to-day 14 or 15 times as high in favour of Germany as an exporter as it was in 1914, the mark to-day being roughly 300 to the £ as against 20 in 1914. The consequence is that the two cancel each other, and there is really no dual exchange in Germany. German wages are 15 times higher and sterling exchange buys 15 times as many marks. I heard the right hon. Gentleman the Minister for Health use that argument of a dual exchange recently. I do not agree with him, and if it is used by the hon. Member for Harrow as a basis for his argument in his speech a moment ago the whole of his conclusions fall to the ground. There is even a disadvantage against France in her exports at the present time, because we can buy with a sovereign twice as many francs as we could before the War, the exchange being now, I think, between 45 and 50. But the labour costs in France have gone up three or four times, and the consequence is that the advantage which France gets because of the fact that when buying French productions we can get for a sovereign twice as many francs as we could before the War, is absolutely nullified by the fact that the goods cost for labour to produce in France at least three times as much as they did before the War. Therefore the French ratio is as 3 to 2 and there is a dual exchange, whereas in regard to Germany the ratio is as near as possible an equal balance, namely, 15 to 15 and no dual exchange exists. Consequently, the whole of the argument of the hon. Member for Harrow not only has the bottom knocked out of it but is turned upside down so far as this Clause is alleged to operate against France and in favour of Germany.
I will go a little further, if I may, in examining these arguments about exchange so far as they affect the Bill. I do not think it is correct, as has been often said in this House, especially by the Minister of Health, that Germany is deliberately making use of the printing press in order to depreciate her currency. She would be very foolish if she did, and, as a servant at the Altar of Economics, I am not going to allow one side of my brain to regard as correct something which the other side knows to be an impossibility and a folly, although the Minister of Health has said the thing is so. One must use arguments based on a sound starting point. I agree with this Bill and Clause, but I do not arrive at my conclusion by the route pursued either by the hon. Member for Chippenham or by the hon. Member for Harrow. I am a Tariff Reformer, and always have been, and my Tariff Reform is not doctrinaire, but was learned in the hard school of trade. We keep thinking about Germany, but Germany is not the only country which may dump goods here. There is Austria, and Austria is a quite different case altogether. In the trade in which I have been connected, namely, the manufacture of shoes, Austria can send goods here that would paralyse us so far as prices are concerned. They can put down goods here at prices which we cannot touch. But, with regard to Austria, and the point is germane to the Clause, something may happen there which for the moment I decline to discuss, because I do not understand it, it is too complex for me. One of these days, however, Austria must say that her krone, which is Heaven knows how many thousands to the £, shall no longer be the monetary unit. She may say she will call her krone a farthing, or the tenth part of a farthing, and then where are we with this Bill? Where is the Austrian exchange? Will it have a depreciated exchange within the meaning of the Clause? If that demonetisation be done in the body economic of European trader it will have the same effect as a dose of some thyroid preparation on the body human. I do not know what ferments are set up if you give a human being some sort of thyroid gland, and I do not know what will happen under this Bill if Austria or Poland or Hungary—as I feel sure they must—say one day, "We are going to demonetise the whole of our debased currency." It is true that this will ruin every person in those countries with a fixed income, but that does not matter to the manufacturer, because he will get his adjustment of the position through his trade. We want to put trade right between ourselves and those countries, says the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby. He made use of an argument which I consider childish, and I will explain why. He came back from America and said, "You will never get business going with these ex-enemy countries, and it is no good dealing with these Safeguarding of Industries Bills until you stabilise exchange." He came back and said some heaven-sent things which were told him in America. What does he mean by "stabilise"—the magic word. But to stabilise exchange seems to me like a doctor when treating an influenza patient whose temperature is 105 instead of 98µ5, taking the clinical thermometer and putting it in iced water. What does he, I say, mean by "stabilising"? The only way to "stabilise" properly is to produce wealth to improve the credit of the country with the "unstable" exchange. How else does he propose to "stabilise" depreciated exchange? Will he ask his American friend? Exchange is nothing more than a symptom. It is nothing more than a clinical thermometer to show what is going on in the credit of a country. It is no use thinking that "stabilising" the exchanges or dealing with dual exchanges will have any effect. A prudent trader would not like to see exchanges "stabilised" any more than a doctor would like to see a thermometer put into hot or cold water to bring it down or up to the temperature which ought to be indicated in the body of a healthy patient. It is no good fixing the hand of the barometer. The sailor wants to know what is in the wind. We need to see these exchanges move or fluctuate naturally, because we need to know how good or bad the credit of the other countries is. Bad exchange is a symptom and not a cause, and the sooner we leave basing our arguments for this Bill on dual exchange in Germany, and intentional inflation of the currency by Germany, the better for our argument. The point I want to make is that we ought not for a moment to pay any attention to the argument the hon. Member for Harrow has put before us on the assumption that there is a dual exchange in Germany, and that we rely upon it as a debating point. I do not think there is any reason for assuming that a dual German exchange has anything to do with this Bill or that a preference is given against our late allies. Although I support the Clause, I support it for reasons other than those which were argued and used as premises by the hon. Member.
I rejoice at the speech of the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel). It is not the kind of speech we are accustomed to hear from supporters of the Bill. Most of the speakers are afraid to use the old-fashioned Tariff Reform argument which has served them in such good stead in the years gone by. They try to lead us off into bridle paths about exchanges, and the altered conditions of the world. The Minister of Health, in particular, has told us that everything has been changed by the War and the conditions after the War. The hon. Member for Farnham makes no pretence at anything less than the old theories of Tariff Reform, and if the Government will take that line it would be very much better. I particularly want to ask the President of the Board of Trade if he can enlighten us on this point. Is it a fact that the proviso that "no Order Shall be made which is at variance with any treaty, convention, or engagement with any foreign State" will cut out most of the countries against which this Clause is apparently aimed? A very well-informed gentleman told me an hour ago that this Bill would really only operate against France and Germany. I daresay that is going too far, but which are the countries which are protected against the effects of the Bill by this small Sub—section? I think that would relieve a good deal of uncertainty in the country. I shall be glad if Austria is amongst them, in view of the appeals in the newspapers to help the starving population there and the appeals made by the League of Nations for the Ter Meulen and other schemes to get Austria going again. I believe there are merchants and manufacturers who would be very glad of precise and definite information on this point. The ordinary man cannot wade through all the complicated treaties on these matters, and we ought to have that information.
I should like to say a word on the general aspect of this Clause. It seems to me very ludicrous. It was only a little time ago that we voted credits of £26,000,000 in order to assist British merchants to export goods, and here under this Clause we are putting all sorts of obstacles in the way of the imported goods. If there is anything in the theory that trade is really exchange, which a great economist like the hon. Member for Farnham will subscribe to, if you cut off imports by this Bill, you are undoing the work of the Department of Overseas Trade, their credit insurance scheme, and the £26,000,000 credit voted by this House. That is a case of one part of the brain moving in one direction and the other part moving in another. In other words, it is a very fine example of Coalition policy which the hon. Member for Farnham would not subscribe to. I should also like to ask what is the use of this 33⅓ per cent. of the value of an article if the exchange, say, in Poland, is going to enable a Polish manufacturer to under- cut the English manufacturer. The Polish mark, which is nominally 120, has touched 8,000, and it went back in a week to 6,000.
The Poles cannot buy raw materials because of the exchange.
Of course that is the whole thing. That is the real answer to the oft repeated argument that these countries with collapsed exchanges are at great advantage as compared with British mnufacturers. I have put the question more than once, and others have done the same, why, if that is the case the Government did not give a bounty to British manufacturers by deliberately depressing the exchanges in this country. The answer to that has never been made at that box. The Minister of Health, with all his great gifts and his wonderful economic knowledge, has never told us why the Government do not help the unfortunate British manufacturer by depressing the British exchange by inflation. The Government cannot give an answer because there is no answer. If we did that, the cost of our raw materials would be so great as to nullify the effects of depressing the exchange, and, of course, the immediate demand of wages to meet the increased cost of living, and the advantage would very speedily disappear. I am very puzzled really to know what the Government policy is. If it is the fact, as has been stated, that this Bill is only a matter for amusement for the Tariff Reformers, and is not intended to work—when one looks at the gathering number of safeguards and provisoes, and so on, one is rather inclined to that conclusion—I suppose there is something to be said for it from their point of view. They want to remain in. power. They want to be able to make treaties with foreign countries and so on, and it is therefore necessary to placate 200 or 300 gentlemen in this country who are still tariff mad. But if this really is a Bill for hampering trade, and is intended to work in that way, under the guise of Protection, what becomes of the fine declaration of the Supreme Council which was subscribed to by the Prime Minister? I am going to quote the answer I got to a question on the 21st of last month on this matter. I asked the Prime Minister
"what steps have been taken by His Majesty's Government to implement the declaration of the Supreme Council on 8th March, 1920, to the effect that the States enlarged by the War should at once re-establish full and friendly co—operation and arrange for the unrestricted interchange of commodities in order that the essential unity of European economic life may not be impaired by the erection of artificial economic barriers?"
Grand words! I should have thought the Government in view of this Bill would have said, "That does not apply to this country. It only applies to these new States, Jugo-Slavia, Poland and so on. But no. The Government reinforced those words. This is what the Prime Minister himself said in reply:
"His Majesty's Government took an active part in the Brussels Financial Conference and in the Barcelona Conference on Transportation Facilities, and they have used their influence on every possible occasion to encourage action in all parts of Europe which will tend to replace the period of war and war like peace by a new period of true peace and co-operation, which they regard as the highest interest both of the British Empire in particular and the world in general. With a view to the attainment of these objects, His Majesty's Government have further given every possible encouragement to the project of an economic conference of the Successor States which is to be held at Porto Rose in the near future."—[OFFICIAL REPOBT, 28th July; col. 645, Vol. 145.]
Extraordinary! Then I asked a supplementary question, how he reconciled that very fine declaration with the present Bill, and you, Mr. Speaker, told me it could not be argued at Question time Therefore I am going to ask the right hon. Gentleman to reply now. How on earth, in view of that unanimous declaration of the Supreme Council of 8th March, 1920, advocating the restoration of complete economic freedom of trade between countries, can we support the Government in bringing in a Bill of this kind, of which I think Clause 2 is much the most mischievous? The Brussels Conference also passed Resolutions against tinkering with the exchanges, and the Government was represented by very distinguished economists, including the late Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, who subscribed to these Resolutions. This Bill goes right against the declaration of the Supreme Council and the findings of the financial commission at Brussels set up by the League of Nations and supported to the full by this Government and some 30 other States. My hon. friend the Member for Harrow (Mr. Mosley) did not mention this matter, although I know he feels with me on the point. This Clause, which is particularly aimed at these wretched countries with their collapsed exchanges, is contrary to the whole of the work that we are ostensibly doing to-day at Paris in the Clock Tower of the Quai d'Orsay.
I should like to draw attention to one or two inconsistencies in the speech of the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. Samuel). He has been described by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-commander Kenworthy) as an honest politician, but I am afraid my memory is too good to enable me to subscribe to that compliment. The hon. Member the other day waxed eloquent in favour of the free importation of a chemical which. I think, is called "pyroxylin." To-day he says, with all the vehemence which he can command, "I am a full-fledged Tariff Reformer."
You cannot make pyroxylin—I had almost forgotten the word—in this country at all, and you give a bounty on its manufacture by subjecting it to the duty on alcohol when it comes into this country. It has nothing to do with the case now before us.
8.0. P.M.
I am afraid that does not do away with the fact that the hon. Member advocated the free importation into this country of pyroxylin, and that this is required for the manufacture of patent leather. The hon. Member knows more about the manufacture of boots than about collapsed exchanges, and I think it is nothing but rank hypocrisy for hon. Members to plead that they are full-fledged Tariff Reformers, but when it comes to some particular industry in which they are interested they require the free importation of what is required for their own manufacture. The hon. Member has given the best possible argument to Free Traders for the policy we are adopting in opposing this Bill. I am very much against Clause 2. It does one thing which is against the interests of the community at large, and that is the creation in this country of trusts. We depend to a very large extent upon the things which are called dumped goods to keep our manufactures going. Reference was made by the Secretary for the Overseas Department to the findings of the Committee on Trusts. The findings of that Committee are exceedingly illuminating. May I quote one or two of the things which the Committee found? On page 4 they say:
"We find that a trade combination does exist among electric lamp manufacturers in this country, and exercises a powerful influence over the conduct and development of the industry."
