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Commons Chamber

Volume 147: debated on Wednesday 26 October 1921

House of Commons

Wednesday, October 26, 1921

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Dorward's House of Refuge (Montrose) Order Confirmation Bill,

Read the Third time, and passed.

Church of Scotland (General Trustees) Order Confirmation Bill,

"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to the Church of Scotland (General Trustees)," presented by Mr. MUNRO; and ordered (under Section 7 of the Act) to be considered To-morrow.

Dundee Corporation Order Confirmation Bill,

"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Dundee Corporation," presented by Mr. MUNRO; read the First time; and ordered (under Section 9 of the Act) to be read a Second time upon Thursday, 3rd November, and to be printed. [Bill 224.]

New Writ

For the Borough of Hornsey, in the room of WILLIAM KENNEDY JONES, Esquire, deceased.—[ Colonel Leslie Wilson. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Russia

Eastern Siberia

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any further information regarding the situ- ation in Vladivostok and the maritime province of Siberia; what Government is now in power; whether the Japanese are still in occupation of the city and surrounding country; whether a detachment of ex-officers from General Wrangel's Army has been sent to Vladivostok, and, if so, was this with British co-operation; and whether His Majesty's Government is represented in Vladivostok?

The situation at Vladivostok and in the maritime province has not essentially changed since the reply which I gave to my hon. and gallant Friend on 17th August. M. Merkuloff's Government is still in power at Vladivostok, and there is a Japanese garrison in occupation of the town and surrounding district. No ex-officers from General Wrangel's Army have been sent to Vladivostok, but a number of Russian refugees from Iraq and India have recently been sent there. His Majesty's Government is represented at Vladivostok by a Consul.

Can the hon. Gentleman inform us if the Japanese Government have explained their position in Eastern Siberia to His Majesty's Government, and if any steps have been taken?

Is it quite clear that these Russian refugees who have returned to Vladivostok are of all ages and sexes, and unarmed?

S.S. "Franz Ferdinand" (Refugees)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary of the Admiralty whether he has any information with regard to a steamer called the "Franz Ferdinand"; at what port she is now; what was her port of departure; under what flag she is sailing; has she on board, or has she recently carried, ex-officers of General Wrangel's army; and whether these ex-officers are to be disembarked, or have been disembarked, at Vladivostok?

The "Franz Ferdinand" was chartered by His Majesty's Government to transport certain Russian refugees consisting of 881 men, 106 women, and 61 children from Iraq and India to Vladivostok. A small party was also sent from Egypt. The ship left Hong Kong on 17th October for Bombay on her return journey. Her port of departure was Basra, and she sailed under the British flag. So far as His Majesty's Government are aware, no ex-officers of General Wrangel's army were carried on this vessel.

While thanking the hon. Gentleman for that full reply, may I ask if it was impossible to arrange an amnesty for these people to allow them to go to Russia proper instead of to Vladivostok?

My impression is that that exact proposition was put to the Soviet Government, and that they have hitherto declined to take the necessary measures. We carried these people to the only part of the Russian Empire over which the Soviet Government has at present no control.

Questions

South Persia Rifles

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs how far the disbandment of the South Persia Rifles has been carried out; and what has become of the guns, rifles, horses, mules, stores, munitions, and equipment supplied to the force by the Government of India in their endeavour to help the Persian Government to keep order in Southern Persia?

The disbandment of this force is proceeding in view of the fact that the Persian Government were unwilling to retain the British officers who were in command. The force will have been completely disbanded towards the end of this month. With regard to the second part of the question, a small portion of the equipment has been offered to the Persian Government, but the majority of the arms, etc., have either been withdrawn or destroyed locally.

Can the hon. Gentleman say what is to become of the men? Are they to turn into bandits and infest this locality?

I do not think so. If my hon. Friend will put down a further question, I will endeavour to give him the information required.

Spanish Foreign Legion

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is aware of the serious allegations made against the Spanish military authorities by a number of British subjects, all of them ex-service men, who recently enlisted in the Spanish Foreign Legion; whether he is aware that these ex-service men state that the conditions of pay and service promised to them by the representatives of the Spanish consuls in this country were not carried out on their arrival in Morocco; that some of them who protested against the breach of contract were ill-treated and robbed of their money and sent off to Gibraltar; and that others who actually joined the legion have been beaten and kicked by Spanish officers; and whether His Majesty's Government will at once approach the Spanish Government with a request that the allegations made by these men may be inquired into by a committee of inquiry on which His Majesty's Government shall have representation or, alternatively, by a committee composed of nationals of some neutral and friendly country?

I am aware that allegations of the kind indicated in the first four parts of the question have been made. The Spanish Government have been asked to allow a British representative to make an independent and impartial inquiry into the allegations of ill-treatment, and their reply is awaited.

In view of the fact that one of the allegations is that these men are still being retained against their will in the Spanish Army and ill treated, will this representative have access to these men, or will these men have an opportunity of placing their case before the representative?

I have no doubt that will be the case. That is, undoubtedly, what we desire.

Will our representative have an opportunity of going to Morocco and investigating for himself?

Egypt (Zaghloul Pasha)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Zaghloul Pasha has been prohibited from landing at any place in Upper Egypt; whether he has recently visited many places in Lower Egypt without disorder ensuing; and what is the reason for the discrimination?

In view of the affray at Assiut, referred to in my reply to the hon. Member for Barnard Castle yesterday, Zaghloul Pasha was prohibited from landing at places in Upper Egypt, where, in the opinion of the authorities, similar disturbances were likely to occur. I would remind the hon. Member that when Zaghloul Pasha recently proposed to visit Tanta, the Egyptian Government felt obliged, in the interests of public order, to take the same steps as those since adopted in Upper Egypt.

Has not the hon. Gentleman received advices from Egypt as to the complete harmony which prevailed at all places visited by Zaghloul Pasha?

I should not like to commit myself to an expression of opinion as to harmony.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether 15 men from Dennahra, who were going on business to Assiut, were fired upon, one of them being wounded, and then arrested by the police; that the movements of individuals about the Mudirieh of Assiut were prohibited, in view of the approaching visit of Saad Zaghloul Pasha; and that even those who had cases in court were prevented from going to Assiut; and can any inquiry be made into these matters?

I have no information with regard to the incidents quoted in the hon. Member's question. It is for the Egyptian Government alone to decide whether any inquiry is necessary.

Is it not possible that an inquiry might be made into this pin-pricking policy which is going on to the injury of the populace?

If such an inquiry is being held, it will be held by the Government of the country.

Are we to consider the Egyptian Government as wholly independent and acting on its own initiative?

France and Angora

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what are the provisions of the agreement come to between France and the Government of Angora; and whether, and in what way, they carry out the promises made by France, when she occupied Cilicia, to protect the subject races of that province?

His Majesty's Government have no information regarding the provisions of the agreement, beyond what has appeared in the Press.

Is it not a convenient assumption that our French Allies are as humane as ourselves?

Will His Majesty's Government obtain information as to this Treaty between Angora and France?

I do not know what the hon. Member means by "obtain" This is a matter between the French Government and the Nationalist Government.

Will the British Government ask the French Government for information—that is what I mean?

In view of our great interests in Moslem countries, would it not be advisable for us to conclude an agreement with the Angora Government, considering its victorious position?

British Nationals (Japan)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether any progress has been made in regard to securing to the children of British parents resident in Japan the status of British nationality, although they may be born outside His Majesty's allegiance?

The proposals approved by the recent Conference of Prime Ministers for the amendment of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act, 1914, in the sense indicated have been submitted to the favourable consideration of the Governments of the Dominions and India, on receipt of whose replies it is hoped that it may be found possible to introduce a Bill into Parliament embodying these proposals.

Is there any possibility of such a Bill being introduced very shortly, because the British in Japan are very anxious about the matter?

That is a question relating to legislation, and it should be addressed to the Leader of the House.

Will this very important point be taken into consideration with regard to other countries as well as Japan? Will consideration apply generally and not to Japan alone?

How long ago is it since the Government promised to communicate with the Dominions on this matter? Is it not a year ago?

This subject came under consideration at the recent Imperial Conference.

Will the hon. Gentleman say whether legislation for this country is contingent and dependent on the Dominions acquiescing in that legislation, or whether it will be possible for legislation to be carried and applied to nationals in this country, irrespective of the Dominions, in the event of their not seeing their way to agree?

That is a rather high constitutional question. Perhaps the hon. Member will give me notice, and I shall endeavour to get him the right information.

China (Rev. Mr. Parker)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Rev. Mr. Parker was carried off by Chinese brigands in August while upon his honeymoon, in the Province of Yunnan, and held for ransom; whether the Chinese Government has been approached with a view to securing his safety and return; and whether His Majesty's Government have any information on the matter?

No reports from China have reached the Foreign Office on this subject, but telegraphic inquiries are being made, the result of which will be communicated to the hon. Member.

Passports and Visas

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps the British Government is taking to advance the abolition of visas in neutral countries for British subjects; and whether, in view of the definite wish of the Swiss Government, expressed through various channels, to enter into a mutual arrangement with our Government for the abolition of the Swiss visa on British passports and the British visa on Swiss passports, he will take immediate steps to bring this arrangement into operation?

My hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. I am watching the effect of the relaxations already made in regard to visas for alien passengers to this country; but on the facts so far before me, I am not ready to dispense any further with this requirement.

In the meantime, may I ask whether this country is offering the same facilities to Swiss travellers as the Swiss Government is offering to British travellers? Can a Swiss traveller go through England without a visa as a British traveller may go through Switzerland without a visa?

Assaults on British Subjects, Florida

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to the flogging of George Doty, a British subject, at Miami, Florida, presumably by the same gang that tarred and feathered the Rev. J. Irwin; whether Doty also has been forced to leave America; whether any report on this case was made by the British vice-consul; and what protection or prospect of justice is there for coloured British subjects in this town of Miami?

I have received no official report on this case, but one will be called for from His Majesty's Ambassador at Washington.

Airship R38 (Design)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty who was responsible for the design of rigid airship R38; and what was the procedure in regard to checking the design of this airship?

I have been asked to reply to this question. The airship was designed in September, 1918, by the airship design staff, which was transferred from the Admiralty to the Air Ministry on the 22nd October, 1919, by which date the construction of the airship had been begun. The procedure adopted for passing and checking the design, upon which any question as to responsibility would hinge, is still under investigation by the Aeronautical Research Committee.

Will the right hon. Gentleman publish as a White Paper the full reports of the inquiries which have been held and which will be held as to the cause of the disaster?

I am not sure it has not already been done; if it has not been done, it is in process of being done.

Unemployment

Shipbreaking, Plymouth

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether the shipbreaking scheme at Ply mouth, which provided employment for a number of men, has been closed down; if so, will he state the reason; and whether consideration will be given to the possibility of resuming work?

It is understood that work has almost entirely been suspended upon the scheme mentioned, the principal reason being the abnormal and continuous reduction in the price of steel scrap, which has been almost unsaleable during the last few months. The possibility of resuming work, however, is being carefully investigated.

Whitehead Torpedo Works, Weymouth

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that the Whitehead Torpedo Works, Weymouth, closed on the 5th March last, with the result that in the neighbourhood unemployment is now about 50 per cent.; and whether, in view of the fact that these works provided employment on Admiralty work for many years, special consideration will be given to the possibility of allocating orders in connection with the present naval programme?

The present requirements of torpedoes are not sufficient to admit of continuous employment being provided on even a small scale at the Whitehead Torpedo Works. The Royal Naval Torpedo Factory is working with considerably less than pre-War staff and will require all the torpedo work available in order to keep it running at a reasonably economical output. Should the Admiralty find it necessary to obtain torpedo accessories from the trade in the near future, Messrs. Whitehead would certainly be asked to tender if they still have the plant and facilities for producing such accessories. Should the firm re-open any portion of their plant capable of producing other classes of work which the Admiralty may have to put out to tender, the Department would be glad to consider favourably an application for them to be allowed to quote, in competition with other firms.

Building Trades

asked the Minister of Labour the number of men in the building trades who are registered as unemployed at the Employment Exchanges?

The number of men in the building trades registered at Employment Exchanges as unemployed at 7th October was 110,577, of whom 70,817 were labourers and 19,310 painters.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that it would be more economical to find work in house-building for 30,000 skilled men rather than pay them the unemployment dole, and do the figures the right hon. Gentleman gives correspond with the statement of the Prime Minister the other day that all available building labour was fully employed?

There is plenty of house-building work. The great bulk of these men are, as I say, labourers. Another large section are painters who are out of occupation for seasonal reasons. There are 292 plasterers who are now registered as unemployed, and I have got registrations on my books for 988 plasterers.

In the right hon. Gentleman's figures there are nearly 4,000 bricklayers and masons, and is he aware that at the same time the Minister of Health has refused local authorities, who have the men and the material and want the houses, leave to go on building? Would it not be more economical to put the men on work for which they are skilled rather than pay them unemployment benefit?

Insurance Benefit

asked the Minister of Labour whether those insured for unemployment benefit since 1911 and those who have been so insured from a later date and have never been unemployed are not entitled to this benefit if they have been rendered unable for work through illness extending for a year or more, and who on recovery from illness are not re-employed owing to the present industrial slackness; and, if so, whether steps will be taken to ensure that sickness will not deprive an insured person of the unemployment benefit for which he has paid should he find himself out of work when again fit for employment?

In the circumstances described in the question, any rights to benefit arising from payment of contributions would not be affected owing to the period of sickness. If my hon. Friend will supply me with particulars of any cases he has in mind, I shall be glad to look into them.

Will my right hon. Friend realise that some managers of employment exchanges say that if a man has been sick for 12 months, he is out of unemployment benefit?

Southwark (Unemployed Registered)

asked the Minister of Labour the present approximate number of unemployed registered for the Borough of Southwark, both for men and women, and the amount paid weekly to them for unemployment pay?

In the area of the Borough Employment Exchange, which is that which most nearly coincides with the Borough of Southwark, there were on the Live Registers at 14th October, 9,058 men and 2,048 women registered as unemployed; in addition, there were 851 men and 66 women who had exhausted their unemployment benefit and had ceased to register at the Exchange. The amount paid weekly at present to those in receipt of unemployment benefit is about £6,000.

London (Principal Trades)

asked the Minister of Labour the principal trades both for men and women in which there is the greatest amount of unemployment at the present time in the County of London?

The trades in which there is the greatest unemployment in the London Metropolitan areas amongst men are: building, engineering, the wholesale and retail distributive trades, and dock and riverside labour. Amongst females, the greatest unemployment is in the hotel, boarding house, and restaurant service, the wholesale and retail distributive trades, and the manufacture of food and drink.

asked the Minister of Labour the present number of unemployed registered in his Department for the County of London; can he give the details of men, women, youths, and girls; and what is the total approximate amount paid weekly to them for unemployment pay?

At 14th October the number on the Live Registers of Employment Exchanges in the County of London was 127,800, of whom 96,088 were men, 25,006 women, 3,943 youths, and 2,763 girls. In addition, there were 42,813 persons who had exhausted their unemployment benefit, and had ceased to maintain their registrations at the Exchanges. The amount paid weekly to those in receipt of unemployment benefit is about £67,500.

Unemployed Groups (Statistics)

asked the Minister of Labour the percentage of persons unemployed in the co-operative movement and in municipal authorities and those in private commercial concerns of Great Britain?

Separate figures are not available for the three groups mentioned by my hon. Friend.

Is it not possible that there might be some systematic record of the number of men who go out of work from time to time, so that we might know the specific cost to the taxpayers between the co-operative, municipal and private concerns?

I will consider that; but it has been my policy to cut down, as far as possible, the expenditure on returns, which already are quite voluminous, I can assure my hon. Friend.

Cornsay Colliery (Arrears of Relief)

asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that of over 100 men and boys signed on for unemployed relief on 28th September at Cornsay Colliery, County Durham, about 30 of them have not yet received any pay, although the rest received payment both on 13th October and 20th October, and that the clerks or those in charge are not able to give them advice as to why they have not received the two weeks' unemployed pay with the rest; and will efforts be made so that their allowance will be paid?

I am making inquiries locally in this matter, and will communicate the result to my hon. Friend.

Employment Exchanges (Facilities)

asked the Minister of Labour whether all the necessary unemployment insurance cards and other requisite stationery and forms are at this moment printed and readily available, in view of the great demand likely to arise in November next from the resumption of unemployment benefit for the period commencing on the 3rd of that month; and whether any steps have been taken to avoid any possible congestion or disturbance at the Employment Ex changes, particularly in the Metropolitan area, consequent upon the great increase in the number of persons who will resume the use of such centres on the date named?

