House of Commons
Wednesday, August 17, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
West Ham Corporation Bill [ Lords ],
Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.
ADJOURNMENT MOTIONS UNDER STANDING ORDER No. 10
Return ordered "of Motions for Adjournment under Standing Order No.
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. Date when Closure moved, and by whom. Question before House or Committee when moved. Whether in House or Committee. Whether assent given to Motion or withheld by Speaker or Chairman. Assent withheld because, in the opinion of the Chair, a decision would shortly be arrived at without that Motion. Result of Motion and, if a Division, Numbers for and against.
and (2) in the Standing Committees under the following heads:
1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Date when Closure moved, and by whom. Question before Committee when moved. Whether assent given to Motion or withheld by Chairman. Assent withheld because, in the opinion of the Chair, a decision would shortly be arrived at without that Motion. Result of Motion, and, if a Division Numbers for and against.
(in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 253, of Session 1920)."—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
Business of the House
Return ordered "showing, with reference to Session 1921, (1) the total number of days on which the House sat; and (2) the days on which Business of Supply was considered (in continuance of Parliamentary Paper, No. 252, of Session 1920)."—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
Private Bills and Private Business
Return ordered "of the number of Private Bills, Hybrid Bills, and Bills for 10, showing the date of such Motion, the name of the Member proposing, the definite matter of urgent public importance, and the result of any Division taken thereon during Session 1921 (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 251, of Session 1920)."—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
CLOSURE OF DEBATE (STANDING ORDER No. 26)
Return ordered "respecting application of Standing Order No. 26 (Closure of Debate) during Session 1921 (1) in the House and in Committee of the whole House, under the following heads:—
confirming Provisional Orders introduced into the House of Commons and brought from the House of Lords, and of Acts passed in Session 1921, classed according to the following subjects:—Railways; Tramways; Tramroads; Subways; Canals and Navigations; Roads and Bridges; Water; Waterworks; Gas; Gas and Water; Lighting and Improvement; Local Legislation; Corporations, &c. (not relating to Local Legislation or to Lighting and Improvement Schemes); Ports, Piers, Harbours, and Docks; Pilotage; Churches, Chapels, and Burying Grounds; Markets and Fairs; Gaols and other County Buildings; Inclosure and Drainage; Estate; Patent; Divorce; and Miscellaneous:
Of all the Private Bills, Hybrid Bills, and Bills for confirming Provisional Orders which in Session 1921 have been reported on by Committees on Opposed Private Bills or by Committees nominated partly by the House and partly by the Committee of Selection, together with the names of the selected Members who served on each Committee; the first and also the last day of the sitting of each Committee; the number of days on which each Committee sat; the number of days on which each selected Member has served; the number of days occupied by each Bill in Committee; the Bills the Preambles of which were reported to have been proved; the Bills the Preambles of which were reported to have been not proved; and, in the case of Bills for confirming Provisional Orders, whether the Provisional Orders ought or ought not to be confirmed:
Of all Private Bills and Bills for confirming Provisional Orders which, in Session 1921, have been referred by the Committee of Selection, or by the General Committee on Railway and Canal Bills, to the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, together with the names of the Members who served on each Committee; the number of days on which each Committee sat; and the number of days on which each Member attended:
And, of the number of Private Bills, Hybrid Bills, and Bills for confirming Provisional Orders withdrawn or not proceeded with by the parties, those Bills being specified which have been referred to Committees and dropped during the sittings of the Committee (in continue tion of Parliamentary Paper No, 0.003, of Session 1920)."—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
Public Bills
Return ordered "of the number of Public Bills, distinguishing Government from other Bills, introduced into this House, or brought from the House of Lords, during Session 1921; showing the number which received the Royal Assent; the number which were passed by this House, but not by the House of Lords; the number passed by the House of Lords, but not by this House; and distinguishing the stages at which such Bills as did not receive the Royal Assent were dropped or postponed and rejected in either House of Parliament (in con- tinuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 0.004, of Session 1920)."—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
Public Petitions
Return ordered "of the number of Public Petitions presented and printed in Session 1921; with the total number of signatures in that Session (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 0.005, of Session 1920)."—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
Select Committees
Return ordered "of the number of Select Committees appointed in Session 1921 and the Court of Referees; the subjects of. inquiry; the names of the Members appointed to serve on each, and of the Chairman of each; the number of days each Committee met, and the number of days each Member attended; the total expense of the attendance of witnesses at each Select Committee, and the name of the Member who moved for such Select Committee; also the total number of Members who served on Select Committees (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 0.001, of Session 1920)."—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
Sittings of the House
Return ordered "of the days on which the House sat in Session 1921, stating for each day the date of the month and day of the week, the hour of the meeting, and the hour of adjournment; and the total number of hours occupied in the Sittings of the House, and the average time; and showing the number of hours on which the House sat each day, and the number of hours after 11 p.m.; and the number of entries in each day's Votes and Proceedings."—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
Standing Committees
Return ordered "for the Session of 1921 of (1) the total number and the names of all Members (including and distinguishing Chairmen) who have been appointed to serve on one or more of the six Standing Committees appointed under Standing Order No. 47, showing, with regard to each of such Members, the number of sittings at which he was present; (2) the number of Bills considered by all and by each of the Standing Committees, the number of days on which each Committee sat, and the names of all Bills considered by a Standing Committee, distinguishing where a Bill was a Government Bill or was brought from the House of Lords, and showing, in the case of each Bill, the particular Standing Committee by whom it was considered, the number of days on which it was considered by the Committee, and the number of Members present on each of those days (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 0.002, of Session 1920).—[ The Deputy Chairman. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Eastern Siberia
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he can give the most recent information he has with regard to the situation in Eastern Siberia and the maritime province; what Government is in power at Vladivostock and the surrounding country; how much of the country is in the occupation of Japanese troops; and whether these troops are in process of withdrawal?
Apart from the fact that Baron Ungern Sternberg's forces have captured Verknie Udinsk and occupied certain territory in the neighbourhood of Lake Baikal, the situation has not changed materially since the replies which I gave to the hon. and gallant Member on June 8th and July 6th. There are Japanese troops at Vladivostock and in the surrounding country, at Nicolaievsk and in Northern Saghalien. The troops are not at present being withdrawn.
Is the hon. Gentleman able to tell me if Baron Sternberg is receiving the support of the Japanese or the Chinese?
I should think that is very improbable, but my hon. and gallant Friend knows that the situation is very obscure, and our information very imperfect.
Cigarette Smoking
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information to the effect that the Anti-saloon League which organised the dry campaign in America is now organising a similar campaign against cigarette smoking?
I have received no official information on this subject.
Is it not the fact that in at least one State of the Union cigarette smoking is absolutely prohibited?
I should like to have notice of that question.
China
Trading Zone
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of the necessity of cancelling the old commercial limitations in China, which are expressed by the formula of treaty ports, his attention has been called to suggestions made before the Commercial Committee of the House that a 5- or 10-miles trading zone be created along all railways and rivers, in which zone foreigners shall have the legal right to reside and open factories and warehouses under Chinese police supervision and local taxation and without surrender of the principle of extra-territoriality; and whether, in view of the objectionable developments which the application of the zone idea has brought about in the case of the Manchurian railways, he will ensure that the extension of this principle shall be acceptable to China?
No such suggestion has been brought to the notice of the Foreign Office. But in any case the adoption of such a scheme could not be agreed to without the most careful consideration from every point of view, and would obviously require the concurrence of the Chinese Government.
Boxer Indemnity
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in considering the suggested application of the British unpaid share of the Boxer indemnity towards the promotion of Chinese education on British lines, he will take into consideration British opinion in China, which is unanimously in favour of the step being taken; and whether the Foreign Office has withheld its approval of this proposal or whether the matter is now solely one for the Treasury?
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the attention of the Government has been drawn to organised movements in France and Japan to divert future Boxer indemnity payments to Chinese education, as has long been done by the United States of America; and whether, seeing that Britain cannot lag behind in international generosity, His Majesty's Government will consider the creation of a British-Chinese education fund from future payments from which to create scholarships in England for Chinese men and women alike, besides subsidising from the fund working institutions such as the Peking Government University, which is now educating several thousands of the sons of the official and mercantile classes of the new China?
The whole question has been receiving the most careful attention, but the hon. Members will realise that it is beset with peculiar difficulties at this time of urgent national economy. It is proposed to appoint a Committee to deal with the subject in the near future.
Questions
Lancashire Cotton Trade, Manchuria
7 and 8.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1) whether, in view of the importance of the matter to the Lancashire cotton trade, the Powers, and, if so, what Powers, have agreed to the abolition of the open door in Manchuria; what such abolition exactly means; how the agreement of this country to the said abolition was conveyed to Japan and in what terms; whether the Chinese government has been officially notified of this decision of the Powers;
(2) whether, in view of the importance of the matter to the Lancashire cotton trade and in view of the Japanese report that the Powers have abandoned the principle of the open door in Manchuria, he can state exactly what the boundaries of the territory are in which this abandonment takes effect; and why this moment is chosen by the Powers to make this announcement?
I am unaware to what report the hon. Member refers in his second question. The remaining parts of these two questions do not, therefore, arise.
Russian Famine
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of the efforts which are being made to arrange for the transport of food and clothing to the starving population of Russia, he can inform the House what steps are being taken to ensure that all assistance reaches those for whom it is intended, and by the most rapid method possible?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the statement made by the Prime Minister yesterday to the House, to which I cannot add anything.
Royal Navy
Battleships (Nomenclature)
asked the. Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he can make any statement as to the names chosen for the new battle cruisers; and by whom, and how, the nomenclature of His Majesty's ships is suggested and decided?
No decision has yet been reached as to the names to be given to these ships. Names for the more important of His Majesty's ships are chosen by His Majesty the King on the recommendation of the First Lord of the Admiralty.
Will the hon. Gentleman make public as soon as possible the names chosen for these battleships?
Yes.
Schoolmasters
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is now in a position to make a statement with regard to the increase of pay to naval schoolmasters; whether he is aware that this question was under consideration in November of last year and that since that date increases of pay have been granted to civil servants; and can he give any reason for the delay in the adjustment of the pay of naval schoolmasters?
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether, inasmuch as officers of the schoolmaster branch of the Royal Navy are still being paid at rates varying from 23 per cent. to 53 per cent. below other naval officers of the same rank and seniority, he is able now to state that the long-promised revised scheme of pay and promotion of officers of this branch will be promulgated in the near future?
I regret that I am still not in a position to make any statement on the subject of the pay and other conditions of service of the schoolmaster branch. The matter, apart from the financial considerations, is a very complicated one, involving comparisons with the rates payable in civil life, which have only recently been standardised, as well as considerations inseparable from the position of these officers as naval officers. Hon. Members, however, may rest assured that the question is being dealt with as quickly as possible.
Is it not the fact that this matter has been under consideration for the last 12 months, and is it not possible to come to some conclusion in that period as to what this pay should be?
As I have said in my answer, the position in civil life has just been standardised. The matter is not standing still; we are pushing ahead with it as rapidly as we can.
Home-Returning Men
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that much inconvenience and expense is occasioned to many rating in His Majesty's Navy by sending men returning from foreign service to naval stations other than their home depot, as, for example, sending them to Chatham while their home depot is Devonport; whether this can be avoided; and, if not, whether the extra cost to the men involved can be met by privilege tickets being issued by his Department?
I do not understand how any grievance of the kind stated can arise. It frequently happens that men returning from abroad are landed at other than their own depots by the transport which brings them, but in all such cases they would not be sent on leave from that depot, but would be first sent to their own depot at Government expense.
Engine-Room Artificers (Allowances)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether engine-room artificers get certificate allowances amounting to 2s. per day; whether on promotion they lose the 2s. per day; what is the reason for the reduction; and will he consider the advisability of continuing the allowances and granting an additional Is. per day on promotion to encourage and reward ability among all officers promoted from the engine-room artificer class?
As the answer is rather long I propose, with the hon. Member's permission, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the answer:
Certificate allowances are payable to engine-room artificers and chief engine-room artificers as follows—
(1) 1s. a day to engine-room artificers on obtaining the certificate of capability of taking charge of a watch in the engine room of a small ship.
(2) An additional Is. a day to chief engine-room artificers on obtaining the certificate of capability of taking charge of the engines of a small ship, but not to be paid until attainment of the rating of chief engine-room artificer 2.
On promotion to warrant rank, a chief engine-room artificer or engine-room artificer enters the scale of pay laid down for warrant engineers, the allowances referred to above lapsing. The general question of an allowance for warrant engineers and officers promoted therefrom was exhaustively considered last year, in connection with the letter of the 21st May, 1920, from the Dockyard and Naval Parliamentary Committee. The possibility of continuing on promotion the allowance on account of certificates granted to engine-room artificers was one of the alternatives then considered, but in view of the fact that certificate allowances were at one time granted to certain classes of warrant officers, but were abolished as a result of the recommendations of the Hyde-Parker Committee of 1918, the Board of Admiralty considered it out of the question to institute such allowances in the engineering branch. The possibility of introducing a small allowance for engineering duties was also considered as an alternative, but the Admiralty were unable to obtain the necessary authority, and this proposal was finally dropped in favour of the arrangement laid down in Monthly Order 3335/20, under which special rates of pay are granted to warrant officers whose promotion entails or has entailed pecuniary loss. I am sending the hon. Member a copy of this Order. Having regard to this concession, the Admiralty do not consider that they would be justified in the present financial circumstances in pressing the claim for a special allowance in addition. Under the present arrangements, warrant engineers have derived more benefit from the scheme in proportion to their total number than have warrant officers of any other branch.
Messing Arrangements (Portsmouth and Devonport)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he will inquire whether the messing arrangements at Portsmouth and Devonport barracks are of a satisfactory nature; and whether he will satisfy himself that there is plenty of room for making decent arrangements for messing and bathing?
The messing arrangements at all shore establishments have recently been investigated by a Committee. Steps are being taken to provide separate rooms for messing men at Devonport, but action at the other ports is awaiting experience as to the working of the scheme at Devonport. Improvements in messing and general accommodation for chief petty officers and petty officers have been approved for the barracks at Portsmouth, Devonport, and Chatham. The question of bathing accommodation is also being considered by the same Committee.
Government Staffs and Offices
Ministry of Transport
asked the Minister of Transport why the secretary and solicitor of the headquarters establishment gets a salary of £3,466, plus £500 disturbance allowance, a total about £1,000 in excess of the salaries of the chief officers of other Government Departments?
The figure given by my hon. Friend is not strictly correct; the exact position is set out in this year's Estimates. The present secretary and solicitor is on loan from the North Eastern Railway Company, and receives his railway salary, together with a disturbance allowance to cover his additional expenditure during his temporary employment in London. The Ministry is shortly losing his valuable services, as he is again taking up his duties with the railway company. His great ability and specialised knowledge have been of very great value to the State. His employment has been an economy, as his post has not been filled by the railway company during his period of service, and the loan of his services avoided an additional appointment.
asked the Minister of Transport why the chief railway inspecting officer gets £1,400 as his salary this year compared with £1,150 last year, in addition to a bonus in both years?
There has been no alteration in the scale of salary of this post since it was settled over 20 years ago. In accordance with the provisions of the; Retired Officers (Civil Employment) Act, 1919, a deduction of £200 per annum pre- viously made in respect of Army retired pay of the present occupant is not now made. The other £50 is accounted for by the grant of an ordinary annual increment, bringing the officer to his maximum salary.
Admiralty
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what are the positions occupied at the Admiralty by civil servants whose salaries with bonus amount to £1,500 or more per annum; which of these positions have been created since 1914; and what were the salaries paid in 1914 to officials holding such of these positions as were then in existence?
Title of Post. Present Salary. Bonus, 17th Aug., 1921. Probable Bonus as from 1st Sept., 1921. Salary in July, 1914. Remarks. £ £ £ £ Permanent Secretary 3,000 500 — 2,000 *Deputy-Secretary 2,200 500 — — An Assistant Secretary at £1,400 was borne in 1914. *First Principal Assistant Secretary. 1,400 750 362 — An Assistant Secretary for Finance Duties at £1 100 was borne in 1914. *Director of Establishments 1,300 750 373 — Six Principal Clerks were borne in 1914 (3 at £1,000 each and 3 at £950 each). *Principal Assistant Secretary 1,300 750 373 — Assistant Secretaries (8 in number):— 5 at each 1,050 719 397 — 3 at each 1,000 690 381 — *Head of Coding Section 1,000 690 381 — Director of Naval Construction 3,000 750 — 3,000 Director of Warship Production 1,500 750 346 1,500 In 1914 the post was styled "Superintendent of Construction Accounts and Contract Work." Assistant Directors of Naval Construction, 3 in number:— 2 at each 1,100 747 383 1,200 1 each. 1,125 1at 1,050 719 397 1,050 *Assistant Director of Warship Production. 1,000 690 381 — Director of Electrical Engineering. 1,100 747 383 — A Superintending Electrical Engineer, at £1,400 (non pensionable) was borne in 1914. *Assistant Directors of Electrical Engineering, 3 in number, at each. 900 633 374 — *Deputy—Director of Armament Supply. 1,050 719 397 — An Assistant Superintendent of Ordnance Stores, at £900, was borne in 1914. Deputy Director of Dockyards 1,200 750 380 — A Superintendent of Dockyard Branch, at £1,200, was borne in 1914. *Assistant Director of Dockyards (Electrical). 900 633 374 — An Electrical Engineer (Higher Grade), at £625, was borne in 1914.
There are at present 54 such posts, but as a result of the reductions in war bonus which have been announced the number will be reduced to 16 on 1st September, as all salaries which do not at present exceed £1,847 per annum, including bonus, will then fall below £1,500 per annum with bonus. A statement giving in detail the information asked for by the Noble and gallant Member is being circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Will the detailed statement to be circulated answer the last two points of my question?
Yes.
The following is the statement:
Title of Post. Present Salary. Bonus, 17th Aug., 1921. Probable Bonus as from 1st Sept., 1921. Salary in July, 1914. Remarks. £ £ £ £ Director of Expense Accounts 1,050 719 397 1,000 In 1914 the post was styled "Inspector of Dockyard Expense Accounts." Director of Stores 1,050 719 397 1,200 *Senior Deputy-Director of Stores. 1,050 719 397 — Two Assistant Directors of Stores were borne in 1914 (1 at £900 and 1 at £875). *Deputy-Director of Stores 950 662 391 — Accountant-General of the Navy. 1,500 750 346 1,500 Deputy-Accountant-General 1,200 750 380 1,200 *Deputy-Accountant-General 1,200 750 380 — †Assistant Accountants-General (7 in number):— 2 at each 950 662 391 3 at 1,000 each 5 at each 900 633 374 Director of Victualling 1,200 750 380 1,100 *Deputy Director of Victualling 950 662 391 — An Assistant Director at £900 was borne in 1914. Director of Contracts 1,300 750 373 1,400 *Deputy Director of Contracts 1,050 719 397 — Assistant Director of Contracts 1,000 690 381 1,000 Civil Engineer in Chief 2,000 — — 1,350 In 1914 the post wasstyled "Director of Engineering and Architectural Works," and was pensionable. The present salary is a non-pensionable one. *Deputy-Civil Engineers in Chief (2 in number), at each. 1,300 750 373 — Two Assistant Directors of Works (1 at £1,200 and 1 at £1,050) and 2 Superintending Civil Engineers (Higher Grade) (1 at £1,025 and 1 at £875) were borne in 1914. Assistant Civil Engineer in Chief. 1,100 747 383 — Superintending Civil Engineer (Higher Grade). 1,055 662 391 — Chief Surveyor 1,000 690 381 960 Chief Civil Assistant to Hydrographer. 900 633 374 700 Present salary includes a temporary allowance of £200 a year as Admiralty Director of Messrs) Malby & Sons. *Director of Scientific Research and Experiment. 1,100 747 383 — * These positions have been created since 1914. † Four of these positions have been created since July, 1914.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether the whole fourth floor of Cecil Chambers has been leased from the Cecil Hotel as offices for a portion of the Admiralty staff; when were these premises acquired; what rent is paid; how long is it contemplated that they will be required; whether space in the Admiralty buildings or annexes is available; and, if so, why it is not utilised?
The fourth floor of Cecil Chambers is held on lease for seven years from 12th August, 1919, at a rent of £2,500 per annum, exclusive of rates and taxes. The floor has been occupied by an Admiralty staff since April of this year. The length of time for which the premises are likely to be required is dependent upon the rate of reduction of Government staffs, but it is unlikely that they will be available for other purposes for a considerable time owing to the necessity for evacuating temporary buildings in the Royal Parks and other open spaces. Space is not available ins the Admiralty buildings or annexes.
Does that mean that we are bound to pay-that rent for seven years for these offices, whether they are required or not, and even if we evacuate them we could not in any way get out of the contract?
If a contract is entered into by the Government it must be adhered to.
May I ask how it was that anyone made a contract for seven years for very expensive offices after the date of the famous Treasury Circular commanding reductions?
The Government are like other people; they have to make the best possible bargain they can.
Has the responsibility been brought home to the official who made the contract—taking the most expensive premises that could possibly be found; and have his services as an arranger of contracts been dispensed with as from the present time?
Would it not be possible to make reductions in the Admiralty staff that would enable the Admiralty to vacate their premises forthwith?
As regards that question, that is not a matter in which I am directly concerned; that is a matter of policy for the Admiralty. In respect to the question of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Scottish Universities (Sir H. Craik), I accept full responsibility for the decision taken by a subordinate. The matter will be very carefully inquired into.
Questions
Currency (Paper Money)
asked the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he can state the amounts of the issues of paper money in Germany, France, Italy, and Great Britain, for purposes other than replacement, since 1st January, 1920?
I will refer my hon. Friend to Table XXII of the Monthly Bulletin of Statistics (Vol. II, No. 6), which is published by His Majesty's Stationery Office.
Unemployment
Benefit Payments, Wirksworth
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware of the great delay in the payment of unemployment benefit to members of the National Union of General Workers in the Wirksworth district of Derbyshire, owing to the refusal or neglect of the officials at the Central Employment Exchange for the district to give sanction for such payment; that Thomas Holloway and Henry Fearn, of Middleton-by-Wirksworth, have been entitled to unemployment pay since 24th March last, and 'have not received a penny; that these cases are typical of a large number of other who regularly register at the Wirksworth Employment Exchange; and that these men and their families are suffering great privations; and whether he will at once take such steps as will ensure these men being paid the money due to them?
No record can be found of any application for unemployment benefit having been made by the two members in question prior to July last. On the 18th of that month their cases were brought to the notice of the manager of the Derby Employment Exchange by the district secretary of their union. Formal claims to benefit were subsequently taken, and authority for payment of the benefit due to the members has now been sent to the district secretary. There has, I am afraid, been a certain amount of delay in dealing with claims to benefit at Wirksworth; mainly due to the abnormal number of current claims and to the additional work temporarily caused by the last Unemployment Insurance Act.
May I take it that of the 97 on the books from this village there are no unemployment arrears?
I hope not. I have taken special steps to see that they are paid.
Domestic Service
asked the Minister of Labour whether the Employment Exchanges refuse to register applications of mistresses requiring domestic servants unless they undertake to observe such conditions of service as to wages, hours, and other matters as may be prescribed by the officials of the Department; whether a similar practice is followed as regards other grades of employment; and whether, in view of the financial drain on the country's resources, due to the operation of the Unemployment Fund and the abuse of the Fund by persons who regard the Government payment as a permanent source of income, and who are assisted in their efforts to avoid work by the conditions imposed on employers by the officials of the Ministry, he will cause a strict inquiry to be made into the whole question and a Report made to the House thereon?
In no circumstances are the officials of the Ministry of Labour authorised to refuse to register applications of mistresses requiring domestic servants. As regards the use of the phrase "Government Dole," I would point out that Unemployment Benefit is provided by means of a contributory scheme, under which contributions are paid by employers, employed, and the State—the State's share being the addition of one-fourth to the combined contributions of the other parties.
As to the statement that persons making claims upon the Fund are assisted in their efforts to avoid work by the conditions imposed on employers by the officials of the Ministry, I should be very glad indeed if my hon. and gallant Friend or any other responsible person will give me evidence in support of that statement. I can assure him it will be promptly enquired into and dealt with. As against that suggestion I am sending my hon. and gallant Friend a list of the number of cases in which claims for benefit have been suspended and referred to the Court of Referees and the Umpire.
Is it not the case that Regulations have been made by the Labour Department that girls under the age of 18 who require service in families as domestic servants are not registered if they are going to be asked to work after 5.30 and if they are to be asked to do work of any description after 9.30?
The Central Advisory Committee for giving assistance to girls under 18 did set out conditions of that sort. My officers have to consider whether the post offered is suitable under the terms of the Insurance Act.
Is it true that many of these girls are not fit to be domestic servants, and that nobody would take them if they were? Is it not just as wrong to refuse the contributory insurance to those girls as it is to refuse it to a bricklayer who, when he cannot get employment at his trade, refuses to go on the land? In this case you do not refuse the bricklayer unemployment benefit. Are you or are you not getting tired of these questions?
asked the Minister of Labour how many training schools in the London area for domestic servants are maintained by his Department and how many servants have been trained up till now; and if he proposes to increase the number of such schools in view of the great demand for domestic servants at the present time?
The Ministry of Labour does not maintain any training schools for domestic servants in the London area. If my hon. Friend is referring to the Homecraft Training Centres set up by the Central Committee, to the cost of which the Ministry of Labour contributes in the proportion of £1 out of every £3 of expenditure, I understand that 10 Homecraft Training Centres have been established in London, and that the number of women and girls passed into the Centres is 850. No information is available at the present time as to the intentions of the Central Committee towards the establishment of further Centres, but, in any event, we cannot make any further contribution beyond our present commitment.
Has there been a single case in the country in which an employer of labour has taken on an extra hand because of the Employment Exchange?
asked the Minister of Labour, whether, in view of the difficulty experienced by his Department in the placing of resident domestic servants, he is prepared, in the interests of economy, to forgo the attempt and to leave the matter to agencies carried on by private enterprise and to the columns of the daily press?
Difficulty is not experienced in placing qualified and experienced resident domestic servants, for whom the demand is greatly in excess of the supply. The majority of the unemployed women available are, however, unskilled and inexperienced, and on this account do not fulfil the requirements of employers, whilst others are precluded by reason of their domestic ties from undertaking resident work. Inasmuch as domestic service offers a possible avenue of employment for unemployed women, I am not prepared to discontinue dealing with this class of work.
Will the right hon. Gentleman do away with regulations regarding girls under 18 in order that these young girls may enter service and be trained as kitchen maids?
That question has been replied to already.
Vacancies Filled
asked the Minister of Labour whether local Employment Exchanges take credit in their returns of placings for vacancies filled by other agencies than themselves?of for posts secured on their own initiative by persons registered with the Exchanges as unemployed?
Employment Exchanges only take credit in their returns for placings which have been effected when a registered applicant has been submitted by an Exchange to an employer and engaged by him for a vacancy notified to the Exchange. Before such a transaction is counted as a placing, the Exchange is required to possess satisfactory evidence (as a rule, a signed statement from the employer) that the applicant has been engaged. Vacancies filled in the manner described in the question are not counted as placings by Employment Exchanges.
Employment Exchanges (Hours of Opening)
asked the Minister, of Labour whether he can state the hours at which the Employment Exchanges are open; whether he is aware that considerable dissatisfaction exists with reference to the fact that the Employment Exchanges are closed when the men go to work in the morning, they are closed during the meal hour, in the middle of the day, and they are closed when the men leave work in the evening, and the only course for the people to obtain their unemployment books for the unemployment insurance is to lose time in order to arrive during an hour in which the Employment Exchange is open; whether he is aware that the fact of the Employment Exchanges being closed in the early morning means that men have to lose all chance of obtaining work on that day if they have to attend at the Employment Exchange; and whether he can see his way to opening the Exchanges at an earlier hour in the morning, closing them during the afternoon, and again opening them in the evening?
As my hon. and gallant Friend's question requires a detailed reply, I propose, with his permission, to circulate my answer in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Will that reply give us the satisfaction of knowing that the officials of the Employment Exchanges are there to suit the convenience of the public, rather than their own convenience, in view of the fact that soldiers and policemen have to work extraordinary hours?
I think my hon. Friend will find, when he reads the answer, that these points are dealt with
The following is the answer:
The normal hours during which Employment Exchanges are open to the public are 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. on Mondays to Thursdays inclusive, 9 a.m. to 7 p.m. on Fridays, and 9 a.m. to 12 noon on Saturdays. These hours can be, and where necessary are, adjusted to meet special local conditions.
Claimants to Unemployment Insurance Benefit require to furnish evidence of unemployment by signing the Unemployed Register at an Exchange or Branch Office between the hours of 9 a.m. and 12 noon, or 2 p.m. and 4 p.m. (9 a.m. to 12 noon on Saturdays). These hours have been fixed in order to minimise the possibility of the Unemployed Register being signed by employed persons. Apart from the signing of the register and the payment of benefit, the facilities at Exchanges are available continuously between the hours of opening and closing. The Exchanges are not closed at midday. The late hour for closing on Friday evenings was fixed to meet the require- ments of employed persons who require to visit the Exchanges to receive benefit due to them in respect of periods of unemployment prior to their obtaining work, or to obtain Unemployment Books on becoming insured persons for the first time. Persons requiring the return of Unemployment Books, lodged during a period of unemployment, do not require to attend at the Exchange. By posting to the Exchange the receipts which they hold in the form of a franked postcard, their Unemployment Books are promptly returned by post.
I am always willing to consider proposals made by local employment committees to meet local conditions, but where additional facilities have been tried, the use made of them by the public has rarely justified their continuance.
Ex-Service Men
Civil Liabilities Department
asked the Minister of Labour what has been the average sum granted to ex-service men by the Military Service (Civil Liabilities) Department in order to assist them in re-starting in business?
The average sum granted during the last six months is about £60. This does not include the grants for tools, the average sum in that case being about £6. The total number of grants paid, exclusive of tools, is 103,756, at a cost of some £3,120,000 between March, 1919, and 31st July last. It may be of interest to state that as a result of an investigation made into 400 cases taken at random, over 80 per cent. were doing w ell as a result of grants from this Department.
asked the Minister of Labour whether it is proposed to wind up the Military Service (Civil Liabilities) Department at the end of this year; and, if so, in what way it is proposed to help those ex-service men who are still in hospital and who may require help in order to restart in business when they are discharged from hospital?
The Civil Liabilities Department is no longer a separate Department but a section of the Appointments and Civil Liabilities Department. As a matter of prudent administration there is a steady reduction in the staff corresponding with the diminishing volume of work. But so long as applications are being received and investigated, a small section must be retained to deal with them, and I do not anticipate that this work will be completed till next year. My hon. Friend may, however, be assured that the interests of men detained in hospital and not yet discharged will be specially safeguarded.
Training (Cost)
asked the Minister of Labour what has been the average cost of training an ex-service man under the Government scheme for that purpose.
The average cost of training an ex-service man under the Government scheme of industrial training is £290. This includes maintenance, living away from home, dependants, travelling, lodging allowances to trainees, and provision for the supply of tools to trainees at the end of training.
Has the right hon. Gentleman similar figures to those which he has just supplied as to the success of the training under this scheme?
I am afraid I have not, but I may say that before the industrial depression began these men were doing very well.
Teachers
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the continued delay of the Board of Education in granting to ex-service-teachers annual increments of salary upon the basis that their certificates are ante-dated to the dates on which their qualifications would have been certified but for their War service; whether he is aware of the Government's pledges on this matter to ex-service teachers; and if he will personally see that they are fully kept?
The Prime Minister has asked me to-reply to this question. I am quite alive to the importance of the matter, which is under my immediate consideration. I will make a statement as soon as I possibly can.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this is the third time I have put this question, and the third time I have had a similar reply? Can he say definitely whether the pledges will be kept or not?
As this matter involves expenditure, obviously the consent of the Chancellor of the Exchequer must be obtained. I am considering the matter in conjunction with my right hon. Friend (Sir R. Horne).
Questions
Catering Trade
asked the Minister of Labour whether it has been decided to set up a trade board for women employed in the catering trade; and, if not, when a decision as to this may be expected?
Investigations are still in progress into conditions in this trade, including inquiries into the special cases of alleged bad conditions which have been brought to my attention. I am not yet in a position to come to a final decision, but I shall expedite the consideration of the matter as far as possible.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the position is one of considerable urgency, because many of these women are compelled to work in this trade at no wage at all and they have to depend on tips?
I am having this question investigated in Newcastle, but until I get a reply, I cannot answer this question.
Will the right hon. Gentleman also investigate the conditions under which women are compelled to work in many catering establishments in London, and will it not help to expedite matters if he confines his investigations to that?
Has the right hon. Gentleman investigated the conditions in Newcastle?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I have sent him the figures, that he has all the figures in his possession already—two volumes of them—and is not that enough to set up a trade board?
I sent an investigator on Monday to Newcastle, and immediately I get his report I will deal with the matter. It is true that my hon. Friend (Mr. Doyle) made his statement last Thursday week in the Debate on the Estimates for the Ministry of Labour, and it is also true that the hon. Member for Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) sent certain statement to me, and that does not make those statements correct. I will examine those statements.
If the facts as regards Newcastle be as stated, surely it is necessary that an investigation should take place with as little delay as possible, and the facts ascertained, in order to see whether what has been described as an appalling state of things be true or not?
Cost of Living (Index Figures)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is now prepared to appoint a committee of inquiry into the cost of living index figures; and, if so, how the committee will be composed?
In answer to a similar question by my hon. Friend last week I replied that I would prefer not to make any statement in this matter until I have fully considered the results of the examination of the statistics contained in the Report of the Labour Joint Committee on Cost of Living. It has been found necessary to communicate with the Secretary of that Committee in regard to certain important points arising out of consideration of the Report, and I am awaiting a reply before proceeding further.
As this is the last occasion for several months on which I shall be able to ask questions in this House, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he will take care in regard to any Committee that is set up that it is fully representative, not only of labour, but also of consumers and employers, who have as much interest in this question as labour?
Conscientious Objectors in State Service
asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the fact that 260 conscientious objectors have been taken back into the Civil Service, Mr. John S. Archer, late lieutenant Royal Air Force, will be restored to the establishment as a higher grade clerk in the Ministry of Labour, in which be was refused reinstatement in December, 1918, on the ground that he had rejoined His Majesty's Forces without permission; and whether he is aware that Mr. Archer, who had had a long and honourable Army career, both as a pre-War regular and during the recent War, had applied to the head of his department for permission to rejoin on being instructed to report to the Royal Air Force, and only rejoined without permission because he had been unable to obtain any answer to his application?
It is the case that Mr. John S. Archer, late Lieutenant in the Royal Air Force, was refused reinstatement as a permanent officer in the Ministry of Labour in the circumstances stated in reply to a question on the 6th June, 1921, by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Moss Side. Careful consideration was given to all the circumstances of Mr. Archer's case, and I regret that it is not possible to vary the previous decision. My information is that, so far from obtaining no answer to his application, Mr. Archer was twice refused permission before rejoining as an equipment officer in the Royal Air Force.
Is it a fact that, of the 260 conscientious objectors referred to in the question as having been reinstated, some have received back pay and bonus, which they earned when serving a sentence in prison? Does not Mr. Archer deserve better treatment, in view of the fact that his offence was due to patriotism, and not to a "cautious conscience"?
I know nothing about the number of conscientious objectors.