On page 5, they say:
"The condition of sale of the association lamps is that they shall be sold to the user at the price fixed by the Association. Between September, 1913, and April, 1917, lamps bought by the British householders at 2s. 2d. were sold by the manufacturers—presumably at the manufacturers' profit—at 6d. for export."
If you stop the free import into this country of any article you like to mention, you immediately create in this country a trust, whether you like it or not. You get associations formed which immediately set about raising prices to the consumer, as in the case of electric lamps, where 2s. 2d. was charged to the home consumer, thereby enabling the manufacturers to export abroad at 6d. per lamp. You can apply that to any industry in the country, and for that reason I most heartily support this Amendment to exclude Clause 2.
I suppose it is no good attempting to appeal to the Minister to modify or reverse the policy which he has followed through the various stages of this Bill, and one has to hope that when it comes to the question of administration he will bear in mind some of the fears that are expressed by various industries in this country if this Bill is really enforced as it might be. Therefore, although there is no hope of getting Amendments carried to-night, it is rather in the hope that the operation of the Bill will not be as serious as it might be if we had in charge a full-blooded Protectionist, who was determined to make the most that he could of the powers which the House is entrusting to him. Before you carry out a revolution in the fiscal policy of the country good cause should be shown for the need of this tremendous change, but we have not had during the various stages of these Debates any instances given of a considerable quantity of dumping in any particular line. Fears have been expressed as to what may happen under the collapsed exchanges.
Fears have been expressed that dumping may arise in this industry or another industry, and as we have been asked from the other side to deal with facts we have reason to retort and to say, "Show us a fact which can justify this revolutionary change which you are making in the commercial and industrial life of the nation." Until you can show that there is a real danger of dumping, until you can show that unemployment has been caused from dumping, you are running a grave risk in the unsettlement and uncertainty which is being created in the minds of manufacturers.
We all agree that it is essential for sound and progressive trade that there should be a feeling of confidence and a feeling of certainty, so that manufacturers may make their plans accordingly to meet the risks to which they are subject in their own trade, and that they should be free from the influence of a bureaucratic Department which may or may not put into force certain provisions. With regard to the steel industry, you are imperilling a very large industry that has grown up during the last 20 or 30 years, the industry of re-rolling semi-finished steel products that come in from abroad. I wish to emphasise this matter, because there is a very real fear amongst these industries, which employ hundreds of thousands of men, and imported in the year 1913 over 1,000,000 tons of raw or semi-finished steel iron products, that if these anti-dumping Clauses are carried out in the spirit in which one section of the. Coalition would like to see them carried out, those industries will be seriously jeopardised. It is said that this provision against dumping will create employment. Although employment may be caused in one line, infinitely more unemployment will be created in other lines, and the net result will be one making for unemployment and for destroying trade rather than safeguarding industry. The hon. Member for Camlachie (Sir Halford Mackinder) in an earlier Debate spoke very eloquently and ably on the need for protecting those skilled in special industries. He was referring particularly to Part I of the Bill. He explained that it might take 10 years to make the Panama Canal, but it took 20 years to train up a skilled body of men in any particular industry. In the re-rolling industry, in the fine gauges and in the sections which have been built up during the last 20 years, you have a specially skilled form of trade which has taken many years to build, and in which sons follow fathers, and it would be a great shame if that industry were jeopardised or destroyed.
If you want to safeguard industry why is not provision made so that industries which have been built up during many years are not destroyed when this Bill comes into operation? By shutting the door to these simi-finished products you do not destroy the competition which may arise; you simply transfer the competition from the home industry to the foreign market. That feeling has been expressed by those engaged in this trade, and I submit that it is exceedingly unfortunate at a time when we want to recapture trade that anything should be done which is going to increase the cost of production to those engaged in these particular trades. The hon Member for East Renfrew (Mr. Johnstone) pleaded for equality of treatment, and he supported this Bill because he wanted fair treatment to all manufacturers alike. Why do you exclude from the provision of this Bill food and drink? If anti-dumping legislation is good for one industry it is good for another. Why, therefore, is food and drink excluded from the operations of this Act? Is it not because to include them would mean increase in the prices here of food and drink. Therefore, they are excluded. If inclusion would mean increased cost in regard to food and drink the same applies to semi-manufactured goods and raw materials which are the basic means of industries, and they should also be excluded, otherwise you will cripple very seriously industry in this country.
Reference has been made to the question of trusts. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Middlesbrough East (Colonel Penry Williams) showed what happened in the steel trade, when a combination of interests held the shipbuilding and other industries in the hollow of their hands in regard to the prices which they charged. He stated, and I confirm it, that they had an arrangement until quite recently—I do not know whether it is in force now—whereby, unless their customers, the shipbuilders, the engineering yards and the construction departments, undertook to buy the whole of their steel from the English works, they charged them a higher price if they attempted to get the materials from abroad. This Bill plays into the hands of the trusts. The only thing that could safeguard the manufacturer, the engineer, the shipbuilder in the past, was the fact that these so-called dumped goods could come in and act as a check on the trusts which would otherwise raise prices against them. It is not necessary that much of this material should come in. Those engaged in trade know perfectly well that the very fact that cheaper goods from abroad may come in has a beneficial effect in keeping prices down in the home market. At a time like this, when there is a crying need in the whole world for cheap production, and to get away from high costs, it is doubly unfortunate that we should pass a Bill which will raise prices, if it has any effect at all. Even if it has no effect upon prices it will have an unsettling effect upon trade, because manufacturers do not know what they have to contend against in the coming months, and any uncertainty is productive of loss, because people do not know what may fall upon them by the operation of this Act.
Clause 2 has been discussed at considerable length at one time or another since the Financial Resolution was brought in, but some points have been raised to which we might devote our attention for a short time. Hon. Members are aware that this Clause is an integral part of the Bill, that the legislation to deal with this question of dumping, in both senses of the word, was legislation to which the Government were committed, and this is an attempt, though not, in the kinema term, a successful attempt, to grapple with the problem, which we all admit to be a very difficult and serious one. Although the subject has been threshed pretty bare, I should like, after the speech of the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel), to put in a few words about the bounty question in the matter of currency as it strikes me. I think the question is simple. One of the root facts that stares us in the face to-day is that gold has ceased to be, as it was through the whole of our lives previous to the War, a regulator of values, and, with the increase of paper, paper money has practically become, if not in name, in fact, inconvertible in most of the countries of the world.
The result has been that gold has fallen into its position, not as a regulator of value, but as an ordinary article of merchandise. Of course, it has always been an article of merchandise, but that has been a secondary function. Now, it is simply an article of merchandise, and as inflation proceeds, caused by the increase of paper money, and as the price of all commodities rises, so the price of gold rises in common with them. While this has happened the foreign exchanges have ceased to be regulated by gold, and the rates are controlled to-day entirely by supply and demand without the correction that used to be administered to them. In the case of Germany particularly, her demand for foreign currency has been and is quite abnormal. I need not go into details. It is obvious to every Member of the House. To secure that currency she has to obtain it ultimately by bills. This means that the price of the foreign currency has gone up far more than the general level of prices at home, and in consequence the value of the mark is less for exchange purposes than it is for the purposes of purchase at home. Therefore it becomes more profitable for Germany, and for any country so situated, to produce for the export trade, because she converts back into marks in Germany the currency which is given for the goods that she exports, and she finds that she gets more marks for it in that way.
On top of that, you have this very curious effect. In Germany prices have risen faster than wages. Wages are always apt to lag rather when prices rise, and that is happening in Germany. They are lagging more in Germany than they would in this country for the obvious reason that Germany is a beaten country. She has had the spirit knocked out of her for the time being, but she is fully conscious, as conscious as any country in the world, that the only way in which she can make good and come out of her troubles is by very hard work. So she is applying herself to that and we have at the moment not only to face the bounty, so far as Germany is concerned, in the matter of currency, but we have also to face the advantage for the time being which is given to the German manufacturer, owing to the fact to which I have referred. My hon. Friend whom I interrupted asked me a question as to which were the countries in which the bounty exists to-day. It is not always an easy thing to ascertain without very close examination first whether a bounty exists or, if it does, what that bounty is. But, speaking generally, I should not be afraid of contradiction if I said that a bounty exists to-day probably in Germany, in Czecho-Slovakia, in Poland, in Esthonia, and I should think in Finland. There are probably one or two cases that are near the border line. I should not care to make a clear pronouncement on them, but, so far as the evidence which has been before me goes, I should say that no such bounty exists in the case of France at all.
Or Belgium?
That would require very careful examination.
The ex-enemy countries?
Practically the ex-enemy countries. This is an entirely new phenomenon, which I do not think was foreseen before the War, and it is the appearance of this phenomenon that has made, not only this Government, but other Governments in the world, very anxious as to the possible damage that may be done to their trade. How long it will last it is impossible to say, but the scheme for meeting this form of dumping is made to last three years under the Bill. At the end of that time, if it is found that the method provided in the Bill for meeting this difficulty is successful, and if it is found that the difficulty still exists in countries which export to us, it would be open to Parliament to reconsider the matter then as to whether they would be prepared to re-enact legislation of this kind. The hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) asked me a question about Treaties. Here, again, I can only, and he can only expect me to, speak quite generally. Speaking generally, I would say that, as regards dumping under paragraph ( a ) or the ordinary dumping, in our view, we have power to apply the terms of this Act to any case in any country that may be made out, but with regard to dumping under paragraph ( b ), that is, with regard to the exchange dumping, I think that there is no doubt that we should be prevented from applying that in any case where a Treaty existed, and no action could be taken unless the Treaties that stood in the way were denounced.
Which Treaties are those?
I should not like to commit myself without very careful reference, but speaking from memory, I would say, there are no commercial treaties with any of the ex-enemy countries. There is an arrangement with Belgium which is subject to three months and there is a year's notice necessary for Italy, Rumania and Serbia. In the case of France the existing commercial treaty does not relate to Customs duties. I must say a few words in reply to the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Middlesbrough (Mr. Thomson). If I may say so, he is suffering from the bad attack of nerves which seems incidental to the end of a long Session. He speaks as if all these raw materials were immediately to have a tax put upon them. I shall not weary the House by repeating again the conditions that are necessary, the proof that has to be made, before these duties can be imposed. The duties are proposed for the protection of employment in this country against certain forms of trading. Where those cases are proved, protection will be given; and where they are not proved, the material will come in free.
Will the right hon. Gentleman kindly answer two questions put by me? They have probably escaped his memory. The questions were these: In the event of a fluctuation in the French exchange taking place, so as to afford France a bounty such as that which has been described in the case of Germany, will this duty and can this duty be applied? If so, in the event of the bounty afforded to France by that fluctuation being less than that afforded to Germany, does it not constitute a tariff which discriminates in favour of Germany as against France? Germany has a greater bounty and she can put goods at a cheaper rate into the English market, and therefore the duty on those goods is lass than the duty imposed on the more expensive products from the country with a less depreciated exchange. The second question is, whether the protection afforded is not in inverse ratio to the necessity for that protection? As an instance of what I meant, I read some figures. If the bounty in Germany becomes greater than it is at present and the goods enter this country more cheaply than at present, the duty, instead of increasing, as is demanded by the situation, actually decreases. I referred to the case of German pianos.
I am sorry that I omitted to answer the questions The answers are very simple. The first question is a purely hypothetical question.
Probable.
Most unlikely. What the hon. Member said would be a very useful thing to say on the platform, no doubt. If such a case did exist, it could be represented by the language which the hon. Member has used. With regard to the other point, it is true that under a flat rate that is the case. The matter has been very often debated, and it has been held that the only way of counteracting the fluctuation and increasing the amount of bounty would be by having a fluctuating rate. That would be quite impossible, although the hon. Member for Chippenham (Mr. Terrell), who has always held very strong views on this subject, thinks otherwise. The hon. Member has always held that you could deal with this by a fluctuating rate, but the only way to deal with it is by a flat rate, and it is obvious that the actual incidence of a flat rate must vary as the amount of bounty varies.