Yes, Sir. It is, however, not possible to prevent some measure of congestion at Exchanges during periods of abnormal pressure if large numbers of applicants present themselves at the same hour; but if claimants to benefit will comply with the arrangements made for their convenience, that is to say, if they will apply at different hours according to a programme which will be notified to them, it is hoped to make payments with a minimum of trouble to all concerned.

asked the Minister of Labour whether, having regard to the recent dismissal of many officials hitherto employed under his direction, particularly in Employment Exchanges, any provision has been made in respect to additional staff in anticipation of the great increase of work certain to arise from the resumption of unemployment benefit payable to many thousands of men and women who will register for the same early in November next, or will the present staffs of the Exchanges be expected to shoulder all the additional responsibilities and labours involved without any augmentation of their personnel?

Careful consideration has been given to the question of the staff which will be required to cope with the increase of work arising out of the resumption of unemployment benefit, and all necessary steps have been taken to ensure that, during the period of pressure, the Employment Exchange service will be adequately reinforced.

Practically all Departments of the Employment Exchanges to-day are staffed by ex-service men.

Health Insurance Benefits

asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that, owing to continued unemployment, many workers are unable to maintain their health insurance contributions and are consequently dropping out of benefit; and whether he is prepared to recommend the introduction of a temporary measure whereby health insurance benefits may be extended under the exceptional circumstances prevailing at the present time?

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that, owing to continuous unemployment lasting for upwards of 12 months and due to the present abnormal circumstances, many people insured under the National Health Insurance Acts have, under the provisions of Section 13 (1) of the 1918 Act, been treated as having ceased to be insured, with the result that they have ceased to be members of their approved societies and are therefore no longer entitled to benefits; and whether it is proposed to amend the Law so as to permit these persons to be retained in insurance until the present abnormal circumstances abate?

I am introducing to-day a short Bill dealing with this matter.

Government Plans (Publication)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the desirability of publishing in compact form a brief outline of the official plans for the relief of unemployment, showing more especially the types of proposal which should be submitted to specific authorities and Departments, and the procedure which should be followed in each case?

My hon. Friend's suggestion has been considered by the Departments con cerned, but it is not thought that it would serve any object of sufficient utility. In his speech last week the Prime Minister described generally the various measures which it was proposed to adopt for the relief of unemployment, and further details as regards these measures have been or will be supplied in White Papers relating to the various Bills and in the Supplementary Estimates which arc to be presented to the House. Moreover, local authorities and other statutory bodies have already been informed by circular or otherwise as to the steps to be taken by them in order to obtain State assistance in the carrying out of schemes in their localities.

Does not the hon. Gentleman realise that Members of this House are really most anxious to lessen unemployment by working under the various Government schemes, and that the issue of some such publication as I have suggested would greatly expedite that?

Yes, Sir; I very fully realise, if I may say so, that co-operation, and the welcome; but I think if my hon. Friend will wait till he sees the form of the Supplementary Estimates, he will find that he will get there a resum é of the form in which we shall proceed.

Outdoor Relief

asked the Minister of Health whether he will instruct boards of guardians that in calculating the amount of outdoor relief to be granted to applicants no account shall be taken of any disability pension enjoyed by the applicant, and where such disability pension has been deducted the same shall be refunded?

I have no authority to issue such an instruction as the hon. Member suggests.

Lewisham (Sale of Goods)

asked the Minister of Health whether the Lewisham Board of Guardians have, in consequence of alleged profiteering on the part of tradesmen in supplying goods to the unemployed, set up their own depots, at which goods are sold at certain fixed prices; and has he been able to ascertain how much of the difference between the prices of the guardians and of the retailers is due to rent, rates, taxes, and wages, from all of which the guardians in their trading venture are exempt?

I am unable to say what proportion of the difference between the prices charged by the guardians and the prices charged by the retailer would represent the rates, taxes and wages of the retailer, but the guardians estimate that their own overhead charges amount to 20 per cent, of the value of the goods supplied.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the guardians have been able to supply goods at prices very much below the local cooperative stores?

Royal Navy

Rosyth Naval Base (Housing)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty the amount annually spent on railway fares for Rosyth Dockyard employ és for whom there is no housing accommodation at Rosyth?

The annual amount expended on this account is, approximately, £45,000.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether his Department has yet decided upon a housing policy for the employ és at Rosyth Naval Base; and, if so, will he state the number of houses they expect to build by the end of next year?

The Admiralty are not proposing to embark upon a housing scheme for their employ és at Rosyth, but the question of whether further houses shall be erected by the Scottish National Housing Company for this purpose is at present the subject of correspondence between His Majesty's Treasury and the Scottish Board of Health.

In view of the fact that we are spending this unnecessary money in railway fares, would it not be more economical to have our own houses and save that money, as well as the extra living-out money which is granted?

At present the question is out of the hands of the Admiralty.

New Capital Ships

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if he can give the different tenders for the new capital ships, with the difference between the highest and lowest tenders; and if he can give this for the hulls, for the engines, the guns, and the armour?

I regret that I cannot give this information. My hon. and gallant Friend is no doubt aware that it is not customary in business transactions to publish details of tenders. Moreover, in the present case it is not in the public interest to give the particulars asked for.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether, in view of the many persons out of work in the borough of Plymouth, he can say when it is proposed to begin the lengthening of the slip in Devonport dockyard?

asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that there are no Government slips capable of carrying any of the new capital ships, with the result that the nation is entirely in the hands of private firms; and if he will consider the building of such slips, which will not only provide useful work for many unemployed, but be expenditure of a capital and lasting value to the nation?

As stated by the Parliamentary Secretary of the Admiralty on 18th July last, in reply to a question by the hon. Member for Devonport (Sir C. Kinloch-Cooke), although the advantage of altering the slips at the Royal Yards to enable the largest ships to be built is fully realised, the expense that would be incurred is not justifiable in the present state of the finances of this country. In any case, however, no work could be commenced on the slip at Plymouth until next summer, as it will be occupied until then.

Cannot funds be taken out of the Government grant for this work, seeing it is not only capital, but most useful expenditure?

We are taking all steps to provide as much work as we can for the unemployed. As a matter of fact, this work would not give much employment.

Is it not a fact that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty stated that this work is necessary, and is it not a great mistake to postpone what is a necessary thing and a matter of national importance merely because you have not sufficient money to do it with?

We realise that it is important, and we shall be only too glad to do it when the money is available, but this work is based on the question of unemployment.

Commissioned Warrant Officers (Promotion)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if he can make any statement on the subject of the promotion to lieutenant of those commissioned warrant officers who have successfully undergone the examinations prescribed by the Admiralty; if any, and, if so, how many, new candidates have offered themselves for examination; and if there is any probability of those who have already passed being promoted in the near future?

It is the intention to consider the first selection of commissioned officers from warrant rank for special promotion to lieutenant in connection with the next half yearly promotions on the 31st December. Four candidates have passed the qualifying examinations and, in addition, 85 commissioned officers from warrant rank and warrant officers have taken certain of the examination subjects. Of these latter, however, it is unlikely that more than two can become fully qualified by the above date. As promotion is by selection, it is not possible to make any definite statement beforehand as to the number of promotions that may be made.

Schoolmasters (Pay)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty whether the scheme for the increased pay to schoolmasters, Royal Navy, approved by the Admiralty and passed on to the Treasury, has been returned to the Admiralty; and will he say when he will be in a position to make a statement to the House on this subject?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. I regret I am not in a position to say when I can make any statement on the subject, but I can repeat the assurance given to the hon. Member for Central Portsmouth (Sir T. Bramsdon) on the 20th October "that no time will be lost in promulgating any new scheme for "which sanction may be obtained.

Questions

Floating Mines

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if he is aware that during the last few weeks trawl fishermen from Aberdeen have been taking up live mines; that the existence of unswept or imperfectly swept areas constitutes a grave danger to life and a serious deterrent to industry; and will he take immediate and adequate measures to deal with the matter?

Two cases of trawlers sweeping up mines have been reported recently. Both occurred in an area in which vessels have been warned not to trawl without special safety devices. The seas round the British Isles have been most thoroughly and carefully swept, and it is practically certain that there are no moored mines in existence.

It has been impossible to prevent a certain number of mines sinking to the bottom without exploding. Weekly returns are issued to trawlers regarding these areas, and giving a special caution not to use them without a safety device. It is not considered that any further steps are feasible.

Ex-Service Men

Ministry of Labour

asked the Minister of Labour if he is aware that certain non-service staff in his Department, recently dismissed through substitution machinery, were re-engaged in another section of his Department; and how this action is to be reconciled with the Government's statement regarding employment of ex-service men?

So far as I am aware, no temporary non-service man, dismissed through substitution machinery, has recently been transferred to a fresh post in the Ministry on his replacement in his old position by an ex-service man. A few temporary women officers have, however, been transferred on the termination of their former appointments, to posts in sections reserved for women. In these cases they either hold their present posts only until such time as permanent women officers can be assigned to the duties, or until work of a casual nature ceases. If my hon. and gallant Friend can furnish particulars of any specific case in the Ministry of Labour of a non-service officer being transferred to a fresh post to the improper exclusion of an ex-service man, I will at once investigate it.

Is it a fact that a number of women who were dismissed through the substitution machinery have, through the Employment Exchanges, been taken on at Kew. Does the right hon. Gentleman contend that the work at Kew is essentially women's work, and could not be undertaken by ex-service men?

The work at Kew is dealt with in the next answer, but if the hon. Member suggests that we are keeping the letter of the substitution and breaking the spirit, I can assure him he is mistaken, and if I found it to be so, I would deal very sharply with any such cases.

asked the Minister of Labour what is the exact nature of the work on which the women staff at Kew is engaged; and why the same cannot be undertaken by ex-service men?

The women staff at Kew is engaged upon the following duties: Sorting, filing of documents, indexing, ledger entering, typewriting and manipulation of accounting machines. The above work has always been performed by women, and the permanent clerical posts sanctioned by the Treasury in connection with this work are for women officers. The majority of these posts are held by permanent women officers, but at the present time there are 746 temporary women employed at Kew, as against a temporary ex-service male staff of over 1,800. I have worked in ex-service men wherever I could, and I am having, as I have already said, the position of the 746 women still employed at Kew further reviewed.

asked the Minister of Labour whether the recommendations of the First Interim Report of the Lytton Committee in respect of dismissals of ex-service men, i.e ., disabled men to be the last to go, are carried out; and, if so, why Mr. Hassett, who received training in the Ministry of Labour, was dismissed?

Mr. Hassett has had from us every consideration possible. In one post he was found, I regret to say, incapable of performing any but the most elementary clerical duties, and when it became necessary in the course of reorganisation to abolish the work on which he was engaged, he was found a second post, in which he also failed to give satisfaction. Special efforts have been, and are being, made by the Joint Substitution Board on his behalf, but so far the board have been unable to secure suitable alternative employment for him. I may add that we are making inquiry as to the possibility of giving him a further course of training in the watch and clock trade.

If I give the right hon. Gentleman the names of various disabled men who have been dismissed, will he be good enough to re-consider their dismissal, if in their departments there are non-service men who are performing the same work?

Accountants

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the fact that so many ex-service accountants are unemployed, he will issue instructions to dispense with all non-service accountants so as to give employment to many ex-service men?

The information at my disposal does not confirm the view that there are many ex-service accountants unemployed. There are a certain number of ex-service book-keepers unemployed, but there are no posts of this class in the Ministry available for substitution. I have, throughout, made great efforts to find employment for the maximum number of ex-service men, and this applies to accountants as to others. The total number of posts for accountants of all grades remaining for substitution in the Minis try of Labour in London and Provinces is not many, as my hon. Friend suggests, but 10 only, all requiring a high degree of technical knowledge and experience.

Questions

Domestic Service (Training)

asked the Minister of Labour whether any, and, if so, how many, women are still being educated in housecraft and domestic duties at the public expense; if so, when such expenditure will cease; what undertaking has been obtained from such women that they would engage in such duties upon completion of their training; and whether such undertaking has been faithfully discharged?

No women are being trained for domestic service wholly out of public funds. Such training is, however, being given by the Central Committee on Women's Training and Employment out of-a fund placed at their disposal by the National Relief Fund. To this expenditure we contribute £1 to every £2 contributed by the Central Committee.

Does the state of our finances justify this counsel of extravagant perfection?

I think that, so far as we have gone, this money has been well spent. I am considering whether I ought to continue to spend anything beyond my present commitment.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the National Relief Fund was raised for the specific purpose?

Is it not a fact that this scheme was directly due to the initiative of Queen Mary?

Milk (Government Grant)

asked the Minister of Health what has been his policy and what action he has taken with regard to the issue of milk to poor mothers and children?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which I gave last Thursday to questions on this subject of which I will send him a copy.

Did not the right hon. Gentleman then say that the present grants for milk would be continued until the end of the present financial year, and could he inform the House what is going to happen at the end of that time?

The hon. and gallant Member will see that I stated in answer to questions that the present grants would continue until the end of the present financial year. As to future policy, that is under consideration.

This is a very important matter. May I ask whether the local authorities could not be informed? Is not the policy settled?

Foreign Propaganda

asked the Prime Minister whether he proposes to intro- duce a Bill making it an offence to introduce money from abroad to subsidise a movement for overturning our own institutions or to receive money so introduced for such purposes?

I have been asked to answer this question. Any legislation on this subject would be complicated and difficult and the Government cannot undertake such legislation during the remainder of the present Session.

Ireland

Truce (Terms)

asked the Prime Minister whether the terms of the truce between His Majesty's Government and the Sinn Feiners were ever reduced into writing; and, if so, what is the date of the document and by whom was it signed, and when the document or documents will be laid upon the Table of this House in accordance with the undertaking given?

A White Paper setting out the arrangements governing the cessation of active operations in Ireland was presented in dummy yesterday, and copies will be available in the Vote Office this afternoon.

May I ask for an answer to the question: Whether there was ever a written document embodying the terms; if so, by whom was it signed and on behalf of whom, and the date?

I think if my hon. and learned Friend will wait till the document is available in the Vote Office in the course of the afternoon he will find all his questions answered.

It is a very simple question. I am asking whether there is such a document and by whom was it signed—surely the Government know?

I am sorry, but I thought the answer that I gave that the document would be available this afternoon would have entirely satisfied my hon. and learned Friend. I cannot say offhand—my memory will not allow me— Whose signatures were appended to the document, but the hon. and learned Gentleman will get the information from it. As to any information not there, I will answer if my hon. and learned Friend will repeat his question to-morrow.

What I wanted was the assurance of the right hon. Gentleman that there was such a document signed by some persons?

I believe the document was not formally signed. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] I believe the document was not signed, but was agreed upon between the two parties. Let me say at once, whatever my hon. and learned Friend and others may think of the terms of the truce in the document, there has never been any question on either side but that the document was binding on both parties.

Yes, an agreement recognised by both sides as binding is a valuable document.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that in the "Times" of 10th July two totally different versions of this agreement were given—one by the Government and the other by Mr. de Valera?

This was either a verbal agreement, or it was a written agreement. How can you have a written agreement that neither side has signed? I give notice I shall raise the matter on the adjournment of the House.

Royal Irish Constabulary (Special Pensions)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he has had his attention called to the case of ex-Sergeant J. H. Seery, Royal Irish Constabulary, who was dangerously wounded in County Cork, July, 1920, and discharged from the force as medically unfit for further service; whether this officer has received the special pension provided by the Police Pensions Bill for such cases; whether it was promised in August last that early attention would be given to all such cases; and whether he can now definitely announce when these will receive the special pension provided for such cases?

Ex-Sergeant Seery is in receipt of a pro- visional pension of £115 5s. 4d. pending the making of a final pension order. The general position regarding cases of this kind is explained in my reply on Monday last to the hon. and learned Member for York.

Sinn Fein Courts

asked the Chief Secretary if the Sinn Fein courts which were held before the truce have been permitted to sit during the truce; and, if so, are their proceedings in accordance with the terms of the truce or any understanding arrived at?

The question of Sinn Fein courts was not expressly dealt with in the terms of the truce. Arbitration courts, which as a fact existed before the truce, are allowed to continue during the truce. No courts not in existence before the truce are now allowed to function. No person in Ireland is under any obligation to attend any court other than the King's Court, and the Government are prepared to afford all necessary protection to persons who are illegally required to attend unauthorised courts or are subjected to penalties by such courts.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the House what is the difference between the courts to which he refers and the Sinn Fein Courts to which the question relates?

I should say one great difference is that an arbitration court is a court to which the parties go willingly. No other kind of court is allowed, and if parties called to unauthorised courts are intimidated, or are asked to pay a penalty authorised by the court, they have only to advise the police and we will give them every protection.