Will the right hon. Gentleman find out?
I think the allegation is not true, but I know little about it. I shall be very glad indeed to place in my hon. Friend's hands full particulars as to the case of Mr. Archer, and to consult with him as to whether we can do anything more.
Have any conscientious objectors been re-instated in the Labour Ministry?
Is it not a fact that many public servants, including Army and Navy men, who have from patriotic motives broken regulations, have been re-instated? Why cannot the right hon. Gentleman make an exception in this case?
In view of the right hon. Gentleman's denial, which may have been due to a misunderstanding, may I say it was the Secretary to the Treasury who stated that 260 conscientious objectors had been re-instated?
I am not responsible for other Departments. My reply to my hon. and gallant Friend's question was that I did not know.
Will the right hon. Gentleman see that conscientious objectors are given no position whatever under the Government?
asked the Ministry of Labour if his attention has been called to the resolutions numerously passed by meetings of ex-service men protesting against the action of the Government in allowing conscientious objectors to go back to their jobs in the Civil Service, whilst there are over 500,000 ex-service men who cannot obtain employment; and whether any distinction is made as regards the resumption of employment in the Civil Service between conscientious objectors and men who have served in the War?
I have been asked to reply. I am aware that objection has been taken by certain ex-service men's associations to the reinstatement of conscientious objectors in the Civil Service. As, however, I have already explained in reply to a previous question, the only civil servants who have so been reinstated are those who had proved that they had a bonâ fide conscientious objection to military service, and who had complied with all the requirements of the law. The period during which the employment of these conscientious objectors in the Civil Service was interrupted does not count for Civil Service purposes, such as increment and pension, whereas the period of absence of a civil servant with the Forces does so reckon.
Is the House to understand that the considered policy of the Government is to re-instate conscientious objectors in Government employ, while refusing to re-instate ex-service men who from patriotic motives have technically broken the regulations, and have broken them in no other way?
If I may say so, the considered policy of the Government in this matter is not to inflict a penalty upon conscientious objectors in addition to, or otherwise than, that imposed by an Act passed by this House.
In view of the fact that 99 per cent. of opinion in the country and of the Government's own supporters in this House is opposed to conscientious objectors being taken back, will the hon. Gentleman approach the Prime Minister, and ask him to reconsider the whole question.
May I ask whether or not conscience is of any use in the Government service, or is it wished to have people without it?
I will certainly bring the matter to the notice of the Prime Minister, as requested by the hon. and gallant Member for Bury St. Edmunds.
With reference to the hon. Member's reply just now, may I ask if there is any reference in any Act passed by this House which imposes an obligation to penalise men for their patriotism?
Is it a fact that back pay and bonus have been paid to any of these men?
No.
Greater London Government
asked the Minister of Health whether the London County Council initiated or associated itself with the action of his Department in placing a veto upon the proposed charters for Leyton and Walthamstow; and in what respects does the Acton scheme differ from those of Leyton and Walthamstow?
I did not receive any communication from the London County Council on the matter. As I have already explained, the decision in the Acton case was arrived at before the proposal to institute an inquiry into the local government of Greater London was considered by the Government.
Is it to be expected that the delightful and peaceful resorts of Leyton and Walthamstow can hope to keep up with so aggressive and virile a centre as Acton?
asked the Minister of Health whether the proposal to institute an inquiry into certain aspects of local government of Greater London arose out of a. deputation of the London County Council to the Prime Minister on the 9th of December last; whether the deputation confined themselves to the question of the co-ordination of local government services in Greater London only, and disclaimed any intention or desire for absorption of neighbouring authorities or interference with their boundaries; and why does his Department seek to extend the reference to the proposed inquiry beyond that sought?
I am not sure whether my hon. Friend means to suggest that the Government were not at liberty to recommend such terms of reference as they themselves considered most appropriate. It would obviously not be practicable to ask the Commission to devise a scheme for co-ordinating local government services and at the same time to exclude from the scope of the inquiry one of the means by which such co-ordination might be effected.
asked the Minister of Health whether, seeing that the terms of reference to the Royal Commission on the Government of London make no mention of any town plan, he will consider the advisability of authorising forthwith the preparation of such a plan, providing for the future development of London and the surrounding districts, including the lines of main roads and the general allocation of different areas for the purposes for which they are best adapted?
I will consider how far it may be practicable to adopt my hon. Friend's suggestion.
Meat (Municipal Trading)
asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been drawn to the success of a State butcher's shop opened in Sydney at the end of May last which made a profit of £30 in three days and reduced the price of meat by 4d. per lb.; and whether legislation will be required to enable English municipalities to undertake similar enterprise?
I have no information as to the first part of the question. Legislation would be necessary before local authorities in this country could legally exercise the powers referred to.
Rating Relief, London
asked the Minister of health if he will state generally what methods he proposes to adopt with the Metropolitan Common Poor Fund in order to give relief of rating to the borough councils of London; can he state approximately what amount in the £ in relief of rates the London higher rated boroughs may expect under his proposals; and when the same will come into effect?
I am sending my hon. Friend a copy of a Memorandum, which was agreed with representatives of the London Boards of Guardians, showing the precise scheme for the future administration of the Fund. This scheme will apply to expenditure incurred since 30th September, 1920. I am not at present in a position to give approximate figures as to the relief which the scheme will afford to particular places.
German War Criminals (Trial)
asked the Prime Minister what agreement has been arrived at between the Allies in regard to the trial of the alleged German War criminals; and what steps are being taken to secure that none of the untried persons shall escape from Germany?
I have been asked to reply. An Inter-Allied Commission has been appointed to advise upon the matter, both past and future, with a view to common action. The answer to the second part of the question is that no steps of the kind have been found to be practicable.
When will the oft-repeated promise to publish the full report of the proceedings at Leipzig be carried out, and the papers placed in the possession of Members?
I had hoped that these papers would be available to Members to-day. I am disappointed that they are not. I understand that they will be available to-morrow.
Does the answer to the second part of my question mean that when the Commission, or whatever it is, has come to a conclusion as to the remainder of the trials, it is quite possible that we may find that not a single alleged War criminal is in Germany?
No, Sir; it does not mean that.
It must mean that.
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether the Inter-Allied Commission has expelled the German reserve officer, Tessmar, from Treves; whether Tessmar is on the Bulgarian list of war criminals for having directed' the shooting of 120 unarmed civilians in Belgium; and whether, as it has now become clear that the German Government does not intend to carry out its obligations as regards the punishment of war criminals, steps can be taken to apprehend these persons in cases in which their whereabouts are known, with a view to the countries concerned taking their punishment in hand themselves?
I have been asked to reply. I have no information as to whether the officer named has been expelled, as suggested in the question. If it be the fact that this officer is upon the list of war criminals drawn up by the Belgians, any action to be taken in respect of him would have to be taken upon the initiative of the Belgian authorities.
Borough of Poplar (Rates)
asked the Minister of Health if his attention has been drawn to the financial position of the Metropolitan Borough of Poplar owing to the council not making the necessary calls upon the ratepayers for the usual services and, through no fault of their own, the ratepayers will be called upon to make extra efforts to meet the increased demands, and in the present condition of the borough it will inflict great hardship upon the small tradespeople, house owners, and ratepayers generally; if so, what steps does he propose to take at once to put an end to such a state of local government; and, when the calls are made and the money paid that is long overdue, will he so arrange the calls as not to inflict greater hardship upon the people who have never refused to pay whenever the demands have been made upon them?
I regret that I have no power to relieve the ratepayers of Poplar from the consequences of the action which has been, unfortunately, taken by the borough council.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Poplar is not bankrupt and has never refused to pay her rates; and what step does he propose to take to put an end to this iniquitous government which is running the show in Poplar, in order that the borough may not be bankrupt before steps have to be taken from this House? Can I have an answer? The matter is too serious for fooling.
If the hon. Member thinks that I am responsible for the faults of the local authority and of the electors in Poplar, who are responsible for electing their council, I should like him to put that question on the Paper, so that I may go carefully into the question whether I have any powers to deal with the matter.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Poplar has never refused to pay its money? What are we going to do in Poplar if some steps are not taken and these men go to prison? That will not release the ratepayers from their obligation. Who is to collect the money when they have gone? Has the right hon. Gentleman's Department no power at all, or is the whole of local government in London fro be held up to ridicule in the eyes of the world?
Is the right hon. Gentleman taking any steps at all, in view of these unfortunate occurrences at Poplar, to enforce the law and have constitutional local government in Poplar?
The hon. Member assumes that there is some law of which I am not aware giving me power to act in the matter.
Will the right hon. Gentleman bring in a short Act giving full powers to the Ministry of Health?
That is not for me.
Ireland (Settlement Proposals)
asked the Prime Minister why the far-reaching offer to Sinn Fein, including a form of government for Ireland never yet sanctioned by Parliament and the country, was communicated to the Press before being given to the House of Commons, more especially as repeated requests for this information had been made in the House of Commons?
The correspondence was only complete late on Saturday. It was published as a Command Paper and in the Press on Monday morning. This was at once the quickest and most convenient form in which information could be given to Members of the House.
Does the right hon. Gentleman consider it a proper precedent that vital changes in the Constitution should be made public in the Press in this way without ever referring the question to Parliament before such a statement was made?
I think there were reasons, which everyone will appreciate, for the earliest possible publication. As I have said, the correspondence was only complete on Saturday. The alternative would have been to keep it secret until the House met on Monday, and then to read it to the House; but I submit to hon. Members that, although that might have borne an air of respect for the House, it really would not have served their convenience, and that no Member could have weighed the import of correspondence of that kind when he had merely heard it read at the Table of the House. Accordingly, we thought it best to publish it in the morning papers, and at the same time to lay it as a Command Paper, which is available in the Vote Office of the House.
Why was it necessary to have any secrecy at all about this offer, in view of the fact that, now that it is published, everyone can see that there was no necessity for secrecy, and why was not this House informed, as we have frequently asked to be?
In this matter the Government have been guided by their conception, on the information available to them, of what would be most conducive to a peaceful settlement. They were advised, and thought they were advised on good grounds, that the publication of the correspondence piecemeal and incomplete would not be conducive to peace, and accordingly they refrained from publishing their original proposal until they had received the reply of Mr. de Valera and had sent to him their answer.
While appreciating the reasons given by the right hon. Gentleman, may I ask him whether he does not think that it is an unfortunate precedent that the policy of this House should be reversed; or, in other words, how are we to be sure that any morning we may not read in the newspapers that a Republic has been given to India, or some complete change of Government to Egypt?
That is a matter of argument.
Military Forces (Reductions)
asked the Lord Privy Seal if he will give an undertaking that no further reductions of the military forces of the Crown will take place in the United Kingdom or India until the House of Commons has given its assent?
It would not be possible for the Government to give the undertaking mentioned by my hon. and gallant Friend.
In view of the fact that on several occasions recently reductions have been made in the Forces of the Crown without previously inquiring from Parliament whether Parliament desired that the reductions should be made, has not the time come when, before further reductions take place, we should be consulted, seeing that defence is a question of prime importance to this House?
That question should be put on the Paper.
Kenya Colony (Female Labour)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies, whether his attention has been drawn to statements made recently at a public meeting in Nairobi that, since the issue of the compulsory labour circulars, numbers of women and girls have been forced to work on the plantations, and that this has led to serious immorality; and what steps does he propose to take in the matter.
I am not aware to what statements the hon. Member refers. Women and children have never been forced by the Government to work on plantations. The limitations under which such labour may be employed are laid down clearly in Labour Circular No. 3; they are only to be encouraged to perform such labour as they can on neighbouring farms and are to ' return to their homes in the evening, unless the husband is employed and living on the plantation.
Will the hon. Gentleman make inquiries, in view of the fact that statements were made at a public meeting in the district that these things were happening, whether that is so, and, if it should be so, will he have an end put to it?
Why is Africa supposed to be an exception to the rule that idleness rather than occupation promotes immorality?
I would rather not discuss the ethical question raised by the hon. Member for East Nottingham (Sir J. D. Rees). With regard to the supplementary question put by the hon. Member for Leigh (Mr. Raffan), I asked the Governor, it so happens, this morning if he knew of any such statements, and it was on his information that I said I had no information as to them. As I mentioned yesterday, my right hon. Friend is at this moment discussing the whole matter that is raised by this question with the Governor, and hopes soon to be in a position to make a statement on the whole policy.
St. Lucia
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has received a petition from representatives of the 70,000 inhabitants of St. Lucia, irrespective of colour, class, or creed, praying for more representative government and especially for a voice in the expenditure of public money; and what reply he has made to these requests?
The petition has been received, and is under consideration.
Grenada
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he has received representations from a delegate from the colony of Grenada, who is now in London, supported by Resolutions of the Representative Government Association of the island, expressing dissatisfaction with the recent change in the constitution, and especially the limitation of the number of elected members of the legislative council to four in a body of 14 members; and whether he can see his way to increase the number and thus secure a more adequate expression of public opinion?
I received the delegate referred to in the question yesterday morning, and he made representations in regard to the number of the elected members and other matters connected with the proposed change in the constitution of the island of Grenada. The Secretary of State must consult the Governor before he can express any opinion on the points raised.
War Inventions
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he is aware that the principal drawings and documents regarding a War invention by Mr. Heane, of Ash Vale, Surrey, for synchronising gear by which a bullet was timed to pass through the propeller of an aeroplane without damaging the blades, were lost or destroyed by officials at the Air Ministry; that the Sopwith Company received an award of £3,500 for a similar invention, although they did not introduce it till 12 months after Mr. Heane had submitted his idea; and why Mr. Heane's claim was heard in secret and was not brought before the Royal Commission on War Inventions?
I am aware that Mr. Heane has made allegations against the Air Ministry regarding the loss of drawings and documents, but the Department's records do not bear out his assertion that these drawings and documents were ever received. An award has been made to the Sopwith Aviation Company, Ltd., in connection with their invention. Mr. Heane's claim for an award in respect of his alleged invention was rejected by the Department on the ground that his submissions of the idea of a synchronising gear was subsequent to the development and use of synchronising gears by the Air Services, and that his proposals had not contributed in any way to their further development. He appealed to the Royal Commission on Awards to Inventors and the claim on examination by the Investigating Committee of the Commission was found not suitable for hearing by the Commission as a whole, and was rejected.
Is not the hon. and gallant Gentleman aware that the Department has already admitted that the documents in question were either lost or unintentionally destroyed, and does he think it is in accord with public policy that this man' should rest under a sense of grievance, and will he see the man if he comes to see him personally?
Yes, certainly.
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he has had brought to his notice a pamphlet by Albert Close, dated 24th January, 1921, entitled "A Canadian's Appeal"; and whether a reply has been made to the charges against the Government and the Royal Commission on War Inventions contained therein?
The pamphlet referred to is in the possession of the Department of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to which Mr. Close has submitted his complaints. Replies have been sent dealing with the cases of Messrs. Close and Heane, and skippers Stewart, Souter, and McKenzie.
Have any representations been received from the Prime Minister of Canada on this point, and has anything taken place to prevent the publication of this document, either in Canada or in England?
Will the hon. Gentleman look into the question again?
As to the first question, I am afraid I could not say without notice whether any communications have been received from the source referred to. As to the second two cases mentioned, they have never been submitted to the Royal Commission. As regards the case of Close, it has come before the full Commission and been dismissed. The other cases already referred to in a previous question were heard by the Secretary and Chairman of the Commission, who decided that they had no reasonable prospect of success.
If I give the hon. Gentleman details with regard to these statements, will he look into them at the earliest moment?
Certainly.
Is there any appeal to any other authority from the decision of the Royal Commission on War Inventions?
No; there is no appeal, I believe.
Air Pilots' Licences
asked the Secretary of State for Air whether, in view of the coroner's verdict at the inquest held upon the late H. G. Hawker, which attributed the cause of the accident to the physical disability of the deceased and of the long history of tubercular caries of the spine disclosed by the postmortem examination, he can state if these physical defects were ascertained at the medical examination at the Air Ministry which took place on the 31st December, 1920; and, if not, will he state what further precautions are being taken to prevent the issue of class B pilots' licences to persons suffering from physical defects likely to be prejudicial to the safety of air navigation?
The fact that Mr. Hawker had had tuberculosis was known at the Air Ministry, but at the examination in December, 1920, in the opinion of the medical officer his state of health warranted the renewal of the licence. This licence expired at the end of June, 1921, and at the time of his death Mr. Hawker was flying without a licence. In all cases, both for the original grant of a "B" licence and for its renewal, a most careful medical examination is carried out, and it is unlikely that a person suffering from physical defects likely to interfere with his qualifications as a pilot would successfully pass this examination.
Do I understand that it would have been impossible for Mr. Hawker to take up a passenger?
Yes, that is so.
Territorial Army (Amalgamation of Battalions)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has now considered the appeals made to him on behalf of the City of Manchester to preserve the 6th and 7th battalions of the Manchester Regiment as integral units of the Territorial Army; and what decision he has arrived at?
My right hon. Friend is communicating the decision of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting, who introduced the deputation, and also to the Lord Mayor of Manchester.
What is that decision?
I do not think it would be quite courteous to my right hon. Friend who introduced the deputation. I think they ought to have the first information.
Is it the intention of the War Office to amalgamate these two units or not?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman is asking the same question in another form.
I beg to give notice that I shall raise this question on the Third Reading of the Consolidated Fund Bill.
asked the Secretary of State for War how many Territorial infantry battalions it is proposed to disband; and what will be the total personnel of the Army after the proposed reductions of all arms compared to the personnel on the outbreak of war in 1914?
It is hoped that there may be no necessity to disband any Territorial battalions. My right hon. Friend's intention is that by a process of amalgamation 20 battalions surplus to the 14 divisions may be absorbed in those divisions. As regards the latter part of my hon. and gallant Friend's question, the future establishments of the Army, including the Militia and Territorial Army, have not yet been finally settled, and it is therefore not possible to make a comparison with the numbers in 1914.
What are the total figures of the personnel in the Army to-day, after the reduction of these 21 battalions, compared with the personnel of the Army, Territorials and Special Reserve before the War?
I cannot say without notice.
Is it the fact that there is a bigger army of officials in Whitehall than with the colours?
Is it a fact that the forces of the Crown will be something like 200,000 down to what they were in 1914?
British Army
Marriages With German Women (Rhine Forces)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether in any case of a proposed marriage of a British soldier with a German woman the necessary consent of his Commanding Officer has been withheld?
My right hon. Friend is awaiting a report from the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, the British Army of the Rhine, and will communicate with the hon. Member on its receipt.
Wrongful Conviction (Private D. Rowe)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has yet come to some conclusion as to making a special grant to Private Daniel Rowe in respect of his wrongful conviction on a charge of fraudulent conversion of goods, in consequence of which he suffered four months' imprisonment before such conviction was quashed?
In the exceptional circumstances of this case approval has been given for the award of £100 to Private Rowe. I would add that this is a very special grant, and must not be regarded as a precedent.
Medical History of the War
asked the Secretary of State for War when the medical history and medical statistics of the War, referred to by the Under Secretary on 10th March, 1920, as being in preparation, will be ready?
The medical history of the War is being prepared in a series of volumes dealing with the general history of the medical services during the War, the diseases of the War, the surgery of the War, and sanitary work of the War, etc., etc. The first volume of general history is practically ready for publication, and the first volumes of surgery and diseases of the War respectively are practically ready for printing. The medical statistics of the War are being prepared by the Medical War Records Section, which is now under my right hon. Friend the Minister of Pensions.
Sir Stanley Maude of the (Mesopotamia Memorials.)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether any memorial and, if so, of what nature, has been erected to the late Sir Stanley Maude in Mesopotamia?
A memorial to the memory of Lieut.-General Sir Stanley Maude and his comrades of all ranks of the 13th Division who were killed in Mesopotamia, has been erected on a site overlooking the Diala River. In addition, as a result of purely voluntary subscriptions, several memorials dedicated to the late Sir Stanley Maude either have been erected or are in the process of erection in Mesopotamia. At the time of the death of this gallant soldier a civil and a military fund were opened with a view to commemorating his distinguished services in Mesopotamia. The very considerable sum subscribed by civilians, of whom some 90 per cent. were natives of Mesopotamia, has been devoted to the erection of local memorials in the form of War memorial hospitals—such as that now under construction at Basra—schools, and similar public buildings, etc. With the fund spontaneously subscribed by the British and Indian troops in Mesopotamia, the individual subscription in each case being limited to one day's pay, it is proposed to erect an equestrian statue of the late Sir Stanley Maude at Bagdad. This statue has already been completed, and it is hoped to place it in position in the very near future.
Questions
Milk Prices, Newcastle-Upon-Tyne
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware of the great amount of dissatisfaction amongst the citizens of Newcastle-upon-Tyne at the sudden and alleged unjustifiable rise in the price of milk; if he is aware that the milk supplied to consumers in that city is controlled in regard to price by a combine, and that this trade combination, known as the Northern Dairymen's Association, fixes the retail price; and if he can state the price per gallon paid to the farmers and the price charged to consumers?
I have been asked to reply. The Ministry has not received any representations on this subject, and in any case it is not a matter in regard to which the Ministry has any jurisdiction. The Ministry does not collect information as to retail prices, nor has it any power to control them. My hon. Friend might, however, be able to obtain some information on the subject from my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade, whose Department is more particularly concerned with the interests of consumers. With regard to the price per gallon to farmers, I have no information as to Newcastle-on-Tyne, but the prices during August for milk delivered under contract into London and Birmingham range from Is. 9d. to 1s. 11d. per imperial gallon. These prices include an increase of 3d. per gallon, which has recently been added, owing to the drought, to the prices originally contracted for.
Can the hon. Gentleman say whether his Department has jurisdiction; and, if not, can he say to whom an hon. Member should apply in order to obtain the information?
I suggest that the hon. Member should ask for the information from the Board of Trade.
Has the Board of Trade jurisdiction?
Assaults Upon Children, Regent's Park
asked the hon. Member for the Pollok Division of Glasgow, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether, in view of recent assaults upon young children in Regent's Park, His Majesty's Office of Works will confer with the police authorities with a view to the patrolling of the royal parks by women police?
The park is so regularly patrolled by the police and park-keepers that I am glad to say such cases of assault are very rare. In these circumstances the hon. and gallant Member will, perhaps, agree that further patrolling is hardly necessary.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there have been, at least, two cases of criminal assault upon little girls in the Regent's Park during the past month, and that in neither case has the miscreant been detected?
My information is that there have been two cases tried this year, and a conviction has been obtained in one case, while the other case was dismissed.
I am speaking of cases which have not come into court.
India
Army Reductions
asked the Secretary of State for India what was the total number of squadrons of Indian cavalry allotted for the purpose of internal security in India prior to the War; and what is the total number now allotted under the new scheme for the reduction of the Indian Army?
I am sure my hon. and gallant Friend must see the disadvantages on miltary grounds of stating the allotment of the Army in India to its various duties on mobilisation.
asked the Secretary of State for India if he will publish as a White Paper the proposals submitted by the commander-in-chief in India for the establishments and numbers of units in each arm which are to be maintained in India?
I have in replies to questions on many occasions given the House all the information on this subject which I can usefully give before the Sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence has considered the matter.
Officers (Japanese Language)
asked the Secretary of State for India what further arrangements have been made to meet the financial difficulties of the officers of the Indian army studying Japanese in Japan?
I regret that this matter has not yet been settled, though I hope it will be very shortly. As I informed my hon. and gallant Friend in the reply I gave to him on the 15th June, other Departments besides mine are interested.
Fiscal Independence
asked the Secretary of State for India whether the Government of India proposes to take any, and. if so, what, action to turn to practical account the large measure of fiscal independence which the British Parliament has added to the responsibilities of the reformed Indian legislatures?
I am afraid I cannot forecast the future fiscal policy of the Government of India. In accordance with a Resolution of the Indian Legislative Council they are appointing a Commission to advise them on the subject.
Munitions Department
asked the Secretary of State for India whether his attention has been drawn to the withdrawal by the Advocate-General of Bengal of serious charges of fraud and forgery against one Sukhlal Kernani and others, involving large sums of money of which the Government were apparently defrauded during the War; whether he is aware that, in withdrawing these charges, the Advocate-General stated that they had been thoroughly investigated and could be proved up to the hilt against the accused, but that he was instructed by the Government of India to withdraw them because, if they were made good, certain so-called Swadeshi enterprises might suffer; whether he will explain upon what principle of law or justice the withdrawal of these serious charges is justified; and whether, notwithstanding the withdrawal of the case against the Indians involved, it is intended to proceed against certain Europeans who were also accused?
I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the answer that I gave yesterday on this subject, and to the telegraphic statement printed in the OFFICIAL REPORT to-day.
Transport
Commercial Travellers (Week-End Tickets)
asked the Minister of Transport whether the commercial travellers' week-end ticket will now be restored, as they have suffered consider ably from want of it during the War?
I am glad to be able to say that a reply has now been received by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport, in reply to the suggestions he has made to the railway companies, and that they have agreed to make the following concessions to commercial travellers, namely, that on and from the 19th instant commercial travellers' week-end return tickets shall be issued at ordinary single fare and a third, fractions of 3d. being reckoned as 3d., and the minimum charges to be 10s. first class and 5s. second or third class.
Railway Rates (Fish)
asked the Minister of Transport if he is now in a position to make any further statement with regard to the question as to the large increases in the railway rates for the carriage of fish; and whether any reduction in these rates is contemplated?
I have just heard from the railway companies concerned, and, as the answer involves figures, I hope my hon. and gallant Friend will not object to my circulating it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Can the hon. Gentleman state whether the Ministry of Transport is now in a position to influence these prices, and in cases of excessive charges to bring any pressure to bear upon the railway companies?
If the hon and gallant Member will look at the written answer, he will see that that is covered.
The following is the answer:
The particulars given to the hon. and gallant Member by his informants do not appear to be strictly correct. I understand that the original rate with Aberdare, Amesbury and Ashwater, for instance, was 2s. 11d. per 2 quarters.
The rates were subjected to the following general increases —
4 per cent. 1st July, 1913.
10 per cent. 1st November, 1918 (in accordance with revised scale approved by Board of Trade).
75 per cent. 1st September, 1920 (on the direction of the Minister and in accordance with the recommendations of the Bates Advisory Commmitee).
There is nothing to show that the Hull traders have been placed at a relative disadvantage compared with the traders at other ports.
I would draw the attention of the hon. and gallant Member to the provisions of Clause 60 of the Railways Bill, under which traders would have the right to apply to the Rates Tribunal for the modification of any particular charge in operation on the 15th instant.
Char-A-Banc Traffic, Eastbourne
asked the Minister of Transport whether the Eastbourne rural council have closed the coast road between Eastbourne and Seaford to motor char-a-banc traffic; whether he is aware that this road is much used by chars-a-banc and other traffic and is a main artery along the coast in the area; whether the reason given is because the grants in aid of maintenance made by the Ministry of Transport are quite inadequate and the rural ratepayers are unable to bear the cost; and whether the Ministry of Transport will forthwith take steps to assist the rural district council and to induce them to reconsider their decision in the matter, which can only have the effect of very seriously curtailing the enjoyment and facilities hitherto accorded to motor chars-a-banc and omnibus traffic in this area?
The answer to the first part of my hon. Friend's question is in the negative. The road in question carries a considerable number of chars-a-banc and forms a useful coast-wise pleasure route; it has accordingly been classified as 2nd class. The appropriate grant of 25 per cent. has been offered to the rural district council towards the cost of the necessary repairs, the estimate submitted by the rural district council having been approved in its entirety by the Minister. It is hoped that with the aid of this grant the Eastbourne rural district council will forthwith proceed with the requisite repairs.
Questions
Estimates Committee Report
( by Private Notice ) asked the Chairman of the Estimates Committee whether there is a statement in the Report of the Com mittee that a witness said that the cost of the Financial Department of the War Office was £962,000?
Yes, Sir. Owing to a misunderstanding, the words "War Office" were used instead of the word "Army." The War Office have kindly sent me their reply to a question asked by the hon. Member for Southdown (Mr. MacVeagh), setting forth the cost of the Financial Departments of the War Office and the Army, which amount to £1,484,000. The answer is as follows
"The Royal Army Pay Corps is a part of the Army, not a Department of the War Office; its estimated cost in the current financial year is shown on page 11 of Army Estimates at £499,000. The cost of the Corps of Military Accountants at home and abroad is £423,000; it is also a part of the Army and not a Department of the War Office. That makes a total of £922,000. The estimated annual cost of the Finance Department of the War Office as at 1st April, 1921, including the Local Audit Staff, is shown on page 100 of the Estimates at £562,930, which makes a total of £1,484,000, but this is to be reduced by a proportion of the £276,000 there deducted for reductions of staff in the War Office generally in the course of the year."
I am informed by the War Office that the reduction is estimated to amount to about £50,000.
Business of the House
Prorogation of Parliament
Can the Leader of the House say what business will be taken to-night, what will be the business for to-morrow, and when the House is likely to prorogue?
To-night we propose to take the remaining Orders on the Paper, with the exception of the Government of Burma Bill [ Lords ], and we shall not take the Guardianship, etc., of Infants Bill unless general consent has been secured to the passage of that Measure.
With reference to the Shops (Early Closing) Act (1920) Amendment Bill, I hope it will be possible to pass this Bill through all its stages to-night. This is a Bill which was introduced to effect an amendment which was not in order on the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill.
To-morrow we shall complete the remaining stages of any Bills on the Paper, and consider Amendments to any Measures coming down from another place.
It is possible that the Amendments to the Railways Bill will not be received from the other place in time to consider them to-morrow. After the disposal of any necessary business I shall move the Adjournment, and the Prime Minister will take the opportunity to make his promised statement in regard to the recent Imperial Conference. On that Motion hon. Members can take up any subjects for which an opportunity has not been found on the Second or Third Reading of the Consolidated Fund Bill. It will be a great convenience to Ministers, and, I think, will lead to the greater satisfaction of Members, if Members desirous of raising questions would inform the Ministers concerned, so that the necessary arrangements can be made.
As regards Prorogation, that must depend upon the proceedings in another place. I am afraid it is doubtful whether we can receive the Railway Bill from the other House as early as we anticipated. I think it probable that we shall have to ask the House to sit on Saturday, but I hope that we shall be able to prorogue on Saturday at the latest. I am sure that the House would desire, if they could, to finish the business this week, and not to be called back for an additional sitting on Monday next week, but that really depends entirely upon the rate of proceedings in another place, and the Government is unable to fix a time limit to those proceedings.
Would it be possible for the right hon. Gentleman to arrange before the House is prorogued for some statement to be made in reference to the progress of negotiations with the Egyptian delegation?
I will consult with my Noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, but, speaking subject to correction, I am under the. impression that the negotiations have not reached a state at which a statement could be made with advantage to the public interest.
With regard to the Guardianship of Infants Bill, may I ask the Leader of the House whether he will get that Order called so that there may be an opportunity of endeavouring to secure general assent to this Bill being proceeded with?
On that, may I point out that other Members of he House object strongly to the Bill being taken? There are two pages of Amendments down, and it is absurd to suppose that we can take the Bill.
I do not think that I should be justified in asking the House to take a Bill of this character after 11 o'clock unless general assent has been secured.
A majority?
My Noble Friend is, I think, not very conversant with what is customary in this House at this time. When the Government have taken the whole time of the House for their business, they are under strict limitation as to the facilities they should give for any private Bills. I went to the utmost limit in respect of one private Bill the other day, not without some doubt as to whether I was entirely right. I should not feel it right to try to proceed with this Bill. There is no use taking it for half-an-hour or an hour and then adjourning it, and I should not feel it right to take up the Bill unless I felt really sure I had the general assent of the House, and with the number of Amendments on the Paper I cannot take that view.
May I point out to the right hon. Gentleman that the bulk of the Amendments which stand in my name are merely Amendments made to meet suggestions which have arisen from public departments outside, and that the only really substantial Amendments are those of my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury), who has had them on the Paper for the last month.
Without accepting or disagreeing with my hon. Friend's description of the Amendments on the Paper, he and I know that if opposition Amendments appear on the Paper, the opposition is not necessarily confined to the single Member in whose name the Amendments are put down. I am under a certain obligation to the House, and in this matter to minorities, and very small minorities in the House, and although it is a very difficult matter to decide exactly where the line should be drawn, I have come to the conclusion that I should not ask the House to sit for this Bill after 11 o'clock except by agreement.
May I ask the Leader of the House if we are to have any statement on Ireland?
I think that the answer can only be that the situation in this matter is, as it were, from day to day. In the opinion of His Majesty's Government, it would not be desirable that we should make a statement to-day. I do not know what may happen between now and Prorogation.
Is it not desirable and indeed essential that the House should have some opportunity before the adjournment of expressing its opinion about the unprecedented offer which has been made to a body calling itself a foreign republic?
That is a matter upon which we must be guided by the course of events from day to day. What may be true and wise to-day may not hold good to-morrow or on Friday or Saturday, if we sit on Saturday, but I hope that Members in all parts of this House, whatever their feelings on this subject, will not take any step which may jeopardise peace as long as there is any hope of securing it.
While I quite appreciate what the right hon. Gentleman has said, may I ask whether there ought not to be some opportunity of discussion before we adjourn, as otherwise when we come back we may be faced with a fait accompli, ?
Would it not be desirable to adjourn this House until next week rather than separate before a statement has been made?
Is it fair that Sinn Fein rebels should be allowed to discuss these matters while duly elected Members who represent this country are not to be allowed to consider them at all?
All the information available in the hands of the House since the publication of the documents and my information do not lead me to think that the general wish of the country is to have a discussion, unless that dis- cussion would be conducive to peace. It may be that such a discussion may be desirable or necessary before Parliament adjourns, but at the moment I venture to think that it would not serve the public interest that such a discussion should take place. The situation changes from day to day, and I think that I had better confine myself to what is desirable to-day and leave the question to be raised again' if a statement is necessary before the House adjourns.
Did not the right lion. Gentleman say this week that no further Bills would be taken, and yet one or two have been introduced?
I have in mind only one Bill which was introduced because an Amendment desired by the House to the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill was not in order, and to meet the general wish of the House this Bill was brought in in the regular way which could not be done under the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill.
Ordered,
"That the Third Reading of the Irish Railways (Settlement of Claims) Bill may be taken immediately after the Consideration of the Bill, as amended, notwithstanding the practice of the House relating to the interval between the Report and Third Reading stages of such a Bill."—[ Mr. Chamberlain. ]
Navy Estimates
4.0. P.M.
With the permission of the House I desire to make a very short personal explanation. On the 2nd August the suggestion was made by Members of this House that Vote 12 of the Navy Estimates should be taken before Vote 8, on the ground that the time at the disposal of the House was so limited that discussion on Vote 12 might not be possible. This suggestion was made without informing me and I objected to it for the following reasons. Vote 8 is the only occasion in the year on which the naval policy of the Government is expounded in the House and can be publicly amended and discussed. Vote 12 can be raised by question and answer across the Floor of the House, and on other occasions in the House. This was not only my view, but it was the view of others, and I was confident then and I am confident still that the interests of my constituency, which includes the headquarters of the Royal Fleets and the premier dockyard of the Empire. [HON. MEM-BERS: "Withdraw" and "Devonport."] and of the Royal Navy were best served by the course taken, a course which had the general assent and approval of the House, namely, that Vote was relatively the more important Vote of the two. As it has gone forth to my constituency and elsewhere that my action prevented the discussion of marriage allowances, I wish to take this opportunity of making it clear that was not so. There was a choice which Vote should be taken, the choice as to the precedence of Vote 8 or Vote 12, and the 5½ hours allotted to Votes 8, 9 and 12 were taken up in discussing Vote 8.