I would suggest to my hon. Friends who are interested in the general discussion that it would be convenient to have a Division on the issue
now before us, and that then we might embark on the important amendments dealing with specific and interesting points. For instance, there is the subject of the Treaties, which has only lightly been touched upon so far. That subject will be raised by one Amendment. Speaking generally, let me point out that the Bill does not propose to rectify the exchanges. The intention of the Bill is to protect industry in this country from goods reaching here under what are deemed to be unfair conditions. Of course, we, on this side of the House, as much as any Members, would like to see our industries as fully employed as is practicable. The issue which has divided us is, that this is the wrong way to do it. The best way to rectify exchanges is to assist, as far as possible, those units where the exchanges are collapsed or in danger of collapse, and to reinstate them as active commercial entities as quickly as possible. Our case against this proposal of Part II is that instead of assisting to develop trade it retards trade. That is the clean-cut issue. Now that the Minister of Health is present, I want to tell him how much I respect the opinion of bankers, notwithstanding his view on this particular topic. Bankers are as good judges of exchanges as any manufacturers in this country. With this Bill and Clause 2 in their minds, they said:
"We believe that all expedients for controlling and hampering imports into this country, whether by license, tariffs, or any other means, can only retard improvement in the Continental exchanges and prevent the natural recovery of trade."
Question put, "That the word 'If' stand part of the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 165; Noes, 63.
Division No. 338.] AYES. [8.35 p.m. Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Breese, Major Charles E. Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Armstrong, Henry Bruce Brittain, Sir Harry Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Atkey, A. R. Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Dockrell, Sir Maurice Austin, Sir Herbert Bruton, sir James Doyle, N. Grattan Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Butcher, Sir John George Evans, Ernest Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Carr, W. Theodore Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Carter, R. A. D.(Man., Withington) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Barnett, Major Richard W. Casey, T. W. Foreman, Sir Henry Barnston, Major Harry Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Forrest, Walter Bigland, Alfred Churchman, Sir Arthur Fraser, Major Sir Keith Birchall, Major J. Dearman Clough, Sir Robert Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Blades, Sir George Rowland Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Gilbert, James Daniel Blair, Sir Reginald Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Gilmour, Lieut-Colonel Sir John Borwick, Major G. O. Cralk, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Glyn, Major Ralph Bowles, Colonel H. F. Curzon, Captain Viscount Goff, Sir R. Park
Gould, James C. Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camiachle) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Goulding, Rt Hon. Sir Edward A. Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Macquisten, F. A. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Green, Albert (Derby) Maddocks, Henry Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Greenwood, William (Stockport) Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Greer, Harry Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Manville, Edward Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Hailwood, Augustine Martin, A. E. Seager, Sir William Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Mason, Robert Seddon, J. A. Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Mitchell, Sir William Lane Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castio-on-T.) Hanna, George Boyle Moles, Thomas Simm, M. T. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Molson, Major John Elsdale Stanier, Captain Sir Seville Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Harris, Sir Henry Percy Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Stanton, Charles Butt Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Stewart, Gershom Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Sturrock, J. Leng Hoare, Lieut-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Murchison, C. K. Sugden, W. H. Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Neal, Arthur Taylor, J. Hopkins, John W. W. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Terrell, George, (Wilts, Chippenham) Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Jameson, John Gordon Parker, James Tryon, Major George Clement Jesson, C. Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) Johnson, Sir Stanley Pcarce, Sir William Warren, Sir Alfred H. Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Whitla, Sir William Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Perkins, Walter Frank Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Pratt, John William Winterton, Earl Kidd, James Prescott, Major W. H. Wise, Frederick Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Purchase, H. G. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Lewis. Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Ramsden, G. T. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Lloyd, George Butler Randies, Sir John Scurrah Worsfold, T. Cate Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Raper, A. Baldwin Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Young, E. H. (Norwich) Lorden, John William Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— M'Connell, Thomas Edward Reid, D. D. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Dudley Ward. NOES. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Rendall, Athelstan Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Grundy, T. W. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Rose, Frank H. Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Bromfield, William Hirst, G. H. Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Cape, Thomas Hogge, James Myles Spencer, George A. Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Irving, Dan Swan, J. E. Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. John, William (Rhondda, West) Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Kennedy, Thomas Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Davies, A (Lancaster, Clltheroe) Kiley, James Daniel Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Lawson, John James Waterson, A. E. Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Wignall, James Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Mallalieu, Frederick William Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Entwlstie, Major C. F. Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Finney, Samuel Mosley, Oswald Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) France, Gerald Ashburner Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Galbraith, Samuel Myers, Thomas Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Gillis, William Newbould, Alfred Ernest Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) TELLERS FOR THE N0ES.— Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Raffan, Peter Wilson Mr. G. Thome and Mr. T. Shaw.
The following Amendment stood on the Paper in the name of Sir R. THOMAS: In Sub-section (1), to leave out the words, "on complaint being made to the Board to that effect, it appears to the Board that goods."
The next Amendment on the Paper is not in order, because by removing the provision as to complaint being made to the Board, it might possibly increase a charge.
On a point of Order. I do not quite understand your ruling, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, on the Amendment which I have put down. Do I understand you to say that it would result in an increased charge?
I do not say the incidence of the charge, but the range of the charge, would be increased, because at present goods are not liable to charge unless two provisions are fulfilled. One is that a complaint may be made to the Board, and the other that the Board must deal with that. The Amendment of the hon. Member would render both of these conditions unnecessary, and so might bring a greater number of goods within the purview of the charge.
May I respectfully point out that if the principle laid down in Part II be correct, then it makes it an absolute necessity to refer to the committee of inquiry. I do not see that there is any actual charge involved at all.
The matter has been considered both by Mr. Speaker and myself, and I have announced a decision. Of course, it is theoretical. By the removal of certain qualifications a certain number of goods might be brought under the tax. It is not necessary to assume that they would. The rule of the House is that when there is any proposal which might increase charges it is out of order for a private Member to move it.
I beg to move in Sub-section (1), after the word "than" ["other than articles of food or drink"], to insert the words " raw materials, machinery and."
This Amendment, in short, aims at putting raw materials and machinery on the same footing as food and drink as articles exempt from the operation of Clause 2. It is a great pity that, in considering this part of the Bill, which deals with the imposition of a Customs duty, we have not once, since the beginning of the Debate, enjoyed the advantage of the presence of the Minister who represents the Customs Department. I venture to think that is unprecedented in the history of Parliamentary Debates. This Bill brings into operation the whole of the Customs machinery of this country, and imposes duties, with all the obligations arising therefrom—the work of differentiating between this trade and that trade and supplying the necessary staff, and so on—yet the whole of those Debates have been held in the absence of the only Minister qualified to speak for the Customs Department. I am precluded by the order of the House from moving the adjournment of the Debate, which would be the ordinary Parliamentary remedy in other circumstances. We were told in another place the other day that the reason why we had to pass this Bill was that a large number of industries were clamouring for it. The Noble Marquess (the Marquess Curzon) made a speech, and quoted some of the articles to which I am going to refer, and he said: tions in the country. It is not only a case of making work for the woollen industry for the export market. The Minister of Health, in his speech the other day, pooh-poohed the export market and said, "It is not everything; there is the home market to consider." These people, however, complain that even in the home market they cannot get employment in their industry, because they cannot produce at a price at which people can afford to buy. As regards the export market, it is obvious that if we wilfully handicap our manufacturers by charging a tax on their machines and raw materials, we put them in a position of inferiority as compared with German and Belgian manufacturers, who have got the same customers as we have, but are able to approach them with goods at a much lower price. I do not understand the right hon. Gentleman ever to have challenged that argument. All that he has done is to produce arguments with which we were very familiar in the old days of the Tariff Reform controversy, to the effect that the home market was the thing and that we must build up the home market—as if we could possibly build up a little industry inside a tariff wall with any success to the commercial life of this country. I do not understand that he challenges the foreign market, and I ask him to address himself to this argument—how are we going to hold our foreign markets if all the machines and raw materials which we use are subject to the fear, and in great part to the actuality, of this duty?
Not very long ago I noticed in the "Times" a telegram from Buenos Aires saying that the Administrator of the State railways had signed a contract with the firm of Krupps for the supply of steel wheels, and that British firms tendered for the contract. Of course, we cannot compete in these neutral markets. It is difficult enough as it is, and with these duties imposed on machinery and raw materials it will be far more difficult, because we are subject, in addition to the natural competition, and even apart from the new handicap which the Government propose to put on, to the forced competition under the reparations scheme, which should not be lost sight of. For every £26 which the Germans give us, we force them, under the agreement, to deposit £74 worth of cheap goods on our neutral customers, so that in addition to the advantage they enjoy at the present moment by getting forced labour, as you might say, or labour under extremely bad conditions, we propose to impose a duty on the machinery and raw material used in the industries of this country. We think it is unfairly handicapping and hampering and interfering with our trade.
I beg to second the Amendment.
The hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn), in his bright and interesting speech, mentioned a good many things, but he did not endeavour to deal with the real difficulties of his own Amendment. The real difficulties of his Amendment are that he has not given any definition of raw materials. I am not surprised at that, because it has been a subject of controversy ever since I can remember, but when you are drafting a Bill which has to be interpreted it seems to me that you must put in some definition of the terms you employ. I would point out that, a the Clause stands, it applies only to manufactured goods— are the chief means of producing cheaper woollen goods? Why, cheaper wool and cheaper labour. Wool is not going to come under this in any case; yet wool is a raw material. That those engaged in that industry, after all the millions they have made during the War, should say that this Bill is going to ruin their industry, and make their goods so dear that people will not buy them, is really based on not having read the Bill, or it is an exaggeration about which it is very difficult to talk seriously.
9.0 P.M.
Reference has been made to the export market as against the home market. It seems to me that upon that point the position is a fairly simple one. The Argentine was mentioned. In the present exchange position British manufacturers, unfortunately, cannot compete in the export trade. I repeat that you cannot protect your exporter, but it does not follow from that that you should not make any attempt to keep your home trade. The hon. and gallant Member seems to think it is much better to lose both if you have to lose one. I do not agree with him. I maintain that, under the present exchange conditions, you cannot keep your export trade in the same way, and, until the exchange becomes better, which is a consummation devoutly to be wished, to say that your home trade should be destroyed at the same time, so that when your export trade revives you will not be in a position to carry on trade at all, seems to me one of the most extraordinary conclusions. I have emphasised before the importance of home trade, and I emphasise it again. The home trade of every country is very much the larger part of its industry, and the export trade is very much the smaller. You must have your home trade in order to build up an export trade, and to say that you cannot carry on in this miserable little country of 45,000,000 people any kind of industry at all without our export trade merely shows that my hon. and gallant Friend has never been in a position of having to deal in or sell articles for home and export, or else he would be much more anxious to nurse his home trade, even than his export trade. You get your money regularly and with less difficulty, and it is the thing to rely on when your export trade gets bad. It is a fallacy to say that the reparations make the Ger- mans sell more goods abroad. I cannot accept this Amendment, but I would like to point out, if it would afford any relief to my hon. and gallant Friend, that the President of the Board of Trade has on the Paper a new Sub-section to this Clause which he is going to move later, namely:
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether the word "may" there means "shall"?
We are perfectly willing to accept "shall" instead of "may." The only point of putting in the word "may" was that there would be a certain number of finished articles which could not be the semi-manufactured materials of any other industry.
When any matter is referred to the Committee, may any aggrieved person appear before the Committee?
As I understand, any person who is a user of any of these substances is entitled to give evidence that he will be damaged to a degree greater than is likely to be derived from the imposition of the duty.
Either he or his trade organisation can appear?
That is a matter for arrangement.
The Minister of Health professed himself unable to define "raw material." I should have thought, from his long experience and knowledge of the questions we are now discussing, he would have been one of the first hon. Members in this House to have given such a definition. I am sure if he had had the experience I had only a short while ago of a large number of important boot manufacturers of Northampton, who were very much concerned for the supply of certain patent leather which they maintained was essential for the carrying out of their business, he would probably have answered differently. This product is manufactured patent leather, but it is the raw material out of which they make their boots, and without it they cannot make these patent leather boots. There is a small industry in this country making this leather, it is true, but it does not compete either for price or quality with the foreign article. These manufacturers want to be assured that this commodity will reach them; otherwise they will demand that the Government shall prohibit the importation of boots made of this leather, a good many of which are made in Switzerland.
I can assure my hon. Friend, if he is anxious about Switzerland, that Switzerland has not got a depreciated exchange, and therefore the Act will not apply.