Are we to understand from the right hon. Gentleman that arbitration courts set up by the rebels have been sanctioned by the Government in previous days?

I do not think sanction is necessary. An arbitration court, as I understand it, is a court in which individuals go willingly before other persons to adjudicate on their case. At any rate, it is not possible during the term of the truce to interfere by force of arms with such courts.

As there seems to be some vagueness, may I ask whether the terms of the truce were ever reduced to writing?

Do not these arbitration proceedings originate in illegal Sinn Fein courts? Are not the arbitrations ordered by such courts, and are they not therefore illegal?

If I send the right hon. Gentleman particulars of a case in the present week where a person was brought by a Sinn Fein court and because he protested was ultimately dragged out by the Sinn Fein police, will he see that steps are taken?

I should be very much more grateful if my hon. Friend will bring these things to my notice before the courts sit.

I can only hear of such matters after they have occurred. I have no inside knowledge of Sinn Fein courts.

The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Moles) is Deputy-Speaker of the Northern Ireland Parliament.

If any case is brought to the notice of the Irish Government dealing with courts illegally held it is at once taken up. If the House will only follow the papers it will see there has recently been a marked decrease in the number of these so-called illegal courts. I may say there are cases in which it is a disputable matter whether the court is illegal, and these are taken up with the Sinn Fein authorities. I know of no other way except by force of arms and that, to my mind, would not be in keeping with the Peace Conference now sitting in London.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that we who live in Ireland know that the truce is an absolute farce, that these illegal courts are sitting, and that the truce is being violated every day.

Will the right hon. Gentleman explain who the Sinn Fein authorities, to whom he has referred, are?

I ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House in order to call attention to a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the failure of the Government to stop the administration of so-called justice by Sinn Fein courts.

If the right hon. Gentleman will wait till we have finished questions, I will deal with that matter.

Questions

Washington Conference (British Delegation Staff)

asked the Prime Minister whether the official representatives of this country at the Washington Conference are to number about 50, exclusive of clerical and other subordinate staff; what is the estimated cost per day to the taxpayer; and why it is necessary to have such a large body?

asked the Prime Minister the total number of individuals who are proceeding to the United States of America at the public expense in connection with the Disarmament Conference; and how many of these are officials, how many secretaries or typists, and how many attendants?

As already announced, the British delegates will be three in number, and as at present arranged the staff to the delegation will be composed as follows:

Will this sort of number be sent by every country represented at the Conference, and may I ask whether it is not a fact that the estimated cost per head per day is considerably over £10?

Obviously I cannot answer, and least of all without notice, a question as to the numbers of those who are representing other countries, but having regard to the great importance of the issues involved to this Empire and the world at large, I am sure that the House will desire that the British Mission should be adequately equipped for its work.

S.S. "Lusitania" (Reparation Claim)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to the case of Mrs. Gerda Welsh, who was a passenger on the "Lusitania," and whose claim for reparation for the damage sustained at the hands of the enemy has not yet been granted; whether he is aware that Mrs. Welsh has been a total invalid ever since; and whether he can hold out any hope of this and similar claims being settled in the near future?

I have been asked to reply to this question. The particulars which Mrs. Gerda Welsh has furnished are being submitted with other cases for consideration of the Royal Commission on Compensation for Suffering and Damage by Enemy Action. With regard to the last part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given by my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury to the hon. Member for Deptford yesterday.

International Labour Conference, Geneva

asked the Prime Minister who are the four delegates to the International Labour Conference at Geneva; and what are the names of the advisers?

As the answer is long and detailed, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer :

The four delegates are

Sir Montague Barlow, K.B.E., LL.D., M.P., Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour.

Sir Daniel Hall, K.C.B., F.R.S., Chief Scientific Adviser, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries.

Brigadier-General A. C. Baylay, D.S.O., National Confederation of Employers' Organisations.

Mr. E. L. Poulton, O.B.E., J.P., Vice-Chairman, General Council, Trades Union Congress.

The Government advisers are

Mr. R. R. Bannatyne, C.B.; Mr. G. E. Duckering; Mr. E. A. R. Werner, O.B.E.—Home Office.

Mr. R. J. Thompson, O.B.E., Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries.

Mr. H. M. Conacher, Board of Agriculture for Scotland.

Mr. Humbert Wolfe, C.B.E.; Mr. I. H. Mitchell; Mr. O. C. Allen, C.B.E.; Miss Isabel Sloan; Mr. A. B. Valentine—Ministry of Labour.

The employers' advisers are

Mr. A. Batchelor, Vice-President of the Scottish Farmers' Union.

Mr. J. E. Butterworth, Secretary, Painting Trade Materials Committee of Great Britain and Ireland.

Mr. J. Donaldson, Vice-President, National Farmers' Union.

Colonel E. H. Foster, Chairman, Anthrax Investigation Board, 1914–1919.

Sir Kenneth W. Goadby, K.B.E., D.Ph., etc., Pathologist, Specialist Medical Referee for Industrial Poisoning.

Mr. A. Whitworth, Chairman, East Indian Wool Importers' Association.

The workers' advisers are

Mr. J. Beard, President, National Union of General Workers.

Miss Bondfield, Member of General Council, Trades Union Congress.

Mr. J. T. Chambers, C.B.E., Treasurer, National Sailors' and Firemen's Union.

Mr. J. F. Duncan, General Secretary, Scottish Farm Servants' Union.

Mr. J. A. Gibson, General Secretary, National Amalgamated Society of Operative House and Ship Painters and Decorators.

Mr. J. Hill, J.P., General Secretary, United Society of Boilermakers and Iron and Steel Shipbuilders.

Miss T. Livesley, Organiser, General Union of Textile Workers.

Mr. A. B. Swales, Member of General Council, Trades Union Congress.

Right Hon. J. H. Thomas, P.O., Ll.D., M.P., Secretary, National Union of Railwaymen.

Mr. R. B. Walker, General Secretary, National Union of Agricultural Workers.

Canadian Cattle Embargo

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government, in view of the need for creating further employment, will remove the embargo on the importation of Canadian cattle as recommended by the Royal Commission on the Importation of Store Cattle which he set up to report upon the question?

I have been asked to reply to this question, and would refer the hon. Member to my answer to the questions asked by the hon. Members for Montrose, Forfar and Chertsey on the 20th instant.

Ministry of Transport

asked the Prime Minister what is the position of the Ministry of Transport, how it is proposed to deal with it, and who is making decisions which require to be made by the Minister of Transport?

Following upon the resignation of my right hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge (Sir E. Geddes) the Ministry has been placed in charge of my ho,n. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary. The arrangements for the future conduct of the Ministry are under consideration, and for technical reasons the temporary appointment of a Minister may be necessary. In that case the Minister accepting the post would not take the salary attributed to it.

Are we likely to have a Bill for the termination of this Ministry before the end of the Session?

Loans to Foreign Countries

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the fact that, in fulfilment of the conditions of the recent loan raised by Argentina in the United States, two locomotive and car companies of the United States have now entered into a contract with the Argentine Government for 85 locomotives and 2,000 freight cars, delivery to be made within six months; whether arrangements are now in progress for raising fresh colonial and foreign loans in this country; and whether, in the interests of the British unemployed and with a view to carrying out the principles adopted unanimously by the Governments of the Empire at successive Imperial conferences, the Government will use its influence with British financiers to ensure that these loan arrangements shall stipulate for the use of the manufactures or produce of the United Kingdom or other parts of the Empire where such manufactures or produce are unobtainable in the country raising the loan?

His Majesty's Government have full sympathy with the objects which the hon. Member has in view in this question, and, where possible, I think it most desirable that the grant of facilities for issuing loans in the London market should be made conditional on some part or all the proceeds being spent in this country.

Will the sympathy of the Government take the form of consulting financiers as to the best way to carry out the resolutions of the Imperial Conference?

Quite so, but I am asking whether this specific point will be raised in consultation with financiers?

Trent Navigation

asked the Prime Minister whether under the Trade Facilities Bill a grant can be made for the purpose of rendering the Trent navigable between Newark and Nottingham?

My right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer cannot undertake to consider individual schemes, which will be a matter for the Advisory Committee to be set up to assist the Treasury in dealing with applications for guarantees. I may, perhaps, take this opportunity of saying that applications should not be addressed to the Treasury but to the secretary of the Committee, whose address will be publicly announced as soon as the Trade Facilities Bill is passed.

Will the hon. Gentle man guarantee that in any list that is issued the Trent shall have precedence over the Volga?

International Labour Office

asked the Prime Minister who are the representatives of Great Britain on the governing body of the International Labour Office?

The British Government representative on the governing body is my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour. My hon. Friend the Member for South Croydon (Sir A. Smith) and Mr E. L. Poulton are also on the governing body.

Newnham College Gate, Cambridge

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that there are 700 unemployed in Cambridge, he can take any steps, by legislation or otherwise, to relieve the Cam bridge ratepayers of the burden of paying for the Newnham gate by placing the charge against the funds of the University?

I am informed that no claim has been made for payment of the damage at the expense of the ratepayers, and that a fund is being raised by members, of the University to make good the loss.

Conscientious Objectors (Government Departments)

asked the Lord Privy Seal whether his attention has been called to the resentment felt by many Members of this House at the continued employment by the Government of conscientious objectors while large numbers of ex-service men are without means of livelihood; and if, in view of the feeling on the subject in the country, he will provide time during the present Session for discussion of the Resolution on this subject standing in the names of 20 Members of the House?—[ "That, in the opinion of this House, the retention of conscientious objectors in Government employment while numbers of ex-service men, many of whom have been disabled in the service of the country, are without means of livelihood, is a dishonour to the nation; and this House requests the Government to take such steps by legislation or otherwise as may be necessary to remove this grievance." ]

asked the Lord Privy Seal whether the number of non-service staff employed in Government Departments in a temporary capacity is 53,554; whether since 1st June last over 6,000 ex-service men have been discharged from Government Departments, many of them being disabled: whether conscientious objectors have been reinstated in Government Departments-whilst thousands of ex-service temporary staff are being discharged; whether in the Pensions Ministry alone over 12,000 women are employed; and whether, in view of the fact that there are already nearly 500,000 ex-service men unemployed, he will at once take steps to see that no conscientious objector is employed in a Government Department and that the female staffs are limited strictly to women entirely dependent upon their earnings, and that the vacancies thus created are filled as far as possible by ex-service men at present unemployed?

The position of the Government in regard to conscientious objectors has already been explained to the House by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Briefly stated, it is as follows: Parliament allowed those who proved a conscientious objection to military service the choice of certain alternative service during the War.

About 230 established civil servants came within the scope of this provision. It has appeared, and still appears to the Government, that to dismiss them from the Service now, by executive action, notwithstanding that they complied with the conditions as to alternative employment prescribed by the authorities constituted for the purpose of dealing with such cases, would be to impose by executive action a penalty not only not authorised by Parliament, but contrary to the express intentions of Parliament at the time it passed the Statute.

I am sure that the present House, before coming to a decision, will desire to give full weight to the character and consequences of the decision of its predecessor, and I should welcome an unprejudiced consideration of the whole question by a select committee of the House, if the House will consent to appoint one.

Will the right hon. Gentleman reply to the other portion of the question which I put down with regard to the employment of 12,000 women in the Pensions Ministry; will he say whether any of them are going to be discharged provided they are not relying upon the salaries that they receive from the Department to enable them to keep themselves, or in other words, that they have other means; is anything going to be done for these ex-service men, and does he not think that it is a beastly shame—

With all deference, may I ask, Mr. Speaker, for a reply to my question? Does the right hon. Gentleman not think it is a shame that these conscientious objectors should still be retained in the Government service?

As regards conscientious objectors, I have answered the question fully. As regards women I owe an apology to my hon. and gallant Friend. My attention was concentrated on the question of the conscientious objectors and I omitted to notice the reference to women. I could not answer that question without notice. These matters are not under my immediate or departmental cognisance, but if my hon. and gallant Friend will repeat his question I will give him an answer.

The latter part of this question ought to have been addressed to the Minister of Pensions.

Is it not a fact that it was owing to pressure put upon the Government that these conscientious objections were allowed and that a Measure was passed in a very thin House; and that if the Whole House had been assembled they would have been entirely opposed to it?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that yesterday or the day before his colleague the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in reply to a question, said that he was unwilling to appoint a Select Committee?

No, Sir. I was present at the time, and I think my hon. Friend misunderstood what my right hon. Friend said. I need scarcely say that I have not given this answer without the full concurrence of the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Was this alternative employment of conscientious objectors meant to include permanent employment in Government offices?

That is not the question, and my hon. Friend does not appear to understand the point. This alternative employment in military service was permitted to certain established civil servants in the permanent employment of the State, who took advantage of the alternative thus offered, and they did not cease to be members of the Civil Service on that account. What is now being asked for is that they should be dismissed. I do not want to say more, because I deprecate these supplementary questions in connection with the original answer, because I do not want to be driven further into appearing to prejudge the question.

May I suggest that the House should wait until a Committee of the House has carefully considered the subject?

May I suggest that on this Committee a seat should be found for the hon. Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Morgan Jones), because the opinion of the people of the country seems to be different from the opinion of this House?

As the House is not likely to sit many weeks, will the right hon. Gentleman immediately appoint this Committee?

It will be proceeded with in the usual way as soon as we can get the Committee established.

Housing

Untenanted Houses, London

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the shortage of houses suitable for middleclass families, his attention has been called to the large number of empty houses in the West End of London which, if converted into flats, would largely relieve this shortage; whether owners who desire to convert such houses into flats are in many cases prevented from doing so by their superior or ground landlord; and what steps does he propose to take to deal with landlords who are shown to be acting in an unreasonable manner in this respect?

Special power is given to the County Courts by Section 27 of the Housing, Town Planning, etc. Act, 1919, to authorise the conversion of houses into separate tenements where provisions in the lease or restrictive covenants prohibit or restrict such conversion, and the Court of Appeal have decided that the flats which may be provided by such conversions are not restricted to working-class tenements.

Can I obtain an Order at the County Court to turn my house into flats?

asked the Minister of Health whether he has been able to form any estimate of the loss in rates occasioned by the large numbers of empty houses now unsaleable or unlettable in the West End of London; and whether, in view of the forthcoming in creased call for rates from the ratepayer, he will make inquiry as to the best means of getting these houses occupied as soon as possible?

The latest information on this subject of which I am in possession is contained in a return issued by the London County Council in respect of the year 1919–20. According to that return the percentage of rates irrecoverable on account of empties was in the whole of the administrative County of London l·80, and in Westminster 2·39, St. Marylebone 3·35, Kensington 3·99 and Paddington 5·45. As regards the second part of the question special provision is made by Section 27 of the Housing Act of 1919 to facilitate the conversion of houses into flats where, owing to changes in the character of the neighbourhood, houses cannot readily be let as single tenements.

Where a landlord is unreasonable will the right hon. Gentle-bring pressure to bear upon him?

I have no power to bring pressure to bear. The Statute dealing with the matter has been passed by this House.

Contract Prices (a and B House Types)

asked the Minister of Health if he will state the average tender price for A and B types of houses accepted by the Ministry of Health for the months of March and June, 1921, respectively; and the number of houses involved in the tenders for each of the months specified?

The average contract prices for A and B type houses approved by the Ministry during the months of March and June, 1921, are as follows:—

The numbers of houses involved in the tenders approved were 450 and 670 respectively.

Beacontree Scheme

asked the Minister of Health whether last February he addressed a communication to the London County Council with reference to their housing scheme at Beacontree stating that he was not prepared to agree to the expenditure on any works or preparing for any works other than those required for the Ilford section of the estate; whether remonstrances were received from the London County Council on 4th March and later dates; whether the work of preparation referred to is road and sewer work, and suitable for unskilled men; how many of such men would be employed if the scheme prevailed; and whether, in view of the present state of unemploy- ment, he will reconsider the decision communicated to the London County Council last February?

This question has been the subject of correspondence and conferences between my Department and the County Council on several occasions, and as a result I have given further consideration to this scheme and have informed the London County Council that I am prepared to authorise them to proceed with further houses up to 1,000, and this authorisation includes the provision of the necessary roads and sewers on the estate. Steps are being taken to deal with the question of sewage disposal which this extension of the scheme involves.

Huts, Hanwell

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that the huts in Framfield Road, Hanwell, required for the housing of ex-service men and their families, are still standing empty; and whether he will take the matter up once again with the managers of the Central London District Schools, in view of the fact that this authority has not utilised these huts for school purposes in accordance with its stated intention of August last?

The Central London London District Schools have now made arrangements for utilisation of part of these buildings, and it is proposed to put the work of reinstatement in hand as soon as possible.