On a point of Order. Is the hon. Member in order in referring to the Portsmouth Dockyard as the premier dockyard, when, in fact, the Devonport Dockyard has always been regarded as the principal dockyard in the United Kingdom?
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,—
Safeguarding of Industries Bill, with Amendments.
MINISTRY OF HEALTH PROVISIONAL ORDER (CARDIFF EXTENSION BILL,—That they have come to the following Resolutions, namely
That the promoters of the Bill have leave to suspend any further proceedings thereon, in order to proceed with the Bill, if they shall think fit, in the next Session of Parliament, provided that notice of their intention to do so be lodged in the Private Bill Office not later than three o'clock on the day prior to the close of the present Session, and that all fees due thereon up to that period be paid;
That such Bill shall be deposited in the Private Bill Office not later than three o'clock on or before the third day on which the House shall sit after the next meeting of Parliament, with a declaration annexed thereto, signed by the agent, stating that the Bill is the same in every respect as the Bill at the last stage of the proceedings thereon in this House in the present Session;
That the proceedings on such Bill shall be pro forma only in regard to every stage through which the same shall have passed in the present Session, and that no new fees be charged in regard to such stages;
That the Standing Orders by which the proceedings on Bills are regulated shall not apply to such Bill in regard to any of the stages through which the same shall have passed during the present Session.;
That all petitions presented in the present Session against the Bill shall stand referred to the Committee on the same Bill in the next Session of Parliament.
Safeguarding of Industries Bill
Lords Amendments to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 213.]
Orders of the Day
Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill
Considered in Committee, and reported, without Amendment.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
Housing and Unemployment
This is the last opportunity that Members of the House will have of discussing the Government policy with regard to two important questions, namely, housing and unemployment. With regard to the latter, there is general agreement in the country that we have reached the most serious and probably the most difficult stage at any period since the War, and we believe that the Government's policy, or rather want of policy, with regard to the housing problem cannot be disconnected or dissociated from the problem of unemployment. A few weeks ago the Prime Minister and the Minister of Health, in defending the Department and their policy, stated that so far as housing was concerned they had not only not reversed their policy, but that their programme was more practicable than that originally adopted by the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor (Dr. Addison). The Prime Minister, as a justification for this change, made the remarkable statement that it was due, not to the desire of the Government to build less houses or because they were convinced that less houses were necessary, but because on the evidence in their possession there were not sufficient building operatives to do the work outlined in the original proposal. That statement was deliberately made, and I venture to say that it influenced the House very considerably in its judgment. In short, it meant this. "We agree," said the Prime Minister, "that the housing problem is serious. We agree that it is probably one of the most dangerous of all problems, and we are anxious to proceed and carry out our original programme, but there is not sufficient labour in the country to do so."
That was the defence, and that was one of the excuses advanced. A few days ago a question was put to the Minister of Labour, asking the total number of bricklayers, bricklayers' labourers, joiners, and plasterers out of work on 14th July. The 14th July, let it be observed, was prior to the statement made by the Government that they were influenced in their change of policy because of the difficulty of finding building operatives to do the work. Just prior to that date my right hon. Friend was being bombarded in the House with regard to the sin of the building trade in not allowing dilution. Every day questions were put from that side of the House as to the scandal in the building trade, who had so much employment and who were so jealous of their employment, who were so selfish, and who so disregarded the services of ex-soldiers that they refused to allow dilution of any kind. My right hon. Friend himelf joined in rather suggesting that the building trade were at least obstinate in connection with this matter.
Hear, hear! They cold-shouldered the scheme.
As the right hon. Gentleman says, they cold-shoudered the scheme. The answer, whether it was a good or a bad one, was not that they were against ex-service men finding employment, not that they had any hostility to the soldiers as soldiers, but that it would lead to unemployment, and that there was not sufficient work in the trade for those already engaged in it. Let us read the Government's reply:
"On the 15th of July the numbers of men in the occupations specified, whose Unemployment Books were lodged at the Employment Exchanges on account of unemployment, were 3,428 bricklayers, 7,674 bricklayers' labourers, 12,381 carpenters and joiners, and 440 plasterers."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 1st August, 1921; col. 936, Vol. 145.]
The first comment I make upon that is that it is surely sufficient justification for the building trade operatives saying, "No, we are not going to agree to dilution when we know perfectly well that it is going to throw more of our men on the streets." Within a few weeks of all the questions and answers and sneers about this particular branch of industry, we find these remarkable figures given as to the state of unemployment in it. I hope we shall hear no more about the selfishness of building trade operatives, with regard to the question of dilution. What becomes of the statement of the right hon. Gentleman and the Prime Minister with regard to their housing policy? If the Government's decision was based upon the position of the industry to perform the work, and if the Government's only intention was not to give contracts that could not be fulfilled, how can that be reconciled with these remarkable figures of unemployed men in the building trade? The only conclusion which I can draw is that the question of unemployed building operatives had nothing whatever to do with the Government's policy, and that that was either a statement not based upon facts or showed the absence of co-ordination in the Government Departments, because the Government could have ascertained from the Ministry of Labour the state of the labour market, and that would have indicated that there was no justification for altering their policy merely on the ground that they could not get labour.
Could the right hon. Gentleman give the total number of bricklayers, so that we may compare the number of unemployed with the total?
Unfortunately, I do not know.
Could you give the percentage?
I could not say the exact percentage, but before the Debate closes, some of my hon. Friends will be able to get it. My point is that, taking the building trade as a whole, members without any particular knowledge of the industry will have some idea of the value of 3,400 bricklayers, 7,000 odd bricklayers' labourers, 12,000 carpenters and joiners, and 440 plasterers. Whatever the proportions to the totals may be, these figures are in themselves sufficient indication that it was not a shortage of labour that was responsible for the Government's change of policy. I submit that the change of policy on the housing question was due to the utter failure of the Ministry of Health to take note of the feelings, the views and the knowledge of the local authorities of the country. To-day there is not a local authority which is not complaining that for the past two years it has been subject to all sorts of unnecessary restrictions and orders from the Ministry of Health. All those connected with the building trade, whether operatives or employers or municipalities, are agreed that the one cause of failure in the housing question and the real cause of our present chaotic condition is that the Ministry has assumed that it could manage the whole business from Whitehall. The general feeling is that the Ministry ought to have given more latitude to those with knowledge and experience in the various local authorities.
I wish to draw particular attention to the treatment which the Department meted out to the building guilds. Here was a body formed for the purpose of co-operating with the Government. The members of that body said, " We recognise the awful scandal of the housing shortage: we recognise that our own people are the first victims and we are prepared to enter into an arrangement whereby we will build without profit, and so establish our claim that the co-operative principle in building ought to be adopted by the Government and the municipalities." After considerable difficulty and after obstacles had been placed in the way by the Ministry of Health, 20 contracts were given. They have not all been carried out, but, wherever they have been carried out, not only has satisfaction been given to the municipalities, but the municipalities have expressed a desire for a further development of this method of building. The most remarkable thing is that there is a saving of between 15 per cent. and 20 per cent. in the cost of the work done by the building guilds compared with the cost of work done for municipalities by private contractors. If that be the fact, and if there be no disagreement, first as to the manner in which the work is performed and secondly as to the saving on the cost of building, there ought not to be any justification for the Ministry of Health putting further obstacles in the way of these people continuing to do the work.
I have connected the question of housing with that of unemployment, because the difficulties I have mentioned are the clearest indication of the dislocation caused by the reversal of the Govern- ment's policy. Dislocation is caused also by the way in which municipalities are treated. Municipalities assumed that when they got their plans and specifications and arrangements made they would be able to continue their work. All the information I have is to the effect that the municipalities were kept waiting, were sending deputations to London and carrying on correspondence with London, only to be told in the end that their schemes were awaiting the sanction of someone who was determining the whole situation in Whitehall. Serious as is the housing position, I would ask the House to remember that we shall be rising in a few days and that we shall probably not meet again for several months. We desire to press upon the Minister of Health that we ought not to rise without some definite and clear policy being determined with regard to the unemployed. I do not want to say anything as to what is taking place in certain municipalities. We know what is the situation in Poplar. Whatever might be said about the action of the Poplar Borough Council, no one knows better than the Minister of Labour that it is due entirely to the anxiety that that poor district will be called upon to keep and maintain the unemployed of the borough. That is the real cause of the dispute at this moment.
The Minister of Labour sees on all hands abundant evidence of the growing bitter feeling of the unemployed in different towns. He knows that attempts are being made to take charge of town halls and public buildings. He knows that there are hostile demonstrations taking place all over the country. All of that we may deprecate, all of it we may and do deplore; but the fact remains that it is only an outward manifestation of the real feeling existing amongst the men, and it is an indication of the terrible position in which they are. What has brought it about? At the present time there are thousands of men and women who have exhausted their unemployment benefit. There are thousands of men and women who three weeks ago received their benefit for the last time. Reference is often made to this benefit as a dole. I deprecate the term "dole." Here is an insurance scheme between the employer, the employed and the State. It has often been argued that it is a good thing that the responsibility for unemployment should be shared in this way. It is shared under this scheme of insurance.
Surely, when people come to the State, as they are entitled to come, and claim that for which they have paid, it is not right that the money received should be described as a "dole." If a man goes to his friendly society and claims sick benefit, that benefit is not called a dole. An hon. Member of this House might hold an insurance policy. When the time comes for him to claim on that policy he would be the first to resent its being called a dole. But the money received would be as much a dole as is the payment made to the unemployed worker. The worker receives only what he has paid for and that to which he is entitled. Many thousands have exhausted their claims to the payment of 15s. a week. No one would pretend that 15s. a week is sufficient to keep a man and his family. Happily many of these people have been able to carry on because they have drawn gradually from their savings. I believe that fact is largely responsible for the cheerful way in which they have met the situation. No one knows better than the Minister of Labour that with the lapsing of the payment of 15s. a week, a very serious situation arises. There is another class which suffers an even greater injustice. There are men who, although they have paid for the unemployment benefit and although they are under a contributory scheme, are deprived of the unemployment benefit because they are affected by a trade dispute. I am not dealing now with the miners' case. I am not dealing with those who are deprived of the benefit because work cannot be resumed after a dispute. I am dealing with those who are thrown out of work in consequence of a dispute in another industry. That is an entirely different matter.
The last time we debated this question the Minister of Labour stated that he proposed to convene a conference of employers and employed with a view of seeing what could be done. I submit that if this is not a legal point it could be put right by Amendment. If, on the other hand, it is purely a question of law, the case is so overwhelming that every effort ought to be made to remove this grave injustice. Many of the men affected have served their country. Their patriotism and loyalty are beyond question. There is no question of a trade dispute, no question of their having been on strike, or anything of that kind; but merely because there has been a dispute which affects them, a section of the Act deprives them of unemployment benefit. With the knowledge of what these men and their wives and families are suffering, with the knowledge of the high cost of living, with the knowledge that the winter is approaching and that the House will probably not have another opportunity of discussing the matter, the Minister of Labour is warranted in making it perfectly clear that justice at least will be done to these men.
I come now to the third section, the miners. Here I ask the House not to prejudice the issue and not to be prejudiced themselves because of any feeling with regard to the miners' dispute. The Prime Minister yesterday in dealing with Russia, in another aspect, said, in a matter of this kind, he would not enter into the merits or otherwise of the Bolshevik Government. In this case here is a dispute settled, here are the terms of an agreement made, and here are the men ready to resume work, but because pits are in a position rendering it impossible for them to go back to work, because managers find themselves unfortunately unable to employ the men, the Umpire has decided that these men are not entitled to unemployment benefit. Here, again, it is not a question of outlay; it is not a question of asking for charity, or anything like that from the Government. They are merely asking from the State what they believe they are entitled to and what they have paid for week by week. I hope my right hon. Friend the Minister will say something on that aspect of the question.
I conclude by saying that just as I believe we shall not meet again for some time, one other thing is certain. The coming winter finds us face to face with a graver unemployment problem, probably, than we have ever experienced before. The problem has gravity for many reasons. The first is that the cost of living is more than 100 per cent. above the figures of 1914. We can all imagine the sufferings and the difficulties of unemployed people at present, compared with 1914. It was bad enough to be out of work then. It was hard enough to exist in the circumstances we then knew, but those circumstances are aggravated to-day by the fact, as I have already said, that the cost of living is up over 100 per cent. Furthermore there is the mockery to hundreds of thousands of these men, that less than a few years ago the Government felt compelled to say to them, "If we believe your services are necessary for the defence of the country, we are going to exercise our right to conscript you." That was the position in the hour of the nation's peril. Many of these men were conscripted. Hundreds of thousands of them did not require any conscription but volunteered for service. Imagine the position of these men at the present moment, after having fought, after having been promised a land fit for heroes to live in, and after having listened to all the other election promises made by Members of this House less than three years ago.
Some of them.
All of them who had working men constituents or were likely to have. I would limit it to that. Those who are fortunate enough to represent constituencies where no working men or working women reside, probably would not interest themselves in the unemployment problem. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"]
What right has the right hon. Gentleman to suggest that it is the special privilege of Members representing industrial constituencies to interest themselves in the unemployment problem? I think that is an insult to hon. Members of this House who represent other constituencies.
Withdraw!
I do not know if my hon. Friend followed the nature of the interruption to which I was replying. I merely stated my belief that hon. Members had promised the working men a land fit for heroes to live in.
That is not so.
I followed it up by saying that I believed every Member of the House, at least, had made some promise with regard to unemployment. That was dissented from by the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London.
What I dissented from was the statement that every Member of the House had supported the Prime Minister in saying that this was going to be a land fit for heroes to live in. I certainly never supported that, because I knew it was quite impossible.
I think there will be general agreement, at least, that those who did not believe it, for diplomatic reasons did not contradict it. Therefore the great mass of the people understood that was to be the interpretation of the promises made whether every Member agreed in them or not, or whether there are some Members who did not make any promises. I do not believe, however, there is any Member in the House who does not feel that something should be done for the unemployed. I do not think there will be any dissent from that statement. No one knows better than my right hon. Friend the Minister how serious this problem is, and how it is growing every day, and I hope that this, the last opportunity we shall have of raising the issue, will find the Government in a position to make some satisfactory statement.
I desire to associate myself with the representations made by my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas), particularly in regard to the seriousness of unemployment in the country generally. From the information I have been able to obtain, I personally regard with great apprehension and anxiety the position of this country during the coming months, unless this great problem is faced very speedily. I intervene in this Debate, because of official communications and representations which have been made to me from my own district, urging me to take this opportunity of pressing upon the House of Commons the serious state of affairs existing there, and asking the Minister of Labour to have special regard to the conditions obtaining there. The first communication I have received is from the chairman of the urban district council of Willenhall in my district, and I refer to it because of its application to the preliminary remarks of the last speaker, with regard to housing. Willenhall is an urban district with a population of about 19,000 and the one trade is the lock trade. It is practically the heart and centre of the lock trade in this country, and its connection with the housing question will be manifest at once, because the lock trade would certainly progress if housing were progressing, by reason of the number of locks necessarily required. I do not know whether or not the lock trade will be regarded as a key industry, but in Willenhall it is most distinctly the staple industry, and it is practically the only business of that formerly thriving district. The chairman of the council, in his letter, says that this trade is at present worse than it has ever been at any time in his experience, and he regrets to say there seems to be no prospect of an immediate improvement. I would like to impress upon the Minister of Labour how important a matter this is to that locality, and also how important is its bearing on the unemployment question generally. As I have learned, and as I know from personal experience, not only does the father of a family in this district work at the trade, but very often the sons and daughters also, and if the trade fails, as it is failing now, it means a failure of employment for all the members of the family involved. It is not a case of one continuing in employment and being able to help the others who are out of employment. The specific aspect of the question as it affects that district, and possibly other districts similarly situated, is a very serious one indeed.
I have also had a communication on the subject of unemployment from the Mayor of Wolverhampton. That is a town of about 100,000 population, more varied, of course, as regards occupations, but the situation there is even more serious. In the Employment Exchange of Wolverhampton there are 17,000 persons on the register, of whom 12,000 are wholly unemployed, and a slight increase was shown last week as compared with the previous week. I had hoped that we were on the up-grade, and that employment was improving rather than growing worse, and I am very sorry indeed to find the case as I have described it. I do not wish to exaggerate it one iota, but only to bring out the real facts of the situation, which show that both in Willenhall and Wolverhampton unemployment is increasing. No doubt the right hon. Gentleman has better means of getting information and statistics than I have, and I earnestly urge the matter upon his attention. The letters which I have received will be handed in if he so desires. I am not asking for any special treatment for my own district; I am looking at the situation in its broad aspect, as one concerning the industrial position of the country generally. The long continuance of unemployment is resulting in the exhaustion of the small financial reserves of many families. In addition, in many cases the trade union funds are exhausted as well, and now I understand that the 15s. per week payments have to a large extent ceased since Saturday last. In regard to that, I want to obtain from the Ministers involved an exact statement of the position. Am I right in understanding that the 16 weeks' period, which was increased to 22 weeks, has in many cases expired last Saturday? I want also to know what are the rights of the unemployed people under the provisions of the existing Act? Am I to understand that the second special period will commence on the 3rd November next?
On the 3rd November.
And that those whose 15s. a week has ended now will be able to commence again.
Yes, that is so.
This is a very important matter, and is not generally understood.
I will make it clear.
I am raising this in the hope that the right hon. Gentleman will make it perfectly clear that, although the 15s. per week paid to the unemployed under the insurance provisions is, in a large proportion of cases, coming to an end now, it will be revived again during the first week in November.
Yes.
That is a very important fact I would also ask the right hon. Gentleman to state the conditions under which this is to be done. The great difficulty lies in the interval between now and the beginning of November, during which the 15s. per week will not be payable. Those who have exhausted their personal savings and their trade union money have nothing to depend upon except what they may receive through the board of guardians. I have also had a communication from a board of guardians pointing out that the burden upon local rates is such that the ratepayers find it impossible to meet it. I specially refer to it because in my view its incidence upon the ratepayer is more unfair than it is upon the taxpayer. The burden of unemployment on the large industrial centres is so heavy as to be beyond the power of the ratepayers to bear it, and therefore, in so far as the interval between now and the 3rd November is concerned, it is a very serious matter indeed. In regard to Wolverhampton, I would state the facts as they have been presented to me. The guardians have done all they could locally to relieve the situation, but, of course, the fact of receiving the 15s. a week has had a very important bearing, and consequently they have not relieved, I understand, any single man, but in families they have, of course, taken into consideration the receipt of the 15s. a week and then have done the best they could. I learn that in my own district of Wolverhampton they have been relieving 1,250 cases of married men with wives and children dependants, representing a total of over 5,000 persons by giving food orders and the like. This is in addition to what they provided under the ordinary relief. They tell me the amount paid for ordinary relief is about £540 a week, and they have been paying £760 a week for this extra burden involved through unemployment.
If they have got to consider the question of the single men and also the question of the married men during this interval when they will be receiving nothing from the State, the extra burden that will be involved in a great industrial centre will be such as to cause the gravest anxiety, and both the gentlemen to whom I have referred, the Chairman of the Council and the Mayor, both business men and large employers of labour, who are able to look at the matter, not from a political aspect, but as business men facing practical situations, strongly urge that it is the duty of the Government to face the situation, and not leave it to the local authorities, and themselves assist in the interval in regard to this unemployment. I do not want to labour the point. We are not here to raise difficulties. So far as I am concerned, we come here to assist the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues in facing a very serious difficulty. I understand—and I believe I am rightly informed—that this question of unemployment has received the constant and unremitting attention of my right hon. Friend and his colleagues, and that they are constantly considering representations made to them on the subject. I presume, therefore, that having considered it carefully they will be in a position this afternoon to make a statement to the country, not only of the position with regard to unemployment, but as to what they suggest to meet so very anxious and difficult a matter. My object in rising is not to hamper or to hinder them, but to help them and, indeed, to give them the fullest opportunity of letting the country know that they are alive to the difficulties of the situation, and that they desire to do all that is possible to relieve this very great distress.
I rise now, as the right hon. Member for Derby (Mr. J. H. Thomas), who began the discussion today, devoted the introductory part of his speech to the problem of housing and connected it with the question of unemployment; and as he referred to statements made in debate by the Prime Minister and myself, and to some of the difficulties of unemployment which have been discussed in question and answer, it will be only courteous to him, and advisable from the point of view of this discussion, if I get the question of housing out of the way at this early stage of the Debate. The right hon. Member for Derby began by stating that the chief reason why the Government had ceased going on with the housing programme which was at one time before it was the fact that the giving out of more contracts at the present time would not lead to the completion of more houses, because of insufficiency of labour, and yet, he said, there was considerable unemployment in the building trade. I would like to point out that in the speech which I made on that occasion and in the speech made by the Prime Minister we both put forward the financial situation of the country, the very large loss involved on the housing scheme as it has been carried out, and the very high prices that houses are costing as perhaps, and in my case certainly, the chief arguments why we have considered it necessary to call a halt in the scheme which we were carrying out at that moment. As far as the unemployment figures that have been mentioned by the right hon. Member for Derby are concerned, I would say this. It is, of course, quite possible that you might not have enough labour to carry out the scheme right through the country, and yet there may be a locality here and there where there are people in the industry unemployed. The one does not necessarily contradict the other.
The figures I gave to the House on that occasion have not materially varied. We had plans of houses left to build on the 1st August to the number of 137,247; of this balance a certain amount of work had been done on 76,000 houses, but there were some 60,000 houses on which no work had been commenced, and I say that giving out more tenders or signing more contracts in a position of that kind would not in any way increase the number of houses you would get completed in any given time. I will tell the House why. We have been building houses during the last four months at the rate of 7,500 per month, which is equal to about 90,000 per annum. Therefore, at that rate of completion, we cannot build 137,000 houses in 12 month. Before the War, from 1905, to 1914, we only built on an average about 63,000 working-class houses yearly, and anybody who goes into the question will see that all those people who had the idea that you could build these vast numbers of houses within a very short period could never have taken the trouble to study either what the industry had done before the War, the number of people who had left it, or what its capacity was to-day. It is true you will find isolated places where more houses could be built, and I would say we are endeavouring to deal with that situation in the best way we can at the Ministry of Health. I have some 11,000 houses surplus in my 176,000 houses, and I am endeavouring to run those out in the best manner possible, that is to say, where overcrowding is more serious, and some of the local authorities to which my right hon. Friend has referred have already been to us and said: "We want to go on with some more houses now; we have our organisation all complete." Where possible, in the greater number of cases, I have been able to allow them to proceed, but the real position is that we have got 137,000 houses to complete, of which 60,000 have not been begun, and we have not got the people to do it with, despite the fact that the records show that 2,600 bricklayers are unemployed, including England, Scotland, and Wales, and including all the bricklayers in other works who are in the habit of working at steel works and who are not ordinarily engaged in the building industry. My right hon. Friend will admit with me that that is not a high or abnormal figure of unemployment in that industry.
I know it is not, but my point is that if it is true that the Government want houses built, there need be no unemployed when they are ready to do the work.
My difficulty is that I am short of bricklayers. I have returns showing that I want more, and the difficulty is that the unemployed bricklayers are not where the houses are being built. If my right hon. Friend would enable us to get greater mobility in getting the unemployed building labour to places where labour is wanted and thus enable us to get on with the schemes, that would be a great help, and that is, of course, the difficulty. I know some of the difficulties are due to the very housing shortage itself, and we are moving in a kind of vicious circle, I realise, but I think more is possible in that direction. Naturally people are very anxious to remain somewhere to see whether there is a good job coming along where they are. It is a natural tendency for a married man not to be in a hurry to go and seek work far away and leave his family behind him and have to start two homes. One of our real difficulties in this matter also is the great shortage of plasterers, and this is really causing unemployment to large numbers of others in the building industry. No doubt in England, Scotland, and Wales there are about 300 plasterers shown as out of work, but I want about 1,300 plasterers to-day, and I will give the House a few figures to show our difficulty. We have over 23,000 houses roofed in ready for plastering, and waiting for plasterers whom we cannot get. The fact that we cannot get them makes a large number of unemployed among the painters. There is a large number of painters out of work, but if we could only get more plasterers on the work that is waiting for them we could reduce the number of painters unemployed at once, and that is a part of the problem with which we are faced. Then we could employ more carpenters.
5.0 P.M.
There are about 3,000 people we could employ to-day on different housing schemes, and therefore really the unemployment in the building industry proper is practically non-existent. I do not say that there are not certain places where there is a certain number of bricklayers and carpenters out of work, but the largest number of those carpenters are affected by the shipbuilders' dispute, and normally would be men working in the shipyards. I cannot start building houses on any big scale, and directly that shipbuilding dispute is over suddenly find these men going back to the shipyards where they could get better wages, and where they would be used to working. Then, again, bricklayers who are used to doing furnace work are not going to start on a housing scheme. As I said before, and I think we are all agreed, the ultimate solution of the housing problem is the provision of houses at an economic rent. We cannot for ever, out of rates and taxes, subsidise houses. The right hon. Gentleman made some remark about local authorities and their complaint against the Ministry of Health. I must say that local auhorities, not unnaturally, having the very limited liability of a penny rate, have a very great tendency to place their demands for housing beyond really what is considered reasonable, and the Ministry, undoubtedly, has been employed, not in any vexatious restriction, but in endeavouring to obtain more economical schemes in many cases, and that, undoubtedly, instead of having the effect which the right hon. Gentleman considered, has had the opposite effect of saving some money. Of course, a great many local authorities, before this scheme, never had any experience of housing. They had no officials to carry it out. That is one of our difficulties. Some local authorities have been unreasonable in their demands. If every housing council had the right hon. Gentleman as chairman, I think our task would be very much simplified, and a good deal more could Rave been done; but there is no doubt that this whole scheme was started on too ambitious and too expensive a scale, and no doubt, but for that, more houses would be up to-day. The Government have been very much pressed by housing committees of local authorities where the Labour party is very strongly represented. I will give an instance. When I was First Commissioner of Works, we got out a very fine scheme of workmen's flats for Camber-well, providing five rooms at a capital cost of £500. That was turned down by the Camberwell Borough Council, who said that they would not allow working men to live in them. The scheme did not progress, but, if it had, those flats would have been up to-day, and I believe the people would have liked them very much, and they could have been let at a rent more commensurate with their position. So that it is not altogether the fault of the Government. The local authorities have had a good deal to say, and in a large number of cases they have endeavoured to attain a standard of perfection without much regard to the cost. Another question with which the right hon. Gentleman dealt was the building guilds. The difficulty about building guilds is this, that although they are quite ready to build at a profit, they are never ready to take the risk of building at a loss.
The Labour party had a meeting with the building guilds quite recently, and it was stated that, while that had been the position, to-day they were prepared to build houses and take the risk.
That, of course, changes the position, since I received a deputation from the Building Guilds, when we had a long discussion on this subject. They told me that they could not build on a lump sum contract, but that they wanted to build on estimated cost, and, if the estimated cost were exceeded, we should have to pay.
Is it not true that £300,000 worth of work which they have done, has been done from 15 to 20 per cent. cheaper than the private builder? Is not that the best test of their success?
I do not know where the right hon. Gentleman got his figures, but we have not got any figures as to costs. I have been pressing for that information, because I should be quite ready to give the Building Guild as good a chance as anybody else, because I think it ought to be able to build. But I am not in that position; not a single scheme is completed to-day. It is very difficult to make these comparisons, because there are not two schemes alike, either private contract schemes or Building Guild schemes. All I can say is that the quality of their work is satisfactory, and I anticipate that their contracts ought to come out very well. But we have no complete information on the subject, and that is the reason why we have not been able to extend their operations.
I am sorry if I am misinformed, but has not the right hon. Gentleman information in his Department which shows that they have completed £300,000 worth of work, given them by the Ministry, and that the work is completed in Manchester, Bentley, Tredegar and Pwllheli, and the cost in those places where the scheme is finished is 15 per cent. less? I am authoritatively informed that the right hon. Gentleman has got that information in his Department.
I have made inquiries, and I am informed that we have not got that information in the Department; that is to say, we have not got any final statement which would enable me to confirm in any way those figures officially. It might be that it is a hope how the figures will work out, but I have made inquiries and I am told that we have not yet got the final costs of a single scheme. I am waiting for those figures. There is nothing more misleading than to base an estimate on the completion, say, of 20 houses, because it is not merely the cost of the house, but the overhead charges that must be known before you can arrive at the real figure.
I will be content if the right hon. Gentleman will make inquiries, and let us have a clear answer. I do not mean now.
I shall only be too pleased. I do not think I need deal fully with the other points, which really come within the province of my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour. I would only like to make one or two general observations on the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. G. Thorne). Of course, the serious position of the Poor Law guardians, owing to the large amount of distress which has been unfortunately growing in the country in connection with unemployment, has naturally come to my notice. I will tell the House that, on the whole, the position is more satisfactory now than it was a short time ago. In the June quarter, 1921, there were no less than 921,000 persons receiving outdoor relief in England and Wales, or more than three times as many as in the corresponding period of 1920. That figure is largely due to the coal strike, and since the coal strike ceased, it has come down; but if there is a hiatus between now and October and November, and the only available means of relief is the Poor Law, which, after all, is our fundamental sheet anchor in bad times, then the burden may grow again. I do not know that it will necessarily become, even in the worst case, as serious as it has been, and up to now the Poor Law guardians on the whole have managed to carry on their work without any further assistance except loans secured on their rates to tide them over a temporary difficulty. I have had a number of applications for these loans from various localities, particularly mining areas, which have been heavily hit during that period, and I have sanctioned loans in these cases. I have endeavoured to facilitate the raising of loans in areas where it has been shown that the administration has been carefully and properly carried out, and no extravagance has been permitted. I have agreed to those loans, and that the repayment of them might be carried over some longer period, so that the sudden emergency which has arisen should not swamp the poor rate in the next half-year or next twelve months. This has enabled them, so far, to get through without any State assistance.
The hon. Gentleman referred to the question of State assistance, but he will agree with me that we ought to hesitate a very long time before we consider such a revolutionary idea as regards the whole of the Poor Law administration, which is a very self-contained unit. The powers of the Poor Law guardians are very considerable indeed, great confidence is reposed in their administration, and there is, on the whole, very little statutory restraint of the powers they exercise. For the Treasury to hand over to the local authorities sums of money over which the State will have no control, and which will lead to the idea that they can go on being lavish in their expenditure, without any real responsibility to the people who elect them, is a path full of peril and danger. We see it in housing. The idea that it was only a penny rate, and that the Treasury was finding all the rest was, to my mind, financially unsound. This idea that there is a kind of bottomless purse or endless printing press in the Exchequer, which can go on grinding out the money without limit, if pursued and not checked, will finally land us in a similar position to Russia, which is operating now on that principle to such an extent that the Government still turn out paper, and can obtain nothing in exchange. Therefore, although I admit the situation is serious, yet I would point out that, by the help of unemployment insurance, the State has taken from the local authorities an enormous share of the burden which a few years ago they had to bear entirely by themselves. Enormous sums have been poured out by the State in the last few years to assist unemployment.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that the State has had to do that or let the people starve? You cannot allow the people to starve: you dare not!
It is not a question of dare not, but you would not allow the people to starve. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the bonus?"] I am not for one moment suggesting that people should be allowed to starve. In no civilised country of the world do we allow the people to starve. All I am saying is that up till now the Poor Law authorities have succeeded in dealing with the problem in front of them and I hope that they will be able to continue to deal with it. But so far as I can answer, I would say this: that until I was convinced, and until the Government was convinced, that it was not any longer possible for them to do so I should certainly deprecate very strongly introducing any violent alterations of a character which would make, not for independence, but for subservience on the part of the authorities who received assistance, and which would not really encourage them to endeavour to meet the situation and to improve the position themselves. That situation, however, has not arisen. But we are at the present time carefully watching the position. The Committee of which I am chairman has held two meetings this week, and probably we will have another, to consider this great emergency which is continually before us. We are exploring all possible avenues of this great problem, and the Committee will welcome any suggestions made for their consideration. I am, however, not prepared to enter into a course of subsidising local authorities out of the Treasury, nor, until the occasion arose, would the State allow it. I am going to do all I can to help the local authorities to assist themselves when they come to me requiring financial help in order to tide over what, I hope, is only a temporary difficulty.
It is, I believe, quite an exceptional economic position. By the look of it we have got, perhaps, 18 months of difficult times to go through. After that we shall return, I believe, to normality. The present state of things will not be permanent. If it is, of course, our position would be very desperate, and other remedies would be required. We have, I think, reached the bottom and are on the upward grade. You can, therefore, adopt quite sound financial ideas based on the idea that you need not necessarily put the whole of the obligations on the next 6 or 12 months, but can look a little further ahead until the better time arrives, and in the hope and anticipation that when the time comes of more normal circumstances you will be able to meet your various difficulties.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give us the figure which, I think, he accidentally omitted. He said the number getting Poor Law relief was 921,000 in June. He was glad to say that there had been an improvement since then. We waited to see what the figure was, and how great was the improvement, but I think, owing to an interruption, he never gave us the figures of the improvement.
There has been a considerable reduction since the time I stated, but I have not the figures.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give us, roughly, the cost of putting up a house at the present time and the cost of a similar house before the War? Would he also say the percentage of that 2,000 or 3,000 bricklayers who are unemployed?
In reply—I am speaking roughly and from my own knowledge rather than from official figures—if you take a house now costing £650 or £680, I should say you could have put up that house before the War for from £200 to £250. I think I can give the hon. and gallant Member the other figure for which he asks. The employed figure for July—and this does not include the bricklayers employed on private builders' subsidy houses—is 26,800, so that would make a percentage of less than ten of the number of bricklayers engaged on local authorities' housing schemes.
What is the normal rate of unemployment?
It varies. It has been up at different times to twelve per cent. In reply to my right hon. and gallant Friend (Major-General Seely) I have the figure now for which he asks, and I find there are 100,000 fewer receiving Poor Law relief.
Whatever may be the points that may be the subject of argument and discussion in connection with the housing policy of the Government, I may safely say that the abandonment of the original policy of the Government is having at the present time a deleterious effect, not merely upon the housing problem itself, but also upon any possible trade revival. It is certainly not encouraging employment. As a result of the attitude of the Government there are a large number of contractors and employers who have been compelled to dispense with a number of their employâs for the simple reason that they can not foresee their employment in the future. Much concern is expressed regarding the money that may be spent either to-day or to-morrow upon housing, and there appears to be some anxiety operating in the minds of some of my hon. Friends upon my left; but we are spending enormous sums of money to fight disease, which is undoubtedly the product of foul and fetid dens called homes such as now exist in our great industrial centres. To fight consumption alone under the National Health Insur- ance Act we have during the last few years spent £8,500,000, yet while we are spending millions to stamp out disease we are breeding and spreading disease in the very houses which are unfit for human habitation and which are not going to be abolished and which are not going to be replaced according to the existing policy.
If the hon. Gentleman will look at the figures he will see the very large expenditure we have made to attempt to reduce tuberculosis. By the expenditure of this money the health of the country to-day is better than ever it was.
That may be some consolation.
It is!