That is exactly the point the boot manufacturers of Northampton are trying to put forward. The leather is imported from Germany to Switzerland, and then, after being manufactured, is sent to this country. I think they have a very proper grievance, as things go. I am surprised, nobody more than myself, at the attitude of the Minister of Health, for I have attended various meetings which he addressed on the subject of Free Trade and on the importance of this very question. That was before he had a seat on the Treasury Bench. I do not know whether or not this latter consideration accounts for his change of view, but he, as a business man, will appreciate the concern which these Northampton boot manufacturers have on this very important matter, for there is unemployment there at the present time. If they can show to this proposed Committee that there is unemployment under the terms of the Act, the Committee would have no option but to say that this tariff must be put on this manufactured leather. I am sorry to see that the hon. Member for Ladywood (Mr. N. Chamberlain) is not present, for at an earlier stage he moved an Amendment to exclude a certain commodity from the provisions of this Bill, and for a most excellent reason. In his constituency there is a very important world-famed soap made, and in the manufacture of that a certain perfume is used which distinguishes that soap from other soaps. There are substitute perfumes, but it is quite conceivable that the manufacturers of these may say that this special perfume damages their business, and, therefore, that action should be taken to protect it. The same argument applies to Bradford and certain of its industries, where it is perfectly true that in machinery we are supreme. But there are other industries which need machinery of a special kind which we do not produce. Reference has been made to the optical glass industry, and the Minister will be interested to hear that a very important firm wanted to lay down a factory the other day for the purpose of making optical instruments and so on, and they had to go to Germany to get the machinery which was the best and up-to-date. Under this scheme they will have to pay 33⅐ per cent. for this particular machinery.
Not necessarily.
If the Minister believes that this Committee he is going to set up will meet every hour of the day to deal with the importation of every kind of machinery, then he is much more hopeful about this Committee's proceedings than I am. You cannot have a coroner's inquiry into every importation. There is no doubt whatever that, unless there is a clear line of demarcation and clear instructions are given to this Committee that certain commodities that are used for the purpose of our manufactures of any kind shall not be excluded, harm will be done. Then there is the question of certainty and uncertainty. No manufacturer goes on from day to day. He has to make his contract months ahead, both for his products and for his raw materials. How can he do that with any certainty? How can he get together his samples and send his representatives all over the world if there is a possibility at any time of some complaint being made that his commodity is interfering with somebody or something, and that he must take some substitute and thereby lose the result of his labours? The Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department does not seem to think there is much in this aspect of the case, but if he had to do as I had to do, to go through this process, I think he would realise a great deal more than he does the general situation. I suggest to the House that this is a matter which requires more serious consideration. There should be some words put in the Bill to ensure that manufacturers who have to carry on their business should be assured that they are going to get the material, call it "raw" or "semi-manufactured," or define it how you will, which they need for their manufactures.
These Debates are enlivened from time to time with episodes of a delightful character when the Minister of Health rises. In the few minutes of the steady flow of half-humorous, half-cynical observations that he recently addressed to the House, I cannot but feel that—if it is a Parliamentary expression—he was engaged in the task of seeing how far he could pull the leg of this ancient assembly. I have read the right hon. Gentleman's speeches in years gone by. I am speaking from memory, but perhaps he will remember, as I know he looks back with pleasure upon these really brilliant and eloquent utterances, one particular occasion, about 1910, when he referred to the Tariff Reformers' proposals to deal with a time of abnormal unemployment, dumping, sweated labour, and low wages. He referred to their efforts as being nothing but Protection, naked and unashamed. I do not want to discuss this question of clothing. They may belong to the class of clothed or partially clothed. One thing that impresses me is that they are now not unashamed, but they are ashamed of their proposal.
No.
Let me try and convince the right hon. Gentleman that he is ashamed. A few days ago he said one of the objects of this Bill was to increase prices and thereby save some of the industries of this country from disaster. We hear that there have been deputations from trades which seem to think that that is their prospect. To-night, when the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain Benn) invites the Government to prevent harm being done to other industries because of the increase in prices, the right hon. Gentleman says, "You are assuming that this Bill is really going to be put into practice, and it is quite possible nothing will happen." What about those industries which are clamouring for help in the terrible state of things in front of them? This is really playing with the House of Commons. We are told at one moment that the country is in a state of extreme danger, and when we point out what is going to happen because of the mess you are making of trade, you turn round and say, "Perhaps it will not happen."
May I remind the hon. Member that the question before the House is the inclusion of raw material and machinery?
I am very much obliged to you, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, for reminding me of that fact, but I was trying to refer to the Amendment of the hon. and gallant Member and the reply which the Minister of Health made. May I deal for a moment with the reply which the right hon. Gentleman made with regard to export and home trade? I never heard anything so extraordinary from any Member of the Government, and to come from him, the apostle of old times of the correct and the traditional, and not in any sense the party view of economics. He said that you cannot have home trade without having imports to make that home trade possible. How are you going to get your imports or your shipping at reasonable prices if you are not going to develop your export trade? That is the right hon. Gentleman's answer to this kind of interference, and I do not think any Member on the Front Bench understands how dangerous it is. The House is beginning to understand it, and hon. Members are beginning to see how far this thing may go if it is put into operation. We believe there is some intention of somebody getting some benefit out of this Bill.
The Minister of Health suggests that the export trade can look after itself and that the home trade is all that matters, but he entirely ignores the argument that you cannot have any home trade without the importation of the raw material, and you must of necessity have an export trade to balance the import trade. Of course nobody expects this Amendment to be carried, but it has been useful in this respect that we have obtained from the right hon. Gentleman the admission that he recognises how difficult it is to discriminate between what is purely raw material for one industry and what is raw material for another. The right hon. Gentleman twitted an hon. Member with not being able to explain this point, but the right hon. Gentleman himself has told the Committee that he does not know himself, and therefore he is going to put on the tariff on some things which from his ignorance of the different things may be the raw material of some other articles and may affect other industries which are far more important as regards the question of unemployment than the trades he is protecting. The more this Amendment is discussed the more it becomes evident to all who care about the trade of this country that these proposals will be harmful.
According to a previous speech made by the Minister of Health any man who benefits by a tariff is a robber. If that is so, then this Bill is going to produce a great number of robbers in this country. At this time I think our aim should be to produce honest men. There was a time in the history of my own country when to be a robber was considered something to be proud of, but even in those parts they think it very strange for the Government to bring in a Bill which, according to the right hon. Gentleman, will lead to the production of robbers.
I cannot gather from the hon. Gentleman's argument whether he considers robbers are raw material or machinery.
They are the raw material, and the right hon. Gentleman
wants to produce the finished product here. This Amendment would reduce the possibility of mischief which this Bill so plentifully supplies. Even during Mr. Chamberlain's campaign raw material was excluded from the operation of any proposed tariff. 'Why do we introduce machinery into this country? Simply to employ more people and produce more goods than we otherwise should. Tariffs may divert labour, but they can no more increase the total of employment and the investment of capital than any other scheme to put trade into artificial channels. I have been making a serious study of the Minister of Health's speeches lately, and they are very profitable reading. His opinions have changed, but I have heard of the Vicar of Bray before, and we do not pay so much attention to him in the House now. I do not believe in these sudden conversions, and the reason the right hon. Gentleman gave us so cynically for the position he now takes up, in diametrical opposition to his position a few years ago, does not help his influence in the House. Although we laugh at it, I think we have some contempt for it.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 65; Noes, 161
Division No. 339.] AYES. [9.28 p.m. Ainsworth, Captain Charles Hirst, G. H. Rendall, Athelstan Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hogge, James Myles Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Irving, Dan Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) John, William (Rhondda, West) Rose, Frank H. Bromfield, William Johnstone, Joseph Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Cape, Thomas Kennedy, Thomas Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Ciynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Kenyon, Barnet Swan, J. E. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Kiley, James Daniel Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Lawson, John James Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lowther, Col. Claude (Lancaster) Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Water son, A. E. Entwistle, Major C. F. Mallalieu, Frederick William White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Finney, Samuel Morgan, Major D. Watts Wignall, James France, Gerald Ashburner Mosley, Oswald Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Galbraith, Samuel Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Gillis, William Myers, Thomas Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Newbould, Alfred Ernest Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Grundy, T. W. Raffan, Peter Wilson TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworlh) Ratcliffe, Henry Butler Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T. Shaw. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) NOES. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Birchall, Major J. Dearman Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Artery, Leopold C. M. S. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Blades, Sir George Rowland Armstrong, Henry Bruce Barnett, Major Richard W. Borwick, Major G. O. Atkey, A. R. Barnston, Major Harry Bowles, Colonel H. F. Austin, Sir Herbert Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Bigland, Alfred Breese, Major Charles E.
Brittain, Sir Harry Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Perkins, Walter Frank Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Hopkins, John W. W. Pratt, John William Bruton, Sir James Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Prescott, Major W. H. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Hunter-Weston, Lieut-Gen. Sir A. G. Purchase, H. G. Butcher, Sir John George Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Ramsden, G. T. Carr, W. Theodore Jameson, John Gordon Randies, Sir John Scurrah Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Johnson, Sir Stanley Raper, A. Baldwin Casey, T. W. Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East). Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Reid, D. D. Churchman, Sir Arthur Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Clough, Sir Robert Kerr-Smlley, Major Peter Kerr Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Kidd, James Rodger, A. K. Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) King, Captain Henry Douglas Roundell, Colonel R. F. Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Lloyd, George Butler Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Dockrell, Sir Maurice Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Seager, Sir William Doyle, N. Grattan Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Seddon, J. A. Elveden, Viscount Lorden, John William Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castleon-T.) Evans, Ernest Lowe, Sir Francis William Simm, M. T. Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray M'Connell, Thomas Edward Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachle) Stanton, Charles Butt Forrest, Walter Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Stewart, Gershom Fraser, Major Sir Keith Macquisten, F. A. Sturrock, J. Leng Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Maddocks, Henry Sugden, W. H. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Taylor, J. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Manville, Edward Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Glyn, Major Ralph Martin, A. E. Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Goff, Sir R. Park Mason, Robert Tryon, Major George Clement Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Mitchell, Sir William Lane Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Tient) Green, Albert (Derby) Moles, Thomas Warren, Sir Alfred H. Greenwood, William (Stockport) Molson, Major John Elsdale Whitia, Sir William Greer, Harry Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Greig, Colonel Sir James William Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J Wills. Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Hacking, Captain Douglas H, Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Winter-ton, Earl Hallwood, Augustine Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Wise, Frederick Hall, Llout.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwlch) Murchlson, C. K. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Neal, Arthur Wood, sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Hanna, George Boyle Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Worsfold, T. Cato Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Young, E. H. (Norwich) Harris, Sir Henry Percy Parker, James Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Pcarce, Sir William TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Dudlay Ward.
I beg to move in Sub-section (1), after the word "drink" ["(other than articles of food or drink)"], to insert the words "or articles for use in the practice of husbandry, agriculture, or the raising of stock."
This is an Amendment of some importance. Since the Bill was printed a radical change has come over the policy of the Government in many matters, and in particular with respect to agriculture. The inducements given to the farmer under the Agriculture Act have been largely removed by the repeal of a large part of that Measure. The British farmer now has to face the cold wastes of world competition without a comfortable Government subsidy, and anything we can do therefore to help him I should have thought would have received the support of all hon. Members who have the interests of British agriculture at heart. With regard to the details of agriculture, I never pose in this House as having any special knowledge, but I do know that, without doubt, there is a great future for mechanical means of tilling the soil of this country. There are many advanced agriculturists who claim that the solution of our troubles on the land is to be found in the greater use of tractors, and at the present moment there is a very experienced industry, particularly in the United States and Canada, that has had years of practice in manufacturing the very sort of tractor which many claim will be of great assistance to English agriculture. An hon. and gallant Member near me says the Bill does not affect that class of machinery. I hope the Government will accept my Amendment and make it perfectly clear it does not do so.