Suspended Schemes (Compensation)

asked the Minister of Health the extent of the compensation which has been paid, or is contemplated, to private builders in respect of any housing schemes which have been suspended?

Except in one or two very exceptional cases no compensation has been paid or is contemplated being paid to builders in respect of the suspension of housing schemes. The total amount involved is less than £25,000.

Questions

Infantile Mortality

asked the Minister of Health what the infant death rate for London has been for each quarter of the present year up to the end of September: and what have been the corresponding rates for England and Wales.

According to the Registrar-General's returns, the figures are as follow:—

Deaths under One per 1,000 Births: 1921.

London ..

England and Wales

1st Quarter

85

101

2nd Quarter

59

67

3rd Quarter

93

83

The excess of the London rate over the rate for England and Wales in the third quarter is mainly due to infantile diarrhœa, which has, of course, a heavier incidence in towns than in the country as a whole.

Ophthalmia Neonatorum

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that much loss of sight is being caused by the failure to secure adequate skilled treatment for ophthalmia neonatorum; and whether he will cause this to be included amongst notifiable diseases?

I am aware that loss of sight has often resulted from neglect of ophthalmia neonatorum. This disease was made compulsorily notifiable throughout England and Wales from 1st April, 1914. Skilled treatment for notified cases is now very generally provided in connection with schemes for maternity and child welfare, and I am advised that the damage to sight caused by the disease is generally admitted to have been much reduced.

Hospital Committees

asked the Minister of Health what steps, if any, have been taken to secure the representation of industrial workers, as representative of the class largely using hospitals, on the voluntary hospitals committees which are being set up in connection with the Hospitals Commission appointed to distribute the Parliamentary grant to voluntary hospitals; whether officials of the Ministry of Health associated with the administration of the Poor Law have been asked to supply the names of persons for nomination to these committees; and, if so, why the Hospitals Commission or the Ministry of Health have relied on Poor Law officers to secure-nominations?

I am informed that the object of the Hospitals Commission is to secure that the local hospital committees shall include all types of experience able to contribute towards the solution of the financial and administrative problems with which these Committees have to deal. Members are appointed by county councils, county borough councils, the hospitals, the medical profession, and the Commission. The members of these committees appointed by the Commission are intended to be selected for their personal qualifications and not as representing any particular interest. Suggestions have been invited from various sources, including the General Inspectors of the Ministry; and the Commission would be glad to consider any suggestions from representative Labour organisations or other similar sources.

Asia Minor (Reported Massacre)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the reports from unbiased witnesses showing that at Mersivan, in Asia Minor, recently Turkish irregular troops, under Osman Aga, massacred 1,200 out of 2,000 Christian inhabitants, burying some of them alive, violating a large number of women, and killing, robbing, or carrying away others; whether children were also carried away; whether it is a fact that there had been no rising of Greeks or Armenians in Mersivan, and that none was expected; whether Osman Aga is a colonel in the army of the Angora Government, and is described as a hero and patriot by the Press both of Constantinople and of Angora; and whether His Majesty's Government propose to take any steps in this matter?

May I send the hon. Gentleman a book showing an illustrated catalogue of similar crimes committed by the Greeks upon the Turks?

I think I have already received the volume to which the hon. Baronet refers. I have seen the paragraph in the Press of this morning from which my hon. Friend quotes. Information to the same effect was received on 1st September from the unofficial Armenian representative in London, and the reported massacre of the Armenian inhabitants of Marsivan was mentioned in a joint telegram addressed to the Nationalist Minister for Foreign Affairs by the Allied High Commissioners at Constantinople demanding an immediate inquiry into a number of cases of alleged atrocities in Asia Minor. No corroboration by independent witnesses has, however, reached the Foreign Office. In the course of a long reply to the above-mentioned telegram, the Nationalist Minister for Foreign Affairs denied that the population of Marsivan had been massacred or dispersed, and added that the story could only have originated in the dispersal and capture of several Armenian bands operating in the neighbourhood of the town. The American and French authorities mentioned in the report alluded to are being approached with a view to substantiating the facts.

Sinn Fein Courts, Ireland

I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, "the failure of the Government to suppress courts held by the Sinn Feiners."

This proposal fails, in my opinion, on the ground of urgency. Questions on this subject have been asked since we resumed our sittings, if not as far back as last August, when the truce commenced. There is no matter here that I conceive to be urgent.

May I ask your ruling as to whether I can amend the Motion so that it reads, "the failure of the Government to afford protection to persons who are called before Sinn Fein courts"? That seems to me to be clearly a definite matter of urgent importance. From the answer which the Chief Secretary has just given, it would seem that he is not taking these steps.

In that case I should have to have a specific case before I could further consider the matter. At the moment it fails on the ground of definiteness.

In view of the fact that an hon. Member of this House, in accordance with the custom of the House, has given his personal undertaking that he is aware of a case where these courts were held, may I respectfully ask if that would make any difference to your ruling?

On a point of Order. May I respectfully call your attention to the fact that the hon. Member for Ormeau (Mr. Moles) has asserted that he knows of such an illegal court being held, where one of His Majesty's subjects who was brought before it was afterwards illegally detained by the Sinn Feiners?

If I were to act on that principle generally, the Noble Lord can see to where it would lead me.

National Health Insurance (Prolongation of Insurance) Bill

"to extend temporarily the period during which persons who are unemployed may remain insured under the general provisions of the National Health Insurance Acts, 1911 to 1921," presented by Sir ALFRED MOND; supported by Colonel Sir Hamar Greenwood and Mr. Munro; to be read a Second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 225.]

Orders of the Day

Unemployed Workers' Dependants (Temporary Provision) Bill

Order for Committee read.

With regard to the Motion standing in the name of the hon. Member for Preston (Mr. T. Shaw), for an Instruction to the Committee that they have power to extend the provisions of the Bill as though in the Title there had been substituted, for the words "towards the maintenance of their wives and dependent children," the words "towards the maintenance of their dependants," this Motion is either outside or inside the scope of the Bill. If it be outside the scope of the Bill, it is out of order; if it be inside, it will be dealt with in Committee.

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. JAMES HOPE in the Chair.]

CLAUSE 1.—(Grants for maintenance of wife and children of unemployed workers.)

(1) Subject to the provisions of this Act there shall, while this Act continues in force, be payable to every person who is an unemployed worker within the meaning of this Act towards the maintenance of his wife and dependent children a grant at the rate pro vided by this Act:

Provided that no grant shall be payable under this Act in respect of a wife who is in receipt of unemployment benefit under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921, or under any special scheme made under those Acts, or who is in regular wage-earning employment.

(2) The weekly rate of the grant payable under this Act shall be five shillings in respect of a wife and one shilling in respect of each dependent child:

Provided that the weekly rate shall not in any case exceed nine shillings.

(3) Grants under this Act shall be paid subject to such conditions as to proof and otherwise and in such manner as the Minister of Labour may direct.

(4) If any question arises as to whether a grant is payable under this Act in respect of any person as being the wife or dependent child of an unemployed worker, that question shall be referred to and decided by the Minister of Labour, who may, if he thinks fit, refer the question to the local employment committee for their report and recommendation.

The decision of the Minister of Labour on any question which is to be decided by him under this Act shall be final and conclusive and not subject to appeal to any court.

(5) In this Act—

The expression "unemployed worker" means a person who, being insured under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921, or under any special scheme made under those Acts, is in receipt of unemployment benefit under those Acts or under the scheme, as the case may be:

The expression "wife" means a wife who is living with or is being maintained wholly or mainly by her husband, and includes a person who is living as his wife with the person claiming a grant:

The expression "a dependent child" means any child under the age of fourteen years who is maintained wholly or mainly at the cost of the person claiming the grant:

The expression "child" includes a step-child, an adopted child, and an illegitimate child:

The expression "local employment committee" means any local committee to which questions may be referred under Sub-section (5) of Section thirteen of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920.

The first Amendment on the Paper, in the name of the hon. and gallant Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) and others, in Subsection (1), to leave out the words "within the meaning of this Act," is unnecessary. There is a Sub-section dealing with the definition of unemployed workers, and any Amendment that is in order must be moved at that point. The next Amendment, in the name of the hon. and gallant Member for South-East Leeds (Captain O'Grady), in Sub-section (1), to leave out the words "wife and dependent children" and insert "dependants," is out of order, because it proposes to introduce classes of persons not contemplated in the Resolution of the House. With regard to the third Amendment, in the name of the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Labour, I have had considerable doubt, but, for reasons which, if necessary, I will give, I think it may be admitted.

I beg to move, in Subsection (1), after the word "that" ["Provided that"], to insert the words

"( a ) Where the husband of an unemployed worker is prevented by physical or mental infirmity from supporting himself and is being maintained wholly by his wife, the grant under this Act shall, instead of being payable as hereinbefore provided, be payable to the wife towards the maintenance of her husband and her dependent children; and"

The object of this Amendment is to give effect to the undertaking which I gave, in response to the appeal of a number of hon. Members, on the Second Reading, to make the 5s. which, under the Bill as it stands, is payable in respect of the wife of an unemployed man, payable also in respect of the husband where he is prevented by infirmity from supporting himself and where, in fact, the wife is the breadwinner.

On a point of Order. When Sir Edwin Cornwall was in the Chair the other night, there was a little doubt in the minds of some hon. Members as to their understanding of a ruling which he gave with respect to what was in order and what was not; and; with much respect, I think it would be of assistance to the Committee for future guidance if you would kindly give your reasons for admitting this Amendment while rejecting the other.

The reason for the rejection of the previous Amendment was that the classes of persons whom it sought to benefit under this Bill were not contemplated in the Resolution. In this particular instance it is proposed to extend the benefit to the case of a wife who, for the purposes of the Bill, is in the same position, as an unemployed breadwinner, in which her husband would be if able to maintain himself. Although a matter of this kind cannot be governed by the Interpretation Act, I think it is in the spirit of the Interpretation Act to rule that the word "man" includes a woman where the context so allows, and where there are no words expressing the contrary. In this case a wife, for the purposes of this Bill, stands, as an unemployed person and breadwinner, in the same position as the husband, and although, on technical grounds, I felt considerable doubt as to this Amendment, on the whole I thought I would give it the benefit of the doubt.

4.0 P.M.

May I ask whether it will be necessary to include later on words defining "husbands" in this case? Would the Bill, as at present drafted, convey in law that where the husband and wife living together are not legally married the husband would get the allowance as in the case of the man who has a so-called unmarried wife dependent upon him?

Clause 1, Subsection (5), defines the expressions "unemployed worker" and "wife," and I do not propose to amend it in respect of this matter.

Does that mean that, in the analogous case of a man and wife who are unable to marry but who are living together as man and wife, and where the woman is a breadwinner, the allowance is provided?

That does not appear to be a point of Order, but a question which will arise later.

While we all welcome the Amendment with great delight, we regret that the right hon. Gentleman has not seen his way to extend it further. I know that he has to be guided by the amount of money at his disposal, but the case of the mother with children—

Do I understand that a man who has a dependent mother with children will take the place of the father?

I propose to move an Amendment to Sub-section (5), at the end of the paragraph, defining the expression "wife."

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (1), to add the words "or is engaged in any occupation ordinarily carried on for a profit."

The Bill, as it stands, provides that no grant shall be made in respect of a wife who is in regular wage-earning employment, but it does not deal with the case of the wife who may be enjoying an income from other sources, as, for instance, where she carries on a small shop or receives remuneration otherwise than by being in wage-earning employment. The sums at our disposal are small, and we all desire that they shall go to cases of real hardship. We rule out the case of the wife in regular wage-earning employment, and, in view of the purpose of the Bill, I must ask the Committee to rule out the wife who is in fact earning money in any other way.

I have handed in an Amendment to add words to the last Amendment of the right hon. Gentleman. Am I in order in moving it now?

I have only just this moment had an opportunity of seeing the hon. Member's Amendment, and I do not think that I shall be justified in accepting a manuscript Amendment handed in at the very moment when it ought to be called, but I have seen enough of it to say that it is out of order, because the Bill is limited by the Resolution to unemployed workers and dependent children, and the hon. Member's Amendment would extend it to dependent mothers. It is therefore out of order on that ground.

It is not exactly in that way that we want to extend the Amendment of the right hon. Gentleman. We want to meet the case of a son who is the wage-earner of the home and who has a mother with children dependent upon him. We want the mother to be placed in the position of the wife and the son to take the place of the father, so that the mother gets the benefit given to the wife and to the children.

As far as I understand it, it is undoubtedly an extension, and in any case I could not accept an Amendment about which I have some doubt without an opportunity of considering it, and I have had no such opportunity.

May I draw your attention to the Title of the Bill? It is "Unemployed Workers' Dependants (Temporary Provision) Bill." My hon. Friend's Amendment brings within that category a mother who is actually dependent on her son. It does not, therefore, extend the Bill, and comes within its Title. My hon. Friend's Amendment seeks to cover the case of the mothers and brothers and sisters who are dependent upon the man's earnings, and I suggest that a more generous view might be taken of the Amendment handed in by my hon. Friend.

I am afraid that it is not possible for the Chair to take a generous view. The Chair is bound by the Rules of Order, and the Amendment clearly contemplates an extension beyond the Financial Resolution and the Title of the Bill.

I rose a minute or two ago, but resumed my seat because I understood from my right hon. Friend that he was going to include the Amendment of my hon. Friend the Member for the Forest of Dean (Mr. Wignall). I now gather that is not so.

It depends upon the view which the Chair takes of my Amendment, but, if the hon. Member will look at Sub-section (5) of Clause 1, and at the Amendment Paper, he will see that at the end of the paragraph defining the expression "wife" I propose, subject to the ruling of the Chair, to add the words

"and any female person who is residing with a person claiming a grant for the purpose of having the care of his dependent children and is being maintained by him."

As far as I understand my hon. Friend that is exactly the case which he wants to cover.

Really this is quite irregular. That Amendment is not yet before the Committee.

Amendment agreed to.

The following Amendment stood upon the Order Paper in the name of Mr. Wignall: After Sub-section (1), to insert the following new Sub-section:

"(2) Subject to the provisions of this Act there shall, while this Act continues in force, be payable to every married woman who is an unemployed worker towards the maintenance of her husband if he is wholly or partly dependent upon her earnings from regular wage-earning employment, and to every female person, whether a married woman or not, towards the maintenance of any dependent child or children a grant at the rate provided by this Act.

Provided that no grant shall be payable under this Act in respect of a husband who is in receipt of unemployment benefit under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921, or under any special scheme made under those Acts."

The Amendment of the hon. Member for the Forest of Dean (Mr. Wignall), as to the greater part of it, is covered by the decision just taken, and the latter part, referring to every female person whether a married woman or not, is out of order, because it contains a proposal which is not covered by the original Resolution.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (2), to leave out the word "five," and to insert instead thereof the word "ten."

This Amendment will make the Bill read:

"The weekly rate of the grant payable under this Act shall be ten shillings in respect of a wife"—

It is clear from the discussion which took place on the Second Reading of the Bill and the views expressed by Members on this side of the House that five shillings per week is not a sum calculated to secure the necessaries of life, and we consider that by raising it to 10s. we are placing the woman in a better position to secure for herself as the dependant of the unemployed workman those necessaries of life. I may say that we have a precedent to go upon, because the sum payable to the wife of the pensioned ex-service man is 10s. per week. If 10s. per week is considered necessary to maintain the wife of an ex-service man, then surely 5s. per week is 5s. too little to maintain the wife of a worker who is out of employment. We cannot on the one hand have the wives of men who have undoubtedly rendered service to the State and who are either temporarily or permanently impaired in health receiving a certain allowance and, on the other hand, the wives of men who, when they are working, perform a service to the State in assisting to produce wealth and to maintain the well-being of the whole community, when they are temporarily incapacitated by the lack of employment and therefore the means of livelihood, receiving a smaller allowance. Members on this side of the House agree that it is necessary that the wives and dependants of these men should be similarly pensioned for the period during which it is intended that the Bill shall run, and therefore I have pleasure in moving this Amendment.

I am greatly obliged to my hon. Friend for the great brevity with which he has put a point on which I know he and his friends feel strongly. We have to make up this fund from three sources, namely, contributions from the workman, from the employer, and from the State. The State contributions are fixed by the Money Resolution at 3d. per week in the case of the men. Therefore, my hon. Friend, in making the allowance of the wives 10s., would have to increase the contributions of the workpeople.

I am assuming that that is beyond the Financial Resolution and we have to face the situation immediately in front of us. My hon. Friend's view is that this ought not to be contributory at all, but that it ought all to come from the State.