It is undoubtedly a consolation. But the right hon. Gentleman cannot claim that the health of the country is of such a nature and character as to justify the parsimonious policy now adopted by the right hon. Gentleman and his Department. I regret, and the country regrets, he is pursuing this policy in respect to housing. Had he and the Government attempted to break the rings and combines in connection with the building trades, and had they encouraged to a greater extent the building guilds to which he referred, I believe we should have obtained not only cheaper, but better houses, and consequently houses at even lower rents.
As the Minister has entered the Debate at this early stage I do not desire to pursue that aspect of the question of housing, but rather to apply what remarks I have to the grave problem of unemployment. I listened, as many Members of the House listened yesterday, to the somewhat lurid but depressing picture the Prime Minister drew of the state of Europe, and particularly of the effects of a famine in Russia. While it is a great consolation to us to know that our country and our people occupy a better and superior position when viewed from that standpoint, yet there are millions in this country unemployed, and there are thousands at this moment in the direst state of poverty, and in the coming winter months they are going to be faced with a more severe and depressing state of trade and unemployment than has hitherto existed.
We have over two millions of unemployed. I think we have possibly a million or more working short time. We have a large number of women come into industry who have no other hope of securing a living than by industry, and the whole problem of unemployment grows more severe than ever. This question of unemployment is a problem which always gathers to itself the interest of the House. Having regard, however, to political history, little has been done by this Government, or any previous Government adequately to face the problem, and to adopt such legislative action of permanent value in its settlement. I myself believe that during the time of prosperity we should legislate for the coming evil, and not wait to consider until we are in the midst of it, as we have been for months. We ought not to wait until the trouble is upon us and when, as at this moment, we are confronted with a large number of problems if not of the same human interest are equally urgent and equally grave. If the problem is to be more severe to-morrow I would ask: can we face it with the same equanimity as we faced last winter? I do not think we shall be able to call to our aid the same measure of support as we enjoyed in the winter months last year. As a result of the policy of the Government, unemployment benefit has been reduced. That in itself throws a still greater burden upon those affected who were entitled to benefit, and in addition there is a greater burden upon the local authorities and also upon the charity of individuals. If it is proposed to look to the local authorities for anything in the future we are likely to be turned down. Taxation is so heavy that they are unable, in my judgment—willing though they be—and I have had a wide experience for eight years upon a local council that was responsible for-half-a-million of people, willing though they are no doubt, it is doubtful whether they can come to our aid and rescue in the winter of this year as they did in the winter of last year.
Let me give one more instance in connection with the cotton trade. I believe unemployment in that trade is by no means so severe as it was, but they have Had something in the nature of a reconstruction board, and they have expended nearly £1,000,000 or £1,500,000 in unemployment benefit for the workers. That fund was exhausted as far back as May of this year. In view of these circumstances I think we are entitled to ask for some definite and tangible indication from the representative of the Government as to what the policy of the Government is going to be to meet this undoubtedly distressing problem of the future. The workers recall that their wages have been reduced. Employers have taken advantage of the depression in trade to reduce wages, and I observe that the cost of living is going up again. The principal thing I would remind the House of is that the reduction of wages has not yet contributed to any revival in trade.
A reduction of taxation should be the preliminary.
The expenditure of money by the Government in forlorn hopes like those in Mesopotamia and other places has led to higher taxation, and this has left a smaller amount of money for productive enterprise. To the extent that taxation is high as a result of the policy of the Government, to that extent they have discouraged enterprise and encouraged unemployment. I was pointing out that this reduction in wages has not been followed by a revival in trade, and that is a matter to be regretted. Many who represent the workers have been compelled to face the inevitable fact that a reduction would have to take place.
There will be more of them.
It is this eagerness on the part of some people to secure reductions that fills us with dismay. If there are to be reductions, we have a right to ask that there should be some corresponding reduction in the fees of directors of companies. If wages have some effect on the cost of production and have to be reduced, I would ask employers to reduce the cost in other directions. Speaking with a wide experience—I have not been too long divorced from the workshop not to know what I am talking about—I have not seen any corresponding effort on the part of employers to reduce the cost of production outside wages and conditions of labour.
Can the hon. Member give any instances of items which we are not trying to reduce?
I am able to say that it is no use the British employer thinking that the output of the British workman is likely to equal that of his foreign competitor if the British employers depend upon what we call "Mr. Armstrong." There must be a more Scientific development of industry and the application of machinery in a fuller and more complete sense. This burden of unemployment generally falls upon the shoulders of the working people, and it is time it was altered. This House has talked about the problem and has displayed a unique interest in it, but we have not taken any real, tangible course or initiated any policy to cope with it, and the working people of this country who are divorced from the control and the ownership of the raw materials of life, who play no part and parcel in the mechanism of industry beyond being a cog, who have nothing to do with all the elements that go to make up the cost of production, they are to-day the victims of the irresistible economic forces that play around.
Hear, hear!
This question does not affect the hon. Member who has just interrupted as it affected me once. He has not walked the streets, as I have, looking for work week after week and month after month, and finding the same old notice placed upon the doors of the factories, "No work." Often I have had to go home with nothing at the end of the day, or the week, or the month. It is all very well to sit here calling out, "Hear, hear!" in a sarcastic and philosophic manner.
rose —
I shall not give way to the hon. Member. This is too serious a matter to be made the play of philosophers, professors and those who pride themselves on their university education. This is a question of bread and butter to millions of men and women in our country, and I say without fear of contradiction, that the House of Commons, generous as it desires to be, has never yet faced adequately and effectively this great problem. We have been led to believe that Parliament was going to do something, and all kinds of rosy pictures have been painted, but the fact remains that once again we are discussing this grave industrial problem, and unless we regard it as a national question and seek earnestly for a real and permanent solution the House will be discussing the same problem and using more or less the same arguments ten years hence, and while all this is going on our people will continue to be the victims of starvation and destitution.
I quite agree with the sentiments and the strong feelings which have been expressed by the hon. Member who has just sat down. It seems to me that there is no more serious question for this House to discuss than that of unemployment. That makes me regret all the more the fact that although this is a subject which has been raised by an active leader of the Labour party, not more than four Members of that party were listening to the hon. Member who has just spoken.
Where are the members of your party?
I quite agree that on this problem we shall be talking in the same strain even 50 years hence if hon. Members will not take the trouble to take their fair share in trying to find a solution. May I say one or two words of a general character? First of all, as a London Member, I should like to allude to the specific case of unemployment which was raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness) at Question Time to-day—I refer to the case of Lieutenant Archer. Let me put the facts before the House. Lieutenant Archer was originally a private soldier. Before the War he entered the Government service as a clerk in the Labour Department of the Board of Trade. He showed himself an excellent servant, and he was promoted by various stages to the post of a higher grade clerk.
At the beginning of the War he enlisted in the Kitchener Army, and shortly afterwards received a notification that he had been given a Commission in the Air Force. He at once informed the Ministry of Labour of this fact, and asked for their permission to join his unit, but he received no answer from the officials of the Ministry of Labour. He had been commanded by the Air Force to join, and he joined, not having received a specific answer from the Ministry of Labour. What happened? The Ministry of Labour at once dispensed with his services. Lieutenant Archer then fought throughout the whole of the War. He did some very distinguished service, and received a commission.
He was disabled in the service of his country, and after this distingushed service and the excellent record that he had at the Ministry of Labour the Minister of Labour refuses to reinstall him, although it is a notorious fact that there are something like 350 conscientious objectors already admitted to the Government service.
I am not going to elaborate the details of this case. They are substantially as I have put them before the House, but I think I have said enough to base a demand that the Minister of Labour should at once hold a special inquiry into this case and reinstall this gallant officer if the facts are as I have stated. So much for the specific case which I desire to bring to the attention of the Ministry of Labour.
Now let me come back to the general question of unemployment. I share the anxieties which have been expressed by the hon. Member opposite upon the question of unemployment. The Government have not too good a record in the matter of their Labour policy. If hon. Members will look back over the course of Labour questions during the last 2½ years they will find that the Government and the Ministry of Labour have often been at fault. Before the Armistice they told the country that there was going to be a great volume of unemployment and they produced a very ridiculous demobilisation scheme that immediately had to be scrapped. Last year when it was obvious that unemployment was becoming serious, they did nothing until December, when they produced a scheme of relief works on arterial roads. In the course of the present year, I am given to understand, they attempted to enter into negotiations with the building trade upon the assumption that for several years to come there could be no unemployment in that trade. Yet what do we see? The right hon. Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) has emphasised the fact that within a few months of these negotiations there is a substantial body of unemployed men, skilled and unskilled, in the building trades. These experiences make me all the more anxious now we are faced with a graver problem of unemployment than we have ever had before us in any winter in our history. The Government, and particularly the Ministry of Labour, ought for the last two years to have been thinking out a careful policy to meet the evil which nine people out of ten saw to be inevitable.
It would be foolish to suggest that unemployment as a whole is preventable. At the same time it is an established fact that within limitations there is a large measure of unemployment that is preventable by a carefully thought out policy. The Government offices for instance, and the local authorities as well, could spread their orders over the season when unemployment in certain trades is most rife. What evidence have we that, during the last six months, the Government or the local authorities have been adopting a far-seeing policy of this kind? It seems to me that the Government when faced by what was certain to come in the matter of grave unemployment have had recourse to two or three panaceas, and to two or three panaceas alone. In the first place they have made the Ministry of Labour an even huger Ministry than it was before. The more serious the unemployment appeared to be, the greater was the number of officials crowded into the Ministry of Labour, and to-day there are no fewer than 30,000 officials in that Ministry. Their second panacea has been to build more Employment Exchanges. It is a notorious fact that a large number of the Employment Exchanges at the present moment are practically useless. Even the Ministry of Labour's own Committee, which a short time ago inquired into the whole administration of Employment Exchanges, stated, that a half of the Employment Exchanges were only dealing with 20 per cent. of the cases of unemployment, and let the House observe that this 20 per cent. is not 20 per cent. of the whole body of unemployment but only 20 per cent. of the cases actually taken to the Employment Exchanges. That means therefore that the percentage is much lower, and it is obviously so by reason of the fact that in many skilled trades unemployment is dealt with direct by the trade union itself.
The third panacea is that of giving more doles. The right hon. Member for Derby objected to the unemployment benefit being called a "dole." I cannot admit that objection for this reason. It is not an insurance, because it is actuarially unsound. Even in the last few weeks we have had to make a large extra contribution from State funds to make the unemployment benefit solvent, and only to-day we have heard from the Minister of Health that whatever may be the financial position of the Fund on 1st November, the men will be able to obtain the benefit, even although their contribution and the State contribution do not justify it. I quite admit that without a policy for dealing with unemployment you are driven to unemployment doles, but I am sure I am right when I say that no Member of the Labour party, let alone any Member of any other party in this House, is satisfied with a policy under which, when things go badly, manual labour is merely offered doles to remain unemployed. Surely the Minister with the huge staff at the Ministry of Labour, knowing that unemployment was bound to become serious in the latter part of the year, should have had some better policy than merely increasing the scope of the unemployment benefit. Surely the Minister of Labour is not going to rest content with building up a great machine and having recourse to these very crude methods of dealing with unemployment, when it actually arises.
The Ministry of Labour ought rather to be a small body of experts acting as a general staff to advise the Government and this House on labour questions. It is a significant fact the bigger the Ministry of Labour becomes, the less it seems to do in the way of acting as a general staff of experts to advise the Government on labour questions. I am inclined to think the country would really be much better off if the Ministry of Labour went back to the Board of Trade and if it became, as it was before the War, a comparatively small body of experts dealing with labour statistics and advising the President of the Board of Trade and the Cabinet upon them. As it is now we have this great machine, and the bigger it becomes, the more inefficient it seems to be for dealing with labour problems. I say nothing of the question of expense. If the Ministry of Labour were effectively dealing with labour questions, I should say the money was well spent, but I believe the money is not well spent, because this great machine is out of hand. It is a great cumbrous machine which goes round and round while unemployment outside becomes more acute. It has only two prescriptions, to build more Labour Exchanges, and to increase the scope of the unemployment benefit.
I hope that before this House adjourns we shall have some explicit statement from the Minister of Labour as to what provision he has made for unemployment during the winter, and I hope, too, we shall not go on until the eleventh hour and be again put in the position in which we have been put time after time during this Parliament, of being faced with a great crisis, and being told that the only way out of it is to increase the amount that the country is spending on the unemployment benefit. I hope also my right hon. Friend will be able to say that he is going to cut down this great machine on the lines I have suggested, and that we may see in the near future the Ministry of Labour restored to what it really should be, namely, a general staff to advise the Cabinet and this House on labour questions.
This Debate has taken the course which I rather feared, and has developed into an attack on the Ministry of Labour and on the Employment Exchange system generally. I do not think that that at this stage is very helpful. I happen to have had some experience at the Ministry of Labour, and therefore I felt very sensitive during the criticism of my hon. and gallant Friend.
Where is the Minister of Labour?
6.0. P.M.
I was at the Ministry of Labour during the time that the scheme of demoblisation was being prepared. It is quite true it was departed from, and that the scheme originally drawn up was substituted by one hastily improvised, and which was very largely accountable for a rapid emergence of unemployment. The original scheme was not fashioned by the political head of the Department, or by a few highly paid experts. It was created as a joint effort of some of the most competent employers in the country, and an equal number of representative trade unionists. To describe their work as having been ridiculous is, I think, to place the whole question beyond a proper perspective. I have never ceased to regret the fact that the scheme formulated by this thoroughly representative council of employers and employed was not carried out, because by its abandonment we were, in my opinion, brought up against the unemployment problem sooner, and to a much more widespread extent than would otherwise have been the case. The fundamental idea of the scheme was to release men from the Army just as industry had a chance to recover, but, as it was, the Government and those responsible were stampeded, and men were discharged without any relation whatever to the state of industry at home. Nevertheless, I am not going to discuss that any further at this point. Like previous speakers, I am very anxious to hear the statement of the Minister of Labour. Undoubtedly, the prospect for the coming winter causes everybody acute anxiety. We are all, naturally, inclined to regard the conditions in our own constituencies as the most important and pressing, but I think I may say, without laying myself open to a charge of exaggeration, that the state of unemployment in the constituency I represent is as serious as in any constituency in the country. We rely very largely upon an export trade, namely, the export of manufactured boots and shoes, and, owing to the unsettled state of the European markets, there is at present no outlet for the manufactures of my constituency. This is a factor beyond our control, and I venture to dispute the theory which seemed to underlie part of the speech of the Minister of Health, that unemployment can be regarded as a local problem and a local responsibility. It is national in character, and must be viewed from a national standpoint. I recognise all the disadvantages and demoralisation of the payment of benefit or doles, as you care to describe them. I associate myself with those who protest against the description of out-of-work benefit as a dole. I have, in conjunction with the majority of the Labour party in the House of Commons, always favoured a contributory scheme, because we appreciated the fact that, if the workman was not called upon to subscribe directly, he would be constantly taunted that he was the mere recipient of a dole, which was simply a variation of Poor Law or other adventitious relief.
I am certain that we must continue to rely for some period ahead upon unemployment insurance. Indeed, I cannot conceive that it can be possible for human beings so perfectly to organise an industrial system as to ensure that there shall never be man or woman out of work. Recognising that fact, we must have recourse to insurance, in order to tide people over the period which must inevitably recur under any industrial order. I say this in face of the theories held by my hon. Friends on the other side of the House. I do not care upon what system or upon what principle you organise industry—whether it remains on a capitalistic basis, or is transformed to a collectivist or socialistic basis—it will inevitably remain impossible for any body of men so perfectly to ordain industry as to ensure that unemployment will never arise. Therefore, we must continue to have recourse to unemployment benefit, and for the present we have not succeeded in devising anything that is better than the scheme of the Government. Trade unions have been experimenting in this direction for several generations, but let it be borne in mind that no trade union, to my knowledge, has ever yet insured for a benefit comparable with the rate that the Government provided under their scheme prior to the recent amending Bill. That proves that the trade unions have always recognised that insurance was not simply for the purpose of securing full maintenance during a period of unemployment. They preferred to rely upon the thrift and individuality of their memibership to make up sufficient, during a period of unemployment, assisted by such benefit as they drew from their trade union. Of course, no one can dispute that 15s. a week, in these days of high prices, is inadequate to provide maintenance for a man and a family. On the other hand, we must recognise that no fund will provide more benefit than is warranted by the contributions paid into it, and that, therefore, the only alternative is to keep the scheme on an actuarial basis; and, despite what my hon. and gallant Friend said, at least the scheme was based upon actuarial scales and calculations.
No.
My hon. and gallant Friend will allow me to say, at any rate, that the scheme was before me throughout the time that I was at the Ministry of Labour, and was passed on to my successor, and we were there puzzling out, with the aid of expert advice, the proper tables in order to ensure that the funds should be soundly established on an actuarial basis. Experience may, or may not prove, that to have been perfectly worked out, but, nevertheless, the intention is that the scheme shall be self-supporting. If it is not, then we must simply fall back upon further State subsidies. The country and the Government are entirely against that, and, therefore, we must recognise that the benefit payable out of the Unemployment Fund is not likely to be increased. I mention that point because it seems to me to make much more serious the position as regards unemployment during the coming winter. The authorities in my constituency are very anxious as to the period intervening from now to the commencement of the further period of unemployment benefit. They are very desirous of knowing whether the Government are doing anything to make provision for that period. We want to know what plans they are formulating in order to deal with the unemployment problem which must be present with us in the coming winter. Resources are being depleted; trade union benefits are exhausted; rateable capacities are being restricted. In my own constituency a very heavy rate was imposed expressly for the purpose of aiding our unemployed. That cannot be repeated year after year. I have been agreeably surprised to find how my fellow-citizens have been able to respond to the demands made upon them, but I know that in many cases they have mortgaged the future, and will be unable to bear the heavy burden which was imposed upon them last winter. Therefore, we are very anxious to know what schemes the Government have under consideration, and what prospect they can offer us of assistance in dealing with this vexed problem.
We have been enjoined to-day that we should not indulge in recrimination. I agree that no useful purpose is served by recrimination as between party and party, but assuredly there are lessons to be learned from the past. Everyone recognised that, after an exhausting war, industry must be unsettled, and that in all probability we should be confronted with an unemployment problem, but we have made the situation much worse by our own shortcomings. The housing system has been worsened because of the lack of co-operation among all classes in the community. I have no hesitation in saying that for a year or two after the Armistice there was a prospect of booming trade for this country. I believe we had a great deal of the world s trade entirely at our feet, and, if employers and employed could have co-operated to produce efficiently and economically, we should, in my opinion, have avoided a lot of this unemployment, and have been relieved of the anxieties which press upon us at the moment. When I left the Ministry of Labour and was passed over to the Ministry of Food, it was my business to travel about the country a good deal, in order to keep in contact with those bureaucrats whose existence is so much deprecated, but who were so essential to carrying us through emergencies then. I met local employment committees and local food committees, and there I found employers and representative trade unionists working together in a friendly manner; but invariably those employers were able to prove to me that they were losing orders, that orders were being cancelled, because of the fact that they could not quote fixed prices or give any date for delivery. I saw there, and frequently stated at public meetings, that work was being lost to us and unemployment created by our own folly, because we could not perceive the splendid opportunities confronting us, and because we preferred a class war to friendly co-operation.
That is how I feel when such a one as myself, a general supporter of the Government, has to meet this charge that the Government is alone responsible for unemployment. Some of my hon. Friends on the other side say that it is due to the burdensome taxation that the Government have imposed. I do not deny that taxation is too heavy. I have too much experience among my business friends to allow me to deny that, and even amongst those who advised us that we were in for a period of prosperity, and that the Government might rely upon our ability to liquidate a good deal of our debt, it must be admitted that taxation is, in a measure, responsible. Others say it is due to our foreign expeditions. Ultimately, however, the larger measure of responsibility falls upon the employers and the workpeople of the country themselves. If it had not been for the dissemination of the vicious class war theory, if we had been able to retain after the War the unity which characterised us during the War, we should not be lamenting to-day the bankruptcy of the unemployment insurance scheme, and should not be confronted with a problem which seems to us almost insoluble.
I agree that we must hold the Government responsible as far as possible. I never was inclined to be tender towards Government representatives. The Members of this House were not over-tender towards me when I happened to occupy a position on the Treasury Bench, and, therefore, I do not feel that it is any particular concern of mine that I should be very sensitive as to the criticisms passed on my right hon. Friends. But let us be fair towards them. They do their best, but in my opinion we are asking too much of them. It is not the business of the Government to organise industry. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] But that is what you are constantly saying. Then one hears it said from all quarters of the House, "Let the Government keep the dead hand off industry, and we will deal with these questions ourselves." So you will. We are told to shut up the Ministry of Labour, and, as I have said, a large proportion of this Debate has not centred upon unemployment, but has resolved itself into an attack upon the Ministry of Labour and the Employment Exchange system. I want to say, however, and I think I can speak dispassionately, that this country would not have got through the past few years so well but for the Ministry of Labour. You want the co-operation of Labour in this great emergency, and the price of the co-operation of Labour is in one sense the Ministry of Labour. The Ministry of Labour is capable of helping us a great deal still. The trade unions and the employers are not competent to do what the Employment Exchanges are doing. If they were perfectly organised, I should have preferred that to be done on a voluntary basis, but that is not the case. The trade unions to-day are by no means so strong as they were during the War, and you must have a State organisation in order to deal with the labour arrangements in the country. I think the sooner we recognise that the better.
The final appeal I want to make is this. I feel that it is incumbent upon the Government to make all the arrangements they can in order to help to tide the unemployed, over the next few months, and that it is then for all of us to get together in order to inspire our people to the utmost efficiency and economic production in order that British goods may have a fair chance in foreign markets. Hon. Members opposite must realise that it is not the Government that determine wages. It is not alone British employers who determine wages. It is the employers in the countries with which we have to compete that very largely determine wage standards in this country, and therefore British labour and British management and directorate have to adapt themselves to these conditions, for assuredly unless we are able within the next year or so to prove our ability to create better and more economically than our competitors, not only will the unemployed problem remain with us, but it will be even more acute than at present.
On the other side I would say to those leaders of labour who have vision, as many of them have, and knowledge and experience, particularly during the last few years, let them take in hand to check those whose single policy is the fomenting of ill-feeling and the creation of disturbance. This is invariably the type of mind that is the most enthusiastic supporter of the League of Nations. Never let us be found in military conflict with other peoples in the world. Right, I agree. I hope the League of Nations may do all that its most devoted adherents desire of it; but of course, we recognise that we live in a world of actualities, and we do not rely exclusively upon it. But on the other hand there are those in the Labour movement who say we have machinery, we have resources, and we have a great army. What are all these things for but to be used? Let us have a fight. Let us have a strike. Those who advocate recourse to arbitration through the League of Nations ought to be amongst those who will adopt the wiser and better policy of conciliation and arbitration in industrial affairs, and I am sure the class to which I still belong will secure a much greater and more enduring advantage as the result of a policy of that sort than they will from the succession of strikes which have obtained during the past few years. I hope co-operation may be substituted for conflict, confidence for suspicion, and goodwill for hatred, and just as we in this House are bringing to bear on this problem all our experience and all our knowledge, apart from any party or political considerations, so at least I hope we shall unitedly do our best to palliate unemployment and reduce it to its lowest limit, and to the extent that we are unable to provide work let us make sure that maintenance as large as is practicable and desirable shall be forth coming.
It is not my intention to discuss the housing problem, but I think, when the Minister of Health accused the local authorities of putting forward schemes on too sumptuous a scale, he was not quite just to them. After all, the local authorities took the Prime Minister and his colleagues at their word when they said they wanted homes for heroes to live in, and they thought it was their business to provide them. Therefore it is entirely uncalled for for the Minister of Health to blame the local authorities because their schemes were put forward perhaps on a somewhat elaborate scale. I wish to say a word or two on the question of unemployment. I am not at all sure, from the speeches I have heard, that the Government are fully siesed of the magnitude which this problem will assume in the coming winter. I have heard optimistic speeches from the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to the revival of trade, and this House will rise in the course of a few days when the outlook, whether it be at home or abroad, gives rise to the gravest apprehension. Look where you will, in the Near East, in the Far East, in Europe, or at home, there is no justification for optimism as to a revival in trade, and therefore if the Minister of Labour and the Government are hoping that anything in the nature of a substantial or early revival in trade will save them from facing an unemployed problem during the coming winter on a scale as yet unprecedented, I think they are living in a fool's paradise. The trade union funds are exhausted. The savings of the workers have vanished. In thousands of cases the contents of their homes have found their way into the pawnshop. Local relief funds, which are already being started in anticipation of difficulties to come, will not be easy to raise this year, and they will be on a very meagre scale compared with the problems with which they are intended to deal, and will be entirely inadequate. In many of the highly rated areas the Poor Law system will break down.
I merely rise to ascertain from the Minister of Labour whether he has a. full realisation of the possibilities of the coming winter and of the responsibilities of the Government in regard to them. Before the House rises we ought to know from the Government what schemes they have and what provision they have made to meet unemployment on a very large scale in the coming winter, I fear a winter of poverty and distress, a winter in which cold and hunger will stalk through the land and will be aggravated by the suffering and disease which usually follow upon them. Those of us who have industrial constituencies where the rates are, as they are in my constituency, already something like 28s. in the £, are looking to this winter with grave apprehension and I hope the House will not be allowed to rise without some assurance from the Minister and from the Government so that we may go into our constituencies and tell our local authorities, and tell the unemployed, that something will be done for them in the coming months. I trust the Minister of Labour will tell us whether he expects any substantial reduction in unemployment during the winter and on what ground he bases his expectation. I have looked in every direction to see any justification, any indication of a substantial and early improvement in trade and I have looked in vain. If the Government have any valuable information I trust they will give it to the House, but if they are looking for an improvement I am afraid they are looking in vain.
I shall devote myself, as the House would wish, almost entirely to the question of unemployment. We shall do well to take counsel together at this almost our final meeting on this great problem. There are many questions which press upon us hour by hour, but none of them touches our national well being more closely than this. The House is familiar with the record of the 10 months ending 30th June. It is a record of continuously worsening trade depression, acutely accentuated in its final stages by the protracted dispute in the coal industry. Practically without break or intermission the unemployment figures went up week by week from September last to the end of June, when the peak so far, and I hope for good, was reached. At that time there were in the United Kingdom 2,170,397 men, women, boys and girls registered as totally unemployed, and there were 988,394 in addition registered as on short time. Each week since, happily, there has been a continuous if not a very striking decrease.
Are those figures registered through the Labour Exchanges?
Yes. I have often explained that they do not wholly cover the ground. Since 1st July up to 5th August the number of men, women, boys and girls registered as wholly unemployed has fallen about 440,000, and the number registered on short time has fallen about 500,000 and the downward curve continues, and so far as I can see is likely to continue, though the decrease certainly has been and apparently will be slow.
Does that include the miners?
No. The House is not only familiar with this unprecedented record of depression and unemployment, but it is not less familiar with the efforts, local and central, to meet the needs of the unemployed. In the first place a considerable amount of productive work has been put in hand in co-operation with the local authorities. I desire to say how grateful we are to the local authorities and to express my thanks to them for their great assistance. On new arterial road schemes, on schemes of road repair and maintenance, on hastening the lay-out of sites and sewers for housing, on other works of public utility assisted by what is known as Lord St. David's Committee's, grants, on alternative work in Government establishments and by the adoption of the short-time system in Government shops and factories useful and productive work has been provided month by month during the period I am dealing with for about 100,000 men who would otherwise have been unemployed. That work continues, though as schemes are completed the numbers employed are being gradually reduced. I think I am right in saying that the number of men still at work is round about 90,000. On a rough estimate that work, contributed to by the Government and the local authorities, has already brought the expenditure to something like £25,000,000, which has been incurred in order to provide productive work so far as we could during that period. Manifestly we could not find or make productive work for the very great majority of those who fell upon the evil days of unemployment, because the numbers were far too great for that. Therefore, provision had to be made to mitigate the hardships of unemployment by weekly assistance. The Unemployment Insurance Act, to which frequent reference has ben made to-day, a year ago covered 4,000,000 people. Happily last year, early in the year, before the depression began to be felt, we had amended the Act so as to cover 12,000,000 people. That Act has been continuously amended and adapted to meet the changing conditions, and the continuous depression in trade. It has been three times amended, providing extensions of the number of weeks' benefit prescribed, and substituting qualifications for the receipt of benefit less onerous than those properly demanded under normal conditions.
I am sorry that the hon. Member for Wolverhampton (Mr. G. Thorne) is not here. I listened to his speech with much interest, and I wanted to explain to him that in the amending Act of last March we provided two periods of 16 weeks' benefit each, one to run from the 3rd March this year to the end of October—as a matter of fact, there are more weeks than 16, there are 35 in that period—and another period of 16 weeks to run from the beginning of November to July of next year. The hon. Member asked, when November comes, what sort of qualification will the people need for the second 16 weeks' benefit, which stands in the Act, Section 3, which was passed on the 3rd March of this year? The qualification for the first 16 weeks is that the insured person must be available for work, must be capable of work, and must be unable to obtain suitable employment, and must have had 20 weeks' employment to his credit during 1920. When we come to November, the qualification for the second 16 weeks' benefit is the same as the qualification for the first 16 weeks' benefit. The insured person must have had 20 weeks' employment to his credit during 1920, and he must be available for work, capable of work, and unable to find work. There is no new qualification. Both periods of 16 weeks are in the same Act, and the qualification of the first is the qualification for the second. I am glad to make that clear, because my hon. Friend was rather perplexed about it.
The provision made in the Act of last March was only possible by drawing upon the accumulated Unemployment Insurance Fund which was then £22,500,000. That Fund had accumulated because of the very low level of unemployment during the War, and also because from the Armistice, so far as civilians in the one case and ex-service men in the other were concerned, the Exchequer, outside the Act, had made large direct grants of out-of-work donation to people who in the absence of those grants would in some cases have come upon the Fund. That is why the Fund stood at £22,500,000. From March onwards, unemployment, deeply accentuated by the coal dispute, developed so rapidly that by 30th June the Fund was practically exhausted. The Insurance Act had again to be amended and adapted to meet the situation. The was achieved in the Act of 1st July, the third of these amending Acts since last November. That Act reduced the benefit for the time being, increased the contributions for the time being, but added 6 additional weeks to the 16 weeks of the first period, to run from March to the end of October, with power, if necessary and if conditions demanded it, to add a corresponding 6 weeks to the 16 weeks to run from November to July of next year. To do that, as the right hon. Gentleman for the City (Sir F. Banbury) will remember, we had to increase our borrowing powers from £10,000,000 to £20,000,000, and I had to contemplate running into debt during the next year up to a maximum of £16,000,000, which I hope to repay during the succeeding year by keeping up the contributions and keeping on the reduced benefits.
Will not that all depend on whether or not employment increases?
I will tell my right hon. Friend the basis upon which I am going. My assumption is based on this, that I have 1,250,000 unemployed people every week, from July of this year to June of next year, and that, thereafter, I have 500,000 a week. On that basis the Fund will be solvent by June, 1923.
The right hon. Gentleman will remember that some months ago I pointed out to him that I thought he was a little too sanguine, because he went on a somewhat similar basis to that he is going on now.
Of course, I am only fallible, but I will undertake not to be wise after the event. It is so easy to forecast the future when it is behind you.
The right Eon. Gentleman must remember that I did not forecast it after, but I forecasted it before.
So far as my right hon. Friend is concerned, I will withdraw my statement. In advance of matters he said that he thought I was too sanguine. I hope in this case to be a little prudent. The original 16 weeks from March to October were extended to 22, and with regard to the 16 weeks' provision for the second period from November to July, I also took power, and it is in the Act if necessity demands, to make that 22. The 22 weeks period from March to the end of October would, by people securing occasional and inteimittent weeks of employment, enable us to carry on until the end of October, when the second period of 16 weeks' benefit, 22 if necessary, will commence in any case to run. But unemployment continued to be so serious that people had to draw continuously the 16 weeks' and the six weeks' benefit in a good many cases. That point was brought forward by the right hon. Member for Derby (Mr. Thomas) and the hon. Member for Wolverhampton. The right hon. Member for Derby said that weeks ago in many cases the benefit had run out. That is not so. From the 3rd March the 22 weeks' benefit only concluded last Saturday, and the first time that anybody could have run out of the 22 weeks' benefit was last Saturday. A good many people, but not so many as is stated, have exhausted their benefit by continuously drawing during the 22 weeks of the first period, which terminated last Saturday. From such analysis of the figures as is possible, I should say that the numbers who have drawn benefit continuously week by week since 3rd March last, and, therefore, exhausted their benefit last Saturday, is about 100,000 men and 27,000 women. These numbers will grow, and I cannot under-estimate the seriousness of the statements which have been made. It is a situation which gives us all cause for anxiety. The persons who are in that position are either concerned with industries which have been very badly hit—the hon. Member for Wolverhampton mentioned an industrial area of that character—or they are persons belonging to the ranks of unskilled labour generally. The slowly improving conditions of employment ought to help the general body of unskilled labourers. So far as I know, I cannot see any real daylight as regards the other industries.
What is your estimate as to the number of those who will exhaust their benefit in addition to the 127,000 mentioned?
I cannot say. After the chiding I have received, I cannot undertake to forecast the future without some better basis than I have before me. The number will grow, as I have stated. As regards the general labourers, the improvement in employment, slow but continuous and sure, ought to help; but in regard to the particular industries which have been so badly hit, two or three industries especially, there is, so far as I am advised, little prospect of early recovery in their case. How to help these people to carry on until the end of October when the second period of benefit begins—and the qualification for the second period is the same as the qualification for the first—is the problem before the local authorities and the Government at the present time. The House has heard from the Minister of Health that he is now the Chairman of a Cabinet Committee on Unemployment, which was at work upon the problem yesterday morning, and again this morning, and will be at work again before the close of the week. I cannot set forth in specific detail what we may propose to do, but I can say this, that I do not think that we can meet the situation by providing further benefit for these people until the end of October under the compulsory Insurance Act. After all, this is an Insurance Act. My right hon. Friend the Member for Derby rightly objected to it being called a dole. It is an Act under which, compulsorily, employed persons, employers, and the State have to contribute, and when an employed person is out of work it is from the fund that is built up, under the conditions laid down, that assistance is given to them.
At a time of great emergency I utilised the accumulated fund of £22,500,000 to cover the cases of the 8,000,000 people who had then just come into insurance for the first time. They came in at a time of great depression. I could not apply the old qualification of so many weeks' contribution, which had been the normal feature of Insurance Acts before. I therefore had to lay down a very much less onerous qualification for them. I had to make the conditions for receiving benefit exceptionally easy. I had to make these newly insured persons coming into insurance—8,000,000: two-thirds of the total—at a moment of great depression, eligible for assistance, for urgently-needed benefit, for which they would qualify by later contributions when more favourable trade and business ensued. They came in at a time of acute depression, and they received benefit which they would pay back by their regular payments on the return of prosperity. I cannot carry that too far. I cannot break the machinery altogether by providing for the existing situation out of funds which are contributed for the purpose of paying future benefits under the Act.