I see nothing in the Measure that does not, under certain circumstances, bring tractors under this Clause. If the manufacturers of tractors in this country can make out a case to the Board of Trade that American tractors are being landed here in injury to their trade, then that branch of trade will come under the Act. Or again, Germans may be able to sell in the British markets. They manufacture machinery, and we have been very glad to take some of their products in the past, and no doubt will do it again in the future. Take the case of France, with its great motor industry. France may be able to produce a cheap tractor desirable for the British farmer, and it would be extremely wrong to keep such an instrument out of this country. My Amendment is so simple in essence that I do not think it needs much advocacy. It carries its merits on its face. We are always hearing from the Government of their great solicitude for food-producing industries in this country. Here is a chance for them to convert fair words into practice. I am expecting the Minister for Health to rise gracefully and accept the Amendment. My only surprise is that he has not attached his name to it. I certainly cannot understand how any hon. Gentleman representing an agricultural constituency in this House, who has the interests of agriculture at heart, can possibly go into the Lobby if we put to the disgrace of having to divide the House on an Amendment of this character. I present to the Government this improvement of their Bill, and I hope it will be accepted.
I beg to second the Amendment.
I would like to point out to the Government that the farming interest in this country is very much alarmed at the prospect of this Bill being applied to agricultural machinery. They have, as an organised body, protested against its being so applied. I have here the "National Farmers' Union Parliamentary Bulletin" for June, 1921. The farmers seem as a body to have approached a very powerful group of Members of this House—the Agricultural Committee, a body which exercises very great influence with the Government, and I think performs a very useful work in this House. I do not think they are here to-night. This Bill does not seem to interest them, but it interests their constituents very much. This is what the "Bulletin" says:
"Safeguarding of Industries Bill
It was reported that a letter had been received from the Chairman of the House of Commons Agricultural Committee in which he stated that he did not think there was any danger of agricultural machinery and fertilisers being included within the scope of this Bill, ‖ but if there was any danger the Committee would take what steps they could to prevent it."
That was laid before the council of the Farmers' Union. The council were not quite satisfied. I do not wonder, and they agreed that attention should again be drawn to the matter, and that steps should be taken to secure an assurance, that agricultural machinery and fertilisers, would not be included within the scope of the Bill. Evidently some negotiations, have been going on between the agricultural group in the House and the Farmers' Union. I think we are entitled to ask the Government what assurances; have been given to the Agricultural Committee which induced that very powerful group to stop away from the House when this important Amendment affecting the whole agriculture of this country was before Parliament. Has there been any log-rolling? What assurances have been given to the party that the Bill is not going to affect them? On another occasion we were told that a deputation had been to the Board of Trade to ask that agricultural machinery should be included in this Bill although, apparently, the Agricultural Committee do not think it is possible it will be. With regard to fertilisers such as basic slag, sulphates of ammonia and phosphates generally, all of which are very important for the land, I would like to know if they are to be included in this Bill, which is one that vitally affects the agricultural interests of this country—the principal industry that is within this country. I think we are entitled to some information on these points from the Government.
The hon. and gallant Member who moved this Amendment said that he had no special knowledge of the subject—
Did not claim to have.
Did not claim to have special knowledge of the subject. Had he had any special knowledge of it, I feel sure that he would not have moved this Amendment. I have observed, however, that that does not always deter him from moving an Amendment or expressing an opinion, and, after all, it is always interesting to havs the opinion of a virgin mind upon a topic of this kind. One thing which has emerged from this Debate, and which almost comes to a culminating point in this Amendment, is the holy horror which hon. Members opposite appear to feel at the prospect of anyone in this country using? any article of British manufacture. We are told that the agricultural interest in this country think it outrageous that they should use a British tractor. In the name of Heaven, Why?
Who said that?
I think that that is not an unfair view of what has been said. There were certainly vigorous protests, and in particular that the only way in which you could get on in British agriculture was to use the American tractor, which was the best. I do not believe it for a moment. I do not believe that in any country in the world, and certainly not in this country, the American tractor is the best to use, and I am rather surprised that those who express such a keen interest in and desire for the progress of British trade overseas should think that the best way of securing an advertisement for British trade is to denounce the efficiency of British industries in this House. I believe that British agriculture can perfectly well hold its own in this matter, and is not going to be prejudiced by any provision which is inserted here. It is prepared to take its chance, and rank with the other industries of the country, seeing that it has a fair chance and that they have a fair chance.
After all, what we are doing here is not to set up, as is suggested by inference, a general tariff all round, but merely to protect against unfair competition. The hon. and gallant Member suggested that it would be impossible in future to import American tractors if anyone wanted to do so, but that is simply a travesty of the Bill. If these tractors are being dumped—sold here in such quantities as to turn people out of employment, and below the cost of production in the country of origin—then certainly an order will be made against them. But every Member of the Coalition was pledged to that policy at the last General Election, and I do not suppose that there is one Member in ten who denied at the last General Election the efficacy of such a policy. That is dumping of the normal sort. If American tractors are being dumped, I am certain that there is no agriculturist in this country who would oppose legislation against it, and I would much rather take, as an expression of the view of the agricultural community in this country, what is said by those who are wont to speak, and are not unready to speak, for that community in this House than what is said by the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy). Apart from that, what can affect the American tractor? Absolutely nothing. The hon. and gallant Member has no special knowledge of agriculture, but I feel sure he has sufficient knowledge of the exchange position to know that the American dollar exchange is not depreciated in relation to sterling, and that, therefore, no order can be made against American tractors in respect of exchange.
The hon. Gentleman was not here when the hon. Member for Cardiff (Mr. Gould) said that at the present moment we cannot compete with American steel, in spite of the exchange; and, as steel is a basic part of tractors, the same thing might easily apply there.
The hon. and gallant Member again shows an ignorance of the Bill which surprises me after the number of speeches he has made upon it. It would be just as impossible for any manufacturer in this country to get a dumping order as regards exchange made against American steel as against American tractors, and therefore the hon. and gallant Member need be under no misapprehension on that head. A good deal was said about tractors, but what are the terms of the Amendment? We are asked to exempt any article in use in the practice of husbandry, agriculture or the raising of stock. What are "articles used in the practice of husbandry"? I suppose they would include a milking stool upon which a milkmaid sits. In fact, it is difficult to see what would be excluded, and the more prosperous agriculture is the more omnipresent and the more indefinite they would be. The hon. and gallant Member has been the first to urge that the Committee, the Board of Trade and the Customs should be given the most explicit rules and definitions on which they can act, and yet here he asks us to put an exception into this Bill, which is to be operated by the Customs, the Committee and the Board of Trade, which says that you are to leave out of the scope of the Bill anything which may be used by anyone who happens to T)e engaged in agriculture. Really, if the Mover and Seconder of this Amendment have the interest of agriculture so closely at heart, I should have thought they would have taken more care in the framing of their Amendment. Both on its form and on its merits I cannot accept it. I venture to think that the fears which have been expressed are groundless, and I am strengthened in that belief by the fact that those who speak for agriculture do not re-echo them. In conclusion, I will venture to quote some lines with which my hon. and gallant Friends may be familiar—
"If hopes are dupes, fears may be liars,
It may be in you smoke concealed;
Your comrades chase e'en now the fliers,
And but for you possess the field."
I think that the speech of the hon. Gentleman shows that he has not appreciated the reason why this Amendment has been put down. The reason simply is that the whole question of agriculture, and the whole prospects of agriculture, have changed since this Bill was introduced. When the Bill was introduced—and it was introduced to protect principally key industries—protection had already been given to agriculture. That is the master key industry, and it was quite open to the Government to come forward and propose to protect a number of key industries of a lesser type when they had taken steps to protect the chief one; and, of course, they would not anticipate any opposition to the giving of protection to lesser industries if they had already given protection to agriculture. But after the Resolution had been passed, which confined the protection in the matter of key industries to a certain specified number, they brought into this House and passed a Bill withdrawing the protection which they had already given to agriculture. That was after the Resolution had been passed, so that it was impossible to include agrculture in the Bill or to give it the benefit of the protection which was being given to other key industries. After having withdrawn that protection, which we were told was absolutely vital to this particular key industry, they go out of their way to put burdens on to agriculture, instead of giving it the protection which they had previously given to it. Surely that places agriculture in a very different position now from that in which it was previously, and the hon. Gentleman has not said a word on that aspect of the question, which is the only reason for putting down this Amendment. We want the Government to give us a full statement as to the effect of this Bill on agriculture. Agriculture was prepared to submit to certain burdens which might have been placed upon it by this Bill, because its case had already been dealt with. They had already had protection given them, and it was right to ask them to submit to some burden on account of their case having first of all been fully and adequately, as they thought, dealt with. But now all that has been changed. The protection which was given to agriculture has been taking away, and instead of merely being content with taking away the protection that you gave them last year, and which you say was vital, you go out of your way to place a burden upon them which they never anticipated and which is bound seriously to handicap agriculture in the years to come.
It seems to me that the first interest of the agriculture of these islands is that you should have a prosperous and well-employed community in this country to consume the articles which it produces. We are not likely to become a wheat exporting country. The farmers of the country will prosper mainly by the production of such things as milk, the best meat, and other articles which depend on there being in the neighbourhood a community ready to buy at good prices and, therefore, enabling the farmer to hold his own, while in such matters as wheat and other similar things, the importer and the farmer in other countries will have an advantage, given the continuation of the present policy in this country. The one thing the farmer cannot do without is a prosperous community around him, and, therefore, it is in the first interest of the farmer to give what custom he can to the urban and manufacturing community around him. If, therefore, there is any attempt to break down, let us say, the agricultural implement industry in this country by dumping articles upon it which, for the moment, may be bought more cheaply, the farmer will be shortsighted, indeed, if he allows the prosperous towns, consuming his material and manufacturing for him, to be thrown out of gear by the dumping upon this country of cheap agricultural implements which can be thrown here below cost, temporarily, or, on the other hand, because the rate of exchange is such that even if manufactured at the full rate in their own countries they can be thrown here to the detriment of the manufacturing community of this country. You cannot divide this country into an agricultural population and an industrial population. As things stand at present, this country is primarily industrial, and the agricultural community is dependent upon the industrial community here, and, therefore, it would be a most short-sighted policy for the farming dpmmunity to oppose this Bill because they hope for the moment to obtain some dumped goods.
10.0 P.M.
I should not have intervened had it not been for the remarks of the hon. Member who has just sat down. He wanted the House to believe that it was in the interests of the great industry of agriculture that a tariff should be put on what I can only describe as their raw material. The machinery a farmer has to use is his raw material to assist him to produce his manufactured article, namely, corn; and while you are going to allow other countries to compete with his manufactured article, and dump their manufactured article to the detriment of the farmer, at the same time you are going to put a tariff on to his raw material and handicap him at the very outset in producing his manufactured article. The Government have removed the very protection that this House gave him last year to assist him to carry on his industry and make it prosperous and to pay his labour a living wage, and here comes a dastardly attempt to tax his raw material and to make it a thousand times more difficult for him to carry on his industry, and I should be surprised if I could find any farmer coming forward and saying, "Tax my raw material. It is to my interest, and you cannot divide my interest from that of those who live in the towns." You are going to tax the farmer's machinery which he has got to use to produce his manufactured article, and you will inflict another grave injustice on the industry, and create chaos where you ought to have peace.
The hon. Member has founded his argument upon the statement that this is an endeavour to tax raw material. I should like to ask him one question. Is the loom the raw material in a textile factory? Surely not. It is the cotton or the flax. And surely in the agricultural industry the raw material is the seed or the land, and the agricultural implement simply takes the place in the agricultural industry that the loom takes in the textile factory.
A little earlier in the Debate, when we were discussing the question of scientific instruments and the effect of this Bill upon the cost of education, the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department invoked the support of the hon. Baronet the Member for London University (Sir P. Magnus) as a proof that he had in support of him someone who had unrivalled knowledge, and, I agree, great authority in speaking on that matter. Now we are dealing with a question which affects agriculture and he relies very largely on the absence of those who, he says, look after the agricultural interests in this House. My hon. Friend the Member for Southern Norfolk (Mr. G. Edwards), I think, may claim to speak with at least unrivalled authority for that class from which he has come and which sent him into this House—a class which is one of the great partners in the agricultural industry. We have heard during the last year or two that in the agricultural industry you have three interests—the interest of the landlord, the interest of the farmer, and the interest of the agricultural labourer. If there is any man in the House who can claim to speak for one of those parties it is my hon. Friend, and he says without hesitation, and with the greatest promptitude, that what you are going to do is to place a burden upon that industry to which the class he represents look for their prosperity and their fortune. But that is not all. It may be that there is nobody in the House who can speak for the farmers as my hon. Friend can speak for the agricultural labourers; but a quotation has been read from the organ of the National Farmers' Union, and it has not been replied to by the Minister. There is no doubt about their attitude in the matter. Let me refresh the Minister's memory, and if he is not going to speak again perhaps someone else on behalf of the Government will deal with the point. In their Parliamentary Bulletin under the head "Special points for Members of Parliament" they say:
"It was reported that a letter had been received from the Chairman of the House of Commons Agricultural Committee"—
I do not know who he is; but he is not here to endorse it—
"in which he stated that he did not think there was any danger of agricultural machinery and fertilisers being included in the scope of the Bill."