We must, however, take this Amendment in relation to the Money Resolution, and I suggest therefore that he would have very largely to increase the contributions both of the employer and workman, or, alternatively, he would have to continue collecting their contributions for an interminable number of weeks after this transaction has come to an end. The cost of the Amendment by itself during the six months would be something like £4,400,000.

Is that on the assumption that every person who comes within the category of the Bill will be drawing the benefit?

No. We tried to make an estimate of the number, and probably about 700,000 wives will get 5s. a week out of this fund. It cannot be done. Personally, locally, centrally, our finances are severely strained. Here we are endeavouring to the utmost of our ability, by way of an emergency scheme, to tide these poor people to some extent through the winter immediately before them. This is the best we can do with the burden of embarrassment, and I appeal to the hon. Member not to press this. Of course, I cannot accept it under any circumstances.

I really cannot see through the right hon. Gentleman's argument. He said there were three contributors to the scheme, and there would have to be increased contributions if the Amendment were accepted. I cannot see that. The only effect would be that the fund would get exhausted a little sooner. There are several later Amendments down asking that the State should be wholly responsible for this, and I suggest that for the present anyhow the right hon. Gentleman ought to accept the Amendment. He agrees with the Mover that 5s. is quite insufficient to assist the wives of unemployed men. We can suggest other sources where the Minister can get the money. I will suggest one now. The Colonial Secretary, speaking at Dundee the other day, said the Government had to pay the bond holders something like £320,000,000 per annum in interest. Put an additional tax on these people, and you will not only be able to pay this 5s., but an additional 5s. It is quite simple. Instead of asking contributions from the very poorest, get to the very rich unemployed that you have in the country and impose an extra tax upon them. I know the Minister is sympathetic, but let us do something practical. I hope he will accept the Amendment, and get the money from the sources I have pointed out.

I sincerely trust the Minister will not for a moment listen to the advice which has just been given him. The hon. Member is proposing that the money to provide for the carrying out of this Amendment is to be obtained from the bondholders in a particular security. Among those bondholders are a very large number of small people. It is notorious, and hon. Members can verify the fact for themselves, that at the suggestion of the Government, Members of this House went to their constituencies and asked people, big and small people, and small quite as much as big, to subscribe to these loans, and they subscribed to them on the faith of the whole country, and that faith cannot be broken even for a social purpose so pressing as that which we are considering now. Hon. Members opposite must not suppose for a moment that I am lacking in sympathy. [ Interruption. ] I do not know whether that cheer is to be accepted on its face value or on another value, but I am not lacking in sympathy in this matter. I am confident that you could do nothing more disastrous for employment, nothing which will be more likely to extend the circle of your unemployment, than to accept the suggestion which has been made. I very much hope the Government will stand absolutely firm in their opposition to the Amendment.

This Bill provides for a contribution from employed persons, from employers, and from the State. The Government actuary has reported that out of these funds there can be granted during the next six months a benefit of 5s. The Amendment proposes to alter that figure to 10s. What will be the effect of the Amendment if carried? First of all, hon. and right hon. Gentlemen associated with me take grave exception to the Bill. We recorded our vote against the Second Reading, but if the Amendment be carried the Bill is killed. The House has assented to the Second Reading. It is now for the Committee to improve it during its passage into law. One effect of the Amendment would be that the rates would be relieved to a further extent. My hon. Friends take grave exception to the method adopted by the Government to relieve rates by placing a burden upon industry. If this Amendment were carried there would be a further burden placed on industry, because the Government would be forced either to drop the Bill or to recommit it and increase the contribution from 2d. to 4d., because the Financial Resolution distinctly limits the amount of public money which can be granted for this purpose. If the Amendment were carried the fund would be bankrupt in a very few months, and the hopes which are being held out by the Government would not mature. If the Amendment were forced to a Division, although we sympathise with its underlying objects, we should be compelled to vote against it.

The real practical difficulty, according to the Minister of Labour, is that the funds are not forthcoming. I do not think it requires any argument at all to prove that 5s. is inadequate. Even 10s. hardly meets the case. But the question that confuses and troubles the Minister of Labour at the moment is how to obtain the amount. There is a provision in the Bill that the contribution shall be paid for 26 weeks, and if there is a surplus at the end of that time it shall be paid into the Insurance Fund. It is also provided that if at the end of 26 weeks there is a deficit, the contributions shall be collected, for a period of time which is undefined, to meet it, so that there will be no loss upon anyone except the people who are contributing. My suggestion is that the contribution shall be continued for a period of time, which is not specified, until the deficit is wiped out, so that it might be possibly one week or 10 weeks, for all we know, but, probably, about three or four weeks if there is a deficit at all. If you could see your way clear to accept the Amendment, and increase the benefit, what is there to prevent that indefinite period being extended until the deficit has been met? It does not alter the scope of the Bill to increase the benefits, and there is in my opinion ample provision in the Bill to go on collecting for some months longer until the deficit is made up, and I am inclined to think that the people who have to pay—the workmen, at any rate—will not grumble when they are in work at paying the 2d. that is needed to keep the homes going. I throw that out as a practical suggestion. The provision is in the Bill to meet the deficit and the bondholders are safe. We will not touch them.

The real truth about the Bill is that it does not offer any material advantage at all to the persons for whose relief it is intended. At the best it gives them a certain sentimental benefit. It means that instead of going to boards of guardians, they can come to this fund for the 5s. I agree that there is a certain sentimental benefit in that, and a very considerable one. It is not an-agreeable thing to go to the guardians, and in diverting from the guardians to a fund of this kind you are conferring this benefit, but it is not a material benefit. The 5s. will be, must be, and can be obtained, if not from this fund from the guardians. I do not know whether it will be said that the people who will get this 5s. are people who are in such a condition that if they went to the guardians they could not get it. I do not think that can be said. The Minister does not say it, and the Prime Minister did not say it. One of the arguments which was addressed to the House in favour of the Bill was that the working classes are almost bled white, that the insurance funds have gone, the trade union funds have gone, their private resources have gone, and therefore they must have relief in some shape or form. This Bill proposes not to give any extra relief at all under the present circumstances. All it proposes to do is to divert the source of the relief. The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head, but I think my statement can be very well established. In discussing this Bill, we find ourselves almost in the position in which we found ourselves in 1920 and again last Session whenever we were dealing with Unemployment Bills. The Financial Resolution is passed, and then we are told that we are in a kind of strait-jacket and cannot expand at all. By the terms of the Financial Resolution all that we can do by this Bill is to raise a sum round about £6,000,000. These are the words of the actuary:

The position of this Amendment, put to us in the spirit of absolute legality, is as the Minister put it. There is only £6,000,000 in this Bill, and if we are going to pay 10s. a week instead of 5s. a week, and if we cannot increase the contribution—and I take it we cannot increase the contribution under the Resolution—it is perfectly clear that the £6,000,000 instead of lasting 26 weeks will only last 13 weeks. That does not disturb me in the least. There is nothing final about this Bill. There is nothing final about the policy of the Government on this or any other subject. The Minister of Labour knows perfectly well that we shall be back here again before the 13 weeks are up. I notice the Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury (Colonel Leslie Wilson) is making a calculation. Perhaps he will give us the benefit of the calculation. If we are back here again in 13 weeks this Government—which, if it prides itself upon anything, prides itself upon meeting emergencies as they arise—will be able to deal with the situation. If this Amendment is accepted, as I hope it will be, and the result is that we have to have another Bill, it is within the power of the Government to produce such a Bill, and the House will have an opportunity of passing it.

With respect to the actual amount provided in this Bill, I want to say, without the least desire to be offensive, that I think it approaches a great problem in a manner which it is almost impossible to describe in any other word than as mean and contemptible. We are told that 1,500,000 men will be out of work during the winter. We all know what that means. To be out of work is almost the greatest tragedy in the life of this country. Although we may state the number of men estimated as likely to be out of work in the cold figures of 1,500,000, we know that behind them there is a vast amount of human suffering, and to meet that the Government comes forward with a proposal to raise less than £6,000,000.

I do not want to deal with the other measures. The Prime Minister does not think much about any of them. In his statement he said: "We are not responsible. We have done what we can. We will do a bit more, but when it is all done it will not be much." That is not an unfair summary of his speech. Yesterday, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in dealing with his Bill for Export Credits, said: "This is the Bill. This is not a Bill to give something for nothing." That was rather an unfriendly dig at the Minister of Labour and his Bill. "It is not a Bill to set people on useless work." That, I suppose, is the description of the Bill which is to follow this Bill. The Government have not met the situation in the way it deserves. The State's contribution is £2,538,000, which is not as much as they gave to bolster up two rotten concerns—British dyes and British cellulose. When two commercial undertakings come to them for help they can find nearly £3,000,000 for them, but when 1,500,000 unemployed men in this country ask for help their contribution is much less than £3,000,000. I know that the Minister of Labour, if he could give full range to his sympathy, would meet the situation as it should be met. He has to accept his responsibility, and the House has to accept its responsibility.

The Amendment now before the House is a proposal to give the wives of men who are out of work a sum equal to 10s. per week. It is no use our saying that we are tied by any Financial Resolution. We are up against this problem, and if Parliament cannot solve it, and if the best that Parliament can do is this Bill, we are doing very little to encourage the people of this country to look to this House for the solution of a great question of this kind. It seems to me a sorry end for Parliamentary Government if the Government, faced with a problem of this kind, has to say to the people of the country: "We can do nothing. We are helpless. If you want a war in Russia we can give you that. If you want to develop Iraq we can do that, but if you want any help towards carrying you over a period of suffering of this kind, this Bill is all that we can do." I suggest to the Minister that it will be well to look further before refusing this Amendment.

I had intended to vote against this Amendment, but after hearing the speeches I hope the Minister of Labour will not dismiss the Amendment without further consideration. The argument of the last speaker rests upon a false assumption. He has told us that this Bill will do nothing except relieve the ratepayers at the expense of the taxpayers. That would be so if all the persons who are going to benefit by the Bill were at present going to the rates for help, but they are not. Only a small fraction of them do so. This Bill is based upon the principle of giving some additional help to all those who are now insured. It takes advantage of the registration of men and women who are insured. It brings in all the 12,500,000 persons and gives them a right to some additional benefit supplementary to what they are now getting under the Insurance Act, as a matter more or less of right. On the other hand, those who now go to the rates and apply to the guardians for relief are insignificant in number. I do not know exactly, but I should say, and I challenge opposition, that not more than one in six of those who are going to benefit by this Bill now go to the guardians for relief. I am inclined to think that the proportion is less. If I am right, this Bill will benefit five men out of six who are getting no benefit whatever from the guardians today. The Bill is, therefore, in the right direction, inasmuch as it does give some additional benefit to a very large number of working people. If my assumption is right, it gives that additional benefit to 10,000,000 out of the 12,000,000. My impression is that it will give benefit to a good deal more.

Let me apply the argument of the hon. Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) logically. He says the Bill will do no good, because it will simply relieve the ratepayers who are now paying money that will be paid henceforth by the taxpayers. If that is so, what merit is there in the proposal to substitute 10s. for 5s. I cannot see any. It seems to me playing with words to put in either 10s., 12s., or 20s., instead of 5s. There is, however, some substance in the Amendment, and I hope it will be further and more sympathetically considered. I was inclined to vote against it for the reasons given by the Minister of Labour and the hon. Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins). A certain sum of money has to be raised and spent in a certain way to supplement benefits, but it does not necessarily follow that you are going to stop your contributions after six months. The hon. Member for Newcastle assumes that if 10s. is substituted for 5s. the money will run out in 13 weeks instead of 26 weeks. That does not follow. It would if 10s. were the only benefit given, or 5s. as the case may be, but that is not so. There is the 4s. for the children in addition to the 5s. for the wife. Therefore the number of weeks that may be run on the increased benefits is problematical.

Say that it is 18. If that be so the only alteration made in the working out of the Bill by this Amendment would be that the money would be exacted from those who are now paying for an additional eight weeks. That would not be a great catastrophe, and there is a second consideration. It is not only that directly to the recipient it would be a good thing, but it might go a great deal further. It might increase the effective demand and therefore stimulate employment in the meantime. It means an additional eight weeks' contributions as from next April, if this 10s. were substituted for 5s., an additional eight weeks from the people who now contribute under the terms of the Bill. Is it a bad thing that those who are in work should pay for an additional eight weeks to give their more unfortunate brethren the advantage of the 10s. instead of the 5s. for their maintenance? On that ground, although I do not endorse the arguments of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for East Newcastle, and on that ground only, I hope that more and sympathetic consideration will be given to this Amendment.

May I put a point of view which has not been put? I have an idea that the Minister of Labour has based his opposition on what I hope will prove to be an unfounded assumption. He will recollect that this is only one of a series of schemes which are to be brought forward on behalf of His Majesty's Government for the relief of unemployment either in the form of money or the provision of work. It seems to me that in opposing this Amendment the right hon. Gentleman has forgotten that there are these other schemes which are to be brought into force, the direct object of which is to give more work, and, if the Government find that their schemes fructify along the lines which they have contemplated, a great number of these 2,000,000 people who are unemployed at the present time will in all probability get employment. Consequently the charge upon this Fund will not be so great. If this Amendment be adopted it will not, in my opinion, give us anything approaching 500,000 families upon this Fund. Therefore during the whole 26 weeks if you had an average of 500,000 and they were in receipt of 8s. per week, it would only exhaust about £6,500,000. My right hon. Friend has budgeted already for £6,300,000. Consequently if he acceded to the request from these benches he would find that, when the 26 weeks had expired, he had not exceeded the amount which he had estimated and had not brought financial disaster to the Government or the country or the scheme itself.

But assume for one moment that the point of view which I have put will not be justified by the facts and that the view put forward by my right hon. Friend is the cautious and the safe view, then my opinion is that, on the other hand, the provision which we are making to-day will not prevent the people from going to the guardians. I believe that the knowledge of my right hon. Friend the Member for Gorbals (Mr. G. Barnes) of the working classes is very wide, but I think that he has left out of account in his calculations the very protracted period of unemployment which we have had. A great many men who resented the idea of going to the guardians have been forced by sheer economic pressure to find their way there. May I give an illustration? I went a short time ago with a very small deputation of my own people to a certain board of guardians. When we got there there were two other deputations desirous of seeing the guardians, and they asked me to put the case for the three of them. Upon that deputation were engineers who had been unemployed for a period of nine months. Some of them were highly respectable men, who resented having to come to the guardians, but the State benefit had been exhausted, their trade union benefit was nearly, if not altogether, exhausted. Consequently these men were driven by hunger and the desire to protect their children to come to the board of guardians.

If you do not accede to the request embodied in this Amendment, I feel it inevitable that you will drive vast numbers of men to seek relief from the Board of Guardians, because it is plain that if you have the 15s. and you do get the maximum under this Bill of 9s. in a family where there are four children and a man and his wife, thus making a total of 24s. a week, with rents as they are to-day and the cost of living as high as it is, it is impossible for people with their standard to exist. Consequently they are driven to the Board of Guardians, and you must either have that or a deterioration in physical efficiency. I do not know whether the Committee are desirous of creating in the country a state of affairs which would lead to that result. There is another point of view. Hunger and distress create in a country the most ugly form of psychology. Men hitherto of restrained character, when brought into cycles of distress of long duration, are led to throw away all self-restraint and self-respect for the purpose of at least creating a set of conditions which will give them an opportunity of feeding themselves and their families, and I sincerely hope that to prevent this, if for no other reason, the Government will accede to this Amendment and make the amount, if not 10s., as near it as they possibly can.

The hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. Marriott), in resisting this Amendment, did so on the ground that to increase the sum from 5s. to 10s. a week would put a further burden on industry and help to create more unemployment. I suggest that the opposite will be the case. These people have to live somehow. I do not think that anyone suggests that the 20s. provided in the Bill is enough to keep body and soul together for a man and his wife. The Prime Minister stated: "We cannot stand by and let these people starve." If that is so, how are they going to live? Where is the other money coming from? As has already been stated, the other money to make up what is necessary to keep them alive, let alone efficient, will come from the local ratepayers and the local guardians, whose burden is biggest and heaviest in the large, industrial areas, where the cost of production is more than the industries can stand at present. By refusing this Amendment you are going to pile up the rates and expenses upon those industrial areas which are least able to bear them. Therefore, those industries which are now kept going will, as the effect of refusing this Amendment, have further burdens placed upon them in the rates which will make the cost of production higher than at present. Therefore, you are going to defeat the very object which you have in view, because you are going to make employment more difficult on account of the added cost which you are going to put on the industry. Therefore, from the narrow commercial point of view it is sound policy to spread the burden over the whole country rather than to put it almost entirely upon industrial and commercial areas.