But I would point this out to the House. Nothwithstanding the unparalleled difficulties which have confronted the Chancellor of the Exchequer during these distressful 10 months, this is what we have done, and I think that it is expedient that a plain statement should be made, so that it shall not be suggested that we have sat with folded hands and have not endeavoured to help these people in these serious times. For the first year after the Armistice, to civilians the State made direct grants amounting to £22,000,000. From the Armistice down to the 31st March this year the State has made direct grants, out-of-work donations to ex-service men, of £40,000,000. Since November last there has been paid out of this Unemployment Insurance Fund, £40,000,000. Of that £40,000,000 more than half came from the accumulated insurance fund which was £22,500,00O, and rather less than half, therefore, from the current contributions, during that time, of employed persons, employers and the State, and I think it expedient to mention that since last November, of the £40,000,000 paid out from this fund in benefit, the working people themselves contributed something less than £6,500,000. But they had previously contributed to the accumulated fund of £22,500,000 about £9,000,000, so that of the £40,000,000 unemployment benefit paid under these Acts since last November, the working people have contributed about £15,000,000. We are anxiously considering the case of those who have exhausted their right to benefit and have to wait until the further provision be given in November. We shall continue to do that, and I can assure the House that no effort of ours will be wanting to find some way to meet the difficulties in the position which confronts these people at this moment.
As the Parliamentary Session is to end this week or the beginning of next, will the right hon. Gentleman say what steps he is going to take?
We shall take all steps that are possible. We have met this morning again, and I hope that we may be able to meet again before the close of this week. I come now to the question raised by my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby as to the miners, about which there has been some controversy. The Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, Section 8 (1) provides that workmen who have lost their employment by reason of a stoppage of work, which was due to a trade dispute at the factory, workshop or other premises at which they were employed, shall be disqualified from receiving unemployment benefit so long as the stoppage of work continues. It was to that point that my right hon. Friend brought my attention. It is common ground that these people originally lost their employment by reason of a stoppage of work which was due to a trade dispute at the pits at which they were employed. The dispute is at an end and the men are still unemployed in many cases.
The question which arises is whether the stoppage of work, on account of which they were originally disqualified, still continues. If it does, then by the express terms of this Act the men remain disqualified for benefit. Naturally the circumstances vary in different cases. In some it is clear that the pits will be reopened as soon as they are put in working order again. In others the pits cannot be reopened at present owing to depression of trade, or they may even be closed permanently. In many cases there is a mixture of both these circumstances. The authority who is to determine the right to benefit in such cases is not the Minister of Labour but the Umpire, who is appointed, under Section 12 of the Act of 1920, not by the Minister but by the Crown, and whose decision is final and conclusive. Test cases have been brought before the Umpire, and what I may describe as the leading case was argued before him by eminent counsel on both sides. I will quote the decision given by the Umpire in this case:
If the dispute is at an end and the seam in a district may not be opened, while the £10,000,000 already given by the Government is being used to put the mine in repair, are the men to get no benefit, notwithstanding the contributions which they make towards an insurance which is au insurance and not an unemployment dole?
My hon. Friend is inviting me to argue the decision of the Umpire. I am sorry that I cannot do that. Broadly speaking, the interpretation placed upon the Act by the Umpire is that if the reason why the men cannot for the present be re-employed is the state of disrepair occasioned by the trade dispute the benefit is not payable. If the reasons are economic, then benefit is payable. If, as is often the case, the reasons are mixed, they are difficult to disentangle. All the circumstances must be considered, and a decision given according to whether the real cause of the continued stoppage is the disrepair of the mine or economic depression.
Seeing that the miners are not employed owing to the fact that the mine is not in a fit condition to work, if, following on that Umpire's award, they are to receive no benefit, what would be the attitude of the Government if all the miners declined to pay into this fund?
I should be very sorry if that were done, for some reasons which I will state. The fact is that a considerable number of unemployed miners were in receipt of benefit during the stoppage, owing to the want of employment prior to the stoppage. They would have been out of that if my hon. Friend's suggestion had been adopted. A somewhat larger number have been in receipt of benefit since the termination of the dispute, in cases where the mines have not been opened because of economic conditions and trade depression. Since the beginning of July about 80,000 miners have been in benefit week by week, and they have received in benefit over £350,000. Had they taken the course suggested by my hon. Friend, I could not have made that statement.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say how much they paid?
7.0 P.M.
I could find out. The House will realise that this matter is not within my discretion at all. It is a matter for the Umpire. The Act lays down the conditions on which benefit is payable, and provides that contested claims to benefit are to be determined in accordance with the terms of the Act by the Umpire. But there is another point to which my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby referred. That is as to the case of men who were thrown out of employment who are not directly concerned with the industry at all. This, in the opinion of my right hon. Friend, constitutes a great difficulty and has nothing to do with the decision of the Umpire as to the case of disrepair. But the broad question is this. Here is a dispute with a certain body of craftsmen, fitters and others, who have nothing to do with it, nevertheless have to go out. It has always been represented to me that this constitutes a great hardship. I said a year ago that if employers and employed could agree on a workable amendment of Section 8 (1) of the Act, the provision out of which this whole matter arises, I should be prepared to give effect to it at the earliest opportunity. Why cannot representatives of employers and working people get together and give a formula which will be workable and which can be put into an Act? I undertook, when we were debating the Act of 1st July, that I would call them together. It has not yet been possible to arrange this conference, though I have written to one of the parties. I am hoping, however, it may take place at an early date. I propose to go into the matter fully and to see if it is possible to dispose of what is a real grievance. I feel myself that we have not yet got the line of equity between the parties.
I was sorry I did not hear the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare), but I was called away to deal with a matter by two hon. Members of the House. I am told by the Parliamentary Secretary that the hon. and gallant Member complained that we had largely increased our staff, and that therefore we had done what we ought not to have done in these days. I do not know if the hon. and gallant Member read the Debate on the Civil Service Estimates of last Thursday week. I explained then that I had got the staff down last September to the very best of my ability, and very much below what it was in February, 1919, when it was at the maximum. Then it was confronted with ever-growing unemployment and with the necessity of meeting the needs of thousands of people who came to register every day, in order to see whether their claim to unemployed pay was bonâ fide, and if they should receive their benefit. I was bound to make provision for that being done as smoothly and reasonably as I could. In any case, I was confronted with long queues of poor unfortunate people standing waiting hour after hour. There were stories of women faint- ing, and therefore I was bound to deal with it. I worked on a casual basis, week by week, and took on a total of 14,500 simply to meet the additional work. The precise figure I gave in the Debate last Thursday week, and we had to meet this necessity. I met it in such a way that the moment the unemployment figures went down on the 1st July I was able to reduce the staff. I do not take any credit for it, but by the end of July, thanks to the fall in the barometer, I was able to reduce the staff by 3,000, and I hope to reduce it by another 3,000 this month. What more could any man have done in the circumstances?
I do not want to interrupt the Minister for Labour. He was not here when I spoke, and for very good reasons. I said that my criticism against his Ministry was that it let things get into this pass until it was faced with a difficulty of this kind. The Ministry ought to deal with causes and to prevent such a situation arising.
I am sorry if I misinterpreted the hon. and gallant Gentleman's remark. I am told he suggested that we have gone on building. I came to this House, and on Class 1, Vote 9, of the Estimates, I defended certain proposals to improve the premises of the Labour Exchanges which are as bad as they can be for the poor people who have to work in them and use them. The House said, early this year, "We cannot really afford any new buildings now. Both building material and labour cost so much, and you will not be able to use it until by-and-by, when we hope this trouble will blow over. Therefore you must not go on with the new building." I said, "Very good, I will take it back. I will see if we cannot make shift and use chapels, Sunday schools, and anything I can get. I will not lay a new brick without the sanction of the House." I have not done it, and my hon. and gallant Friend must not suggest it.
The hon. and gallant Member raised the case of Lieutenant Archer, who was refused reinstatement because he joined the forces without proper authority. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness) raised the question, and I immediately said I would like to discuss it and go into it with him. I am not happy about it, and I invited him to come and discuss the matter with me to-morrow, so that we may sit down together and examine the matter. I cannot give an undertaking as to what will happen, but I sympathise with the hon. and gallant Member for Chelsea and I will leave it at that. As regards the question directed to me about harbouring conscientious objectors, those points should be put to the Department which is responsible for the conditions under which the Civil Service work—the Treasury—and not to me. All I know is this. The Ministry of Labour—
Surely the right hon. Gentleman, as a Member of the Government, is responsible for the action of any other Ministry?
Clearly I cannot absolve myself from that responsibility, and I am very glad to have the matter brought to my notice.
May I interrupt the right hon. Gentleman with regard to the case of Lieutenant Archer, into which he will look to-morrow? May I tell him that not so very long ago a similar case arose on the Great Northern Railway Company, where a man had left without permission? The Great Northern Railway Company had been ordered by the Government not to reinstate a man who had left without permission. The case was brought to the notice of the Government, and they then wrote and requested us to reinstate this particular man, and the company did so. Therefore, if it was the desire of the Government to reinstate this man in the circumstances, why do not they do so in this case?
I am much obliged to the right hon. Baronet. If the Government would only follow the good deeds of the Great Northern Railway it would indeed do well. With regard to the question of the conscientious objectors, I know nothing about that, as I did not make the conditions which govern the Civil Service. I would ask the hon. and gallant Gentleman if he could find the firm or Government Department in which, taking the whole; staff in London and the Provinces, and the temporary and permanent men and women, excluding only girls under 18, cleaners and boys, there is a total of 63·23 per cent. of ex-service men? There cannot be many conscien- tious objectors on that staff. I should like to know where any other firm or Government Department could have given a greater earnest of their desire to help the ex-service men than that. If we all did that there would not be very many ex-service men unemployed.
Before the House proceeds to the various specific and more or less limited subjects which I understand it desires to raise on this Bill, I wish, on behalf of the comparatively small, but very composite group with which I have the honour to be associated, to offer a few general observations on matters of national interest. I should like to say at the outset that I do not rise as a member of some fantastic and more or less mythical body called the Anti-Waste party. I owe no allegiance to the hon. Member for Thanet (Mr. E. Harmsworth). I speak on behalf of the small party in whose programme anti-waste, as I trust is the case with every party, is an item. I should like to make just a reference to the remarkable speech from the Prime Minister to which I had the pleasure of listening yesterday. He placed before the House, as only he can place it, the position of the nation and the Empire with regard to the great questions which are agitating the mind of the world to-day. Would it be an exaggeration if I said that that speech consisted, first of all, of a plea for mercy on the part of the victorious Allies towards the defeated foes; that it consisted of an appeal to Greece not to take too much advantage of the strong position in which she stands to-day; that in addition to that it appealed to the great instincts of humanity in regard to the Russian trouble which is now pending? Incidentally, it told the House something which, I confess, I listened to with amazement, and that was that after all the trouble and tragedy and suffering of the War the Government knew all about its coming before it arrived, and that from the naval point of view not a gun was built and not a ship was laid down by Germany except with the full knowledge of the British Admiralty. In those circumstances I cannot help wondering how it was that when the news of the murder of the Crown Prince, which led to the War, came to hand the British Navy was disporting itself at Kiel Regatta, and the Kaiser was strutting up and down the deck of our latest Dreadnought, saying that he never felt more in his element in his life than when acting as an Admiral of the British Fleet, and his officers were taking careful note of every detail of construction of our latest capital ships.
I have only two or three observations to make in regard to the statement of the Prime Minister. First of all, he dealt with Silesia, I looked on, as I often do from this corner seat, with some amazement at the readiness of the House to swallow any sort of soothing syrup which the Prime Minister administers to it. The right hon. Gentleman told us in guarded language that France and Britain did not see eye to eye with regard to the matter. I have been a good deal in France lately, and I have the privilege of the friendship of some French statesmen, and I am more or less associated with the French Press. I say at once that the Prime Minister gave us a very mild description of the state of tension which exists to-day between France and Britain with regard to Silesia. The point which I want to make is this. What is the use of the Prime Minister saying, "We cannot agree, and we will refer it to the League of Nations." it will result in nothing of the kind, because, as the Prime Minister assumes, and I believe he said, the League itself is not going to settle" the point. The League is going to appoint some tribunal or arbitrator to deal with it. Why on earth the League of Nations is introduced at all for that purpose passes my understanding. Why could not the Allies themselves agree to a tribunal without troubling the League of Nations? Every man of common sense know this is a mere shelving arrangement, in the hope that whilst the League of Nations is looking for an arbitrator and the arbitrator is looking for a solution Britain and France will come to a settlement.
On that point I venture to throw out a suggestion to His Majesty's Government. It is that, whatever their attitude towards France may be with regard to any other part of the world, her judgment, her wishes and her policy ought to be absolutely supreme in regard to her future relations with Germany and the menace which her proximity to that country en- tails. It is no good our talking here about there being no danger to France. There is a deep-rooted, historical, traditional and everlasting hatred and suspicion between the two peoples. France has suffered as we have never suffered and in a manner which we cannot comprehend unless we have seen it, and you cannot get out of the French mind the idea that, whilst she is still menaced with this neighbour at her side, by the danger of further trouble breaking out at any moment, we over here are too tender-hearted.
In his speech the Prime Minister referred to the Near East, to Greece and Turkey. I suppose the general feeling of the House would be that on the whole Turkey behaved in the War better than most of the other enemies of this country. The fact remains that to-day Greece is rendering Britain and the Allies the most splendid service. She is releasing Constantinople, she is keeping open the Straits, she is protecting the Christian population, she is saving us the necessity of sending out at least two divisions, and I think the Prime Minister need not be too nervous in expressing our apreciation of the part she is playing. The sound policy towards Greece would be to render her at least such assistance as we are under an obligation to render. Am I wrong in saying that we owe Greece to-day £5,500,000? We incurred an obligation to give her £12,000,000 a year ago, and in respect of that sum she has had only £6,500,000. We ought to be grateful to Greece for what she is doing to-day.
Then there came the question of Russia. Everybody in the House was stirred, as he could not help being stirred, by the pathetic, the tragic picture which the Prime Minister drew of the state of things in that country. But I seem to remember picking up my newspaper two or three days ago and reading that two men dying of starvation had been picked up by the police in this country. With great respect I submit to the House that whatever may be the claim of humanity to go to the rescue of a stricken people, before we spend one penny piece for starving Russia we are bound in duty to see that there is no man or woman or child starving in our own country. Apart from that consideration, what is the policy of the Government with regard to Russia? I was dumbfounded by what the Prime Minister told us. Apparently Russia has plenty of corn and plenty of food, but it is being hoarded by certain greedy, unpatriotic and selfish peasants. What an object lesson in Soviet government! The Prime Minister told us that we cannot send any further food into Russia because the inlets are so limited, and that all we can do is to bring some kind of mystic moral pressure to bear on the Soviet Government to deliver this corn from the grasping hands of the hoarding peasants. The only way in which to do that, it was added, was to arrange some system of barter, under which goods would be given in exchange for the corn. If you cannot get the food into Russia, how are you to get the goods out of Russia? What rubbish it is! It seems to me that the position is hopeless. Short of sending a huge armed force into Russia, I do not see how you can compel the peasants to liberate the corn which the Soviet Government cannot induce them to surrender.
I had intended to move an Amendment, and though I do not now move it, I will read it for the purpose of emphasising some of the points I wish to make. The Amendment stated: said anything about it, and we need not have had all the horrible waste of time yesterday in discussing the powers and the policy of this Committee. The Government have a perfect right to call business men into consultation. It is a pity they did not do it before to a larger extent. I am not much of a believer in death-bed repentances, but this is one, and personally, being for once on the side of the angels in this pending by-election, I shall certainly make the most of the fact that the Government realised the wisdom of my scheme, and I shall claim full credit for it. My unborn Amendment also contained these words: be tried and that all arrangements had been made for his trial in London. The idea of poor little Holland defying the British Empire, France, America and Japan had not occurred to the Prime Minister. What has been the fact? In the end seven selected cases, by no means the worst, were sent to Leipzig for trial. As soon as that was announced, I worried the Attorney-General again and again by asking him whether he was quite sure that when the trials began we should find the alleged criminals there. "Oh, yes," said he, "the Ambassador is thoroughly seized of the matter. Do not worry about it." The trials began. One of the principal criminals had already left Germany. What happened to the other three all the world knows. It was a travesty of justice, a blasphemy on the name of justice. France would not stand that nonsense and withdrew after the first case. The tribunal said in effect to Britain, "We will try someone else and put things right." They did so, and sent two people to four years' imprisonment. I venture to prophesy that long before Christmas they will both be out and free. The Attorney-General has said to me again and again that this matter was to be attended to.
The Prime Minister thought so little of it and attached so little importance to it that in his speech yesterday he did not even mention the subject—he forgot it. To-day the Attorney-General told me that an Inter-Allied Commission had been appointed. Oh. these Commissions! When I asked what steps were being taken to see that the criminals were kept in Germany, he told me it was quite impracticable that any such steps should be taken. I do not want to rub in the tragedy of this, but, as one who saw something—less, no doubt, than many hon. and gallant Members—of the infamy of the Hun during the War, something of the outrages and the ravages of the Hun, I cannot rest in my heart and soul with the knowledge that the victims of these outrages, who perhaps in their last moments were told that justice would be done, and have gone to their everlasting sleep with that hope, are to remain unavenged, and that we are to allow the criminals to go free. This Inter-Allied Commission will never get another War criminal brought to justice. If Ministers were worthy of the name of British statesmen they would say to Holland to-morrow, "Surrender the Kaiser for trial. We demand his surrender." Let him be taken as a representative criminal who was indicted in a special clause of the Peace Treaty. If Holland says "No" to that, let Ministers hand over their jobs to men of sterner stuff.
The only other point I wished to make was that the Government should give an undertaking to remove the restrictions and disabilities on the freedom of the people which were imposed in War time. We are doing a little in that direction. We have taken one step in the right direction, but surely the time has come for us to revert to the position of a free country, and claim the right to exercise our own habits, in our own way, provided we give no annoyance and cause no injury to the community. I think if the House knew how these restrictions are regarded, they would not hesitate about insisting on the restoration of our liberty. I venture to make these few casual observations in the name of my friends and myself, in no spirit of carping, and with no desire to be captious. It is the principle of our little group to endeavour to help rather than hinder the Government. I appreciate as much as anybody the difficulties with which Ministers have to contend. I admire, as much as anybody, the splendid work, the almost superhuman work, which the Prime Minister puts in. I wish he would not do quite so much. I wish he would remember that the human body is only a machine, and take a lesson from his distinguished confreres in other parts of the world. At the same time I do say that the nation has its eyes open to the fact that, after all the time which has elapsed since the Armistice, we are still in a condition of War emergency. We have no freedom worth talking about and we are confronted by increases of taxation and unemployment.
The Prime Minister has said we are confronted with a dark outlook and a heavy debt. The Government has acted very wisely in bringing into its counsels men of administrative, economic, and financial experience. If they pursue that policy, and ruthlessly cut down their own expenditure; if they abolish every Ministry which was born of the War; if they repeal every D.O.R.A. Regulation which was made for the purposes of the War; if they interfere as little as pos- sible with the liberties of the people; if they keep friends with Francs and drop false sentimentalism towards Germany, and remembering the kind of nation we had to fight, impose rigorous terms with regard to reparations, the trial of War criminals and other matters—if they do all those things there is no necessity for the gloomy predictions which some hon. Members have indulged in. We shall then ultimately pull ourselves together. This Empire of ours will still be the same old British Empire, with a sense of its true position and of the task before it, and if it is not discouraged by meddlesome legislation, it will regain its old position in the councils and the markets of the world. It will prove, as it did during the War, with all our unreadiness and muddling, that it is an Empire which no power on God's earth, and no combination of powers, will ever be capable of bringing to the ground.
The hon. Member who has just spoken made reference in the concluding part of his speech to a subject upon which the House will expect to hear a few observations from me. Therefore I claim the indulgence of the House while in a very few moments I say something about the subject in which the hon. Member is deeply interested, in which I am deeply interested, and in which the House at large, as well as the country, is deeply interested, and that is the question of the War criminals. As to the earler remarks in the speech of the hon. Member, in the circumstances he will forgive me, if I make just a passing reference. The observation which I should like to make is this, that although I listened to the Prime Minister's speech yesterday, as carefully as he did, I did not draw the same inferences from the words used by the Prime Minister as he does. If I may give an illustration of what I mean, the problem in Russia was stated by the Prime Minister, and he also indicated the method by which effort might be made to provide a solution of that problem, but I do not think the Prime Minister intended to convey that the steps which were being adumbrated were intended to be steps which would solve the problem. Rather he indicated that by a committee of trusted persons he would endeavour to find a plan by which a solution might be brought about. That is an illustration of the points of difference between myself and the hon. Member which leads me to put in a caveat as to the statements, or some of them, made by the hon. Member in the earlier part of his speech. I turn to what is more chiefly my concern, the subject of the War criminals. Let me say at once I am grateful to the hon. Member for giving me this opportunity of saying something to the House about it. What I am going to say will be compressed into the smallest possible compass, and through the very necessities of the case, I am going to endeavour to state the facts for the information of the House, rather than to draw any conclusions.
During the deliberations of the Peace Conference, it fell to the learned Attorney-General and myself, to make an effort on behalf of this country, to see that the War criminals were brought to trial. The problem as any lawyer will at once appreciate, was a very difficult one indeed. The solution adopted finally by the Supreme Council was that the War criminals—so called—should be handed over to tribunals to be set up by the countries whose nationals were concerned in the charges against those accused, or that in the case of War criminals who were charged with acts against the nationals of several countries, the tribunals should be composed of members drawn from all the countries concerned. That was a difficult and somewhat cumbrous method of dealing with the matter. Perhaps the time will come when I may be able to state the still more stringent efforts, that were made at an earlier stage, to secure a more rapid and effective method of dealing with the matter, but that time is not now. At any rate, difficulties arose as to handing over the criminals to be tried by the various countries, and it was proposed by the Germans themselves that they should undertake the trial of a certain number of cases submitted before their Supreme Court at Leipzig. That suggestion was accepted by the Allies and a preliminary list of persons to be charged, 45 in number, was submitted by the Allies, and the dossier of British cases, as soon as it was available, was presented to the Court. May I remind the House that the Supreme Court at Leipzig is the highest Court in Germany. I have seen it stated somewhere that we were merely submitting these cases to a police court in Germany. The confidence which had been reposed in the Germans arose from the fact that they had suggested that these cases should be tried before their highest court, which sits, for reasons well known to hon. Members of this House, not in Berlin, but in Leipzig. If I may translate it into terms of the relative position in this country, they were to be tried before the Privy Council or the House of Lords. They were to be tried before seven judges sitting as the highest tribunal charged with criminal matters in the whole of Germany. The cases submitted by the British Commission were six in number, and involved the trial of seven persons. In three of these cases convictions were obtained. In the case of two persons, charged with sinking British ships and with having exercised the greatest cruelty upon the survivors, steps had been taken by the German Government to secure their arrest, but these steps had not been effective. In the case of Werner, who was said to have lived at Weimar—at any rate his mother lived there—an order for his arrest had been issued, but he had fled the country immediately upon his name appearing in the list of those wanted for trial. His goods were sequestrated, and the warrant for his arrest was and still is effective. In the case of Patzig, he had fled to, or was resident in, Danzig. I have seen it stated that he is in Denmark, in South America, and elsewhere, but from the inquiries I personally made, from the highest officer in Germany, I satisfied myself that efforts had been made to arrest both of these criminals—or accused I ought to call them—and that the efforts had not been successful. In three cases that were tried convictions were obtained. The criticism has been offered that, although they were convicted, the sentences were far less than should have been imposed. It is only right I should state to the House that the cases were tried, and necessarily tried, under German law and under the German code, and that the sentences imposed were such as would be lawful under the German code. Punishments must be decided by the standards of values of punishments in Germany.
Will the hon. and learned Gentleman allow me to ask him, is there anything in the German legal code which prescribes the punishment for sinking a hospital ship?
I am dealing at the moment with three cases of brutality exercised upon prisoners of war, and, if I may pursue my arguments, penalties were imposed. My own opinion is, and I express it at once, that in the case of Muller, the second case tried, the punishment was quite inadequate. In the first case certain provocation had been given, and there was a necessity for exercising discipline, but the sentence undoubtedly was a light sentence according to our standards and expectations. On the other hand, according to German values, it is not unimportant that the House should know that practically the whole of the Press of Germany regarded the sentences as very grave indeed, because in cases of officers, whether commissioned or non-commissioned, it is only in cases of special significance that punishment is imposed which involves the stigma of sending persons to an ordinary goal, as was the case with the sentences passed by the Court.
While I was in Leipzig for the trial in the first case I was informed by the Crown Attorney that they had arrested two officers who had acted under Patzig, and he said to me that they were available for any charge that we should bring against them. I had at the time a charge to bring against Patzig, but I had no evidence at the time, and indeed it would have been impossible, without the evidence of German witnesses, which was not available to me, to bring a charge against the two other officers; but the Germans themselves made the usual inquiries on the continental system and decided themselves to try Lieutenant Dithmar and Lieutenant Boldt upon a charge of having taken part in shooting at boats containing survivors from the Llandovery Castle. At their request, we went out a second time, giving the evidence which had been submitted to them for the purpose of bringing home that charge. The English evidence was supplemented by the German witnesses, and ultimately, as the House knows, both Lieutenant Dithmar and Lieutenant Boldt were convicted. They were sentenced to four years' imprisonment and also received the very severe sentence, whether before an English or any other court, of being dismissed from the Service, in the case of one, who was still a member of the Navy, and dismissed from the Reserve, in the case of the other, who was still an officer on the Reserve. In the result those two officers received sentences of four years' imprisonment, plus the disgrace of being dismissed from the Service, and no doubt they felt the stigma imposed upon them.
Was not that after France had withdrawn from the tribunal?
No, I think the hon. Member is not right. France's case of General Stenger had been tried, but the decision of France to withdraw had not been taken, if I remember rightly, at any rate, had not been communicated. The cases of Lieutenant Dithmar and Lieutenant Boldt followed closely upon the case of General Stenger. Criticism has been directed to this system, and it has been suggested that the trials have been in effect illusory. I was present at the trials, and I am bound to tell the House that the manner in which those cases were conducted by the President was one which certainly indicated a sincere desire to ascertain the truth and to obtain from the witnesses the best evidence that was available to the Court. I know nothing of the cases which were submitted by the Belgians or by the French, but it would be quite unfair and quite improper for me not to record before the House that the impression which I gained was that the High Court at Leipzig had determined to get at the true facts, and whether their sentences were adequate in the eyes of the accusers or not, it is only right to say that the sincerity of the Court appeared to me to be such that I could not doubt it.
After that, the question arose as to whether the further cases should be submitted to Leipzig. The French, being dissatisfied—I do not know whether they have taken a final decision or not—suggested that no further cases should be submitted to the Leipzig Court, and the Belgians, equally being dissatisfied, took the same course, and last week when we were attending the meeting of the Supreme Council the question as to the future course to be pursued arose. Then Italy announced the fact that it was not until 20th July that she had submitted dossiers of her cases. That is to say, Italy sent her dossiers of cases for trial at Leipzig after all these other cases had been tried, and after such attitude as has been taken by France and by Belgium had been adopted. The Italians said that they were not able at the present moment to form any opinion as to whether the Leipzig trials should be continued or not, nor until they had secured, by the trial of their cases, the experience of what happened. Under those circumstances it was decided that the lawyers of the four countries, France, Belgium, Italy, and Great Britain, should meet together to decide what was the true view to be taken of the trials at Leipzig, but Italy especially made it clear that until her cases had been tried, she desired to reserve her opinion. When those cases have been tried, therefore, it will be possible to summarise the true views of what has taken place at Leipzig.
The hon. and learned Gentleman said that 45 cases were sent to the Leipzig tribunal. How many of those were tried, and in how many cases were there convictions?
There was a total of 45 cases from all the Allies. I do not know how many the French sent up and the Belgians, but, as from the date when the Germans began the trials, they have successively gone on with the list. [know they have tried five British cases, one French case, and one Belgian case, and that has taken a considerable period of time, because this Court has other functions to perform besides the trial of these cases. There are a number of other cases still waiting for trial. I want to conclude my observations, for reasons known to the House, but may I say this? The problem of bringing these persons to justice has been a very difficult one. We have so far succeeded in getting convictions in the cases to which I have referred. Those Members of the House, if there are any, who approach this matter from the point of view of vengeance—and I do not think there are any—may find that they are disappointed, and if in the country there is a desire for vengeance, then, no doubt, disappointment will follow; but I doubt whether it is ever possible to submit cases to another jurisdiction, which has to try under its code, with its systems of punishments, and to give satisfaction to the accusers if the measure of the satisfaction is to be the standard which is expected, whether it be a legal standard or not, by the country which submits the cases.
But whatever be the result ultimately, when the whole system of the Leipzig cases has been concluded, when the preliminary tests have been made, and we have deliberated upon what is the value of these cases, this observation still remains to be made: that, for the first time in the history of the world, we have made the vanquished country try some of its own criminals, and that the courts of the vanquished country have themselves, in a certain number of cases already, found some of their own nationals guilty of atrocities and sentenced them to terms which, if we think them inadequate, at any rate carry a severe stigma in their own country. In the course of the American Civil War there was one case in which, when the peace was made, one man was excepted from the amnesty granted to the South. He was handed over to the North for trial. He was tried therefore by the victors and sentenced by their court, and dealt with as that court decided. In the present instance we have submitted these cases to the courts of the vanquished, and we shall always be able to say, even upon the results at present obtained, that the German highest Court—and no German can dispute it—has decided that German nationals themselves have committed atrocities and, in the opinion of their own court, deserve and are to receive punishment. This, from a legal point of view, and from the point of view of international justice, is no mean achievement.
I am not going to say more or to predicate what must be the ultimate decision about this whole question, but I do deprecate, therefore, a final decision at the present time. All that I am pointing out to the House is this, that those who entered upon this path for the purpose of securing justice, for the purpose of securing a deterrent against a recurrence of like atrocities in future wars, who had no desire for vengeance, but a determination that law and justice, even among belligerents, should once more be enthroned, can have this satisfaction, that these results so far have been secured before the German courts. If criminals had been handed over, or if they are handed over in the ultimate result, to be tried by the courts of the victors, it is quite possible that it may be said by the Germans that those persons who are convicted before the courts of the victors have been made martyrs, and I can well believe that some sympathy for them might arise; but as the matter stands to-day, it will never be open for the Germans to say that they have not been guilty of barbarous atrocities and cruelties against prisoners of war and others, because we can always point to the fact that the German courts themselves have held them guilty of those atrocities and convicted them of them before the world. That undoubtedly does mark a new milestone in the course of international justice, and whatever he the ultimate result, at the present moment I am able to give such information as I have done to the House, and perhaps I am not wrong in pointing out the moral effects so far of what has been accomplished.
Army Organisation
8.0 P.M.
I rise to call the attention of the Government and of Parliament to two matters, both of considerable importance and both having particular and immediate application to the present time. The first point which I wish to make is the necessity for a review of our present resources for defence, and the necessity for the appointment of a small Commission to carry out that review, in the light of the experience gained during the War, and to determine what our resources are and how they can best be utilised, and, arising out of that, to determine what modifications, if any, are necessary in the directing organisation of the Army and of the Army administration. The second point to which I wish to direct attention is the duty of the Government, and of Parliament as the representative of the nation, to ensure that any decision come to by the Legislature or the Government of India is reviewed by this Government in order to ensure that there shall be no danger to the safety and the lives of our fellow subjects, both British and native, in India. Before I deal with these two main points, I desire to say that the view is held, I think, by all who have studied this question, that it is of the greatest importance that the Government should so limit its national policy that it should be within the scope of our national strength, both military and financial. To indulge in any policy for which we have not got the strength, would be criminal. To continue any policy which unduly strains our strength can only be excused if the facts are clearly faced, and if we have a clear plan in our own minds for limiting our obligations, both financial and military, at the earliest date, consistent with the carrying out of our previously acknowledged obligations. About that, I will not say anything further, because I understand that my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Fareham (Sir J. Davidson) proposes to speak on that subject, and as he and I have both served on the General Staff in its higher ranks our views on all such matters of essential doctrine are identical.
To deal with my first point: The view held by the large number of people who think with me on this subject, both in this House and in the country, is that it is essential for the welfare of this country and its economical development, that there should be an exhaustive review of all the resources of the country for defence, and what its requirements might-be in the event of a great struggle occurring again, which Heaven forbid! In order to do that, we must have not only an idea of the resources of the nation, not only an idea what the requirements would be in a great struggle, but we must also determine what is the best organisation for utilising those resources for our requirements. The body which makes this review would, after dealing with this large picture—for, I think it is essential that in any matter having to do with the welfare of the country and the defence of the country, it should be looked at on a broad canvas, and not from the mere local view of one particular Department or one particular portion of that Department—I say that this body, after dealing with the larger, far more dangerous, but, fortunately, more remote problem, would be in a position to say what modifications, if any, are necessary in our present system of administration, and in our present method of directing organisation, to ensure not only that that organisation, whatever it be, can be rapidly expanded in time of necessity, but also that it shall be able to deal both efficiently and economically with the smaller but more insistent requirements of the military force we maintain in times of peace for protecting our far-flung frontiers, exposed as they are to constant menace from hostile tribes, and for safeguarding the peaceful development of all the peoples of the Empire in the dangerous situations that may arise at any moment, and call for the application of force in order to safeguard the lives of our fellow-subjects.
We have passed through the greatest War of all history, and we find that, though the bed-rock principles of war are unchanged, the application of those principles is greatly altered. Our knowledge of the possibilities of manufacture, finance, and science has been extended beyond measure. The outlook on life of everyone has changed more than we understand, and both our knowledge of what is required in a big war and how those requirements may be met by this wonderful country of ours at home are absolutely different from what they were before. We have a new element. The air has intervened. I can safely say that never have such great changes been brought about in so short a time in the history of the world. That being so, are we to be content to go on with the same system of administration, the same directing organisation as before, without at least having some stocktaking of what are our defects and our strong points, what are our resources and our requirements, and to ensure that we shall have the best methods of developing those resources for the peaceful development and security of our country in the years that are to come? The financial stringency from which we are at present suffering, the terrible load of debt under which both we and future generations are staggering, and will stagger, and the unnecessary loss of some of the best blood of the Empire, aH have been greatly increased because of our failure to look ahead in the years that are past. Our besetting national sins are lack of prevision, lack of provision, and lack of organisation. Have we not suffered badly enough in the late War? Do not let us slip back into the same old happy-go-lucky ways, and take no steps to make adequate use of the wonderful experience that we have gained.
That is the broad and general problem to which I wish to direct the attention of the House. The particular point) is the necessity for determining whether the constitution of the War Office and the system of administration of the Army is such as to carry out what was so very well put in the excellent Report of the Esher Commission of 1904, and that is, whether "it is a system which has its exact analogue in war." After our experience since the present system of War Office administration was set up in 1904, nearly 20 years ago, is there nothing in the organisation that requires alteration, modification, or improvement? If there be nothing that requires alteration or modification, the Government, the Secretary of State and the War Office will be in a far stronger position if that be so declared by an efficient and independent body. In any case, a proper judgment cannot be passed on this very important matter until the whole subject has been studied in its entirety. Therefore the terms of reference of any Commission which is set up must be both elastic and very broad. Immensely good work has been done by. the War Office, by the Committee of Imperial Defence and by the various Subcommittees of the Committee of Imperial Defence, but Ministers, the Army Council and the Members of the Committee of Imperial Defence and its excellent secretariat are all too busy to deal with this subject, and have no time to devote to an exhaustive and exacting review. For this reason we advocate strongly the appointment of a small, efficient and independent Commission, consisting, let us say, of a statesman, a soldier and a business man with a really efficient secretary whose principal work will be to devote themselves to this subject for several months. The members, of course, must be men of exceptional ability, men who will be able to give themselves entirely to this work, and who will be men of such standing that their recommendations, whatever they are, will be acted on, and not merely pigeon-holed. We do not ask the Secretary of State to give an immediate decision on this subject, but we do ask him to give this subject his most earnest and most sympathetic consideration during the Recess.