All we want is an assurance to that effect. When we press this point we are not pressing it from the point of view of any single Member, but from the point of view of the National Farmers' Union. This is a point which they desire to be impressed upon this House. They ask for an assurance from the Government on this point, but the Government, in their reception of this Amendment, are refusing them the assurance for which they ask, that the things upon which they depend, namely, agricultural machinery and fertilisers, are not to be included in the Bill. The hon. Member for Camlachie (Sir H. Mackinder) said that it was to the interests of the agricultural community that there should be side by side with it a large, prosperous and fully employed industrial population. I agree, and it is because we Free Traders believe that this Bill is going to menace the prosperity and the employment of the industrial population that we are opposed to it. The hon. Member says that in this country we cannot produce wheat sufficient for our own population.
For export.
The hon. Member knows also that we cannot produce wheat in sufficient quantities for our own population. He says that the farmers should devote themselves to the production of meat and butter. One would imagine that the British farmer had nothing to face in competition in meat and butter. We contend that the effect of this Bill will be to increase prices, and, therefore, we claim the support of the Minister of Health. He says that to increase prices is the Bill and nothing but the Bill. What will be the effect of increasing the prices of agricultural produce? You are going to subject the farmer to greater competition than ever. During the War, everything that the farmer depended upon went up in price, and the price of his produce went up. Then the Government scoured the whole world to bring in articles, including butter from Denmark and New Zealand. There are all sorts of substitutes which the British farmer has to face. If the price of butter gets too high the people fly to margarine. This Bill will not benefit the British farmer, but it will benefit the people in far-off lands who are producing the raw materials out of which margarine is manufactured. The Government is not treating this Amendment with the seriousness it deserves. The Secretary for Overseas Trade deals with it as something that is of no consequence, something that is put forward with no sincerity, and that may be lightly dismissed on a quibble or with some poetical observation. I think he will find that the attitude of the Government and their reception of this Amendment will be treated in a different wav by at least two of the main partners in the agricultural industry, the agricultural labourer and the farmer.
We may take it that the manufacturing interests have proved themselves stronger than the representatives of agriculture on this matter, and no doubt the agricultural community will note that. The hon. Member for Camlachie (Sir H. Mackinder) based his argument upon the assumption that this protection will produce a prosperous industrial population. I will read two lines in reply to that—
"The Protectionist idea that it is possible for the Government by artificial means to create prosperity really produces a disastrous reaction in periods of high cost of living and trade depression."
Who said that?
The Minister of Health. Therefore, the Minister of Health does not believe that this thing is going to produce prosperity among the industrial population. If I accept the argument of the Minister of Health, the argument of the hon. Member for Camlachie falls to the ground. The difference of policy in Government Departments is alarming. The Minister for Agriculture has one way of protecting his industry and the President of the Board of Trade has another method of protecting the industries with which he is concerned. The Minister for Agriculture now believes that the farmer is not worth protecting, and he believes in educating the farmer. Technical education is the great thing for the farmer from his point of view. The right hon. Gentleman gave an excellent speech the other day, in which he said that he did not believe in giving protection or subsidies to agriculture, and that the only way to improve agriculture was by technical education. Therefore we have £1,000,000 provided for technical education. If technical education is such a grand thing, why does not the President of the Board of Trade apply that policy to other industries. Surely what is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander? However, we are to have technical education for the farmer and naked protection for certain other industries. In regard to this Amendment, our point is not that we want American tractors to come into this country, but that a tariff of this sort will make the British product more expensive to the farmer. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] If you put a tariff on an imported machine the effect is to raise the price of similar articles in the home market. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] Ask the Minister of Health. This is one of the most serious Amendments we have had. All the workers on the land are going to be taxed for everything that they use in their industry and to be compelled to pay more to the manufacturers of the things that are used in the industry. That is not fair to agriculture. We heard at the last General Election what was to be done for agriculture, but now everything used in agriculture is to be made dearer, and all that agriculture gets is some pious aspirations about technical education.
There seems to be a complete misunderstanding on the part of hon. Members above the gangway as to what the effect of this Bill will be. The hon. Member for the Western Isles (Dr. Murray) quoted the President of the Board of Agriculture as saying that there would be £1,000,000 spent on technical education. I desire, without the cost of £1,000,000 to the nation, to give my hon. Friends a little instruction as to the points of the Bill. In my opinion the imposition of a duty of 33⅓ per cent. on goods coming from countries with a collapsed exchange does not mean any increase whatever in the cost of these goods to the people of this country.
The Minister of Health said it did.
The Minister of Health may be a very knowledgable person and I have a great respect for him; but even if he did say such a thing I have no hesitation in saying that it was wrong. The goods which may be sent here in consequence of the collapsed exchange come here at a price which is so low that by no possibility can our manufacturers compete against it. Reference has been made this afternoon to surgical instruments. Surgical instruments could be got from Germany at something like one-third of the price at which they could be manufactured in this country, but they are not sold at that low price. In Germany they have got a price office, and the price at which the goods are allowed to be sold here is regulated by the price office, and those goods are allowed to be sold here at a price which is just under the British price. The object of the price office is that the maximum of profit may be retained by the Germans. The fact that they are able to produce at one-third of our price does not mean that the goods will be sold here at one-third of the price. That has been proved to the complete satisfaction even of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith). What this duty will do will be, not to increase the price, but to give some appropriation to our Treasury of part of this huge profit which the Germans at present make. That is the whole situation in a nutshell. I trust I have imparted a little knowledge to hon. Members above the Gangway, and I make no charge for it. I trust it has done them good, and that it will stop further waste of time in discussing irrelevant Amendments to the Bill. The Government are wise in resisting this Amendment, and I hope they will resist all further Amendments.
I have risen, not to impart information, but to ask a question of the Minister of Health, whose presence we always welcome. With the repeal of the Agriculture Act, what will be the position of the farmer? On several occasions the Minister of Health has reminded the House that in his opinion the depreciated exchange is of value to a particular country in her export trade. The farmers of this country are to receive the world price for their produce. Part of that produce is to compete against countries which have a depreciated exchange. The produce of those countries is coming here to compete with the produce of the farmers of Great Britain. What will be the position of British farmers? They are to be denied by the Government power to purchase their requirements at the lowest possible price. They are to be denied that advantage, and in the opinion of the Minister of Health they are to be placed at a further disadvantage in the price they receive for their produce because of the produce coming in at a lower price from countries with depreciated exchanges. The Minister of Health on several occasions has drawn a lurid picture of what is to happen to the steel industry and other industries in this country because of steel and other articles coming from countries which have a depreciated exchange. What reply can the right hon. Gentleman give to the farmer? Will he say to them, "We are very sorry, but the number of voters in industrial areas is greater than the number of voters in the agricultural counties." That may be good argument, but I should like some further enlightenment from the right hon. Gentleman.
I did not intend to intervene in this discussion. I cannot understand the point about which the hon. Baronet has spoken. What countries with depreciated exchanges are sending goods to this country in competition with the British farmer? I do not know a single country. There are no wheat, no oats and no meat coming from France or Belgium.
What about Denmark?
Denmark has an appreciated exchange. If hon. Members will once for all kindly apply their minds to the Bill, they will make some progress. One hon. Member ran away with the idea that everything that came into this country was to be taxed and that every- thing the farmer bought would be taxed. I cannot see that anything which the farmer buys will come under the operation of this Bill at all. As a matter of fact, the farmers are not going to compete against people with depreciated exchanges, but even supposing that were so, does the hon. Baronet the Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins) advise us to put a tax on food? Is that the policy of the hon. Members who are opposing the Bill. It would be very interesting to know if hon. Members opposite are going out now for putting a tax on food and for a complete reversal of the policy for which they and I fought together with such great energy for many years. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"] Then, what does the hon. Baronet and his friends suggest?
Withdraw the Bill.
If we withdrew the Bill, and if the farmer had to deal with the effect of depreciated exchanges, he would be no better off by the withdrawal of the Bill.
All would be treated alike.
Yes, it is possible all would be treated alike, but the hon. Baronet cannot ride off on that. It is a tax on food, or nothing. It is an inconvenient thing to have to admit, but you cannot deny the effects of your proposal. First, we are told about the poor British farmer suffering under the blows of competition, and what a terrible crime it is that his protection should be withdrawn. You cannot reconcile that with the view that everybody should be treated alike. Hon. Members opposite must make up their minds to one thing or the other. The hon. Baronet suggested to me that there may be more voters in the industrial than in agricultural constituencies. Hon. Members opposite must decide as to which vote they are angling for. I have no doubt the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain Benn), who is very shrewd in these matters, can give very good advice on that subject. As a matter of fact, there has been the greatest exaggeration on this, as on other matters connected with the Bill. What is it that is likely or probable even to come under the Bill, and fulfil the very stringent conditions which have been laid down? Item 1, it must be shown that the goods are being sold under the cost of production in the country of origin; Item 2, they must be causing grave and systematic unemployment in this country; and Item 3, it must be shown that good will be done by imposing the duty and that great harm would be done by not imposing it. These three conditions have to be fulfilled. All we have heard is about American tractors. We are told that British machinery is of no use, yet we are exporters of agricultural machinery to all parts of the world, and, in spite of what has been said about American makes, I have experience of both, and I have not the slightest hesitation in saying ours is best. The hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull, earlier in the Debate, said that the poor British farmer would not be allowed to buy American tractors or implements without having to bear a duty. What about the manufacturer of agricultural implements at home? A great deal is being made out of grievances which do not really exist. The members of the Agriculture Committee of this House who know something about agriculture, who are interested in agriculture, and who represent agricultural constituencies, have not thought it worth while to come in and protest, and I have never found them neglecting to do so if agricultural interests were really affected. We have not heard a single one of them. They know that this is a mare's nest—that it is another red herring. An effort is being made assiduously to divert people's minds from what the Bill really is and what it really seeks to achieve. There is an attempt to create a general panic, but it is based on no substance—an attempt to show that this is a Bill which will injure everybody and benefit nobody and impose the worst tariff in the world. If hon. Members would take the trouble to study the details of the Measure I think they will find that it has been very carefully thought out, and that it seeks to do the maximum of good and the minimum of harm.
We always enjoy the right hon. Gentleman; he puts forward such amazing statements. I hesitate to use the word brazen, but he makes statements of the thinnest possible description, which amaze one by their audacity. He challenged my hon. and gallant Friend because he said the logical sequence of a tariff on manufactures was a tax on food. We know that that has been said over and over again by Mr. Joseph Chamberlain, it has been said by the late Leader of the House, and it is an unavoidable inference from the policy of tariffs, because if you make a farmer pay more for his implements in order to protect the implement-maker, why not give the farmer your protection for his products? That is logical, but there is no demand on our side, by saying that, for a tax on food. We want to get rid of all these taxes. I wish the right hon. Gentleman had devoted a little more time to answering the questions of the hon. and learned Member for Chippen-ham (Mr. G. Terrell), because it would have thrown a great deal of light on this question, but will he answer a question now? Would it be correct to say that the Bill is bound to raise prices? "That is the object of it. If it does not do that there would be no point in it." Is that accurate, or is it an inaccurate statement of the objects of the Bill? If that is accurate, what becomes of the explanation of the hon. and learned Member for Chippenham, who says it will not raise prices at all, but that all it will do is to appropriate for the use of the Treasury some of the money now going into the pockets of the German manufacturers? Somebody must be wrong, and I hesitate—I could not possibly undertake the job—to adjudicate between the merits of the hon. and learned Member for Chippenham and the Minister of Health. The right hon. Gentleman went on to say, in reference to the duty on agricultural machinery, that there was nothing in it. I understand he has informed the agricultural Members that there is no danger of anything of the kind taking place.
I have not been in communication with them.
I understand the information has been given to them.