This point goes to the root of the whole Government treatment of this question which ought to be on national lines and not on local lines. The Prime Minister, in his speech last week, said that we must avoid the mistake which was made after the Napoleonic wars of treating this on local lines. We must deal with it on national lines. I ask the Government to reconsider that matter from the standpoint that it should be a national burden and not a burden on those industrial areas which already are heavily burdened. The right hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Barnes) referred to the question of workers going to the local guardians. I wish to support what has been said as to the hesitation of workers to adopt this course. I know from my own experience in my district of Middlesbrough, after we had many weeks and months of unemployment owing to the coal stoppage, it was found in June that out of the thousands who had been drawing unemployment benefit, one in nine went to the board of guardians to supplement their other benefit. The Committee knows that as soon as they have drawn unemployment benefit they are entitled to go to the guardians to supplement that aid. Then as time went on, as things got worse and their reserves were exhausted, it became a question not merely of casual labourers but of mechanics and artisans going to the guardians, and the proportion had increased about a month ago to three in nine instead of one in nine. We had 40 per cent, out of work, and it is because I am pleading for large industrial areas that I point out that the position in which they find themselves has not been brought about by them. If, a month ago, there were three out of nine going to the guardians the vast majority of people, people who never went to the guardians before, the number of such persons goes on increasing day by day and they are not getting 15s. or 20s., but they are getting, if they are in need, 25s., 35s., 45s., and even 50s. a week. Surely it is a foolish policy to look at this question from any- thing but a national point of view. People have to be fed, and if by giving them an extra 5s. you can prevent their going to the guardians to draw 50s., it would be a wise expenditure of money. I appeal to the Government not to look at the question from a local and sectional point of view, but to realise that in the interests of real economy it is far better to pay the extra 5s. a week in order to maintain a working man's self-respect.

5.0 P.M.

This is described as an Unemployed Workers' Dependants (Temporary Provision) Bill. Last March all the miners of Britain received notice at the mines. In this House there was great concern with the ponies in the pits. We said that we would do all we could to protect the ponies. There was also great concern about the withdrawal of the pumpmen. We did all we could to get the pumpmen back to work and protect the pits. Surely human beings are as important as horses and mines. It has often been said from the other side of the House that we want Class A men. Shall we get Class A men if the allowance provided in the Bill is meted out? The people concerned have no other source of income when unemployed. I know that their trade union funds are bankrupt. The Government are to pay only three-sevenths of this benefit. What about the children in the future? At present the payment is to be 15s. per man, 5s. for a wife, and 4s. for four children, which gives 24s. for six persons. Many people have 15s. a week to pay in rent. That means that 9s. is left for six people to live on. Will any right hon. or hon. Member rise in this House and defend that?

It is all very well for people who have well-filled stomachs to talk here; but I know the people outside. I have been a leader of the men for nearly 40 years, but I have never known such starvation times as the present. The price of commodities is still 100 per cent, above the 1914 level. Therefore the 24s. payment suggested in the Bill is worth only 12s. What can you buy with it? If the money is invested in groceries what can you get? In a family where there are five or six children there is nothing for the fifth or six child. You expect the men of the future who come from such families to fight for their country. They will be Class C men, and as the hon. Member for Silvertown (Mr. J. Jones) said, they will not be able to fight. I was a member of a board of guardians for 12 years, and we used to treat people far better than this Bill will treat them. It is impossible to go to the guardians now. We all know what the rates are. The money simply comes out of the tenants. I hope that the atmosphere of this House will be changed and that the Amendment will be accepted. What is the good of houses and palaces and what is the good of anything if we have a starving population? I have been out of work myself and I know the bitterness that unemployment engenders. I have two brothers and two sisters married. They have large families. My eldest sister has 12 children, my youngest sister has also 12, all living. My eldest brother's family is eight, and my next brother's family is also eight, making 40 in all, 16 of whom will be paid under this Bill and 24 not paid.

I am sure that every Member who has listened to this Debate must have been filled with the tragedy of the great causes of unemployment. I regret that hon. Members of 1he Labour party should always choose occasions when a country is suffering, as our country is suffering now, in order to make a cheap appeal to starving men with a view of getting their votes, and promising—[ Interruption ]—Hon. Members on the Labour benches may laugh. They tell the people that they could give them hundreds of thousands of pounds, but they never state from where the money is to come, or how it is to be raised. I want to go into the question from a trade point of view. What has caused a great deal of unemployment, and what has caused the depletion of the trade union funds from which the unemployed were hitherto assisted? From the Labour benches no mention has been made of the disastrous effects of strikes and—

It will not be in order on this Amendment to go into any of the causes of the present position of trade depression.

I wish to call attention to paragraph 9 of the White Paper [Cmd. 1529]. It has been said that there is no reason why contributions should cease at the end of six months, provided there is a deficit owing to the increase of the allowance from 5s. to 10s. The latter portion of paragraph 9 states that

"Should it be necessary for contributions to be continued beyond that period, the cost to the Exchequer will be increased by about £98,000 for each week during which further contributions are payable."

You have the remedy there and a right to continue the contributions to the men just as you have a right to contribute from the Government. As a consequence it would not in any way entail any greater burden upon the Government than upon individual workmen all over the country. We have large numbers of unemployed in all parts of the country. We meet them from day to day; we know the sufferings of the families, and we know that 29s. a week is very much less than is necessary if men are to be kept physically fit for employment when employment comes. If the Government accepted the Amendment it would not mean the piling up of a great debt which the nation would have to face alone. Large numbers of people do not like going to the guardians, and so long as they are insured, with promise of sufficient benefit, they will feel much brighter and happier than if they have to appeal to the guardians once a week for support. It has been said that rates would be relieved at the expense of the contributions of the workmen. That may be so, but there is greater honour attaching to the receipt of something for which you have paid than there is in appealing to a set of men and women who, to a large extent, have not very much sympathy with an applicant for relief.

It is impossible to make up one's mind whether one ought to vote for or against this Amendment, except by considering the Government's scheme as a whole. The Government's scheme consists partly of measures which will stimulate work so that, as far as possible, there may be employment for our people, and for the rest the scheme consists in providing relief for those to whom the Government are unable to give work. We shall all agree that the giving of work is infinitely the better of the two methods. I wish to emphasise my opinion that by a proper development of the methods for giving work it is possible to overcome these periods of unemployment. When I come to the question of relief, I suppose that the unthrifty person will have to go to the guardians, because the money that can be got out of these insurance funds will not be enough to support a man and his wife and children. I take it, therefore, that the insurance funds are intended to a large extent to provide for the case of the thrifty man who has a little something besides what he is to get from the fund. Those savings have been heavily drawn upon, but there may be something left or some credit left. The, funds, then, are intended to meet the case of the thrifty man. I do not think you can possibly offer a thrifty man less than 15s. for himself, 10s. for his wife, and something, which I think must be more than Is. each, for his children. For that reason I must vote for the Amendment. I recognise that it means that the Government will have to get more money for the insurance fund.

I do not agree at all with those who say "Go on continuing the contribution after the period of six months has elapsed." In my opinion, the six months period ought to pay for itself. I do not believe in mortgaging future levies and the future taxation of the country. We cannot tell what is going to come after this six months is up. The country may still be in considerable need. For these reasons I must vote for the Amendment, but I confess I do so with some reluctance because I do not want to see the development of this principle of giving money to people for no work done. It is the other part of the programme, which will seek to regulate the work of the country so that there will be a much more steady flow of employment than before—it is that part of the Government's programme which I desire to see developed.

I want to add a few words to the many appeals made to the Minister, in the hope that he may see his way to agree to the Amendment. We have heard repeatedly during these Debates that all the resources and all the reserves have gone. The savings of the workers have gone, the assistance that was possible from the trades unions and all the resources and reserves that were contained in the local rates have gone. As a matter of fact, we have been rendering very considerable assistance since our trade union funds have been exhausted by imposing levies upon those men who are at work. We have been levying our members in South Wales to the extent of 7s. per week, to maintain the 50,009 or 60,000 men who are unemployed, but we have now reached a stage in South Wales where we can no longer contribute these levies. The men who are working will have to go to the guardians on the ground of destitution, to seek relief for themselves and their wives and families. That is the deplorable position in which we find ourselves there. I was present at a meeting last Saturday night, and one workman there said to me, "How is it possible for a man to live on what we are getting at present?" and he gave me a record of his earnings for the four previous weeks. He said, "One week I got one day at 9s. 11d.; on each of two other weeks, three days at 8s. 11d., and the other week, I got two days at 9s. 11d."Totalling that up for the four weeks, one comes to £4 3s. 3d., or an average of about £1 0s. 10d. a week over four weeks. Let us see what has to come out of that. We have 4d. to go to the doctor's fund, 3d. to the library, 4d. to the hospital, 5d. to Health Insurance, 7d. to Unemployment Insurance, Is. 4d. for coal, 7s. 6d. for rent and 6d. to the Federation. That is 11s. 3d. per week continually deducted, and the average earnings for the four weeks only work at £l 0s. 10d. That leaves the man an average of 9s. 7d. per week to maintain his wife sands of men in the South Wales coal-and children. There are tens of thou-field to-day in that plight, and these people have to go to the guardians on the ground of destitution. So far from the guardians being in a position to deal entirely with the relief of unemployment, they have actually got to face the problem of dealing with men who are in work but who are destitute. I have hundreds of cases in my office to-day. I asked my secretary, when I was leaving home on Monday, to give me the first 20 cases on his list, and these are the figures he gave me. One man worked three days last week and got 5s. 10d. to take home as his week's wage, another worked three days and got 3s. 9d., another worked three days and got 15s. 6d., another worked three days and got 5s. 2d., another worked three days and got 5s. Id., another worked three days and got 3s., another worked three days and got 2s. 9d., while another worked three days and got 12s. 6d. That is the type of wage that is being paid to scores of thousands of men in the Welsh coalfields.

Yes, and the owners are not supposed to be getting any profits. This is the delightful agreement under which the miners have been forced back to work. As a matter of fact, the Government scrapped all the machinery we had in this industry for administering the Minimum Wage Act. It does not exist, and this is the type of wage the men are getting.

Will the hon. Member kindly explain how it is that these wages are so low? I know something about colliery wages in other parts of the country, and they are very different to those he has quoted.

I am afraid we must not go too deeply into this subject. The hon. Member introduced it as an illustration, but it is quite obvious the Committee must not enter into a general discussion on the position of the miners in South Wales, and I do not think the hon. Member would be in order in going further into it.

I do not intend to go further into these cases, or into the discussion of miners' matters. I am merely dealing with it as an illustration of the impossibility of these men who are employed assisting the unemployed, or even of the guardians meeting the demands of the unemployed, while they actually have to meet demands from those who are in work. I have heard it asked more than once since all these reserves are exhausted, where is all this money to come from? There is one reserve never referred to yet. This House set up a Committee some time ago to deal with increases in war wealth, and that Committee reported that in five years a comparatively few individuals in this country had netted £4,000,000,000. I should like to know what has become of that reserve.

I very much regret I have not the Report of the Committee here, but that is a correct statement. I was a member of the Committee and the actual amount of the increases in the fortunes of a comparatively few men in this country was over £4,000,000,000. Yet we are told that the Government have been generous in that they have distributed £48,000,000 since the passing of the Unemployment Act among unemployed workers. The bulk of that has been collected from industry, and I say there is a reserve revealed by that Committee's inquiry which should be tapped in order to deal with the very serious problem with which we are faced. For what does this Amendment ask? Merely that a family consisting of a man, his wife and four children shall be guaranteed 29s. per week. No one will suggest that 29s. is an excessive amount to ask as a basis of maintenance, not for malingerers, not for men who are not prepared to work, but for men anxious to work and idle through no fault of their own. If it is not too much the only answer that can be given to this Amendment is, "You can go to the guardians." I submit the strain that has been imposed there already is such as to justify us in asking, that to the extent indicated in the Amendment, the matter should be made a national charge. I sincerely hope the Minister will reconsider the position with a view to giving something more and relieving the pressure now bound to fall upon the localities.

I am one of those who supported the Bill on the Second Reading. I do not take the view that it is necessarily intended to deal with those who are at present drawing relief from the guardians. It is meant primarily to relieve those self-respecting' independent trade unionists who, so far, have not had to go on the guardians fund, and I hope will not have to go upon it. From that point of view, it behoves the House to make as liberal provision as possible. Let it not be said that those who have contributed to unemployment insurance, and in other ways endeavoured to support themselves in independence, should be actually placed under the necessity of accepting a substantially less sum than those less provident members who have gone to the guardians. I do not feel this Bill is necessary for the relief of rates. I think it is one to make our own insurance schemes more efficient in a time of economic crisis as well as in the unemployment which has overtaken us. On this, and the two succeeding Amendments before us, the Government are faced with three different proposals, and it is very difficult from the point of view of procedure to distinguish between them. Some discussion is likely to occur on the Amendment to raise the children's grant from Is. to 2s., and on the subsequent Amendment to abolish the four children limit and to let it be pro rata according to the number of children in the family. The latter I think we should sympathise with. Personally, taking these three in order, I think I should support them inversely—the abolition of the four children limit to start with, then the increase in the children's grant, and possibly some increase in the wife's grant. What I wish to point out to the Government is, that it would be very much better if we could take this discussion in one, and if the Government have any elasticity in their proposals then we might consider, in a statesmanlike way, which would be the most likely course of these three to relieve acute distress in the particular cases alluded to. Personally I take the view that as regards the elasticity which has been pointed out in the White Paper, to exist in the Government's proposals, I would much sooner be over-spent than under-spent in the six months.

I do not particularly want to see a substantial balance to go into the unemployment insurance fund. I would sooner see that all the contributions have gone directly for the purposes of this Bill, namely, to ease the lot of that highest class of workers in this country who are members of the unemployment insurance scheme and who are overtaken, through no fault of their own, by this disaster and anxiety. Therefore I shall be very glad if by any means the Government can give way and let us now know what elasticity might exist, so that we might as a Committee choose which of those three ways would be the most beneficial in which to spend the money. Of course the unemployment insurance scheme embraces the average trades, but there are certain bodies of workmen in this country who are not included in it, outworkers and others, for whom I have the acutest sympathy and who are faced with a very great difficulty, especially in the Midland counties, where I come from. They have been excluded from the scheme, and they feel it very hard that they should have been excluded. There is, of course, no help for them under this scheme. There is also a large body of workpeople who have not been included in the scheme for one reason or another, such as the great corporation employes and others, but if they had been brought in they would provide increased funds without increased demands on this insurance fund. It is too late now to wish that the scheme had been a little wider to include those classes, but, as it is, I appeal to the Government to meet the widely expressed wish of hon. Members that the lot of those who are contributing towards self-insurance against unemployment should be made, at any rate, better, as compared with those who have made no such contribution.

It has been demonstrated clearly that this Bill does penalise the thrifty among our working people. I have in my mind the fact that the Government actuary, when the Insurance Bill came before the House, was very much out in his calculations, and I think if the matter had been gone into properly the claim set up in the Amendment would be found to be justified. There is 7d. per week paid into the fund, and, according to the Government actuary, that will realise something like £6,000,000. The right hon. Gentleman answered an interjection of mine in which I asked if the benefit of the women was based on the assumption that they would take benefit for the whole 26 weeks. He said it was so, and he calculated that the amount would be about £4,500,000, or £175,000 per week. I do not think he has given careful consideration to the point pressed upon him from these benches. If there is anything in the three Bills that are coming on later, it is that they seek to relieve unemployment, and to base the calculation on the assumption that 700,000 women are going to take the full 26 weeks' benefit is, I submit, hopelessly wrong. I venture to predict that in the springtime things will take an upward turn from the point of view of employment. As regards the 7d. per week contribution, I think any insurance firm in the City would jump at the chance of undertaking it, for they would start with an actual guaranteed capital of £6,000,000 or £6,500,000 with which to pay out claims. I belong to an old trade union that paid out, 16 weeks each year, 14s. a week out-of-work pay on 3d. a week. I know that the present times are abnormal, but, after all, 3d. as compared with 7d. is a very considerable difference, and I still think the Government actuary's figures are wrong, because they are based on the assumption that the benefit will be 5s. for 26 weeks.

Before the Government comes to a conclusion upon this Amendment in the sense that they finally decide to reject it, I beg the Minister further to consider the matter and to go into the figures. If he does this, he can then come back and say, it may be, that the figures will not give us 10s. a week. For myself I cannot accept that point, but at least the Government could put up a better case than they are putting up now. In one union I am connected with I am paying 6s. 6d. per week contribution, the normal contribution being Is. 2d., and it is a skilled union, and that money is largely going in subsidies for unemployment. I have been paying that for months, and that is the condition of our trade unions generally. I know a union in my own Federation that pays out £30,000 a week to semiskilled and unskilled men in unemployment benefit, and they undertook, very generously—I thought they made a mistake—to pay out the State fund as well, expecting to get it back later on. They are paying out £30,000 a week in a semi-skilled workers' organisation, and I could cite numbers of cases of that character. In conclusion, I would repeat that this Bill will penalise those men who ought not to be penalised, namely, the thrifty men.