Turning now to my second point—the duty of the Government and Parliament as the representative of the nation to review any decision or proposal of the Government or Legislature of India in order to ensure that the safety of the lives of our fellow-subjects, both British and native, shall not be endangered by any proposal put forward, and to ensure that any proposal shall not be inimical to the best interests of the great bulk of the inhabitants of the Indian peninsula, and that it shall be in accordance with the well-being of the Empire as a whole. To a greater degree than in European countries, the Army in India has a dual role to fulfil. It has got, in the first place, to protect its country from aggression without, and it has, in the second place, to ensure internal security. With regard to the first role, the provision of security from external aggression, it is protected by a force on the North-West Frontier which is kept at all times in readiness for immediate action, so as to ensure the safety of our fellow-subjects, who are always at the mercy of an incursion by the warlike tribes on the Frontier. Behind that, we have the Field Army ready for mobilisation at short notice, so as to back up the Frontier force, and to take action when required against any external aggression. The situation in India now is far more difficult than it was in 1914, when we had a friendly Afghanistan and a friendly Russia. Now, unfortunately, we have an Afghanistan which is not entirely friendly, and we also have a Russia which is stirring up a great deal of trouble and strife in India. The Field Army, furthermore, at the present time is smaller than it was in the time of Lord Kitchener, and with Afghanistan, Russia, and Turkey more or less hostile, I think it may safely be said that it would be a very great danger to reduce that Army further, especially the British force, because it must be remembered that there has been a very considerable reduction in the strength of the British troops since the days of the Armistice.
As regards the second role of the Army, that of maintaining internal security, the true role of internal security, of course, is to prevent disorder rather than cure or punish disorder after it has occurred. In that connection it must be remembered that India is not one nation, but an agglomeration of people of different races and different religious and, indeed, of different civilisations; that many of the inhabitants have both racial and religious ties with possible external enemies—
Royal Assent
Message to attend the Lords Commissioners.
The House went, and, having returned,
MR. SPEAKER reported the Royal Assent to—
1. Corn Sales Act, 1921.
2. Juries (Emergency Provisions (Renewal) Act, 1921.
3. Territorial Army and Militia Act, 1921.
4. Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Act, 1921.
5. Admiralty Pensions Act, 1921.
6. Isle of Man (Customs) Act, 1921.
7. Greenwich Hospital Act, 1921.
8. Licensing Act, 1921.
9. Land Settlement Amendment Act, 1921.
10. Water Undertakings (Modification of Charges) Act, 1921.
11. Duchy of Lancaster (Application of Capital Moneys) Act, 1921.
12. Zion Congregational Chapel (Frampton Cotterell) Charity Act, 1921.
13. Ministry of Health Provisional Orders Confirmation (Ossett and Wakefield Extension) Act, 1921.
14. Ministry of Health Provisional Orders Confirmation (No. 8) Act, 1921.
15. Peterhead Harbours Order Confirmation Act, 1921.
16. Provisional Order (City of Manchester Police and Fire Brigade Pension Funds) Confirmation Act, 1921.
17. Pier and Harbour Orders Confirmation (No. 1) Act, 1921.
18. Glasgow University (Dundonald Bursaries) Order Confirmation Act,1921.
19. Lee Conservancy Act, 1921.
20. Southampton Corporation Water Act, 1921.
21. Thames Conservancy Act, 1921.
22. London and North Western Railway (Holyhead Harbour Leasing) Act, 1921.
23. Stock Conversion and Investment Trust, Limited, Act, 1921.
24. Rhymney Valley Water Act, 1921.
25. South Essex Waterworks Act, 1921.
26. Hastings Tramways Act, 1921.
27. Rotherham Corporation Act, 1921.
28. Coventry Corporation Act, 1921.
29. Lancashire County Council (Drain age) Act, 1921.
30. Taf Fechan Water Supply Act, 1921.
31. Slough Trading Company, Limited (Canal), Act, 1921.
32. Nuneaton Corporation Act, 1921.
33. Burnley Corporation Act, 1921.
34. Wigan Corporation Act, 1921.
35. Metropolitan Water Board (Charges) Act, 1921.
36. De Trafiord Estate Act, 1921.
37. Doupe's Divorce Act, 1921.
And to the following Measure passed' under the provisions of the Church of England Assembly Powers Act, 1919:
Union of Benefices Measure, 1921.
Consolidated Fund (Appropriation) Bill
Question again proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."
When we were interrupted I was speaking of the role the Army in India had to perform in ensuring internal security, and I was saying that the true role of internal security was to prevent disorder and murder, rather than to punish or to cure it. I had mentioned the number of races in India, and I had said there were several which had both racial and religious ties with our external enemy. I was pointing out that many sections of the populace were at various times hostile to the Government, and therefore were more likely to make trouble, and especially was that the case at the present time, when unrest is unfortunately very prevalent owing largely to political agitation, to high prices, and to outside anarchistic influences.
There is no doubt whatever that the British soldier has a far greater moral ascendancy over the Indian people than his Indian fellow soldier. You must add to that the fact that the use of native troops is always attended with some difficulty, owing to the fact that they have to act in opposition very often to their co-religionists, or to interfere in difficulties between those who are their co-religionists and those to whom they are bitterly opposed in religion. For that reason it is essential that we should have a very considerable number of the Internal Security Force of British race who are without either racial or religious bias. India is a huge country, or rather more a subcontinent than a country, and scattered all over it are men of British race. Furthermore, quite apart from the consideration that we must always give to our own fellow countrymen, there is the fact that a very large number of those different races in India are races that depend for the security of their lives and property on the Pax Britannica. Before we came into the country they were always warring against one another, and there was no security either for life or for property. The peace we give them to a large extent is dependent upon the British Tommy. That fine product of the human race, the well-trained, well-disciplined, high principled, reliable and cheery British soldier. Therefore it is for the security of the native races themselves as well as for the security of British men and women in India, that it is well to preserve an irreducible minimum of British troops in that great Dominion.
It is often argued that you have greatly improved your weapons of war, and that they have a much greater man-killing power than in the old days; and for these reasons they ask, why should the number of troops not be reduced to the smallest number necessary in order to defend the country against external aggression? Although it is true that one soldier with a Lewis gun can kill in a given time as many as twenty men armed with a rifle, one man with a Lewis gun cannot be at twenty places at the same time, and therefore he has not the same influence in controlling a crowd or arresting the evildoer as twenty men armed with rifles. The same argument applies to the use of the Air Force. Aeroplanes can only bomb the ground and bomb large masses of men, but they can never be sure of getting at the guilty. Consequently aeroplanes are not of a very great use as an internal security force.
Again, in order to give the new system of government in India a fair trial, it is essential that the force on which the stability of that Government alone rests should not only be strong, but it should be recognised by all "budmashes" in India to be so strong as to make any attempt at rebellion or open revolt hopelessly impossible. Finally, as long as men of British race are employed in India, and so long as we are responsible for the lives and security of the Indian peoples, the decision of the home Government must be the one that is to be taken as to how many white troops are to be maintained and paid for by the Indian Government. The responsibility for the security of both British and native lives rests upon us, and so does the responsibility for reinforcing the troops if ever those troops should be insufficient to guard the country either against external aggression or internal disturbance. A reduction of the British troops in India, accompanied as it might be by a reduction in the total strength of the British Army, would reduce the potential reinforcements we could send to India in her time of need—a need that may indeed be brought appreciably nearer by that reduction. Let the Government beware of that danger.
I am very glad my hon. Friend has brought this matter up. Personally I should like to add a very few words to what he said with regard to the co-relation between our policy and our means. Everybody is agreed that war is a very terrible thing, but so long as human nature is what it is, however strong the League of Nations may be, I am afraid there will be danger of war. in the future. It has always appeared to me that now, possibly more than at any other time in the past decade or two, the world seems more disturbed than ever. The Peace Treaty has set up a very large number of small States and all have their national ambitious, and with the turmoil and trouble throughout the Middle East, the East, and the Far East, it seems to me we cannot think of the future with any degree of confidence as to avoiding war. In these circumstances it is very necessary we should consider what our policy is and should do everything we can to co-relate our policy to our means. There are very few people who understand that there is no connection between our policy and our means, and there never has been. From the way the Government is looking at the problem there is not likely to be any such co-relation in the future, unless they change their methods. We have got six Regular Divisions and 14 Territorial Divisions, but why is the establishment fixed at this number? They solve no military problem whatever. The reason is simply because that is the force necessary to maintain at home to provide drafts for the units abroad. I am perfectly convinced it-is essential we should take counsel to co-relate our policy to our means. I am not satisfied that we cannot find some solution of the problem and I believe the solution of this very vital problem is to be found in the establishment of a proper and effective Committee of Imperial Defence, such as my" hon. and gallant Friend opposite has suggested this evening. This solution has been put forward several times in this House, but nothing seems yet to have been done. It is essential we should establish a proper and effective Committee of Imperial Defence if we are going to get proper economy and efficiency. I mentioned just now that the condition of affairs was abnormal throughout the whole world, and I believe myself it is necessary for us in the first place to have some defined policy if we are ever to co-relate our policy to our means. I cannot see any policy in what the Government is undertaking in various parts of the world. Indeed there appears to me to be nothing but a contradiction of policy. We had quite recently propounded by the Colonial Secretary a scheme with regard to the Middle East. That scheme depended for its success on peace with Turkey. In the same breath, so to speak, we find the Government supporting Greece. I do not say that the Government has been giving active support to Greece, although I believe it has given indirect and certainly moral support to that country. Nor can I see that the Prime Minister is very logical in his statements. Last year he stated in the House that it was no use trying to deal with Mustapha Kemal, a man who was here to-day and gone to-morrow. But if at that time he had applied his own advice to the case of Venezelos we might have had peace before now. It is essential we should settle this Turkish problem without delay. If we make no attempt to control Greece and allow matters to drift on, our position in the Middle East will be seriously prejudiced. There is only one way to solve our military problems, and that is to have a defined policy and to cut our coat according to our cloth. We shall take a step in the right direction if a Committee of Imperial Defence is established on right lines such as those which we have suggested time and again.
I am afraid I am unable to support all that fell from the hon. and gallant Member for Ayrshire (Sir A. Hunter-Weston) with regard to garrisons in India, because it seems that the Government, having told India she can manage her own affairs, we shall have to lie on the bed we have made. But it is our business to try and point out as far as we can to our own countrymen that India can no longer be forced to pay against her will for troops that are kept in that country for our advantage. I think we should turn our eyes to the reorganisation of our whole system at home in a way that will be compatible with the lessons learned in the War. The Secretary for War has, I suppose, found himself up against a more difficult task at the War Office than almost any of his predecessors. Our military history has shown that it has been the House of Commons which has set itself to destroy the Army after every great war. We have a small number of people in the House who have attempted to make some stand against the gale for economy which has been blowing, but the right hon. Gentleman has succeeded a Minister whose powers for spending are famous throughout the world. He used his great ability at the War Office in extending military power in Mesopotamia and elsewhere—possibly against his will; and the present Secretary of State has got, somehow or other, to maintain that minimum force which is capable of expansion and is within the compass of expenditure that this country can afford.
That, in my opinion, is a most difficult task, and I would ask the right hon. Gentleman if he has really considered whether it is wise to go absolutely against the recommendations of the Esher Committee and create a Militia Force, which is neither the Army nor the Territorials—a force which gave camouflage positions to men who were not soldiers, and who seldom had the keenness of the Territorial Force. The creation of a Militia Force must seriously jeopardise the future of the Territorial Force. If we have to create, as of course we must, some sort of reserve for the Regular Army, why is it not possible quite openly to create reserve battalions, which can be maintained at a depot or sub- depot with no extra expense? It would then be possible for officers who have served in the Regular Army to put in a further period of service with the reserve battalion, and for those officers to count, let us say, 3 years' service with that reserve battalion as one year in the Regular battalion as regards pension. Something must be done to encourago officers who have had experience with the Regular forces to remain on, so that their services can be used if required in a great emergency. I deny altogether that the Militia is the same as the reserve battalion. The Militia can consist of men who have never been in the Army at all, who have no wish to go into the Territorials, and who think that in camouflaging themselves as soldiers they are superior to the Territorials, and sometimes even a little greater than the Regular Army. It seems to me that it is a woeful waste of expenditure to send out Militia battalions for annual training under officers some of whom are not capable of training their men, and have not seen service overseas. These battalions would be infinitely better trained under officers who have had plenty of military experience.
Apart from that, there is the situation of the depots, and this is a point to which I should like particularly to draw the attention of the Secretary of State. I think I am right in saying that not one depot of any regiment in the British Army—at any rate of infantry—is situated in a position from which the men can go out for exercise in the country. In almost every case the depot is in the middle of a town, and it would be better for the health of the men and for everyone else if these sites could be sold—and some are valuable—and accommodation obtained outside. Failing that, the depots might be maintained as they are, and the recruits fused with reservists m an annual training camp outside, which would give experience to officers and men. The present system involves a terrible waste of expenditure.
The last point I would urge on the right hon. Gentleman is the distribution of the overseas garrisons. Most of us can realise with very little thought that the War has entirely altered the balance of international danger points, and we all hope that the Washington Conference may be productive of great results. Be that as it may, our Hong Kong and Singapore stations will obviously become more important than before, and equally Malta, and possibly Gibraltar, will be less important. Although they will have to be kept up, our attention should be concentrated upon those areas where we may foresee the brewing of trouble. I remember being told by a New Zealand officer during the War that the Dominions would welcome an opportunity of sending battalions, or, if not a battalion, a company to serve in the Imperial coaling stations. Surely that is an idea worth taking up. You would then have revolving within the orbit of the British Empire units from the Dominions willing to serve within the Empire, saving the mother country a certain amount of expense, and all the time teaching those from the Dominions what the British Empire really is. I am convinced that we do not make half enough use in peace time of the potentialities of assistance, from a military point of view, within the British Empire. I should like to see those regiments which served with linked battalions in the British Army during the War enabled to continue that process. It would greatly strengthen the ties that bind the men together and it would undoubtedly assist us in placing reservists in the Dominions on the completion of their service. There are regiments in the British Army which have linked battalions, some in Canada, some in New Zealand, and it is possible, through these organisations, greatly to assist our reservists when they wish to settle in those Dominions.
I would ask the right hon. Gentleman's attention to the whole question of the distribution of our Army reservists in the Dominions and the position of those reservists when called up in time of war. Some of our reservists served with great distinction in the Dominion forces when war broke out. Some obtained commissions and went back to serve with their own battalions in the British Army, but by so doing they fell between two stools. The British Army refused to recognise them as men who joined up at the beginning of the War, and the Dominions refused to recognise them as men who fought for the Dominions at the end of the War. There are within that category several extremely hard cases which are known to the Officers' Association, and I think it is high time that His Majesty's Government, in consultation with the Dominion Governments concerned, should see to it that no man suffers because, owing to his efficiency, he was given a commission, and elected to serve in his old regiment in the British Army rather than continue to serve with the Dominion unit to which he was attached. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give attention to some of these points, and that the Reserve will be organised in such a way as to make it efficient, which I am afraid at the present moment it is not.
I should like to associate myself with what was said by the hon. and gallant Member for Bute (Sir A. Hunter-Weston) and by the hon. and gallant Member for Fareham (Sir J. Davidson) as to the absolute necessity of a real Committee of Imperial Defence. This we have not got at present. We do require a Committee of men who have the leisure and ability to study all the great military problems which are now facing us, and I hope we shall see something done before long to establish such a Committee, consisting of men who can give their whole time to the consideration of these great problems. I should also like to associate myself with what was said by the hon. and gallant Member for Fareham about the unstable conditions throughout the world, and especially in the East, at the present time. He has dwelt upon the necessity of an early peace with Turkey, and I heartily support that. I look upon peace with Turkey as an absolute necessity, not only for us here in the West, but also in connection with our Indian fellow-subjects in the East. We can hardly realise the terms of the Treaty of Sèvres, by which the capital of a nation like Turkey has been placed at the mercy of the guns of an enemy a few miles off. We know that under the Treaty of Sèevres the Chatalja lines are the frontier of Turkey. When the Chatalja lines were first built, they were, I have no doubt, beyond the ordinary range of field artillery, but at the present time that is no longer the case, and we cannot expect the capital of an independent Power to exist within the range of an enemy's guns. I hope sincerely that something will be done to come to a condition of peace with Turkey, giving her better terms than she has under the present Treaty of Sèvres. Personally I believe that Turkey will be a far more reliable friend to us in the future than Greece. I do not put trust in Levantine Greeks, and we ought I think to come to terms with Turkey and to try and restore to her Smyrna and Eastern Thrace, and at any rate give her a frontier that she can properly defend. As to Bulgaria, I think the first necessity is to give her as free access to the Ægean Sea as was given to her by the Turks at Dedeagatch. I hope to see a strip of territory given to Bulgaria such as she got under her own agreement with Turkey, so that she has a free entrance to the Ægean. Unless that be done, I do not see how peace can possibly continue in the Balkans.
So much for the Near East. The hon. and gallant Member for Bute dwelt on the Middle East, and on India and our relations in the Far East. I am one of those who consider that the present reduction in the Indian Army is an absolute danger, not only to India, but to the Empire. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Bute told us of the limitation there was in tanks and machine guns. I entirely agree. What we require in India is to prevent riots, murder, and outrages. I had a letter from a General Commanding in India, and he gave me an instance of how the very sight of cavalry at once stopped the mob, and they all dispersed. You might send a dozen tanks and machine guns, and you would not overawe the mob in that way, but the moment the cavalry appear on the scene the mob melt away. I urge most strongly on the Secretary of State for War that he will consider this question of the enormous reduction of 93 squadrons of cavalry which are now being disbanded. India is not a nation. It is an enormous continent, exactly the size of Europe without Russia. There is no more similitude between the Bengali on the East and the Beluchi on the West of India than between the Norwegian in the North of Europe and the Spaniard, the Greek, or the Italian in the South. India is an enormous continent, that requires an army, like the armies of Europe, to keep the peace in the country. Riots are daily increasing. Under the present system of Government respect for the law has" gone, and the mob every day is getting worse and worse. The moment an agitator is arrested the mob tries to liberate him, and attacks the police, Mid there is murder and general outrage. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Clackmannan (Major Glyn) says we should not keep any troops in India to do service for the Empire.
I hope I never said that. I said we had no right, having given India the right to manage her own affairs, to make her pay for troops she did not herself want, which is quite a different thing.
I think my hon. and gallant Friend entirely misinterprets the present situation. First of all the Army and the defence of India is a reserved subject entirely under the Governor-General, the Viceroy, and the Government, and secondly any troops required for work outside India are paid for by the Empire. India has any number of really good troops, and so long as they are paid for by the Empire I am pretty sure we have a reserve there where we can always enlist men who will be only too glad to serve us wherever we may want them, as all the Indian troops have been through the late War. Men will always volunteer for service outside India, and as long as they are paid for by England there is no trouble on that score. But I am now talking of peace in India, and with that and the present state of things throughout the whole of Central Asia, from Turkestan right down to Anatolia, we have a danger before us that requires constant consideration. The Commander-in-Chief in India stated that 340,000 men were required to repel the Afghan invasion of 1919. We are reducing the Indian Army now to less than 140,000, and I see a danger not only to India but to the Empire generally, because if things go on in India as they are going on at the present, we shall be called upon to reinforce the Indian garrison.
9.0 P.M.
That brings me to the present state of the British Army. I entirely agree with my hon. and gallant Friend about the necessity of reserves. Every effort has been made to organise the Territorial Army, and it has now got up to practically half its strength. It is a home defence Army, and cannot be sent abroad except under special legislation. What we require is a reserve of the Regular Army which can be sent abroad without the necessity of special legislation for the purpose. There are 14 Territorial divi- sions at half strength. Make them seven divisions with seven staffs. Let the money saved from the remaining half of the Territorial Force be used to organise a reserve. I do not care whether you call it Militia or Special Reserve, or what it is called, but let us have as many men as we can possibly get who can be called out without having to wait for special legislation. That is the greatest necessity we have before us at present.
I should like to draw attention to the policy of the Government in cutting down the Territorial Army, and in particular in causing the amalgamation of units in the 42nd division. I do not recollect in my political experience any event which has created more general indignation among all classes in East Lancashire than the amalgamation of two battalions of the East Lancashire Regiment and the amalgamation of the 6th and 7th battalions of the Manchester Regiment Every class if the community and all ranks in the Territorial service feel that this is a very great grievance indeed, particularly after the services which the county of Lancashire and the 42nd division rendered to the country during the late War. Let me start my appeal against this policy by making two frank admissions First of all, we in Manchester appreciate very much the very great courtesy and consideration which we have received in making protests against these amalgamations from the Secretary of State for War, his Parliamentary Private Secretary, and all those who are concerned in this proposal. They have met us with every courtesy, and everyone who attended the deputation which went to see the right hon. Gentleman went away satisfied at all events with the assurance that he had given them a fair hearing. In the second place, we fully recognise the need for economy in the administration of the Territorial Army. The Territorial Army suffers from the fact that it is not able to go oversea without special legislation, which, of course, from a military point of view is undoubtedly a handicap, and we quite recognise that if cutting down in expenditure is necessary, as it is necessary, no doubt the Territorial Army should be subject to that economy in the same way as all other branches of the service. We suggest that there are alternative ways of economising in the management of the Territorial Army, as well as those which the War Office has adopted. There are at the present time 14 divisional staffs and a considerable number of brigade staffs. It might be possible, for a period, to reduce the number of these staffs and the expense involved, possibly to do away with them altogether for a short period. It would be possible, also, to revert to the system which prevailed in the old Volunteer Force before the Territorial Force came into being, of having camps for one week only, instead of for a fortnight. The economies that would be effected would undoubtedly lead to a very considerable reduction in expenditure. It would also be possible to reduce the pay of all ranks in the Territorial Army when they go into camp at Whitsuntide or in August. Under the old Volunteer system in Lancashire we sent units to the fullest possible strength into camps, which lasted one week only, and they went for nothing. The saving by this system would undoubtedly be very great. There is a further alternative to which the hon. and gallant Member for Melton (Sir C. Yate) has referred, and that is diminishing the strength of the different units from the division down to the battalion. These are alternative' methods which might very well be adopted in order to economise to some extent in the expenditure on the Territorial Army. The Territorial Army is to be reduced by no fewer than 20 infantry units. Looking at that from the purely military point of view, it is a great deterrent to the fighting capacity of the country, because both before and during the War there were no more fertile seed plots of patriotism and for recruiting than the different Territorial headquarters. It is a matter of pride to the members of the 42nd Division, with which my own experiences were mostly connected, that we were the first Territorial division to go overseas. That was as early as the 10th September, 1914. What I contend, and what most right-minded men must contend on this subject, is that if you are going to diminish the Territorial Army by cutting down 20 units by this process of amalgamation you ought to discriminate. You ought to select for amalgamation, or for disbandment as the case may be, those units whose numbers are weakest and whose records bear the least examination, whereas in fact in Lancashire the units which have been selected for the process of amalgamation are units which belong to the 42nd Division, which had a great history during the War and which at the present time ranks, I believe, amongst the two or three strongest Territorial divisions in the country. There are over 9,000 men in the division, and so far as the battalions in Manchester are concerned, the 7th Manchesters has nearly 600 men, and has a record second to none.
This process of amalgamation is not, I am afraid, mere amalgamation. It means that in the end it will involve the destruction of the junior unit which is amalgamated with the senior unit. Although my right hon. Friend has said that the junior unit would be allowed to preserve its own headquarters, which is very important, he added that the expense of those headquarters would have to be met out of the resources provided by local patriotism, which is not very much to be relied upon during these hard times. The Government will not go to the expense of supporting more than one headquarters, and it is quite clear that, whatever may happen in the next few months, in the end recruits will inevitably go to and frequent those headquarters where the office of the commanding officer is situated, where the orderly room is, and so on, so that in the end the continuity of the junior unit must inevitably be broken. My contention, which I submit is absolutely sound, is that in choosing your 20 Territorial units for amalgamation in this way you ought to have regard to seniority, to numbers, which at the present time is a very important element; to efficiency, as disclosed in the report passed upon the battalions by their inspecting officer; and to the war records of the different units. None of these elements has been present in the mind of the War Office when they selected the 6th and 7th Manchesters for amalgamation in the way they have indicated. So far as seniority, numbers, efficiency, and past records are concerned, these battalions would not have been selected for amalgamation. The 7th Manchesters are nearly 600 strong, very much above the average of the Territorial units in the country. The only grounds upon which these two battalions have been selected for amalgamation is that their headquarters happen to be near one another, and that the 6th Manchesters are weak in numbers. Surely when you are going to inflict upon units the hardship and indignity of destroying their traditions, the geographical aspect of the matter is of far less importance than the claims which the units have, respectively, with regard to their traditions in the past, to work done in the field, to their present strength, and to the keenness with which their officers have brought in recruits during the last two years.
The destruction of 20 Territorial units is a blow at local patriotism all over the country. It is a blow at military efficiency, because these Territorial units have been great recruiting centres, not only for their own Territorial Force, but also for the Regular Army. Men went into the Regular Army in considerable numbers year after year from the old Territorial units. During the War battalions of the second, third, and even fourth lines came into being, which depended very largely for their popularity and their attractiveness to recruits in the different neighbourhoods upon the fact that their headquarters were the same as those of the first line unit, and that they were very well known in their own particular locality. The value of the Territorial Army, although it has not always been recognised by the War Office during or since the War, has been recognised by everybody who has surveyed the history of the British Army during the War, and it is a poor requital for the part they took in the War that they are made the first object of economy so far as the War Office is concerned. Though I have had the honour of commanding the 7th Manchesters both in war and in peace, I am not looking at this question from the point of view of the soldier, but from the point of view of the civilian. I am not a soldier. The value that I put upon these Territorial units, although they have great military value, and the value which is attached to them in the city of Manchester, is their great moral, educational, and social value in the middle of a great city's life, where men have very little chance, normally, to take part in hard exercise, where they have no chance of going into camp unless they join the Territorials, and where the different headquarters, ever since 1859, have been cherished centres of social amenities for great urban populations. This represents an immense social value in city life in England at the present time, quite apart and quite distinguished from the military value.
I cannot help speaking with some warmth, because I know what these men are. Some of them are fathers of families, men of considerable age, and some are quite young, and they gave up their holidays in times when the Territorial Force was unfashionable and unpopular. They have proved their worth on three battle fronts. I know what they are worth, and the people of Lancashire know what they are worth, and that is the reason why these proposals have caused such tremendous hostility and indignation there. Little did my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Rusholme (Captain Thorpe) and myself, both of whom served in the same battalion, when we last served with the Manehesters on the Givenchy Ridge, think that it would fall to us to give utterance in the House of Commons to the swan song of our battalion. These battalions have not been treated fairly, because other units of less strength have been allowed to remain intact. We do not mean to lie down and rest content with simply protesting on the Third Reading of the Consolidated Fund Bill. We hope to keep this question alive, and though we feel that both the 6th and 7th Battalions of the Manchester Regiments and other units which have been selected for this process of amalgamation will do their best to make these new coalition units a success, at the same time we shall not rest from our labours until we see these units which have won such distinction revived.
We have, even at this moment, great faith and confidence in the judgment of the Secretary of State for War, and hope that the time will come when he will see his way to reverse the judgment which he has felt obliged to pass on this matter within the last week or two. We know that very great pressure has been put on any Secretary of State for War by those elements in the War Office in whose case the minds of officialism are encrusted with what I may call the scarlet tunic and pipe-clay traditions of the old school—men imbued with that cast of thought which has never done justice to the Terri- torial Army, but has always scoffed at them as being Saturday afternoon soldiers and has not recognised even now their potential value. I would like to see the Secretary of State for War importing into this refuge for everything that is reactionary and retrograde in things military and social something of the imagination and sympathy and insight which the Territorial Army expects at present from a Minister of State. If he imports those qualities into his attitude towards the Territorial Army, particularly those Lancashire units for whom I speak, he will indeed win the gratitude of the whole country, and I might say he will indeed win a niche in the temple of fame and attain an enviable place in the hearts of his fellow countrymen.
The right hon. Gentleman, we all realise, has had a difficult task thrust upon him in the necessity to reduce the Territorial Army in this country, and I think, apart from the few complaints that have been made, he has been singularly successful, for in this House I have only heard two, or at most three, complaints made as to the mistakes in that policy. I think that in another case, in addition to that of which we have just heard, his policy has perhaps been decided upon without due consideration of the circumstances which might have weighed, I refer to the treatment which has been accorded to the Royal Scots Regiment. The right hon. Gentleman is very familiar, I am afraid only too familiar with this topic; but I am not the least ashamed of pressing it repeatedly. This particular battalion which it is proposed to link with another battalion is well known. No one has been more generous in his testimony to its record than the right hon. Gentleman, to its 10,000 men recruited, to its fine conduct after the terrible accident at Gretna at the outset of its overseas journey, which must have placed a great strain on the men, for everyone knows how impressionable a man is the first time he is going overseas, and the fact that they stood the strain of this great railway disaster so well and did such good work afterwards is a great tribute to them.
One of the reasons given by the right hon. Gentleman for amalgamating this battalion was that it was so weak, only 126 in number. During the time that it might be recruited and would have been recruited, we had the coal strike, and the commanding officer of the battalion was in command of a unit of the Defence Corps, and recruiting was forbidden while the Defence Force was in being. But the moment that the battalion heard that there was any likelihood of their being threatened they rolled up in very great numbers, so that to-day their strength is about 650, and of the 144 battalions which are coming under review by the Secretary of State, the average number is 369 men, so that that ground, on which the Under-Secretary decided to amalgamate this battalion, entirely disappears, and I think that he told me that of the battalions which were being retained there are very few indeed which rise to the number attained by this battalion. Then there is another point. Of the four Lowland battalions whose identity, I will not say he wishes to destroy, but is submerging, no fewer than two are from the one regiment Out of seven battalions which they had, only two are to be left. That does seem a big slice to take out of a regiment with the record of the Royal Scots.
The second ground given by the Undersecretary in the previous Debate was that he had consulted local opinion and that he was acting in consonance with local opinion. Since then it has transpired that he has not the support of local opinion. Certainly civilian local opinion is most energetic in its opposition. It is not only a case of myself as repiesenting one of the Divisions, but every Member for the capital city of Scotland, either personally or by latter, has begged him to reconsider his, decision on this matter. The city council of Edinburgh unanimously passed a resolution asking him to reconsider his decision. The Midlothian Territorial Association, I understand, has pressed him to reconsider his decision, and the only support he has, if he has their support, is from the other Territorial associations, the City Territorial Association, which is not concerned with the battalion which is the chief sufferer. So that I have dealt with the first argument as to numbers, and the second argument as to the support of local opinion has also disappeared.
If this 7th Battalion goes, there is no Territorial battalion left for the County Midlothian. They are all city battalions. The county area has a territorial association, but has no battalion of territorial infantry. I Know what reply the right hon. Gentleman will make. He will say he has to carry out the policy of economy. He may twit me with complaining of that policy when it is applied to this particular district. I hope after my observations he will not use that argument, but if he does, I will try to meet it in advance. What is the additional cost involved in keeping up—I do not say at full strength, but at diminished strength—the framework of this battalion in this part of the world? He is going to leave them their headquarters. I do not know what the establishments are of these infantry battalions, but do they leave them more than perhaps a Quartermaster and an Adjutant? It cannot be much when he says it is £19,000 a year, and I suppose he is putting in all the charges involved. I should like him to consider what would be the actual additional cost of keeping the one or two necessary permanent staff in order that, at any strength he likes to maintain, the identity of the battalion can be retained.
I believe the right hon. Gentleman would have been better advised if he could have been enabled to have been more closely in touch with local opinion on this matter. This is the capital city; it has a population of 500,000. Two battalions alone are being left to it. In this particular case it is a centre of potential assistance and patriotic endeavour second to- none in the whole country. Lord Rosebery, Lord Salvesen, and various others qualified to speak with high authority in this matter, and who have the necessary local knowledge, have advised him strongly not to pursue the plan in his own interests. If he can even reduce the numbers in order to maintain the organisation, I think he will find, as Secretary of State for War, if ever, unhappily, the occasion does arise, that he will not regret having given consideration to this particular matter.
We have had several most interesting speeches. The hon. and gallant Member for Bute (Sir A. Hunter-Weston) suggested again to-night that it was desirable, in order that the lessons of the War might be properly applied to the administration of the Army, that there should be reconstituted a Committee or Commission on the lines of the Esher Committee. He made that suggestion once before. In replying then I told him that, if I found there was difficulty in making the review within the War Office itself—he had suggested that the members of the Army Council were probably too busy in their Departmental work to give the time necessary to such a review—I told him that, if I found it was in fact so, I did not close my mind at all to an outside Commission making such an inquiry. My position tonight is exactly the same as it was then. During the last few months there has been a very searching review of the administration of the War Office by members of the Army Council for the purpose of seeing what there was, if there was anything, upon which proper economies could be exercised. Until the full result of that has been digested, I am not prepared to add to what I said on a former occasion.
My hon. and gallant Friend went oh to deal with the position of the Indian Army and its relation to our Armies. The hon. and gallant Member for Melton (Sir C. Yate) followed with somewhat similar observations. The hon. and gallant Member for Bute said that he hoped the Government would review any decision which might be come to by the Indian Government with regard to the reduction of the Indian Army. The position to-day, of course, is an extremely serious one. A lot of troops have to be paid for, and it is not merely that the British Government is forced to economise, but the Indian Government is also forced to economise. There is no doubt that the economies of the one must not be made at the expense of the other, and the economies of both must not be allowed so to reduce the Forces of the Empire as to paralyse our effectiveness. I am fully aware of the difficulty of the situation and I can, I hope, reassure my hon. and gallant Friend by saying that this question will come before the Committee of Imperial Defence and will be looked at not merely as a British matter, not merely as an Indian matter, but as a matter which affects the whole Empire.
The hon. and gallant Member for Fareham (Sir J. Davidson) pointed out, what is perfectly true, that in the past there has been little or no co-relation between the actual forces maintained and the policy pursued. I am not quite sure whether he wanted the Army brought up to the strength which might be required in every emergency and in every contingency, or whether he wanted the policy brought down within the limits of the Army as it exists, ignoring the possibilities of expansion. It would be ideal if you could co-relate policy to the Military Forces, so as actually to equalise the two, but that is a counsel of perfection which I suppose no nation has ever been able to obtain. Policy changes from time to time. It does not depend upon the British Army or those who control the British Army; it does not even depend upon the British Government. It depends upon the world situation, which they only in part control. So the ideal is not likely to be attained; I agree with him that it never has been, and I believe it is never likely to be. He said that six Divisions of the Expeditionary Force were maintained in order to provide drafts under the old system for Battalions abroad. That is not entirely true. There have been, from time to time, Battalions at home in excess of the Units abroad. It is not an absolute cast-iron rule, but is is, of course, one of the determining factors in the strength which it is absolutely necessary to maintain in the Regular Army. I only wish we had six Divisions at this present moment. We have not got six Divisions at this present moment capable of use as an Expeditionary Force. I only say that—the House is already familiar with the facts, and I will not dilate upon them—because I do not want to let the statement of the hon. and gallant Member for Fareham stand without a caution.