No information has been given to the Agriculture Committee, but the difference is that the Agriculture Committee know the Bill, and hon. Members opposite either do not know it or misrepresent it.
May I read what was quoted—
"It was reported that a letter had been received from the Chairman of the House of Commons Agriculture Committee in which he stated that he did not think there was any danger of agricultural machinery and fertilisers being included in the scope of the Bill."
Because he read the Bill.
One statesman says:
"I have made inquiries of the Board of Trade, and they tell me that they are constantly receiving deputations and representations from industries who are in this imperilled condition.… I will not trouble your Lordships with the whole list, but will give only those from which the complaints are most insistent."
That list included makers of agricultural machines, so that surely there is another mistake somewhere. That is a speech by the Marquess Curzon in another place.
The Chairman of the Agriculture Committee in the House of Commons is being informed, and is passing on the information to the Farmers' Union, that there is no danger of any tax being imposed, and the Minister of Health, with that fine command of picturesque simile of which he is a master, describes such a suggestion as either a mare's nest or a red herring, and the Noble Lord in another place says that, after inquiries made, he finds that among the imperilled industries are the makers of agricultural implements. I suggest that there are no answers to these questions. We can get no answers to our questions; we can merely ask them.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."
The House divided: Ayes, 69; Noes, 184.
Division No. 340.] AYES. [10.37 p.m. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Raffan, Peter Wilson Ainsworth, Captain Charles Hirst, G. H. Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hogge, James Myles Rendall, Athelstan Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Irving, Pan Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Barton, Sir William (Oldham) John, William (Rhondda, West) Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Johnstone, Joseph Rose, Frank H. Bromfield, William Kennedy, Thomas Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Cape, Thomas Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Spencer, George A. Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Kenyon, Barnet Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Kiley, James Daniel Swan, J. E. Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Lawson, John James Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lowther, Col. Claude (Lancaster) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Entwlstle, Major C. F. MacVeagh, Jeremiah Waterson, A. E. finney, Samuel Mallalieu, Frederick William White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Galbraith, Samuel Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Gillis, William Mosley, Oswald Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Myers, Thomas Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Grundy, T. W. Newbould, Alfred Ernest Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) O'Grady, James Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Hay ward, Evan Poison, Sir Thomas A. Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T. Shaw. NOES Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Ford, Patrick Johnston Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Forrest, Walter Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Wlthington) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Armstrong, Henry Bruce Casey, T. W. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Atkey, A. R. Cautley, Henry Strother Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Austin, Sir Herbert Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Churchman, Sir Arthur Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Green, Albert (Derby) Balfour, George (Hampstead) Clough, Sir Robert Greenwood, William (Stockport) Barlow, Sir Montague Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Greer, Harry Barnett, Major Richard W. Colvln, Brig.-General Richard Beale Greig, Colonel Sir James William Barnston, Major Harry Conway, Sir W. Martin Guinness, Lieut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Beauchamp, Sir Edward Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hallwood, Augustine Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Claik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Bigland, Alfred Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Hanna, George Boyle Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Blades, Sir George Rowland Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton; Borwick, Major G. 0. Dockrell, Sir Maurice Harris, Sir Henry Percy Bowles, Colonel H. F. Doyle, N. G rattan Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Brittain, Sir Harry Elveden, Viscount Hoare, Lleut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Bruton, Sir James Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Hood, Joseph Buchanan, Lleut.-Colonel A. L. H. Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Hopkins, John W. W.
Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Simm, M. T. Hunter-Weston, Lieut. Gen. Sir A. G. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Murchison, C. K. Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Jameson, John Gordon Neal, Arthur Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Johnson, Sir Stanley Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Stanton, Charles Butt Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Newman, Sir R. H. S. O. L. (Exeter) Stewart, Gershom Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Sturrock, J. Leng Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Sugden, W. H. Kerr-Smlley, Major Peter Kerr Parker, James Taylor, J. Kidd, James Pearce, Sir William Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) King, Captain Henry Douglas Pease. Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Townley, Maximilian G. Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Perkins, Walter Frank Tryon, Major George Clement Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Pratt, John William Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Lindsay, William Arthur Prescott, Major W. H. Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent) Lloyd, George Butler Ramsden, G. T. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Randles, Sir John Scurrah Warren, Sir Alfred H. Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Raper, A. Baldwin Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Wheler, Col. Granvllie C. H. Lorden, John William Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Whitla, Sir William Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Reid, D. D. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. M'Connell, Thomas Edward Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Winterton, Earl Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachle) Rodger, A. K. Wise, Frederick Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Roundell, Colonel R. F. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Maddocks, Henry Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Worthlngton-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Manvllle, Edward Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Mason, Robert Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Mitchell, Sir William Lane Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Moles, Thomas Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Brldgeton) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Molson, Major John Elsdale Scott, Leslie (Liverpool Exchange) Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy. Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Morltz Seager, Sir William Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Seddon, J. A.
Motion made, and Question put, "That further Consideration of the Bill, as
amended, be now adjourned."—[ Mr. Baldwin. ]
The House divided: Ayes, 194: Noes, 61.
Division No. 341.] AYES. [10.45 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Clough, Sir Robert Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent Colfox, Major Wm. Phillips Harris, Sir Henry Percy Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Conway, Sir W. Martin Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Coote, Colin Reith (Isle ol Ely) Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J G. Armitage, Robert Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South) Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Armstrong, Henry Bruce Cralk, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hood, Joseph Atkey, A. R. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Hopkins, John W. W. Austin, Sir Herbert Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Home, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Baird, Sir John Lawrence Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Hunter-Weston, Lieut-Gen. Sir A. G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Doyle, N. Grattan Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Edge, Captain William Jameson, John Gordon Barlow, Sir Montague Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Johnson, Sir Stanley Barnett, Major Richard W. Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Johnstone, Joseph Barnston, Major Harry Elveden, Viscount Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Beauchamp, Sir Edward Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Kenyon, Barnet Bigland, Alfred Ford, Patrick Johnston Kerr-Smiley, Major Peter Kerr Birchall, Major J. Dearman Forrest, Walter Kidd, James Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Fraser, Major Sir Keith King, Captain Henry Douglas Blades, Sir George Rowland Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Borwick, Major G. O. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Gilbert, James Daniel Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Breese, Major Charles E. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Lindsay, William Arthur Brittain, Sir Harry Glyn, Major Ralph Lloyd, George Butler Brown, T. W. (Down, North} Goff, Sir R. Park Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Bruton, Sir James Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Locker-Lampson, G. (Wood Green) Buchanan, Lleut.-Colonel A. L. H. Green, Albert (Derby) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Greenwood, William (Stockport) Lorden, John William Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Greer, Harry Lowther, Major C. (Cumberland, N.) Butcher, Sir John George Grelg, Colonel Sir James William Lowther, Col. Claude (Lancaster) Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Guinness, Lleut.-Col. Hon. W. E. Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Casey, T. W. Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Cautley, Henry Strother Hallwood, Augustine M'Connell, Thomas Edward Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.) Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Maddocks, Henry Churchman, Sir Arthur Hanna, George Boyle Mallalieu, Frederick William Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.>
Manville, Edward Raper, A. Baldwin Terrell, George (Wilts, Chippenham) Mason, Robert Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell- (Maryhill) Mitchell, Sir William Lane Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Townley, Maximilian G. Moles, Thomas Reid, D. D. Tryon, Major George Clement Molson, Major John Elsdale Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Wallace, J. Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent) Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Rodger, A. K. Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Rounded, Colonel R. F. Warren, Sir Alfred H. Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Weston, Colonel John Wakefield Murchison, C. K. Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Wheler, Col. Granville C. H. Neal, Arthur Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Whitla, Sir William Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave O. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Newman, sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Scott, Leslie (Liverpool Exchange) Willey, Lieut.-Colonel F. V. Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Seager, Sir William Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Seddon, J. A. Winterton, Earl Parker, James Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Wise, Frederick Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Simm, M. T. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Pearce, Sir William Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Stanier, Captain Sir Beville Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Stanton, Charles Butt Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Perkins, Walter Frank Stewart, Gershom Pratt, John William Sturrock, J. Leng TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Ramsden, G. T. Sugden, W. H. Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy. Randies, Sir John Scurrah Taylor, J. McCurdy. NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Raffan, Peter Wilson Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Hayward, Evan Rendall, Athelstan Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Ball, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hirst, G. H. Roberts, Frederick O. (W. Bromwich) Benn, Captain Wedgwood (Leith) Hogge, James Myles Rose, Frank H. Bromfield, William Irving, Dan Short, Alfred (Wednesbury) Cape, Thomas John, William (Rhondda, West) Spencer, George A. Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Kennedy, Thomas Swan, J. E. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Kiley, James Daniel Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Lawson, John James Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Edwards, G. (Norfolk, South) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Entwistle, Major C. F. MacVeagh, Jeremiah Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Finney, Samuel Morgan, Major D. Watts Wilson, W. Tyson (Westhoughton) Galbraith, Samuel Mosley, Oswald Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Gillis, William Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Myers, Thomas Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Newbould, Alfred Ernest TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Grundy, T. W. O'Grady, James Mr. G. Thorne and Mr. T. Shaw.
Bill, as amended, to be further considered To-morrow.
Irish Railways [Settlement of Claims]
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That it is expedient to make provision for the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, of a sum of three million pounds in satisfaction of claims which might have been made by railway companies in Ireland for compensation under the Regulation of the Forces Act, 1871, or the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, or otherwise arising out of, or in respect of, the possession by the Crown of the undertakings, railroads, or plant of such railway companies, or in the exercise of the powers conferred by those Acts, and for the distribution free of Income Tax of that sum and any interest thereon amongst the companies, and for the continuance of a clause in the agreement between the Government and those companies, and for purposes incidental to the matters aforesaid."—[ Mr. Hilton Young. ]
I beg to move, after the word "companies" ["in the agreement between the Government and those companies"], to insert the words embodied in one document the various documents which went to make up the English agreement. Under the agreement the Irish railways have, as the English railway companies have, at the end of the control various claims against the Government under the Regulation of the Forces Act and the Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, and under various agreements. The object of this Bill is to endeavour to settle in the easiest way these claims by the companies against the Government. The claims have been formulated by the railway companies and put into a definite shape, and experts on behalf of the Government has met experts on behalf of the railway companies. All these matters have been gone into and investigated fully and, subject to the approval of Parliament, the Government propose to pay in full settlement of the claims of the Irish railway companies a sum of £3,000,000, subject to the same proviso as in the English Bill, and the Government retain the right to challenge and adjust any points arising on the investigation of the accounts. It should be borne in mind that on the 14th August, the date of decontrol, the Irish railways will revert to the owning companies without any provision whatever for future amalgamation and any power to permanently increase their charges or alter their rate-fixing machinery. The companies, in return, instead of having before them the uncertainty of prolonged litigation against the Government receive a fixed, prompt, and certain payment at once. This payment will enable the companies to carry on. Many of them are in a very much enfeebled position and without some such payment as the Government agree to make some, at least, of the companies will be compelled to close down.
11.0 P.M.
The Committee is aware that, under Section 10 of the Government of Ireland Act, certain liabilities to the Exchequer are reserved. The Irish railway company, under the same Section, have the right to charge merely the same rates and fares as they are now charging until the Council takes over control. The Bill will necessarily be a short one. It will contain provisions for the payment of this £3,000,000, and it will contain provisions for setting up machinery for the distribution of the money in default of agreement among the companies. It will also contain one special Clause dealing with the owning companies who are carrying on under working agreements. This Amendment is rendered necessary by the fact that it is possible, and indeed probable, that an agreement may be come to between the representatives of the men and the railway companies in Ireland, which it might be advisable to include in the Bill.
Amendment agreed to.
In view of the statement which the hon. and learned Gentleman has made, and of the Amendment to facilitate the settlement of questions relating to conditions of labour and employment, and in view also of the fact that the National Union of Railwaymen are satisfied with the arrangement proposed, I do not propose to move the Amendment standing in my name.
Original Question, as amended, put, and agreed to.
Resolved, That it is expedient to make provision for the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, of a sum of three millions pounds in satisfaction of claims which might have been made by railway companies in Ireland for compensation under The Regulation of the Forces Act, 1871, or The Ministry of Transport Act, 1919, or otherwise arising out of, or in respect of, the possession by the Crown of the undertakings, railroads, or plant of such railway companies, or in the exercise of the powers conferred by those Acts, and for the distribution free of income tax of that sum and any interest thereon amongst the companies, and for the continuance of a clause in the agreement between the Government and those companies and for facilitating the settlement of questions of wages and conditions of employment in connection with such railways, and for purposes incidental to the matters aforesaid.