Many of us have known the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill a great many years, and we know that there is no Minister who could have a broader mind or more generous sympathy with the unemployed than he has, and therefore it is not for lack of generosity and broad-minded sympathy that up to the moment he has not been able to see eye to eye with those who have made this appeal, but I am quite sure that if we could show to him that a proposal emanating from this side of the House would not involve the Government in any greater expenditure than they anticipate under the Measure as at present framed, he would look upon that Amendment at least as being a really solid one. I am in agreement with the line of thought just submitted by the hon. Member for South-East Leeds (Captain O'Grady). I do not think really that the actuary is quite justified in assuming that every one of the 700,000 women will be on for the full 26 weeks, nor do I think it is quite right to assume that the 1,300,000 children for whom the actuary has provided will be on for the full 26 weeks.

Well, upon the 21 weeks I have deducted one-seventh, and I have brought it down to 18 weeks; that is to say, assuming we have the whole body of the recipients from the very first moment the scheme begins to operate, and all of them, wives and children alike, receive the full 18 weeks' benefit, I think that is much nearer the probabilities of the case than the calculation made by the actuary. If we do take that calculation we find that for the 18 weeks the children will be receiving at the rate of £65,000 a week, and in all, in the 18 weeks, they would receive £1,170,000. The 700,000 women would receive at the rate of £35,000 in the complete 18 weeks, or £6,300,000 in all, making a total of £7,470,000. Upon that would have to go a charge for administrative expenses, of course. How many are there contributing? The actuary assumes that there are 11,250,000 people contributing, and I take away from that 1,250,000. If we assume that 21 weeks is too much, and we knock off one-seventh of the total time on the same lines as before, we cannot assume that the full 11,250,000 contributors will pay the whole time. I therefore knock off one-eighth of the total contribution of 11,250,000 people, and I find that that will come to £7,583,000.

There does not seem to me to be any chance of a serious deficit there. It seems to me really that at the end of the transaction we might find both sides balancing, and we should have this additional great advantage, that the wives of the families, the mothers, upon whom a tremendous amount of responsibility rests, had received something a little more than the very small allowance that is at present suggested. I am not going to use any terms of reproach at all. We ought not to do so, in my view. The Minister of Labour is dealing with a very great difficulty, and we ought all to help him as far as we possibly can. We ought all to recognise his difficulties, but I am quite sure that no man in this country would be more gratified than he would if, at the end of the allotted period, he were to find that he had been able to double the allowance to the mothers, and that at the same time no substantial deficit had accrued. I am quite sure the right hon. Gentleman, after the appeals that have been made to him, will have something to say in reply, and I hope that he will be very sympathetic. If he cannot quite see point to point with the hon. Members who have spoken from this side, will he leave the Division, taking his courage in his hands, to the good sense of the Committee untrammelled by the ordinary Whips? We do hope, however, that he will view more sympathetically than has been the case up to the present, the proposals emanating from this side.

I join with the hon. Member who spoke before my colleague on the Front Bench in pressing the Minister of Labour to make a statement at this juncture as to what exactly he is prepared to do in the way of meeting the many Amendments that are upon the Order Paper. It seems to me quite evident that if he could see his way clear to make a statement of some kind, in answer to the suggestion put forward, that would clear the air, and give us a chance of getting to the other Amendments down in the names of colleagues of mine on this side. We very much regret that it is necessary to fight this battle, and we very much more regret the fact that we shall certainly be defeated in this matter. I know that the hon. Member for Ince (Mr. S. Walsh) is speaking only the literal truth when he says that the Minister of Labour is doing something he knows to be wrong, and is only doing it because the collective will of the Cabinet overrides his own knowledge of what he thinks to be necessary. Having regard to our past knowledge of him and his record, I prefer to think that of him than to believe he regards 5s. as enough in this case. I do not want to go into all the reasons that have been put forward, some of them unworthy of being placed on the records of the House of Commons, as to why further money should not be granted, but I do want to put forward some reason, not from an economic or commercial point of view, but merely from the point of view of of hard facts, why the House should regard this matter as something more than a mere matter of spending money, and should regard it rather as giving some meagre assistance to people who are already carrying a burden too heavy to bear.

I have got a few cases taken at random from the division I represent—a division where practically every third person has been out of work, not for weeks but for months. Some of them are ex-service men, and all of them have reached that state of destitution when they may be capable of doing anything in the way of breaking the law, because they feel that there is no other way of getting justice. Those who read what is happening at boards of guardians and council meetings up and down the country know perfectly well that the work of local authorities and relieving officers is being made almost impossible by men who are clamouring, and cannot be restrained in any way, because they have become actually desperate, and they cannot be dismissed as unthrifty men who are on the rocks because they have made no provision. An hon. Member for one of the divisions of Manchester the other day quoted the statement that nine trade unions in the last year have paid £4,267,119 in benefits to their particular members who are out of work, and this on top of the taxation they bear and the contributions they pay to Unemployed Insurance. As he truly said, that was a very substantial sum from the workers to their unemployed comrades. A labourers' organisation has, since the Armistice, paid out in unemployment benefit no less than £900,000. One member, in making his maiden speech in the House this week, said that the particular trade union to which he belonged, in the last three months, on top of weekly contributions, had levied upon each of its members £l, which had been paid by every member of the union. I suggest that where great aggregations of workmen have penalised themselves in this way, it should help to reassure hon. Members opposite that the working people themselves are carrying their share of the burden as cheerfully as we are asking hon. Members opposite to bear this added cost, and we are asking you to bear it because we believe it to be necessary.

I have an instance here of a man with a wife and six children. He is an ex-service man, wounded in the War, and has been unemployed for six months. He has to pay a rent of 7s. 6d., and there are practically no clothes that one can wear to look for work. The wife has pawned her wedding ring, and every article of jewellery. This case has been vouched for by a Committee who have supplied it to me. Another case is that of a man with a wife and seven children, and he has been unemployed for ten months. There are four children at school. He has to pay a rent of 10s. 6d., and they are living principally on bread and margarine, with no boots or bedclothes, and again all personal jewellery has been pawned. Both these people, and the rest I shall quote, are people who, like my own parents, have paid week by week, and month by month, sums, comparatively small judged by your experience, but very high judged by our own bitter experience, to insurance companies for the possible death that may come to the wage-earner of the family, and this particular period of unemployment will witness a great accession to the funds of insurance companies by reason of lapsed policies. A Commission has investigated this matter once before. There are untaxed sources, and at this particular juncture the Government is justified in examining everyone's pocket. I am quite certain that if they made an incursion into the resources of these people they would find sources of wealth that can be justified on no ground whatever, because the working people at times of unemployment have to let their policies lapse. Then when they get into work, and have cleared off other necessary arrears, the first thing they do is to take up insurance payments again, and, having lost all they previously paid in, continue to do so until adversity again compels them to cancel the particular insurance for which they have been paying. That in itself is a tragedy, and for that reason, if for no other, the Minister of Labour ought to consult his colleagues to see whether, in addition to the taxation he is imposing on the working people by this particular Measure, they cannot, in order to extend the Unemployment Benefit, tap these sources of revenue which I have indicated.

I have another case of a man, with a wife and three children, unemployed for seven months. There is another with a wife and eight children, the eldest being 15 years, and the rest at school. Then there is another with a wife and ten in family, three sons aged 19, 21 and 24, all out of work, and a daughter aged 26, earning, in a laundry, 15s. 6d. a week, which, with the present cost of living, is judged to be a remunerative sum, and many employers of labour would like to see it knocked down in the interests of goodwill. Another case is that of one of the most respected men in the division, a man who during the War, because he served his country on War-time committees, never averaged more than £3 15s. in wages. His child passed a competitive examination for a secondary school, and because the father cannot afford the means necessary to provide a uniform to go to the secondary school, the chance of that youngster going further has had to be cancelled. Those are things which drive iron into the very souls of men, and I do hope that, in the consideration of these problems, the House will look beyond the mere question of the few millions involved, because when it comes to physical fitness and the contentment of the people, it may well be found that an extra million or two is the best investment that can possibly be made by a Government.

Like my colleagues, I want to make an appeal to the Minister of Labour to use all the influence he has with the Cabinet to try to extend these grants, and meet the modest request that is being made in this Amendment. Like most of my colleagues—in fact, like most Members in the House— I have in my constituency a large number, and, in fact, almost the bulk of the constituency out of work. Sober and steady men have been out of work since March, and the chagrin of it all is that we have made appeals to Departments of the State to try to find them employment which is at their very feet, but there has been no co-ordination with any of the Government Departments which could have initiated that work whereby these men might have been found reproductive work on wages that would have maintained themselves and their families. We submit that as neither Government Departments nor private employers can absorb these men in useful employment, the most human and economical thing to be done is to give an allowance which will at least enable these people who are out of employment to have an income which will approach something at least to that which they would have if they were getting out-relief from the Poor Law Union. What we are seeking in this Amendment does not approach anything like the amount they would be allowed if they were drawing Poor Law relief. Therefore, we think the request which we are making is a very modest one.

6.0 P.M.

The hon. Member for Ogmore (Mr. Hartshorn) made a statement which, I think, ought to have some consideration in this House. Avenues of wealth have not been exploited where money could be got for an unemployment fund or for grants, so as to maintain these people, who, through no fault of their own, are out of employment and in dire straits. These avenues could be exploited without doing harm to the State or injury to those on whom the tax might be imposed. We all know, according to the report, that less than one per cent, of the people of this country during the War made £4,250,000,000. In the light of that fact, there is no reason why the Government should not find ways and means whereby wealth might be obtained, so that we might prevent these poor people from sinking into a state of physical inefficiency, and when the day comes that work may be at their disposal being absolutely unfitted to follow their employment. I think there are sufficient brains in this House and in the country to exploit this fund without doing damage to the rest of the people, and so avoid making further charges and liabilities upon men and women, and putting a further tax upon their wage which, as it is, is inadequate to-day.

I have in my hand a statement here, which is at the disposal of the Minister of Labour and the Chancellor of the Exchequer—and this sort of statement can be read by the unemployed. When people say the nation is bankrupt I look at this paper relating to Estate Duties and find that, in relation to persons with incomes of between £20,000 and £50,000, 1692 died in 1918, 1,901 in 1919–20, and last year 1,755. These people left money which shows that there is still wealth which, instead of going to the workpeople, is appropriated by those who render little or no service to the community. At any rate, whether they render service or not, we believe that what they get is entirely out of proportion to that service. There are thousands of people out of work, and the local authorities are said to be bankrupt, and these people to whom I refer should not be allowed to have such enormous incomes as they have while the bulk of the people sink further into poverty and abject misery. Take another category—and I refer this to those who say there is no wealth in the land—between £50,000 and £100,000—

My hon. Friend, I am sure, does not wish to mislead the House. He speaks of incomes of between £20,000 and £50,000. He is referring, of course, to Estate Duties.

Yes, Estate Duties. That is the Estate Duty of people who have passed away. My point is that those who make the wealth do not get it, and that is the reason why so many are out of work and in poverty, not because there is not sufficient wealth in the land. We believe that the policy that has been out lined will cut down the already inadequate wages of the workers and cut down their spending power, and that that will react upon others in the country and throw more people out of work. In regard to Estate Duties, in 1918 3,439 people died with estates of between £50,000 and £100,000. In 1919–20—in the financial year—the number was 603, and last year it was 555. These people died leaving estates of this enormous value.

I have allowed hon. Members up till now a considerable width of discussion, because I have taken the view that as the proposal before the Committee is to increase the amount of the grant hon. Members were entitled, up to a certain point, to put their views as to how to find the money—but only up to a certain point. It should not widen into a general discussion of various proposals, and I am afraid the hon. Member, if he proceeds, will be out of order. Discussion on the merits of various proposals will be out of order. I shall, therefore, have to ask hon. Members to come back to the Amendment, which is to increase the amount of 5s. per week to 10s.

I do not want to go too much into details, but I think I have said sufficient to show that there is still an abundance of wealth in this land whereby the Treasury can obtain the money to increase the amount from 5s. to 10s. without putting burdens' on the wages of the workers. I believe that if such a policy as we have put forward is pursued, and that directive energy and initiative in this country which was so common during the War, is displayed, then we can find all that we want.

My hon. Friend who moved this Amendment to increase the grant to 10s. from 5s. did so with the utmost brevity and businesslike manner, and I should like to follow his example—for once in a way—and be as brief as I possibly can in defining generally what is the Government position. I hope it will not lead to any further discussion, seeing we have a fair number of Amendments. We propose that the wife's benefit shall be 5s. per week and each of the children up to four Is., and we propose to be in a position to do that by establishing a fund, into which the workpeople under Unemployment Insurance will pay 2d., the employer paying 2d., and the State 3d. The Amendments of my hon. Friends opposite would wipe out the employed person's contributions altogether, and the employer's contribution, and make it an entire charge upon the State.

There is no question about that. That is the declared policy of hon. Members opposite.

And that is how they would get the 10s. They cannot do that here, because the Money Resolution says the maximum to be collected shall be 3d. per week on behalf of the State. Apart, therefore, from the merits of the proposal—of which I shall speak presently—we are precluded, and if the proposal were adopted, under this scheme, the scheme is bankrupt, that is all. I am quite sure, though my hon. Friends oppsite have told it in a variety of ways, that it does not do anything like enough, they will be very glad, indeed, to see these poor people who need the money getting even the 5s. per week. My hon. Friend the Member for Govan (Mr. Neil Maclean) wants to wipe out all contributions and put the fund on an entirely non-contributory basis, but that would cost a good deal more than 3d. per week.

Oh, I see! Broaden the basis and take more two-pences from more people. How am I to do that? The virtue of this scheme is that it is readily applicable. It is not complicated. It can be got working within a week or two and the money can be paid out. I have these people registered—perhaps they are rather sorry I have—but I can ask them to meet me. We can write down 2d. more on their cards, and the thing is done and done forthwith. The virtue of this thing is that it can be done with promptitude; therefore it is no good saying let it remain at 2d., and broaden the basis, and collect it from everybody, not only from those in the insured trades, but the others. I have tried to show that that is not a good proposition. I know of no immediate means—except the machinery I have before me and which I propose to use—of doing what the hon. Member calls broadening the basis. On the other hand I shall certainly not leave out any possible expedient that will help in this matter. I am taking, one way and another, from the employer Is. 3d. per week with this 2d., and from the workpeople 1s. 2d. I cannot add further burdens either upon employer and employed persons at the present moment.

My hon. Friends opposite have spoken to me of the heavy levies which the trade unions have to pay and as to the difficulty of getting them. Do let them put side by side with that the fact that I am asking for 2d., and cannot, in view of the whole circumstances, ask for more. How much more I would have to ask to make up this money, with the State contribution remaining at 3d. and under the Money Resolution, I do not know—I have not been able to make an actuarial calculation—but I cannot ask any more than the 2d., which is an addition to that already paid by the employer and by the employed person. A rough calculation that I have made suggests that I should have to continue these contributions for another six months on the basis of 1,500,000 of people being unemployed over the winter to effect what is asked. Do hon. Members think that is a feasible proposition? I really do not. I have, I say, made a calculation of the fund on the basis of 1,500,000 unemployed persons, and I should have to continue the contribution, roughly, for six months after I had made the last payment. That is not a business, nor is it a practical proposition. It has been said that the statement I made that making this allowance 10s. for the wife instead of 5s. would increase the charge on the fund by £4,400,000 is an exaggerated statement. It is based very largely on the actuarial report. We now have 1,750,000 persons unemployed, and I base my calculations what on? On 1,500,000, because I am trying to make the widest use, and prospecting in the widest way, for those other schemes of the Government which are going to give employment and revivify trade. There are other features of our scheme which are calculated to help the 1.500,000.

Is it a fair calculation that the Government scheme is only going to absorb a quarter of million of the unemployed?

No, no. I do not say that. I hope it is going to absorb a lot more. I have to face this on something like a solid and cautious basis. There are 1,750,000 unemployed to-day. I have had a calculation made as to what will be the cost on the basis of 1,500,000 unemployed during the whole of the winter, and nobody could have taken a lower basis than that, and I shall consider myself lucky if with the 5s. I am able to balance the account at the end of this period. There is a proposal to increase the grant to the wife from 5s. to 10s., and another to increase the grant to the children.