Then his idea of a Committee was a Committee of Imperial Defence rather than a revived Esher Committee. The committee that he wanted was rather one to correlate policy than to consider either administration or the size of the Army. The committee that he wants is really in existence in the Committee of Imperial Defence, and until we have developments, as we shall have, of further conferences of the Military Staffs of the Dominions Overseas, I think the Committee of Imperial Defence as now constituted goes as far as it can towards meeting his suggestion.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say how the Committee of Imperial Defence is constituted at the present time?
The Committee is presided over by the Prime Minister, who puts upon it such of his Ministers and others as he thinks are suitable and required for the work the Committee has to do. My hon. and gallant Friend made an observation with regard to Turkish policy, and the hon. and gallant Member for Melton followed him, much on the same lines. I do not feel to-night that this is the proper time to discuss Turkish policy. After all, I am replying to a Debate on the Army, whereas Turkish policy covers a very much wider field, and can only be dealt with in relation to foreign affairs generally. There was one statement of his which it is essential I should correct now. He suggested that in recent times we had been giving support to the Greeks against the Turks. That is quite untrue. We have observed the strictest neutrality and we have given support neither to Greeks nor to Turks in their quarrel. The hon. and gallant Member for Clackmannan (Major Glyn) made a speech which was full of suggestions and most interesting. His answer to the hon. and gallant Member for Fareham with regard to the correlation of forces and policy was, I think, correct. He said that our aim should be to maintain a minimum force, capable of expansion within the limits of what the country can afford. I desire no better definition of the policy with regard to the army. He complained that we were re-establishing the Militia. I did not quite follow him. He thought the Militia was likely to militate against the success of the Territorial Army, and about the capacity of officers in the Militia he made some observations which, I think, to-morrow, when he reads his speech, he will desire to modify. At any rate, he cannot form that judgment or express that opinion now, for the Militia is not yet reconstituted, and I do not propose that it shall be reconstituted until we have a perfectly clear idea of what its functions are to be.
We know, broadly, that as regarls infantry the functions of the Militia are to form a reserve, which may be utilised for drafts for the regular Army in addition to the ordinary reserves. They also have another duty which the Territorial Army cannot fulfil, namely, to go to the aid of the civil power in the event of disturbances in this country. When my hon. and gallant Friend says that they compete with the Territorial Army, I would suggest that they supplement or complement the work that the Terriorial Army can do. The Militia will not be altogether a second line. Part of it will, in fact, be a first line. There is an absence in the Army at this moment of specialists, and so bad is the shortage that it would be quite impossible to mobilise the six divisions of the Expeditionary Force without an addition of specialists. I am hoping that in the Militia we shall get the specialists and that they will really become a first line in filling up the gaps which exist in the Army. My hon. and gallant Friend suggested that we should re-examine the distribution of troops. At the moment we have Egypt, Palestine and Constantinople as centres of possible trouble. The nearest reserves are at Malta, and after that at Gibraltar. It seems to me that it is not extravagant to keep adequate reserves both at Malta and Gibraltar. In Malta there are barracks for four battalions, and in Gibraltar barracks for two battalions. Were those troops not at Malta or Gibraltar, but in reserve at home, we should be faced immediately with a building programme which would certainly not be economical.
Now I come to the? Territorials. My hon. and learned Friend the Member for the Moss Side Division of Manchester (Lieut.-Colonel Hurst) and the hon. and gallant Member for Leith (Captain W. Benn) know the replies that I would make to their speeches if I thought it was fair to trouble the House with any detailed reply. I hope they will not for a moment think me discourteous if I do not go over the ground again. I have gone over the? ground with them both individually and as Members of very important deputations, and they know in advance exactly what is the answer I would give. Both the 6th and 7th Manchesters and the 7th and 9th Royal Scots deserve well of the country. All of these battalions have rendered ecellent service, and are real examples to the battalions of the Territorial Army. If it were possible to retain all four of them I should be the first to desire to do so, but, as the House knows, the Territoriay Army has been re- organised in 14 divisions. That left 40 battalions altogether surplus to the 14 divisions. Nine-teen of those were converted into other arms and one became an officers' training corps. That left 20 surplus battalions, costing approximately £400,000 a year. If I had £400,000 a year with which I could play I would most certainly retain those 20 battialions, but I have to face the situation that economies must be made wherever they can be made. It has become necessary, therefore, that these 20 battalions should be amalgamated or suppressed. I have succeeded in amalgamating them, in getting accepted the proposal to amalgamate in almost every case without very serious trouble.
A very important deputation came from Manchester begging that the 6th and 7th Manchesters should not be amalgamated, and my hon. and gallant Friend to-night has made a very strong speech and an excellent plea on their behalf. But he admits that there must be economies. He suggests a whole line of economies for the Territorial Army, for which I am grateful to him, not that they come entirely new to me, because I am bound to have gone over the same ground. But if I had all those economies I should still not be justified in spending this extra £400,000 a year in the maintenance of 20 battalions which are not necessary to the 14 divisions of the Territorial Army. The amalgamation of these battalions will not kill them. If there is a time in the future when they have to be expanded they can expand from the two companies which each of them will form, and I am certain that the patriotism of Manchester on the one side and of Edinburgh and Leith on the other side will be such that they will accept the decision as inevitable, and will do their best to create friendly rivalries between the half battalions, and so keep them, not only up to strength, but with a strong waiting list, so that it shall be an honour to join these battalions, and if at any time a further extension is required each half battalion will readily form itself into a full battalion and repeat the glorious history the battalions made for themselves in the Great War.
With the permission of the House, I would direct attention to a subject not yet dealt with by the Secretary of State for War; that is, the technical service with which I am most concerned, the medical or health service of the Army.
If there be one subject which calls for attention in connection with the inquiry to which the Minister has alluded concerning the results of the War, it is the health of the Army in general. That requires the very closest inquiry, because it has been shown by the War that it is a matter, not merely for the medical service, but for the whole service. It cannot be dealt with by the medical service alone, unless with the co-operation of the whole service, all branches of which are equally responsible under King's Regulations for the preservation of the health of the forces. I do not desire to expand the subject now, because I raised it at length on the Army Estimates last year, but I wish to insist on the necessity of referring this to such a Committee of Inquiry as has been indicated, because the ordinary channels seem closed to the suggestion. When this matter is raised it is always misunderstood or misinterpreted, as was the case when I raised it previously. The late Minister for War replied with a cheap jibe that I seemed to prefer the Army to be sanitary and defeated rather than insanitary and victorious. That shows a total want of appreciation of my point in regard to the health' of the service. The only object of the medical service is to increase efficiency, and it is for that purpose that I ask for an extension of this inquiry to this matter. Methods of increasing medical efficiency have been demonstrated in the late War, and I liope that will be taken into account at any such inquiry as is proposed. At the present moment we have gone back to the organisation which existed before the War, which will result in a lack of coordination and that will last until the time of necessity comes again, and a big scandal arises through the inadequate coordination of the different services which together bring the hospitals or the medical units into their proper place at the seat of war. The proposal which was originally vetoed, but was afterwards passed—on the recantation of his opinion by Lord Esher—was for some one person on the Army Council to' be responsible for the health of the service, and presumably, that would be the Director-General of Medical Services.
In the second place, an inquiry into the results of the War in this respect should embrace the question of inter-Imperial co-ordination, that is to say, co-ordination between the medical services of the different Dominions. Thirdly, we require an inquiry into the possibilities of co-operation with the Civil Service, both in peace time and on active service. I believe that is being inquired into at the present moment by the War Office, but there is not sufficient actual co-operation with the personnel of the Civil Service even for peace time purposes. Another suggestion which necessarily requires to be considered at the present time, with a view to economy, is the very large economies which will be possible by obtaining proper co-ordination between the medical services now run under 12 different Departments of the Crown. As a reduction is necessary in the interests of economy as regards the Territorial Army, I hope that the reductions in the medical services shall be only pari passu with the reductions in the combatant service. The medical units of the Territorial Army require to be trained, especially nursing orderlies, who do not exist as such in peace times, but have to be trained with a view to being utilised in war. If you are going to make the Territorial Army of any use in war, their medical service should be kept efficient, and you must not reduce the medical units out of proportion to the reduction necessary in the combatant units.
Naval Officers (Marriage Allowances)
I desire, in connection with the Navy, to draw attention to a matter, in which I consider the Admiralty have failed to do their duty towards maintaining the efficiency of the service. It does not matter what the material constitution of the Navy may be, its efficiency depends primarily on its personnel. Until the personnel manipulate the material, the material lies inert and the efficiency of the personnel depends primarily on its happiness and contentment. Unhappiness and discontent in the service seriously prejudices efficiency, and in no service more than in the highly technical service of the Royal Navy. Therefore I look upon it as the very first duty of the Board of Admiralty to ensure that the personnel of that great service, for which they are responsible, should be happy and contented. I was exceedingly glad to read in this year's Estimates that lower deck ratings were provided with marriage allowances exactly equivalent to corresponding ranks in the Army and Air Force, and regardless entirely of age. The granting of these marriage allowances to the lower deck ratings of the Navy however produces this anomaly, that though these men receive these allowances in addition to their normal rate of pay—already increased by the Jerram Committee—their officers do not receive any such allowances. I may say this, on behalf of the men, that they look upon this as an injustice just as much as I do. There is an extraordinary brotherhood among officers and men in the Navy. The men appreciate when their officers are taken care of just as much as they appreciate being taken care of themselves. There is the further anomaly, that it leaves the naval officer the only member of the three fighting forces who is not given something towards maintaining a wife and children and a home. In the Army and Air Force, when the normal rates of pay were increased in 1919—and they were increased in just the same proportion as the rates of the naval officers—the Army or Air officer, provided he was 30 years of age, received certain allowances when he married—a lodging allowance, a fuel and light allowance, and a furniture allowance. The sum of these, in the case of a captain living out of barracks with his wife, is substantially 10s. 5d. per day. In addition to that, he has the advantage of being able to draw 2s. 1d.—I am open to correction on this—for rations, and he has also the advantage of being able to make use of his batman or servant. I do not wish to make any comparison between the Army and the Navy to make my case. I am going to rely on hard facts, and I do not expect hon. Members to take my mere ipse dixit for what I am about to say and shall therefore quote from authoritative documents. Early in 1919 the Admiralty set up a Committee, known in the Navy as the Halsey Committee, under the presidency of Rear-Admiral Sir Lionel Halsey, to hold an inquiry into Shortly before this Committee was set up there had been a Committee set up in the Grand Fleet at the end of 1918 by order of the then Commander-in-Chief, now Earl Beatty, and they issued their report in January, 1919. Their report was handed to the Halsey Committee, which was set up in April or May, and such recommendations as were made by the Grand Fleet Committee were considered by the Halsey Committee. The upshot of the Halsey Committee was this, that they practically adopted the normal rates of pay recommended by the Grand Fleet Committee, and the Admiralty approved the normal rates of pay, practically speaking, recommended by the Halsey Committee. Where there was any difference between the Hasley Committee and the Grand Fleet Committee, the Admiralty more or less struck a mean, and, in fact, there was so little difference between the three, the Grand Fleet Committee recommendations, the Halsey Committee recommendations, and the Admiralty approvals, that there was nothing to choose between them, but, in addition to the normal rates of pay, the Halsey Committee made certain recommendations which I must now quote, and there are just three which affect the married men. The first is this: 10.0 P.M.
That was the recommendation, but the Admiralty decision was: is no such bonus as was recommended to tide over the next few months, which have now become the next few years and are likely to grow worse. That is the first point I wish to make most strongly to the House, that the idea of the Committee in recommending these bedrock rates was that the cost of living would fall very much below what it was when it was 105, and it is now 119, and rising. The second point I desire to draw attention to is this, that these bedrock proposals contemplated the same service rate of Income Tax which the Halsey Committee referred to. The Halsey Committee recommended that if the full Income Tax were charged the rates of pay should be increased. The full rate of Income Tax is now being charged, but the pay has not been increased. That is my second point. In addition to these bedrock proposals as to normal rates of pay, the Oliver Committee made certain very definite recommendations as to allowances for the married officer, and their ideas on this point are so clearly expressed and so modest and good in their tenor that I will quote them very briefly. This is what these naval officers say: chief petty officer 19s. 3d. Those are the hard facts as regards these men who have raised themselves to officers from ratings on the lower deck.
As regards the senior lieutenant and the lieut.-commander, I may say they have had the utmost difficulty in making both ends meet. Indeed, I do not know that they have been able to do it in most cases, unless they have had private means of their own. That is in direct contradiction to the recommendation of the Oliver Committee, which says that an officer should have sufficient to maintain his wife and family at home, without having recourse to private means. I am not going to harrow the House with such details as those with which I have been harrowed. They do exist, and I say unquestionably the naval officer is on the whole worse off to-day than in 1914. How are you going to get the best and right stamp of man into the naval officers' ranks if you do not pay them sufficient to maintain a wife and family, and that is the whole of my case. Whenever I have brought this matter up before, and I have repeatedly done so during the last two years, it has always been put forward by the Admiralty that age for age these naval officers are no worse off than the officers of the Army. That is an unjust comparison. I will not admit for a moment that you can compare emoluments by age. A man is paid for his services, and not for his age, and the just basis of comparison is service rendered.
The relative ranks show the quality of service rendered. The equivalent to a lieut.-commander is a major. I am most anxious not to exaggerate the case in any way, and I will riot take a lieut.-commander newly promoted, but one with three, four, or five years' standing and compare him with a major newly promoted. A lieut.-commander gets £584 a year; a major gets £574. That is the normal rate of pay in each case, about which I make no complaint. If a lieut.-commander marries he gets no more. If a major marries, if not provided with quarters in barracks and coal and lights, he gets an allowance of 10s. 5d. a day. Further, he can draw 2s. Id. a day in lieu of rations, and he has a batman servant. I should think, on the whole, that the allowance to the married officer living out of barracks amounts to about £250 a year. If a lieut.-commander goes to war, he gets no more for that. The Navy is always on a war footing. If the major goes to war there is this difference. He takes his own ration and servant, but he gets 4s. a day extra allowance, leaving his power of maintaining his home practically what it was in peace. If a lieut.-commander commands a destroyer he gets 3s. a day more, and if he commands a submarine—a still more responsible position and a most arduous one, even in peace time—he- gets 7s. The utmost a lieut.-commander can get, even in war time, is £711 per year, contrasted, practically speaking, with the £824 of a major. Now, for a moment, let me make an age-contrast. A lieut.-commander perhaps, say 31 years of age, has a normal pay of £584. A captain in the Army, a rank below, of 30 years of age, if married, gets a normal rate of pay of £429, and the same allowance as I have mentioned for a major, making a total of £679, compared with £584 of his superior in the Navy. Who would join the Navy when there is such an advantage to be got by joining the Army? That is where I say the Admiralty have failed to do their duty, in not seeing the naval officer put at least in a position equal to the men of the other fighting services.
I said just now that the Navy is always on a war footing. Let me give a couple of instances. These occurred in peace manoeuvres. One is a case in the Mediterranean. A destroyer was commanded by a Lieutenant-Commander, and that destroyer was cut clean in two by a small but very fast cruiser during night manoeuvres; the Lieutenant-Commander was tried by Court Martial, but I am happy to say exonerated. The other is a case of a submarine which, in order to carry out its part in recent manoeuvres with the Atlantic Fleet in the Channel, dived and never came up again. These are some of the things that the naval officer confronts in peace time. This, then, is the complete and whole case I wish to put before the House. Having done so, I think I have gained the sympathy of the House. My object to-night is to help more particularly the young officer, the mate, and the warrant- officer. I am not so concerned about the senior ranks. They get fairly well paid, though they do not compare with corresponding ranks in the Army. However, I am not complaining particularly about them. It is the young officer about whom I am concerned who reaches the age when he wants to marry and cannot do so because he has not the money to do it. I am sure it is the desire of everybody in this House that he should be encouraged, for there is no doubt about this that the progeny of the Naval officer is of the most loyal, patriotic, and sound members of the population of these islands. It is to help these young officers that I am making this appeal to-night, and what I ask is that above the normal rates of pay they should be given some such allowance as is suggested in the Oliver Committee's report—no more than that—just as much as will enable the young officer to maintain a wife and family in a modest home whilst he is away in China, or the Mediterranean, or elsewhere.
The question naturally arises what this will cost the state? I think I have authority for saying that it will roughly cost about £400,000. Nobody realises more than myself—I admit it—that this it a most inopportune time to put forward a plea for more expenditure. But that the time is inopportune is not the fault of the naval officer who is in distress, nor is it my fault, nor is it the fault of any hon. Members here. We have been advocating this for two years. If the Admiralty had acted in December, 1919, there would have been no outcry as to where to find the money. If the reform I suggest was introduced this year—as I hope it will be on the 1st September—that is what I ask—that there should be introduced some form of marriage allowance to the naval officer—it would at the outset cost £200,000 this year. That is not a big sum when we consider that no less than £18,500,000 is devoted to wages in the Navy alone, and out of that £18,500,000 there is £1,500,000 for marriage allowances for the ratings of the lower deck—but nothing for the officer. I ask that there should be an additional £200,000 given to provide these officers with marriage allowances just as the men. It is a very small allowance that I suggest, but it will produce happiness and comfort in homes which are now in a state of penury. You may say all this perhaps sounds very pretty, but where is the money to come from. £200,000 is not a great deal, and it can be made up in savings quite easily on the Estimates and there will be no need to bring in any Supplementary Estimates at all. Further, here are our Overseas Dominions contributing" a totally inadequate sum to the Navy. I had hoped to hear from the Prime Minister or some other Minister something as to what was being done at the Imperial Conference in this respect, because we have not heard anything yet on this subject. India pays £100,000 a year towards the maintenance of the Navy in the East Indies. India's trade is £327,000,000 a year, and 1 per cent. insurance on that trade would be £3,000,000. It is much the same with South Africa. Her overseas trade in 1913 amounted to about £85,000,000 and her contribution to the Navy is £85,000. Let them add to their contributions.
The naval officer is a modest man, and he is only asking to be able to maintain his home whilst away on service. I ask that they should have some marriage allowance so that they may have the happiness of thinking that their wives are living at home in a modest degree of comfort. Finally I am going to offer a word of advice. I am much older than any Admiral of the Admiralty Board, and they know that my heart is in the service. I say to them, " It is all very well, and it is quite right that you should be loyal to your political chiefs, but in doing so you must not be disloyal to your brother officers. What is more, you must not be disloyal to the efficiency of the service which depends upon the happiness and contentment of the officers." I say to the civilian members of the Admiralty, " When dealing with these officers you must consider the mentality of the men and not deal with them like so many tons of armour. They are upholding the traditions of 300 years of our history. These men are upholding those great traditions handed down from Drake and Raleigh and from old Benbow, who, like the Mate, came in through the hawse-pipe; they must be treated accordingly."
I wish to congratulate the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just sat down upon his lucid speech. I can add nothing to the case which he has presented, but I would like to make two points. In the first place, I would like to know on what ground a marriage allowance was given to the Army and the Air Force, and why the Navy was deprived of it. In the second place, I think I can visualise some of the lines on which the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty will reply and the arguments he will be compelled to use, although I think his heart is with us in this matter. I know from personal conversation that is so. I do not blame the Admiralty so much as I blame the Treasury. In the Civil Service a Whitley Council was set up composed of higher and lower ranks of officials, not employers and employed. This Council was told to make recommendations regarding pay, which they did, and they apparently got all they asked for, but what happened in the Navy was that although a corresponding Whitley Council was set up, they did not get what they asked for. I do not like to assume that the Civil Service got what they asked for because the Treasury was manned by a staff of their own cloth, but had the Navy been sufficiently fortunate to have had representatives in the Treasury I think we might have had a little more consideration. I wish to endorse to the full the view that this House wishes to have an efficient Navy whatever its size, and I venture to say that this efficiency must largely depend on the happiness and content of the men and their wives.
:Withregard to what the last speaker has just said, I thoroughly endorse the statement with regard to the Army married officers. Not only is the pay of the Army married officer in excess of that of the naval married officer, but he has allowances which are denied to the naval officer, yet surely the responsibility of marriage is the same in both cases. If anything, it is greater in the case of the naval married officer, whose place of residence is far less permanent than that of the Army officer, why then is this preference given? I come to the case of State recognition. It will be within the recollection of the-House that the Secretary for War when; introducing his Estimates said that certain increased allowances were made to officers over 30, who were married, because the State recognised that such officers might expect to get married and they could no longer refuse to recognise the responsibilities which marriage brought with it. On July 11th, the-Financial Secretary to the War Office said the grant of a married allowance to Army officers was in itself a great concession. Why should State recognition be given in the case of an Army officer and be refused to a naval officer? Why make this "great concession" to the soldier and not to the sailor. We were glad enough of the services of the married naval officer during the War. The State willingly gave him £24 per child then. Why is it taken away in time of peace and nothng given in its place, while a substantial allowance is made to the married Army officer, to meet, I suppose, the increased responsibility that, as the Secretary for War stated, marriage brings? If it were the intention of the Government to make the Navy less attractive as a profession, and to make the Army more attractive, I could understand the distinction. I do not suggest that, but I do suggest that, if the distinction continues, it will have a most unfortunate effect on the recruiting of officers for the Navy—and, remember, the Navy is, and must still remain, our first line of defence. As far as the men are concerned, we know that all three Services—the Navy, the Army, and the Air Force—have the same rate of marriage allowance. The age at which the marriage allowance is given to the men in the Army is much lower than for an officer. And here let me say that if 30 is the age at which the State says it is willing to recognise marriage, then I claim, on behalf of the naval officer, no more than is claimed for the Army officer and the Air Force officer. Let 30 be the age, but let it be the age for all three Services, and not for two only. I will not again go over the Oliver Committee and the Halsey Committee. There are some very important statements in the recommendations of those Committees, which have been very ably placed before the House by the hon. and gallant Member for Shettlestion. I will, however, refer for a moment to a statement made by the Parliamentary Secretary in answer to a question which I put to him the other day. He admits the differences in equivalent ranks, but he tells us that that is not a new situation. I do not want to give the figures; there is no time to do so; but I can assure the hon. Gentleman that the figures do not work out as he suggests they do. Take the case of the commander. The commander, before the War, got 23s., and a lieutenani-colonel got 23s. There is not much difference in that, and if you compare the small differences before the War with the enormous differences after the War, you will see that the Army officer is given a very large concession, and that this concession is denied to the naval officer. But the sting of the Financial Secretary's answer lies in these words.
Army officer. I venture to think that that is very reprehensible. Is it suggested that the naval officer should mortgage his future pay to support his wife and family and educate his children? If so, I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary how is he to pay interest on the loan, and what money lender would come to the rescue except on terms that would spell ruin to himself and his family? I am perfectly aware, and the Parliamentary Secretary is aware, that the naval officer in some cases is compelled to get money advanced upon his pay, but surely that is not a suggestion which the Parliamentary Secretary himself would make. Then it must not be supposed that we are speaking to-night for any small portion of the Navy. I have in my hand a letter from the smallest naval port in this country, and the writer says: moral of the Royal Navy to deteriorate. The efficiency of the Navy depends as much, if not more, on the personnel as it does on materiel. If an officer has a wife and children it often necessitates keeping up two homes. How can he do it without a marriage allowance? How can he be efficient when he is labouring under great mental anxiety and financial embarrassment? Moreover, if a sense of injustice prevails, as it does prevail, among these officers, how can the moral of the service do anything but deteriorate? Naval officers do not ask for generosity or for charity. They only ask for justice, similar treatment for all three services. If it is said "This is not the time; we cannot afford it," I challenge any hon. Member to go on the platform and tell his constituency that. There is not a Member of the House who would be in a position to do so. Justice and fair play have ever been the underlying principle of British administration. Do not let it fail us now in the case of the married officer. We depended a great deal upon him in time of war. Do not let us throw him over in time of peace.
I am sure the House has listened not only with interest, but with sympathy to the speeches it has just heard, and I can only express my own satisfaction that the failure of the Committee to finish Vote 12 the other night has been made good by the present opportunity. I entirely agree as to the importance of maintaining the moral of the Navy and it is clear to me that anything that left a sense of real injustice on the minds of officers or men or left the impression that the Board of Admiralty are not mindful of their responsibilities towards that great service, would reflect disastrously on its efficiency, and for that reason I am glad that an opportunity has been given to me to make the situation clear. The speeches which have just been delivered have really raised two quite separate issues, and I hope the House will remember that they are entirely separate. One is whether in the conditions of the Navy the principle of a marriage allowance is a desirable one to introduce and is applicable as much or more than it is to other services. The other is whether the Admiralty has neglected the interests of the naval officers and, more particularly acquiesced in their being underpaid as compared with the Army or the Air Force.
Will the hon. Gentleman remember that two Committees of naval officers made recommendations which have not been given effect to by the Admiralty. I do not want to make comparisons. It was the recommendation of the naval officers themselves.
I want to make it clear that the question of comparison is entirely distinct from the question of the principle of the introduction of married allowance in the pay of officers of the Navy. It is, as is well known, adopted in the pay of the men. There is a strong case, and it has been Very ably put to-night, for the acceptance of the principle of married allowance in the pay of naval officers. The fact that they have to move so often does involve frequent moves for their families. It makes it difficult for them to secure reasonably cheap accommodation; it makes the problem of schooling more difficult, and it makes it more necessary to send their children to relatively expensive boarding schools. Certainly they are involved in many costs. I feel the strength of their case very greatly, and I can assure the House that it is felt by the Board of Admiralty. The principle is one which to me seems to call for at least as much consideration in the case of naval officers as in the case of officers of other services. But I must say that this is a very novel principle. It is not a principle that was adopted in the services or in any form of employment before the War. It is an entire departure from the old principle that you paid according to the utility of services rendered. It introduces the new principle that in addition you should give pay in accordance with domestic responsibilities. It is a very important principle and it may be a very fruitful one. It may have very far-reaching consequences, not only upon the services, but upon the whole of our social and industrial structure. I am sure that women who have the vote will watch the effect of this principle in the services very closely and may before very long insist, however great the difficulties may be, that something in the nature of that principle shall apply to the industrial remuneration of the workers. I do want to say that this is a novel principle, and though it evidently commends itself to Members of the House to-night, it is not one which in the ordinary course would have com mended itself to most people until a very short time ago.
The hon. and gallant Member referred to the Report of the Grand Fleet Committee. It is quite true that that Committee did endorse the principle of the married quarter allowance. But that Committee was followed by the Halsey Committee, which was composed of serving sailors.
So was the other one.
Yes, but the Halsey Committee was clearly and definitely of the opinion that it was undesirable to make any discrimination between the man Kid and the unmarried naval officer.
Children's allowance.
I am coming to that point. They definitely fixed a scale which in their opinion would enable an officer at about 28 years of age to maintain himself and his family under reasonable conditions, in view of his rank and position. With a special view to that they did, in the scale they recommended, introduce a very sharp rise at the ages of 28 and 30. When a lieutenant reached six years of service he had 4s. a day increment, and two years later, on becoming a lieutenant-commander, he had 6s. more, or 10s. increase of pay in two years. They felt that this would suffice to cover the upbringing and education of children. As they felt that the effect of this would not show itself immediately, they recommended that the children's allowance should be provisional and should be reconsidered at the end of 1919. The Cabinet had to consider the position, not only of the Navy, but of the other services. Now it is true that the Cabinet decided that the children's allowance should come to an end at the end of 1919, in view of the express recommendation at that time that the Navy should get a scale of pay which would take full account of marriage and the state of the national finances. That was the recommendation of the Halsey Committee. That was adopted by the Cabinet at a time when they were fully aware, and the Admiralty were also aware, that the other services were going to advocate the principle of a marriage allowance, and when the Cabinet, in fixing a scale that is considered fair and reasonable between the services, granted the marriage allowance to the Army and Air force, they took fully into account the fact that the naval pay was inclusive, and a comparison of the scales will show that, at any rate at that moment, the pay of the other services, even including the marriage allowance, were in the case of the Army below that of the Navy. The basis is a comparison taking the career as a whole in the two professions, and also the relative position of officers at approximately similar ages. I know that hon. and gallant Members have put forward that the basis of comparison should be equivalent ranks. Nobody wishes to dispute the precedence which the Senior Service has for historical reasons, and for long generations past enjoyed over the Army.
:Rank and responsibility.
There is the question of responsibility, too, but it is not so easy to compare responsibilities in entirely different conditions. The hon. and gallant Member took the responsibilities of the commander of a destroyer and of a light cruiser. The responsibility of a major commanding a half-battalion may be small in ordinary times of peace at home, yet upon him may depend the whole peace and security of great provinces and millions of people in certain conditions, and I do not think it fair to make that comparison, more particularly for the purpose of this discussion. The whole question which has been raised to-night is the question, not of payment according to utility of services rendered, but according to domestic responsibilities. The whole question of marriage allowance is based on the question of responsibilities, and there the question of age does come in. Upon that basis, at any rate when this system was introduced, the position of the Navy was very far from being unfavourable, as compared with the position of the Army.
I am not going to weary the House by giving it detailed figures, but I should like to show a comparison as over the three main periods of an officer's life. The first period is under 30 years; the next period is from 30 to 38—the lieutenant-commander and commander period in the Navy, and the position of captain and, in the last years, of major in the Army—where you presume the man is married and has the cost of the upbringing of his children. The third period is in the later years, from 39 to 49 or 50, where the man has not only to bring up and keep his children, but to educate them. I should like to show how the position stood as between the two services when the present system was introduced. I am comparing, after the age of 30, the position of the married officer in the Navy with the married officer in the Army, drawing what was the then total of allowances given in respect of marriage, of 8s. 6d. a day, or £155 a year. Between the ages of 21 and 29, the officer in the Navy got £400 more altogether. Between 30 and 38 the officer in the Navy got £430 more altogether. I will admit, however, that for three years—at the ages of 30, 31, 32—the officer in the Navy was actually worse off by £37 a year, but in the later years he was substantially better off. Between 39 and 49, assuming the naval officer rose to the position of captain, and the officer in the Army rose to the position of lieutenant-colonel and held command of a battalion four or five years, and allowing for the naval officer being on half-pay for three years out of the total of his period of captaincy, the naval officer would still be £2,600 better off than the Army officer. Even if the naval officer did not become a captain, but only became a commander, and his career petered out in Coastguard appointments, and so on, he was £1,080 better off.
To sum up. Under those conditions the total advantage for the career of the naval officer who attained the rank of captain, as compared with the military officer who attained the rank of colonel, was £3,400 in favour of the married naval officer if the married military officer included marriage allowances. In the case of a bachelor the naval officer was £6,500 better off. That is the position as it was when the new scales were settled. I admit readily that in certain respects the situation has not improved from the point of view of the naval officer. Certain new factors, to which reference has already been made, have come in. For one thing, owing to the great increase latterly in the cost of living, and more particularly of fuel, the Army officer's allowance has been very substantially increased in respect of fuel and light. It is now about 10s. 6d. per day, or £190 per year, instead of £155. Then, there is the other point to which the hon. and gallant Member referred, namely, that when the Halsey Committee made its recommendation, it was estimated on the service rate of Income Tax. Not only has the general rate of Income Tax been put up, but this situation has arisen, which I do not think was foreseen when the Navy opted for an inclusive rate of pay, and the Army opted for a smaller rate of pay with married allowance.
This allowance does not pay Income Tax, and therefore the Army officer has gained as compared with the Naval officer to the extent of Income Tax of £190 a year, which is equivalent to something like 2s. 9d. a day. Another factor of some importance is this. The scales of comparison fixed took into account the normal ages at which Army and Naval officers, respectively, rose to certain ranks. It is undoubtedly the case that at present officers in the Army are attaining the rank of captain at a considerably younger age than under normal conditions. I think the age is 26½ years, compared with 30 years. Under the regimental system of promotion that is going to avenge itself on the Army in time, and there will perhaps come a time in a few years when Army promotion will be slower than the normal. Anyhow, taking all these factors into consideration, it is true that, at present the position of the married naval officer is in some respects less satisfactory than that of the Army officer. I will take the same block periods and show the facts. Between the ages of 21 and 29, before marriage comes into consideration, allowing for the Income Tax position and for the present ages at which military officers reach the rank of captain, the naval officer is about £120 "down" on the nine years. In the next period, 30 to 38 years, the naval officer is "down," compared with the married Army officer, £370, or an average of £40 a year. Undoubtedly that, coming at a time when a man is supposed to be married and may expect to have children, does show that the position is not altogether satisfactory. In the later period, from 39 to 49 years, the positions are practically equal. Consequently, it is fair to say that for the whole period of service the married naval officer at this moment, if these conditions—some of them are temporary—were continued, would be on the average nearly £500 worse off over a complete career. On the one hand, even under these conditions, the bachelor naval officer over the same career would still be £3,300 better off than the bachelor military officer. I will sum up the position in this way? The naval system of pay as it exists to-day was fixed by the Cabinet at the wish of the then Board of Admiralty, and on the recommendation of the Halsey Committee. It is an inclusive system of pay and includes provision for marriage. When it was initiated it put the naval officer in a position of substantial advantage over the married officer in the Army and put the unmarried naval officer in a very substantially better position. Since then factors have undoubtedly arisen which have seriously modified the position to the disadvantage of the married naval officer. Some of these factors are temporary. The bachelor naval officer still remains substantially better off.
11.0 P.M.
I think the House will agree that this is not a simple issue. It is not a question of giving or withholding something that the Army or the Air Force has been given, of which no account has been taken in the case of the Navy. It is a question of having to recast the whole system of naval pay on a new basis—I say frankly on a basis which has a great deal to recommend it. But to ensure a marriage allowance for the Navy on anything like the scale of the Army it would undoubtedly be necessary to revise the basic rates of pay, in other words to bring down what the bachelor is receiving. This revision is not due till 1927. You cannot, when you have given definite pledges to officers, revise their pay. Another question may be raised, and it is one to which the Board are giving serious consideration. There is the question of a smaller temporary allowance. I am bound to remind the House that at the present time even the most desirable reforms can only be considered in relation to the whole financial position. The Admiralty, I freely admit, has a great responsibility to the Service, but it has also a great responsibility to the taxpayers of the country. It must have regard to resources and ways and means and also to the reductions at which it must aim. It is for that reason, while this question is one which must appeal to our sympathy, while it has been presented in a manner with which the House has been profoundly impressed, and while we are interested and most anxious to endeavour to find a satisfactory solution, it is impossible to give a definite answer at this moment.
May I make an appeal to the House, as I did last night, to close this discussion now? We have had time allotted both for the Second Beading and the Third Reading of this Bill, and we still have a considerable amount of business to do this evening, in order that we may wind up the Session and pass the necessary legislation. I think I can say with considerable confidence that there will be time to spare to-morrow, when, on the Motion for the Adjournment of the House, discussion may take place either on this or on any other subject to which the House may desire to direct its attention. I would urgently appeal to the House to allow us to proceed with other business.
May we be informed if the Government will keep a House, and not allow a count-out to take place?
Will the right hon. Gentleman promise that we are to have an opportunity of raising this subject again?
I understand that the other House has not finally dealt with the Railways Bill, and, whether we shall get it later or not, it will not be possible to have it at the commencement of the Sitting to-morrow. It may be desirable that we should adjourn, and consider it when it comes down. But, in any case, when the Measures on the Order Paper are dealt with, we shall move the Adjournment of the House, and on that motion discussion may take place on this or other subjects. There may be other subjects calling for the attention of the House.