Resolution to be reported To-morrow.
Land Settlement Amendment Bill
Read the Third time, and passed.
Admiralty Pensions Bill
Read the Third time, and passed.
Isle of Man (Customs) Bill
Considered in Committee, and reported without Amendment; read the Third time, and passed.
Juries (Emergency Provisions) (Renewal) Bil [Lords]
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 1.—(Removal of Section 2 of 10 and 11 Geo. 5, c. 78.)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."
I should like to ask the Minister in charge of the Bill whether he proposes to give any explanation of exactly with what this somewhat involved Clause deals.
The object of the Bill is simply this. For some years in many boroughs which have separate assizes, the jury lists have been prepared simply by taking the burgess's list and marking off the names of those who ought to serve as jurors. It was inexpensive, did not necessitate a staff, and saved a great deal of trouble. It was eventually suggested that it was not in accordance with the Act of 1829. The opinion of the Law Officers was taken and it was found that it was not legal, and to be strictly correct all of those boroughs ought to have gone to the very considerable expense of separate jury lists, which would give a gread deal of trouble and involve a staff and considerable expense. Last year a Bill was passed which had a double effect. It validated any decisions of juries during the years in which this method had been adopted which would perhaps by law have been invalid. That was retrospective, and it is over and done with. This Act also provided, in order to save expense, that the method which had been adopted should be continued for the succeeding year, the intention being, and indeed is being carried out, that the whole question of juries should be reconsidered and a general Bill be brought in. It has not been possible to bring in that general Bill, and the Bill before the House proposes to continue for twelve months longer the old perfectly satisfactory, cheap, and efficient system. Many important cities and boroughs will be saved great expense, and that will continue until, as we hope, next Session a general Bill will be brought in dealing with the whole question.
We are much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for his exposition. My only object originally in rising was that we might hear from the Minister responsible what the Bill did. I take this opportunity of congratulating the Leader of the House and the Government on the fact that while they have not been able to save money on more important things, such as the expenses of the Ministry of Labour, they will be able to save in the direction of the jury lists.
Question put, and agreed to.
Clause 2 (Short Title) ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Bill reported, without Amendment; read the Third time, and passed, without Amendment.
Duchy of Lancaster (Application of Capital Moneys) Bill
Message Authorised by His Majesty
Order for Second Reading read.
I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
I do so in the absence of both the Prime Minister and the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The object is to give authority to the Duchy of Lancaster to realise capital to the extent of £100,000, and to apply the proceeds as revenue. The need for some such a Measure as this arises from the entirely exceptional economic circumstances of the present time. His Majesty's Civil List was settled in 1910, on the basis of the level of prices then ruling. As the House is well aware, prices since that time have increased to such an extent that at one period they were as much as two and a half times those obtaining before the War; and, as the Civil List moneys go for the most part in the payment of wages and travelling expenses, the purchase of food, clothing, fuel, light, forage, and other supplies of a like nature—in all of which the rise in prices was felt—it will be readily appreciated by the House that, had there not been a drastic curtailment of expenses, the provision for the Civil List made on the basis of 1910 prices would have been hopelessly inadequate.
During the War, State functions were inevitably reduced in number and shorn very materially of their ordinary splendour, and at the same time His Majesty took a leading part in carrying out the general duty of cutting out all expenses that were not absolutely necessary, with the result that he was able not merely to carry on during the War without involving any deficit on the Civil List, but was able, in 1916, to make a voluntary contribution to the Treasury of £100,000. His Majesty had formed the intention of making further contributions to the Exchequer in later years, but, after careful consideration of all the circumstances, it was felt that it would be better for their Majesties to contribute any further surpluses towards financing some of the many charitable funds connected with the War, instead of making further direct gifts to the Exchequer, and that was done by their Majesties.
It was not until after the War that the Civil List became inadequate to the calls made upon it. The rapid upward movement of prices in 1919, and the partial resumption of State functions, combined to make the annual grant allocated to salaries, wages, pensions and household expenses insufficient by the sum of £24,500 to meet the expenses which were incurred in that year. In the next year, 1920, the deficit was still greater, being upwards. of £45,000, and during the present year, although the State entertainments and functions have by no means equalled the number usually given before the War, the deficit will in all probability be greater still, notwithstanding the most stringent economies made in His Majesty's household and expenditure. Apart from these deficits, the expenditure on the internal maintenance and repairs of the Royal Palaces exceeded the amount of £20,000 per annum provided in the Civil List, Class 4, for this service, by £6,400 in 1919 and by £19,100 in 1920. But savings on this class had accumulated during the War, owing to the postponement of all but absolutely essential services, and the amount so saved was sufficient to cover the deficiencies and leave in hand a small balance which, however, has by this time been exhausted.
The deficiency of 1919 under the other beading and the greater part of that incurred in 1920 have been made good by His Majesty out of savings previously accumulated by him for the specific purpose of providing a balance for abnormal expenditure, and a fund for the benefit of those Royal dependents for whom Parliament makes no provision. As an illustration of the abnormal expenditure for which these savings become necessary, the number of pensioned servants of the Royal Household increases progressively as the reign proceeds, which results in a large increase in the pension charges towards the end of the reign as compared with the commencement.
It will be obvious to the House that the process of drawing upon capital to meet current deficits cannot continue indefinitely, and, if conditions were anything like stable, and pointed to a permanent deficit on the Civil List, the Government would feel bound to recommend to His Majesty that this House should be invited to examine the matter, and to make such variation in the provision made for His Majesty as the House might consider desirable. It was, indeed, a matter for very serious consideration whether, in view of the deficits which have been already unavoidably incurred, this House should not be invited in the present Session to consider whether some temporary supplement to the Civil List should not be made; but His Majesty, having in mind the serious state of the national finances at the present time, and showing thereby his public spirit in this as in all other matters, is not prepared to assent to any action being taken by the Government which will involve any additional charge upon public funds at this moment. He would be quite prepared, if His Majesty's Government thought it desirable, to see a material diminution of the degree of ceremonial and splendour which is associated by tradition with the British Throne. But His Majesty's Government feel that they are expressing the opinion of this House and of the great mass of the population of the Empire in advising His Majesty that the dignity of the Crown should be maintained with as little sacrifice as need be of the immemorial ceremonials and traditions associated with the Throne. The hope that the Civil List, as settled in 1910, may prove sufficient in the future to enable His Majesty to carry out his duties without the necessity of State functions being materially shorn of their immemorial dignity rests very largely on the fall in prices which has been witnessed during the last few months, and which it is hoped will continue for some time yet before a stable level be reached.
It would be too much to expect that the pre-War level will be reached at any rate for many years to come, and it would thus be impossible to rely on the fall of prices alone to restore the balance of the Civil List. But very considerable economies have already been introduced in the administration of the Royal Household, and indeed it is evident that but for this action the deficit of £45,000 last year must have been enormously greater, since, with prices more than doubled, the expenditure was only 14 per cent. in excess of the £318,000 provided on the Civil List for 1910 for the classes in which the deficiencies occurred.
His Majesty feels, however, that the possibilities of economy have not yet been fully exhausted, and he has intimated to the Government his intention of appointing a small Committee to explore the whole question of expenditure on Class 2 (Salaries and wages); on Class 3 (Household expenses); and on Class 4 (Works and internal maintenance of Palaces), with a view to advising him as to what services can be entirely or partially dispensed with, and as to what further economies generally can be introduced. The Government, at the request of His Majesty, have placed at his disposal the services of Sir Warren Fisher, Permanent Secretary to the Treasury and Auditor of the Civil List, for the Chairmanship of the Committee, and it is hoped that an appreciable and permanent reduction of expenditure will result from the Committee's inquiries. With the prospective fall in prices, and with the further economies which it is hoped the Committee will be able to suggest, it is our hope that the Civil List may in future be sufficient to enable the Royal Household to be maintained in a fit manner, without the necessity of asking for any increase. But the House will realise that this depends largely upon the course of prices in the next few years, which cannot at the present time be forecast with any accuracy.
The object of the Bill is merely to enable His Majesty to tide over the present temporary emergency, and to liquidate the deficiency of the last two years and the prospective deficiency of the current year. The idea of living on capital is, of course, most objectionable, and, I am sure, as repugnant to the feelings of this House as to His Majesty as the possessor of these Crown revenues; and were it not that the Government are not unhopeful that the present difficulties are purely temporary, and not likely to recur, they would not feel justified in placing this Bill before the House. They think, however, that, having regard to all the circumstances, the action they propose, with the full assent of His Majesty and the Heir Apparent, is justified as being the least objectionable solution of a problem which is beset with difficulties. If necessary, the Government would not hesitate to advise His Majesty to allow them to bring the matter before the House on a subsequent occasion, and I think I speak the feeling of the House when I say that this House would readily entertain any such message from the Throne.
The Bill by its title has given the House no idea of the importance of the very interesting statement of the Leader of the House. I regret that that statement has had to be made at so late an hour, because it contains many statements which, I cannot help assuming, must have come direct from His Majesty himself—statements which a full House would have liked to have heard. It is obviously very difficult for me to make anything in the nature of lengthy comment on the statements of the Leader of the House. In regard to one statement, I will say this: Referring to the economies which His Majesty must evidently have had in mind to make in connection with public ceremonial, I feel myself I would be very much more inclined to trust to His Majesty's taste and judgment than to leave it as a matter for even His Majesty's Government to advise upon. Because I am quite certain that the dignity and authority of the Crown were never in safer and more responsible hands than those in which they are to-day. If, in the view of His Majesty and those who more immediately advise him in these maters, economies can be made—and I feel sure, in view of the very long and ancient history of these ceremonials they might perhaps be brought into more easy accord with modern conditions with- out any loss of dignity—and perhaps, as is obviously in His Majesty's mind, that some not inconsiderable saving might be made in the Civil List—I would much rather, frankly, leave it to His Majesty to decide. That, of course, I say without any opportunity of proper consideration of the matter. The only other comment I would make is this, that His Majesty sets an excellent example to his own Government and to every citizen in the country, and in saying that I do not wish to make any controversial point.
Hear, hear!
When His Majesty sets himself to accommodate the income which his loyal subjects most gladly appropriate to him to the needs of the time it is an example which every citizen in the country should follow, and I sincerely trust that the example he has set and is setting will be loyally accepted and zealously copied by all of us in our several degrees.
May I claim the indulgence of the House to make one observation, certainly not in any controversial spirit, in reference to what has fallen from my right hon. Friend (Sir D. Maclean). Let me say that no such difficulty would have arisen up to the present if His Majesty had not voluntarily surrendered the surplus which accrued during the War, in the first instance to the Treasury and in the second instance in gifts to charitable funds which appeal to him as they do to the public. Let me say, in the second place, as this House, and, I think, the country knows, their Majesties' personal tastes are very simple; and the expenditure with which we are here concerned is not expenditure on the personal comfort of their Majesties, but on State pageants in the main, expenditure necessarily concerned with the public pageants that take place when their Majesties make a State appearance. Their Majesties—I have not His Majesty's authority to say it—but I think their Majesties sometimes feel them irksome. It is not for their own pleasure, in any circumstances, that they incur this expense, but if it be kept up, it is because we, their Majesty's people, like our Sovereigns, when they appear on a State occasion, to appear with a certain majesty and splendour, as is the custom in connection with the British Throne. It is really, therefore, not for their Majesties to decide personally whether these time-honoured and immemorial accessories to the British Throne are to be continued. That is really a question for their people. It is in his people that His Majesty confides, when he authorises this statement which I have made to the House.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a Second time; and committed to a Committee of the Whole House for To-morrow.—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
Public Works Loans [Remission of Debts]
Committee to consider of authorising the remission of certain debts in pursuance of any Act of the present Session relating to local loans—( King's Recommendation signified ) —To-morrow.—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Supreme Court Officers (Retirement, Pensions, Etc.) [Allowances]
Committee to consider of authorising the payment out of moneys to be provided by Parliament of any allowances and other sums which may become payable under any Act of the present Session to make further provision with respect to the appointment, conditions of service, and pensions of certain officers of the Supreme Court in England.—( King's Recommendation signified )—To-morrow.—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Whereupon Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKEK adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Order of the House of 26th July.
Adjourned at Twenty-nine Minutes before Twelve o'Clock.