I do not propose to detain the House, and I respect everything that the right hon. Gentleman has said. We have just had a discussion upon allowances to naval officers, and have just listened to a statement from the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty. I wish to point out that he has left out entirely two items in which the married naval officer is particularly hard hit, as compared with an officer in either of the other two services. I only desire to say what are these two items. One is the indulgence passage granted to Army and Air Force officers, and the other the fact that the married naval officer must of necessity keep up two homes. He has to pay mess bills on the ship, and keep up a home on shore. The hon. Gentleman has not alluded to either of these items, both of which press very hardly on the naval officer. I wish earnestly to ask him to bear these two points in mind when giving further consideration to the matter.
Question, "That the Bill be now read the Third time," put, and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.
Corn Production Acts (Repeal) Bill
Message from the Lords:
That they do not insist upon one of their Amendments with which the Commons have disagreed; they disagree with one of the Amendments made by the Commons, but propose an Amendment in lieu thereof; and they agree with the other Amendments made by the Commons, but propose a further Amendment to one of them.
Motion made, and Question,
"That the Lords Amendment in lieu of the Commons Amendment to the Lords Amendment disagreed to by the Lords, and the Lords Amendment to the Commons Amendment to the Lords Amendment, be considered forthwith," put, and agreed to.—[ Sir A. Boscawen. ]
CLAUSE 4.—(Establishment of voluntary joint councils of employers and workmen in agriculture.)
Lords Amendment:
At the end of Sub-section (6), to insert the words
"provided that wages shall not be recoverable under this subsection unless proceedings for such recovery shall have been commenced before the expiration of three months after the date when the wages became due or in respect of a period not exceeding six weeks."
Commons Amendments to Lords Amendment.
After the word "the" ["date when the"], insert the word "latest," and
Leave out the words "or in respect of a period not exceeding six weeks."
Lords Message:
The Lords do not agree with the first Amendment made by the Commons to their Amendment, and propose the following Amendment to their Amendment in lieu thereof—to leave out the words "wages became due," and insert "workman left the employment. "
I beg to move "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is purely a drafting Amendment.
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Message:
The Lords agree with the Second Amendment made by the Commons to their Amendment [to leave out the words "or in respect of a period not exceeding six weeks"], but propose to add the following further Amendment:—In lieu of the words left out, to insert the words "and a person shall not be entitled to recover under the sub-section wages for more than thee months, or for such longer period not exceeding one year as the Court in which proceedings are taken for the recovery of the wages shall consider just. "
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I may point out that this deals with the difficult matter of the recovery of wages where a man who has been engaged by private contract has been paid a less sum than the sum generally agreed upon. The Lords put in that in no case should more than six weeks' wages be recoverable. This House did not agree with that, as that is much too short a time and would have meant practically no penalty whatever, and would have led to wholesale contracting out. But there is the case that a man might make a private agreement of this sort, be employed two or three years and make no objection, and then leave, and after three months ask for arrears over a very long period. I do not think that would be just on the other side, and the effect might be that employers would be very unwilling to employ under circumstances which would otherwise be beneficial. In another place to-day a discussion took place, and it was moved that the original words in regard to six weeks should be re-introduced. Finally, a compromise was arrived at which I believe to be a fair compromise, which is embodied in the words just read out to this effect that in all cases wages up to three months may be recoverable, or up to one year within the discretion of the Court; that is to say, that the Court may review the whole of the circumstances and may award wages up to the whole of a year's period.
I think that is a fair proposal, and it leaves the discretion of the Court where, I think, the discretion ought to rest. The Court will be able to decide whether there was really an overpayment or whether notice of the overpayment ought not to-have been given at an earlier period. This, I think, satisfactorily solves a difficult question, and I hope that, without much discussion, the House will agree to-this proposal.
Question put, and agreed to.
Irish Railways (Settlement of Claims) Bill
As amended, considered; read the Third time, and passed.
Shops (Early Closing) Act (1920) Amendment Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."
I propose to deal briefly with the-Bill, because the time of the Session is very short, and I appeal to Members not to insist on Amendments, because if they do I am assured it will cripple the Bill. In fact, the opportunity to introduce the Bill was only given me on the understanding that the Bill was one to which there was no objection. [HON. MEMBEKS: "Agreed!"] The Bill is a compromise, and I gather that it needs no words of mine to commend it.
I only want to thank the House for their agreement.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a Second time.
Resolved,
"That this House will immediately resolve itself into the Committee on the Bill."—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]
Bill accordingly considered in Committee.
[Sir F. BANBURY in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 1.—(Extension of hours for sale of confectionery, etc.)
Part I and Part II of the Schedule to the Shops (Early Closing) Act, 1920, shall have effect as though at the end of Article 2 thereof the following words were inserted:—"or
(4) The sale of sweets, chocolates, or other sugar confectionery, or ice-cream, until 9.30 p.m. on weekdays other than Saturdays, and 10 p.m. on Saturdays."
I beg to move, after the word "of" ["The sale of"], to insert the words "fruit, table waters—"
I do not think I need dwell upon the Amendment.
Amendment agreed to.
Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Clause 2 ( Short Title ) ordered to stand part of the Bill.
Bill reported; as amended, considered; read the Third time, and passed.
SUPREME COURT OFFICERS RETIREMENT, PENSIONS, &c.) BILL
Read the Third time, and passed.
Exchequer and Audit Departments Bill
Considered in Committee, and reported, without Amendment; read the Third time, and passed.
CRIMINAL LAW AMENDMENT BILL [Lords]
Order read for Consideration of Lords Reasons for disagreeing with two of the Amendments made by the Commons to the Bill.
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That the Lords reasons be now considered."
I beg to move to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months."
I would ask the Government whether they really intend to give time after eleven o'clock for this Bill? I would draw the attention of the Leader of the House to his own statement on this Bill. I was one of those who voted to give the whole time of the House for the remainder of the Session to the Government. He said,
The first reason which the other House gives for disagreeing with the Bill as it left this House is because the Clause introduced a new offence. I do not think that it is a new offence, but I submit that it is unfortunately rather an old offence which between men is a criminal offence, and which by this Bill has been made a criminal offence between women. The Lords say that such a Clause should not be introduced without the fullest consideration, and I entirely agree with the other House on that point. This is a private Member's Bill, introduced as such from another place. The Government have taken up the available time of the House, in order to carry important and pressing legislation, and we are now asked to give further time to this Bill when we are all worn out.
Speak for yourself.
The hon. Member for Plymouth, who interrupts me with her usual courtesy, must remember that it Was the Leader of the House who said that
"Ministers and the officials of the public departments concerned with the work of the House and private Members themselves are fagged and over-worked."
That is the opinion of the Leader of the House, and I am appealing to him not to give further time for this measure. In spite of the words used by the Leader of the House which I have quoted, the right hon. Gentleman is now allowing a private member's Bill to be taken after eleven o'clock, although quite half-a-dozen hon. Members rose to speak when the motion for the Third Reading was put. The Clause with which the Lords have disagreed is interesting.
It is not in order on this Motion to discuss the merits of the Clause. The question before the House is whether or not we shall consider the Lords reasons.
I was not going to discuss the merits of the Clause, Mr. Speaker, but to draw the attention of the House to the way in which the Clause was carried in this House. One of my main reasons for moving that we cannot consider the Lords Amendment is the fact that both the hon. and gallant Member for North Leeds (Major Farquharson) and the hon. and learned Member for Middleton (Sir R. Adkins) voted for the new Clause with which the other place has disagreed. We are told that it deals with a new offence, and that it has been inserted in the Bill in a hurry. The hon. and learned Gentleman who spoke on the last occasion of all the learned judges as being behind the proposal, the Home Secretary, who made such an eloquent appeal to the House to carry this Bill, and the Leader of the House himself both voted for this particular Clause which the Lord Chancellor and other learned Lords in another place have now declared to create a new offence which should not be put into the Bill. I think, under the circumstances, I am entitled to put this point to the House: Are we going to consider, at this hour of the night, an Amendment sent down from another place regarding a Clause which we are told should not have been added to the Bill because it was not given full consideration? This is the Clause with which the other place now proposes to disagree. I ask the House to decline to consider the Lords Amendment at the present time. The main Amendment which comes down deals with a matter that was carried in this House by a majority of 148 to 53. Therefore 200 Members were here when the Clause was discussed. Now we are told it is an improper thing to put into the Bill. I think the whole Bill is improper. It ought to be a Government Bill, introduced with proper authority and given full consideration. This is what I call hustled legislation, introduced by a right reverend Prelate in another place. It has never received proper consideration in this House. I appeal to the Leader of the House whether his pledge that no contentious Measures shall be taken after 11 o'clock was really fulfilled last week, when our discussion: on this Private Member's Bill in Government time was closured at 3 o'clock in the morning. Will he not admit to those who are, like myself, keen followers that he went a little too far in giving latitude to what he thought was the feeling of the House at that time? I hope henow realises that the Measure is contentious, and in view of that fact I ask him to give us further time for consideration.
I need not recapitulate. It was said clearly that no contentious, legislation should be taken after 11 o'clock. I am sure that had the Leader of the House realised the amount of feeling engendered by this Bill, he would never have allowed the House to be kept sitting from 11 p.m. to 3 a.m on this very contentious Measure. That was shown by his intervention in the Debate, when he was appealed to by the hon. and learned Member for Chatham at 2 o'clock in the morning, and when he said it was a very difficult situation. But one thing was quite clear, and that was that at that stage of the Session and at that time of night, they could only make progress by general good will, and if that general; good will were lacking it was not reasonable to ask the House to sit indefinitely.
Will my hon. Friend allow me to point out that immediately afterwards the House, by an overwhelming majority, carried the Closure-against him and his friends?
I am much obliged to my Noble Friend for his interruption. It in no way puts me out of my stride, because-it reinforces the argument I was about to attempt to develop. It is quite clear that there was not general good will, because, upon the Amendment that was then being considered—
There is never general good will on anything.
If my Noble Friend wishes to address the House, I will resume my seat at once. What I was going to say upon that Clause, which the Lords have rejected, was that at least one-third of the House were opposed to it, and two-thirds in favour of it. It is quite true, as my Noble Friend points out—though I had not for gotten it—that the Closure was, as I think most improperly, moved, and that it was carried in circumstances that I desire—
That is a thing which I cannot allow to pass. In the first place, the question of allowing a Motion for the Closure is one for the Chair, and the Chair cannot be criticised for using its discretion. The actual carrying of the Closure is the action of the House, and, the House having taken that action, it is not open to criticism.
I assure you, Sir, that I had not the slightest desire to criticise your decision, and I unreservedly withdraw what. I said. I have said that the Closure was carried. I will leave it at that, and I hope you will put it down to my Parliamentary inexperience that I made the observation I did. At all events, the Closure was carried, but I did desire to point out that this Bill—and I think I shall keep well within your ruling in this observation—would never have been passed unless there had been a tacit understanding between the promoters of the Bill and some of its opponents with regard to this particular Clause which the Lords have rejected. Certainly I took the line—not in any way desiring to wreck the Bill—that, the promoters of the Bill agreeing to that Clause, and themselves supporting it, I and those who act with me, although we would do what we could to amend the Bill, would not obstruct it. Therefore it was that—and this is what I desire to point out—a number of us, including my hon. and learned Friend who moved this particular Clause, did not in any way endeavour to obstruct the Bill, and that, when it came to the end, very few hon. Members—we not among the number— voted against it. Had it not been for that understanding, which, I agree, was most loyally adhered to by my hon. and learned Friend and by the promoters of the Bill, the Bill would never have left this House. I understand that you, Sir, have ruled that it would be out of order now to discuss in any way the merits of any particular Clause, and that such discussion can only arise if our Amendment be rejected. That, of course, considerably circumscribes what I had desired to say, but I do not know whether I should transgress your ruling if I were to inform the House as to the composition of the majority who carried the Clause which has now been rejected. I do not know whether that would be dealing with the merits of the Clause, but I should have thought not.
I merely wish to say—without, after your ruling, going into the merits—that I have carefully studied the division upon that Clause, and I find that, at, perhaps, one or two o'clock in the morning, there was never a stronger Lobby. It was a Lobby that represented all sections of opinion. The promoters, my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Middleton (Sir R. Adkins) and my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for North Leeds (Major Farquharson) voted with us. We had two of my right hon. Friends the leaders of the Labour party—the Members for West Fife (Mr. Adamsan) and for Deptford (Mr. Bowerman); we had the support of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Peebles (Sir D. Maclean), the leader of the Independent Liberals, and of his supporters—men like the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) and the hon. Member for the Consett Division of Durham (Mr. A. Williams).
As far as the opinion of the lawyers is concerned, we had most of the leaders of the Bar who happen to be Members of the House, including my hon. and learned Friend who moved the Clause and myself. There were the hon. Baronet the Member for York (Sir J. Butcher), my hon. and learned Friend the Member for East Grinstead (Mr. Cautley), the Noble Lord the Member for Hitchin (Lord R. Cecil), and my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Rawlinson). In addition to those we had 14 Members of the Government, as against 7 who voted in the No Lobby, and in that majority there was not only the Leader of the House, but the Home Secretary and the Under-Secretary for the Home Department. In these circumstances, the Lords having rejected the Clause, which had been considered in a very full House—including Mr. Speaker and the Tellers, there were 205 Members present—I submit that the Bill becomes more highly contentious, and that it would be a distinct breach of the pledge given us if at this time of the Session, and at this hour of the night, we were called upon to debate it at length.
I am very much impressed by the statements which have fallen from the last two speakers as to the contentious character of the Measure. When the Bill was allowed to be introduced by the Government, I, among others, made certain representations as to the prospects more or less of agreement. There was almost unanimity on the part of all the women's societies in the country. A most important meeting was held, at which united support was given to the Bill as it originally appeared in this House. I had reason to think, from conversations with a good many Members, that there would be, at all events, a sufficient measure of agreement to bring it within the pledge that only matters would be introduced after 11 o'clock which might be regarded not as contentious but as Measures to be accepted by the general consent of the House, and these words, to my mind, are the effective words in the situation.
What happened on the Third Beading, on the Report stage, and to-night, shows that the Bill really cannot be regarded as one that has the general consent of the House. I respect the pledge that was given by the Leader of the House, and any action which would in a measure be traversing that pledge would be unjustifiable. Considering the rush with which the Bill has been put through, and the general consent of the House, not more in evidence than it is to-night, I do not feel disposed to disagree with the Amendment. Reference has been made to my having accepted the Amendment. I accepted the new Clause with a view to facilitating the passage of the Bill. To my mind that Clause was legislatively valueless from start to finish. I had my heart centred on Clause 2. I cared not the toss of a brass farthing for immorality among adults, but I had a great desire to protect the young, growing children of this country. [HON. MEMBERS: "Then proceed with the Bill!"] I shall leave that to the sense of the House. I quite recognise that I cannot press my view upon the House in any shape or form, having regard to the pledge of the Government and my respect for the procedure of the House. I take full responsibility upon my own shoulders for accepting the Motion now before the House.
The House will expect me to make a statement, because I occupy a very responsible position in regard to the conduct of its business. The question which is being debated is whether it is compatible with the pledge I gave to the House that we should proceed further with this Bill under the present circumstances. Let me say, in the first place, that pledges of the character which I gave in regard to the business to be taken after 11 o'clock have, of course, been made in almost every Session for many years past, and that they are in their nature essentially pledges to the minority, and for the protection of the minority. It is not a question of whether there is a majority for the Bill in these circumstances. The only question for the Minister who has given that pledge, and who on giving that pledge received the assent of the House to the Motion to suspend the 11 o'clock Rule, is whether there is the general consent for the Bill which he postulated for in Measures, not being Government Measures, to be taken after that hour. I found great difficulty in deciding what was the proper course to pursue the other night. I was guided by one of two considerations. The critics put down a Clause which was accepted by the promoters. Then a sharp opposition arose when they challenged another point. What they challenged was not a new introduction into the Bill, but something which had been in the Bill all the time. But I was under the impression that the majority of those who had challenged that would take the decision of the House as final, and that they went away with the understanding that the Bill would proceed.
Accordingly I did not intervene to stop the proceedings on the Bill, and I do not think that my pledge called on me to do so; but I have had to make inquiry through the usual channels, as carefully as I could, as to the extent of the opposition which exists to this Bill. The position now is that the Clause which was accepted by the promoters in this House as a compromise has been rejected in another place. The basis of the compromise on which we were proceeding the other night has, rightly or wrongly, been destroyed. I am not entering into the merits at all. I am only stating the facts which are relevant to the course which I have to ask the House to take. I have satisfied myself that there is not that basis of general agreement—I am sorry for it personally—that would entitle me to ask the House to proceed under the terms of the pledge which I gave when I moved the suspension of the Eleven o'Clock Rule. I am confident that any person with the responsibilities of Leader of the House in similar circumstances would be bound to ask the House to accept the Motion not to proceed with the consideration of the Lords Amendments, not that I personally would not wish the Bill to proceed, but because the Bill does not meet with the general measure of consent which I postulated, and without which, the minority are entitled to say, I pledged myself not to proceed.
I thought that I ought to speak on my own responsibility and as Leader of the House, but I cannot conclude without expressing my gratitude, and I think that Members of the House in all quarters will allow me to say their respect, for the motives which have led my hon. and gallant Friend (Major Farquharson) who spoke last to take the course which he has adopted. My pledge has been as Leader of the House, speaking on behalf of the Government, but I was profoundly touched by the way with which the hon. and gallant Gentleman, acting as a Member of this House, honours the pledges which are given in its name, and urges, himself, the House to observe them. I hope that my hon. and gallant Friend will be assured that he has the respect of his colleagues in the course which he has taken and, may I say, of my personal respect for his action.
I have heard the speech of the Leader of the House and of the hon. and gallant Gentleman who preceded him with astonishment and dismay. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] I quite agree as to the difficulties of proceeding with the Measure. But those difficulties were overcome at the last meeting of the House, and it was with the consent of the Leader of the House and the great majority of the House, after a discussion, which is inevitable at this time of the Session after eleven o'clock, that that conclusion was reached. The Bill went to another place, and, owing to the action there a Clause which was inserted in the Bill, for which, as my hon. and learned Friend has very gracefully stated, a number of my colleagues and myself voted, has been deleted. That is the real and the only difference at present with regard to this Measure. Let us clear our minds as to what is the real issue. There may be another intention, to wreck the Bill altogether, and I hope that the hon. Member realises that the only effect of this Motion will be to kill the Bill. [ Interruption. ]
That is true; I want the truth.
I must call the hon. Member for Plymouth to order.
I apologise, but I am sorely tried.
No more than we are.
That is the only effect of carrying this Amendment—to kill the Bill. As far as I am concerned, I shall, of course, vote against it, and I believe it is quite possible that a majority of the House will do so, if, as I assume is the case, it be left solely to the decision of the House, and the Government whips are not put on. That seems to me the only fair method of dealing with this matter—to leave it to the House to decide.
Will my right hon. Friend permit me to intervene for one moment? This is a question that cannot be decided, as he is seeking to decide it, on the merits of the Bill. I moved a Motion in this House. I asked the assent of the House to that Motion. I gave a pledge binding on the Government, as a condition of gaining the acceptance of the House to the Motion. I gave a pledge binding on the Govern- ment, as a condition of gaining the acceptance of the House to that Motion. I am bound by that pledge. My right hon. Friend cannot suggest that he himself, if he were in my position of having given a pledge to the House, which a minority—it may be a small minority, but which any minority of the House asks me to fulfil—that I should treat that as a matter of indifference, and should not exert whatever influence I have with the House, in order that I may fulfil that pledge and keep faith with hon. Members who trusted my word.
With all respect to my right hon. Friend, the proper time and place for that statement was on the last occasion, when we should have known exactly where we were. The sole question, I repeat, is that question of the Amendment of the Lords, and if this House be given an opportunity by the refusal of the Motion now before it to decide in that sole question of difference, it will, I think, undoubtedly reinstate its former decision, and leave to the House of Lords the responsibility of meeting the measure. All I ask of the House is to put itself back into the same position as it stood a week ago. There was then an overwhelming assent to the decision of the House. Here is an opportunity afforded by the Parliamentary machinery of allowing a question to come before the House, that the House dissent from the Lords in the Lords Amendment. This Motion—I state at the risk of wearisome reiteration—is designed expressly to meet this Bill. Those who go into the Lobby in support of it must take the responsibility of their action.
Before I say anything about the merits of the Motion before the House, I desire to state that I recognise the difficult position in which the Leader of the House is placed. I honour and respect his desire to fulfil to the utmost a pledge in the sense in which he understands he has given a pledge to the House. I follow with less understanding the position which has been taken up by the hon. and gallant Member who hitherto has been in charge of the Bill. He did not give the pledge to the House, though, as I understand it, he gave a statement of his own opinion to the Government as to whether the Bill was a contentious one. What I want to say now is on the merits of the Motion before the House.
This Bill undoubtedly has the overwhelming support of the electorate. My hon. and learned Friend the Member for the Hartlepools (Mr. Howard Gritten) asks: "What do you know about it?" I know as much about this Bill as any other member in this House. I do not suggest that there are not some points on which there are differences of opinion, and there are no doubt arguments in which I should not find myself on the side of the hon. and gallant Member who was originally in charge of the Bill; but as a whole the Bill undoubtedly has the overwhelming support of the electorate of this country. It was for that reason, I imagine, that the Leader of the House accepted the statement on the last occasion, and agreed with it, after some doubt possibly, that the Bill was a non-contentious one.
What happened? A Clause was introduced into the Bill which it is now said makes the Bill a contentious one. That is the only difference substantially between the Bill as it was when it was discussed on the last occasion in this House and the Bill in the form in which it left the other House. The only question now is whether this House shall agree with the Lords, or say' that the Clause is to remain a part of the Bill. That cannot possibly, in my judgment—though I say it with respect to the Leader of the House—affect the question as to whether the Bill comes within the class of measures which are non-contentious, and open to be discussed by the House within the pledge given by the Leader of the House. I know there are hon. Members who feel strongly upon this, but the House will not understand these special pleadings, and the vacillations of the hon. and gallant Member in charge of the Bill. What the country will expect is that a straight deal should be given, and a straight vote can be given upon this question, which can be quite shortly and capably discussed this evening. The hon. and gallant Member who moved this Amendment has addressed the House as if his sole objection to considering the Lords Amendments was that there is not time for their consideration this evening. He knows perfectly well that if he had days and weeks for their discussion, nothing would make him other than an opponent of the Bill.
I think it is within the knowledge of the House that my hon. and learned Friend did not take the trouble to sit up till 3 o'clock in the morning on this Bill. He was not here. My opposition to this Bill is well known to the House. I do not wish to be misrepresented. My objection is that the House is taking away the defence of a man charged with a criminal offence. That, in Clause 2, is to my mind bad legislation, and therefore the whole Bill is bad.
12 M.
The hon. and gallant Member has supported what I said by showing that all his arguments in favour of a longer consideration of the Bill amount to nothing but a device to defeat the Bill. I am not going to discuss longer the merits of this Amendment, but all I say is that there will be an enormous part of the electorate who will be profoundly disappointed, and although I quite recognise that those of us who resist this Amendment will not be regarded with favour by some of those in authority, I know no question upon which I should more deem it my duty to offer resistance than upon this.
As I did not speak on the Third Reading of this Bill, I want to make myself clear. What I wish to draw the attention of the House to is the procedure of the two hon. Members who moved the Clause about which really the whole trouble has arisen. I refer to the hon. and learned Member for Springburn (Mr. Macquisten) and the hon. and learned Member for Upton (Sir E. Wild), and I say frankly that their Clause was a deliberate attempt as a stunt to wreck the Bill.
indicated dissent.
As a matter of personal explanation, may I say that that statement is entirely inaccurate?
In any case, the hon. and gallant Member for Rochester (Lieut.-Colonel Moore-Brabazon) ought not to impute motives.
I will at once withdraw and apologise, Mr. Speaker. The two hon. and learned Members in question came downstairs almost in surplices, and made the most unctuous speeches to a very tired House, which had been engaged in walking through the Division lobbies for many Divisions. The House was absolutely deceived, and passed that particular Clause about which all the trouble has arisen. But what happened immediately afterwards? There was a Motion to adjourn the Debate. That was a Motion to wreck the Bill, and those two hon. and learned Members who had proposed this Clause voted for that Motion. That seems to me to be a very curious procedure, and one which could not have been adopted by any sincere supporter of the Bill. When that Clause was carried, I did my best to wreck the Bill. Now that the Bill comes back from the Lords with an Amendment to delete this Clause, I do not intend, in any way, to obstruct the passage of the Measure.
I fully appreciate the great difficulty in which the Leader of the House finds himself. I think the real attitude towards the Bill of my hon. and gallant Friend who moved to postpone consideration of the Lords reasons, has been described by the last speaker. The hon. and learned Gentleman who seconded devoted his singularly flexible mind to collated arguments in favour of the new Clause, as a reason for not discussing the Lords rejection of the Clause. Those of us who believe the Bill to be of great importance, and who believed so when we assented to the Clause moved by the hon. Gentleman, must have regard to the fact that the other Clauses were adopted by large majorities, and the other Clauses have been left practically intact by the other House. In these circumstances, if they go to a Division, while I realise the difficulty of the Leader of the House, I shall vote against the postponement of consideration, to express my conviction that the Bill should be passed.
I appeal to the House not to allow this Bill to be wrecked. I do not wish to repeat what has already been said regarding the Clause which the House accepted on the last occasion when this Bill was debated here. I knew it was an attempt to wreck the Measure, and that those who were interested in promoting the Bill would not gain anything by trying to appease people who were absolutely against it. Some hon. Members talk as though this Bill embodied something quite new. This subject has been before the country for four years. Two Committees have sat to consider it. It has been discussed in both Houses of Parliament, and every man and woman who is interested in the question, from the moral point of view, knows the pressing necessity for the Bill. Every society of women and a great many societies of men are urging upon the House to pass the Bill. It is a Bill, not to deal with immorality, but to protect young people, and if hon. Members would bear that in mind, they would remain here until to-morrow morning, if necessary, in order to get it through. I do not want to arouse the Opposition by anything I say. They know pretty well what I think of them, and it would do no good if I were to express it—besides I should be called to order. I am making an appeal to hon. Members, and I do not want to threaten them with the women voters. [An HON. MEMBER: "We are not afraid."] I beg of you to think of this Bill as a measure of protection for the young, which is urged upon you by every society of women. [ Interruption. ] I had to listen to the hon. Member (Major Hamilton). If he has any objections, let him state them out aloud, and not under his breath.
I was not speaking to the hon. Member.
No, but you were speaking of her.
Nor was I speaking of her.
I repeat my appeal to hon. Members to allow this Bill to go through, and to prove their sympathy with the protection of the young. I am sure there is not one hon. Member who is a father who will not insist upon the Measure being passed.
I profoundly regret both the decision of the hon. and gallant Member for North Leeds (Major Farquharson) and of the Government, but I recognise their difficulty. I would make this suggestion. The Government have shown by their attitude that they are entirely in favour of this Bill. If it be not possible on the ground of honour, etiquette, or whatever you choose to call it, to pass the Bill to-night, I ask the Government to give an assurance that in the next Session they will themselves introduce a Bill.
No more dope!
The hon. Member may call it "dope," but, after all, there is such a thing as Parliamentary honour. Strongly as I support this Bill, and deprecate the Amendment which is the cause of the Bill being lost, I think it is more consonant with the dignity and discretion of Members who support this Bill to try to get an assurance from the Government that they will introduce a Bill on precisely similar lines at the beginning of next Session. If that be done, I think that all that the promoters of this Bill desire will be achieved. A few months cannot make much difference, and if we can get that assurance from the Government, it will go a great length to satisfy those Members who feel that a real and much-needed reform is being lost at this moment, and would be most reluctant to see it permanently lost to the Statute Book.
I would like first of all to repudiate most emphatically certain observations that have been made. I think reasonable people will concede that I proposed this Clause with no other object but to strengthen the provisions of the Bill. In my view, this Bill does not go far enough. There ought to have been a Clause in the Bill protecting boys, because I am one of those who believe in male as well as female chastity. There is no use protecting young girls if you do not protect young boys. I proposed this Clause in good faith, knowing the dreadful evils which result from these dreadful practices, and knowing there is as much victimisation of young women by their own sex. When I read the House of Lords speeches, what do I find? I am told that the judges have not been consulted—
This is going a step further than the point at which we have arrived. We are discussing whether we will or will not accept the Amendment of the other House.
I submit that what was said in the other place is relevant to the Motion which we are considering. I was merely calling attention to what was said in objecting to this Clause.
It might have to come over again. The immediate question is whether the House will or will not insist on its Amendment.
I submit that Bills of this kind ought to be introduced in the popular House, and not be sent down from the unrepresentative place. The whole matter should be re-introduced in another Session with all the Amendments dealing with the question of the protection of the young of both sexes, because it is no use protecting the one, if you do not protect the other. Anyone who knows the history, and has had experience of the wrecked lives of boys through immoral women, and who knows what is at the bottom of so much of our social evil, knows that this is only a half Measure, and a Measure promoted by those who do not understand the full gravity of the question. I say that if we are to have, and we must have, legislation upon this subject, let it be fully considered legislation, taking its origin in the popular House, and taking its facts from the best judge of facts—the ordinary man-in-the-street. Let us have that class of legislation, and make a complete job of this grave and disagreeable task.
None of us who promoted the Bill denies the sincerity of the opponents of the Bill. I think my hon. and learned Friend gave quite a wrong impression of the Report stage, but I recognise in him a perfectly honest and sincere opponent of the Bill. I am not at all sure that if we had been opposing we should not have kept the House up longer than did the opponents of the Bill. I think those who believe in the Bill have a distinct grievance in what has taken place to-night, and a grievance in the attitude of the Government. As regards my hon. and gallant Friend who was the original promoter of the Bill, in the sense that he introduced it into this House, I think it will be kinder to him and to his past and future Parliamentary reputation if no remarks be offered by his friends in the House or those who have agreed with him on this Bill as to his extraordinary attitude in endeavouring to slay his own infant. If what he said to-night were true, it was equally true on the Report stage, and if he were anxious to drop the Bill and to show his regard for the Government's pledges, he ought to have done so on that occasion. I think, therefore, it is kinder not to enquire too closely into the reasons. But it was a most extraordinary speech.
I come to the opposition of the Government in the matter. Let me say at once that no one is more anxious than I am to see the Government fulfil every pledge. I am very glad that at this time of the Session they have such an intense desire to do so. While everyone knows that the right hon. Gentleman made that statement believing most sincerely he had given a pledge, and that this pledge would be broken if he persisted in a certain action, I cannot understand why he did not realise that that pledge had been given on the Report stage. If he thought the Bill controversial, and the discussion of the Bill on Report a breach of the pledge, why did he not then announce that the Bill was a controversial Bill, and why did he allow us to take the best action we could take to get the Bill through? I say most emphatically that not only the promoters, but the opponents of the Bill, have a grievance. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for West Derby (Sir R. Hall), who I see beside me, was one of the opponents of the Bill, and he would be the first to admit that if the Bill were controversial it should have been stated at the time of the Report stage. I think those who believe in the Bill have been badly treated by the Government in this matter. We know, of course, that we shall be defeated in the Lobby as long as there are so many in this House who are always prepared' to support the Government. There is the hon. Member for Montrose (Mr. Leng-Sturrock). [HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order."]
I do not think that is a fair remark. The hon. and gallant Member is taking upon himself what he is denying to his colleagues.
If anything I have said be out of order, I at once withdraw it. I only said that the Bill would be rejected, and it would not make any difference whether I made the speech or not the hon. Gentleman would have voted for the Government. If that be out of order I will withdraw it.
Have I to suffer the Noble Lord to insinuate that I shall vote one way, despite the views that I hold in the matter? I refuse altogether to allow the House to think that I am going to vote for the Government despite the views that I hold on this Measure.
That is just the point. It is not for any hon. Member to arrogate to himself the way in which an hon. Member is going to give his vote.
I do not wish to insinuate that the hon. Gentleman does not always vote in accordance with his convictions. I think we have a very serious grievance—[HON. MEMBEES: "Divide, divide!"]—with the Government in choosing this stage, and not the
Division No. 353.] AYES. [12.25 am. Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Allen, Lieut. Col. Sir William James Henderson, Major V. L. (Tradeston) Perkins, Walter Frank Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Rankin, Captain James Stuart Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Hogge, James Myles Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Benn, Sir A. s. (Plymouth, Drake) Hurd, Percy A. Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Betterton, Henry B. Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Borwick, Major G. O. Johnstone, Joseph Rose, Frank H. Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M. Royce, William Stapleton Broad, Thomas Tucker Loseby, Captain C. E. Smith, W. R. (Wellingborough) Bromfield, William Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Stanler, Captain Sir Beville Bruton, Sir James McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Sturrock, J. Leng Butcher, Sir John George Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Churchman, Sir Arthur MacVeagh, Jeremiah Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Clough, Sir Robert Maitland, Sir Arthur D. Steel- Wallace, J. Coote, Colin Reith (Isle of Ely) Middlebrook, Sir William Waterson, A. E. Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Morgan, Major D. Watts Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Nail, Major Joseph Winterton, Earl Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Grundy, T. W. Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Halls, Waiter Pennefather, De Fonblanque Viscountess Astor and Major Hills. NOES. Amery, Leopold C. M. S. Green, Albert (Derby) Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Atkey, A. R. Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Poison, Sir Thomas A. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Greenwood, William (Stockport) Purchase, H. G. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Greig, Colonel Sir James William Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Balfour, George (Hampstead) Gritten, W. G. Howard Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Barlow, Sir Montague Hacking, Captain Douglas H. Robinson, Sir T. (Lanes., Stretlord) Barnett, Major Richard W. Hallwood, Augustine Roundell, Colonel R. F. Barnston, Major Harry Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W.(Llv'p'l,W.D'by) Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Barrie, Charles Coupar (Banff) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Seddon, J. A. Blades, Sir George Rowland Hopkins, John W. W. Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) Blair, Sir Reginald Jameson, John Gordon Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Breese, Major Charles E. Jodrell, Neville Paul Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive King, Captain Henry Douglas Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Brown, T. W. (Down, North) Lane-Fox, G. R. Sugden, W. H. Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Sutherland, Sir William Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W). Lindsay, William Arthur Townley, Maximilian G. Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Tryon, Major George Clement Curzon, Captain Viscount Lort-Williams, J. Warner, Sir T. Courtenay T. Davidson, J.C.C.(Hemel Hempstead) Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Whitla, Sir William Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Evans, Ernest Macquisten, F. A. Williams, Lt.-Col. Sir R. (Banbury) FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Mason, Robert Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Ford, Patrick Johnston Molson, Major John Elsdale Wise, Frederick Forrest, Walter Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Fraser, Major Sir Keith Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Frece, Sir Walter de Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Young, E. H. (Norwich) Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Murchison, C. K. Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Neal, Arthur TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Glyn, Major Ralph Parker, James Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Gould, James C. Pease, Rt. Hon Herbert Pike Dudley Ward.
Words added.
Main Question, as amended, put, and agreed to.
Consideration of Lords reasons put off for three months.
Report stage to make known their policy on the matter. It is perfectly obvious that we cannot get this Bill; it is perfectly obvious that we shall not get it in this Parliament, as it is equally obvious that those who are opposing it to-night will not do themselves any good, either with their constituents or with the public.
Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of tie Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 59; Noes,
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed
Whereupon Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Order of the House of 26th July.
Adjourned at Twenty-seven Minutes before One o'clock.