Does what the right hon. Gentleman has said mean that we shall be prevented from moving Amendments?

Certainly not. If they are in order no doubt they will be called from the Chair. The finance of this scheme and the obligations placed upon it do not permit me to do what has been asked. I have listened to the appeal that where there is a woman who is the breadwinner, whose husband is invalided and wholly incapacitated, inasmuch as you allow 5s. to the wife where the husband is the breadwinner, you ought to provide 5s. for the wife when she is the breadwinner. I have done that. One other appeal has been made to me. It is said that in some cases there will be a woman who will come in and look after the children of the widower. If you are going to pay 5s. in respect of a woman who lives with him, you should at least do something for the housekeeper. Then you will only be following the precedent of the Pensions Warrant and Separation Allowance, and that I mean to provide for. I am sorry that I cannot undertake to alter the character of the Bill in this respect. I hope we may now proceed to a Division on this Amendment.

There was a word used from the Chair which described what has taken place so far on this Amendment as a discussion. So far as discussion is concerned it has only just begun on this question. Prior to the speech of the Minister of Labour we had a succession of appeals, reinforced from outside with such information as we have been able to adduce, and on the other side a sustained and sometimes stony silence. When the discussion had developed the right hon. Gentleman opposite made a very short statement to the effect that the funds could not stand any more. I am certain that we have not had any discussion as regards the general merits as to whether or not this sum of 5s. is a sufficient, reasonable, and helpful contribution meeting the object which the Bill purports to meet, that is the object of giving relief of some substance to necessitous working-class families during the coming winter. The heart of the Minister of Labour is soft enough, and he is responsive to the appeal which has been made so far as sympathy with the suffering poor may go. But that kind of sympathy, coupled with the sort of silence we have experienced this afternoon, will not really meet the case, and we had better understand whether there is going to be any real Committee stage in regard to this Bill.

Yes, and we shall emerge from it with only two alterations and no other changes can be made. I think my right hon. Friend will see that there are to be no changes according to his announcement except in the case of the two points described as points of irresistible domestic equity. The right hon. Gentleman gives the wife a sum which in like circumstances he is obliged to give to the husband. In the other case he brings in a similar condition of domestic equity, but having done these two things it would appear that there is to be no further change in the Bill of any substance. We are really not having a Committee stage, but a little interval in which an opportunity is to be given to the right hon. Gentleman to make these two changes without responding in any way to the appeals and arguments which have been put forward.

This Bill must not be regarded as amending the Insurance Act. It goes side by side with the Insurance Act and is supplementary to it, but it does not become a part of the Act. It is a temporary special expedient by which a special winter time fund is to be created for special assistance. I ask the House to observe that this assistance is not to be given to all the insured persons. It is family assistance and not individual assistance. It can be given only where there is a wife and children. One would have thought that in face of the present value the very severely diminished value of money, in face of the very little which a total sum of 5s. will purchase, one would have thought that if the Government were going to the trouble of creating a great special national fund it would have done something really adequate, substantial and effective for the purpose of giving the assistance of which the working classes are in such sore need.

The greater part of the contribution to this fund will not be a State contribution at all. It is a contribution jointly to be made by the worker and the employer. The finance of the right hon. Gentleman seems to be based upon this procedure: first make your fund capable of carrying little, then come to the House of Commons and say, "We cannot do more because the fund will not stand it." That is the pro- cedure which the right hon. Gentleman is following because he has already got his Money Resolution through. The Treasury therefore is limited to this particular contribution and we cannot raise it. First you get the House of Commons in a position of not being able to raise more money, and then you tell hon. Members that they are disqualified from doing what they wish to do in order to meet the necessities of the case. Frankly I say that either the Government should do a temporary job to meet the needs of the winter well or leave it alone altogether.

After all, what is it? In the summer of this year an unemployed worker had as much from his insurance benefit as he will get altogether now with the 5s. added. The Government reduced the benefit in the summer of this year by 5s., and they are now proposing to give back only what was taken away in the' summer of this year. This is the time of the year when more food, coal, and household needs have become physical necessities than was the case in the course of the summer. I know we are to have Is. for each child up to the number of four. If there are more than four children there is no more money, and this seem to me to be the State limitation of families for this particular Measure. You have, in the case of a husband with a wife and two children, the prospect of a total supplementary benefit of 7s. a week, which is 1s. per day, and that has to relieve and pull out of the gutter and out of their difficulties the working-class families who are in such sore need. That is 1s. a day, which is about as much as an hon. Member of this House would think of throwing to a cabman or a porter by way of a tip for some momentary service.

I suggest that this grant is so contemptible that the Government ought never to have undertaken to establish a fund of this kind without doing it properly. If it be true, as the right hon. Gentleman has announced, that there is no prospect whatever of raising any of these sums to a higher figure, and that there is no means by which the State or the contributors can provide the fund, it would be as well if we cut short this discussion and no longer kept up the pretence of using Parliamentary resources to meet national needs. The right hon. Gentleman has assured us more than once that he himself does not regard this as a sum equal to the necessities of working-class families. If it were double the amount it would not be sufficient. The right hon. Gentleman says that our policy of requiring the State to be the sole contributor would make it impossible even to pay this amount. The right hon. Gentleman has at his disposal very effective means of preventing the application of our policy. He therefore ought not to make that an excuse or reason for not adopting such steps as can be taken by the State to provide a higher sum for these pressing needs.

For the purposes of the right hon. Gentleman's proposal this scheme is bankrupt.

It is said we would discontinue the contribution of the workers and employers, and that "that is our policy; but for the purposes of this fund the right hon. Gentleman has behind him effective means to prevent any application of a policy of that kind, and the contributions will be continued. It is quite easy for Members of this House to beat us in the Lobby. It is not always impossible to close one's ears to comments, and I have just heard an observation to the effect that I ought

not to be answered. The right hon. Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury), I am sure, will have his share of physical comforts during the course of this winter. But he is here as a Member of this House purporting to meet the needs of the most distressed section of the working poor. I say that this offer of Is. a day to the working classes is only a pretence at giving relief, and I suggest, following the announcement of the right hon. Gentleman, that we can have no alterations other than those which he has mentioned in this Committee Stage, we should speedily bring it to an end and no longer continue the mockery.

The right hon. Gentleman has practically told us that the State cannot contribute more than 3d. under the scheme, because it is so limited by the Resolution. I put it to him that it is perfectly possible either to have a new Resolution increasing the amount, or to make a definite grant of public money for this purpose in a lump sum.

Question put, "That the word 'five' stand part of the Clause."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 223; Noes, 92.

Division No. 357.]

AYES.

[6.35 p.m.

Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent

Chichester, Col. Robert

Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Gange, E. Stanley

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Clough, Sir Robert

Ganzoni, Sir John

Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Gardiner, James

Armstrong, Henry Bruce

Cohen, Major J. Brunel

Gee, Captain Robert

Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W.

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd

Bagley, Captain E. Ashton

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole

Gilbert, James Daniel

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Cope, Major William

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Glyn, Major Ralph

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South)

Gould, James C.

Banner, Sir John S. Harmood-

Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry

Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A.

Barnston, Major Harry

Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton)

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Greene, Lt.-Col. Sir W. (Hack'y, N.)

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Davies, David (Montgomery)

Greer, Harry

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh)

Gregory, Holman

Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W.

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Greig, Colonel Sir James William

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Dawes, James Arthur

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (LIv'p'I, W.D'by)

Blades, Sir George Rowland

Dawson, Sir Philip

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Blair, Sir Reginald

Dean, Commander P. T.

Harmsworth, Sir R. L. (Caithness)

Blake, Sir Francis Douglas

Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham)

Harris, Sir Henry Percy

Borwick, Major G. O.

Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry

Haslam, Lewis

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Doyle, N. Grattan

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Bowyer, Captain G. W. E.

Edwards, Allen C. (East Ham, S.)

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Breese, Major Charles E.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Hinds, John

Briggs, Harold

Evans, Ernest

Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G.

Brown, T. W. (Down, North)

Falcon, Captain Michael

Hopkins, John W. W.

Bruton, Sir James

Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Fell, Sir Arthur

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Burdon, Colonel Rowland

Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L.

Howard, Major S. G.

Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay)

FitzRoy, Captain Hon. Edward A.

Hunter, Gen. Sir A. (Lancaster)

Butcher, Sir John George

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G.

Carter, R. A. D. (Man. Withington)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Hurd, Percy A.

Cautley, Henry Strother

Foreman, Sir Henry

Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B.

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn.J.A. (Birm., W.)

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S.

Cheyne, Sir William Watson

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Jesson, C.

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Neal, Arthur

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke)

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Smithers, Sir Alfred W.

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Stanier, Captain Sir Beville

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster)

Starkey, Captain John Ralph

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Nield, Sir Herbert

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Stewart, Gershom

Kidd, James

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Sturrock, J, Leng

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Sugden, W. H.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L.

Surtees, Brigadier-General H. C.

Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster)

Parker, James

Sutherland, Sir William

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Pearce, Sir William

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Thomas-Stanford, Charles

Lloyd, George Butler

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Perring, William George

Townley, Maximilian G.

Lorden, John William

Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City)

Tryon, Major George Clement

Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith)

Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

M'Connell, Thomas Edward

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)

M'Guffin, Samuel

Pratt, John William

Waring, Major Walter

McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern)

Prescott, Major W. H.

Watson, Captain John Bertrand

McMicking, Major Gilbert

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Purchase, H. G.

White, Col. G. D. (Southport)

Macquisten, F. A.

Randles, Sir John Scurrah

Williams, C. (Tavistock)

Magnus, Sir Philip

Ratcliffe, Henry Butler

Williams, Colonel Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud

Manville, Edward

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H.

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Reid, D. D.

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir M. (Bethnal Gn.)

Martin, A. E.

Renwick, Sir George

Winterton, Earl

Middlebrook, Sir William

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Wise, Frederick

Moles, Thomas

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L.

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward

Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

Young, E. H. (Norwich)

Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon)

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund.

Younger, Sir George

Morrison, Hugh

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur

Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh)

Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. Mc Curdy.

Murray, William (Dumfries)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Nail, Major Joseph

Simm, M. T.

NOES.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D.

Green, Albert (Derby)

Rose, Frank H.

Adamson, Rt. Hon. William

Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool)

Royce, William Stapleton

Barker, Major Robert H.

Grundy, T. W.

Sexton, James

Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery)

Guest, J. (York, W. R., Hemsworth)

Short, Alfred (Wednesbury)

Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals)

Halls, Walter

Sitch, Charles H.

Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.)

Hancock, John George

Spencer, George A.

Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk)

Hartshorn, Vernon

Spoor, B. G.

Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W.

Hayward, Evan

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Bramsdon, Sir Thomas

Henderson, Rt. Hon A. (Widnes)

Swan, J. E.

Briant, Frank

Henderson, Lt.-Col. V. L. (Tradeston)

Taylor, J.

Broad, Thomas Tucker

Hirst, G. H.

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Bromfield, William

Hodge, Rt. Hon. John

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Brown, James (Ayr and Bute)

Irving, Dan

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Cairns, John

Jephcott, A. R.

Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow)

Cape, Thomas

John, William (Rhondda, West)

Tillett, Benjamin

Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield)

Johnstone, Joseph

Tootill, Robert

Casey, T. W.

Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown)

Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R.

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities)

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Waterson, A. E.

Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe)

Lawson, John James

Wedgwood, Colonel Josiah C.

Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln)

Lunn, William

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale)

Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan)

Wignall, James

Davies, John (Lancs, Westhoughton)

Marks, Sir George Croydon

Williams, Aneurln (Durham, Consett)

Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty)

Mills, John Edmund

Wilson, James (Dudley)

Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath)

Morgan, Major D. Watts

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge)

Finney, Samuel

Myers, Thomas

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Galbraith, Samuel

O'Grady, James

Yeo, Sir Alfred William

Gillis, William

Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Glanville, Harold James.

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton)

Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Mr. Frederick Hall and Mr. T. Shaw.

Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central)

Robertson, John

I am wondering if the Amendment which I have to move will be treated as consequential to a previous one in the name of the right hon. Gentleman. If not, I will proceed to move it.

I beg to move, in Subsection (2), after the word, "wife" ["five shillings in respect of a wife"], to insert the words "or husband, as the case may be."

Amendment agreed to.

The next Amendment in order is that standing in the name of the hon. Member for the Govan Division of Glasgow (Mr. Maclean).

I beg to move, in Sub-section (2), to leave out the words, "one shilling in respect of each dependent child" and to insert instead thereof the words "seven shillings and sixpence in respect of the first dependent child, and six shillings in respect of each other dependent child."

I move this Amendment in order to place the matter on the same ground as the previous Amendment, recognising that the children of the unemployed worker are entitled to the same necessities as the children of the ex-service man who is in receipt of a pension. I am sorry that the Minister of Labour has informed the Members of this Committee that the limit of the Government's generosity has been reached. If one goes through the streets of London, or of any great city, one sees little children hungry, and with naked feet, and the Government says that 1s. is to keep one of those children for one week where there are four. The fifth, the sixth, and even, in the case of the family quoted by the hon. Member for Dartford (Mr. Mills), the seventh, are to have nothing at all; they are expected to starve.

There is a later Amendment dealing with the limit as to the number of children; it is not dealt with in the present Amendment.

I am dealing with the amount that the Government suggest shall be paid in respect of the children, and with the amount that I suggest in my Amendment. Surely I am in order in referring to what these sums of money will purchase for the families to which they are to be paid. I am stating that no child after the fourth is competent to receive any of that money, and therefore, according to the position taken up by the Minister of Labour, so far as the Government is concerned at any rate, those children might as well not be in existence at all for all the succour and help that is going to be afforded by the Government's proposals. It is these things which are causing so much unrest in the country at present. It is an attitude such as that which is being adopted in this Clause that is driving the unemployed to despair. If, as I said the other evening, the Minister of Labour would not merely take a walk through the districts, but go down into some of the households, of the unemployed, he would realise the amount of despair, distress and misery there is and the necessity of trying to cope with it. We have been lectured in this House by almost every speaker who has risen to oppose our proposals, on the ground that we are making political speeches in order to gain a political advantage over the Government. No individual could have made greater political speeches than the Prime Minister, who only left the Chamber a few minutes ago. No man is more responsible for building up the hopes of the poor people in this country, for telling them what was going to be given to them in this promised land. And this is the promised land—1s. per child! Let me quote the Prime Minister again, as I have done before—I have been studying him recently. I think my quotation will be in order, because it refers practically to the conditions of this Debate. This is what the Prime Minister said in a speech at Wolverhampton on the 23rd November, 1918, after he had formed the present coalition:

"I would like to see slums, inhuman conditions, and wretchedness sailing in one after the other to surrender like the German fleet. Sunk they should be to the bottom of the sea, where no human eye shall look on their degradation."

That cannot possibly be in order on this Amendment. The Amendment deals with the amount to be paid in respect of each child. A certain latitude was allowed on the previous Amendment, but that discussion should not be repeated now, and it would not be in order.

On a point of Order. May I ask whether discussion on this proposal, which mentions the sums of 7s. 6d. and 6s., will or will not exclude discussion on other Amendments which are on the Paper, and which mention 1s. and 2s. 6d.? Will the discussion and consequent Division on this prevent discussion and Division on other smaller additional sums?

The Question which it will be necessary to put is, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Clause." Those words are, "one shilling in respect of each dependent child." That will shut out any figure but 1s.

I am sorry if I transgressed the Rules. I thought I was in order in trying to put before the Committee the things which hon. Members had actually been returned to do. We are asked to vote a certain sum of money for these people. If that sum of money is not calculated to give them the conditions that hon. Members promised to their electors on the election day—

I will not say that this argument would not be relevant to the Second Reading, when all the circumstances of the situation which the Bill was designed, wholly or partially, to meet may be reviewed, but it cannot be in order on a limited Amendment.

I think I am not in any way discourteous to you, Mr. Hope, in what I am placing before you. I certainly do not seek to be. I am stating what I believe to be the inadequacy of this sum to bring to the children, for whom it is being proposed by the Government, the necessaries of life. If in stating that I point out that better conditions have been promised to them by the head of this Government, and that this is all that is being done for them to realise the promises made, surely that is quite within the scope of the Amendment on the Paper and also of the Government's proposal in the Bill. I suggest to the Minister of Labour that, so far as the children go, it will not meet the case. The leader of the Labour party has said that it was mocking the parents and mocking the children. What can you purchase to-day for 1s.? Let any hon. or right hon. Member go outside and find out what he can purchase for 1s. He will find how ineffective it is. I am certain, for instance, that the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury), who is opposed to this and all similar Measures that we bring forward, would be able to buy for 1s. very few dog biscuits for the dogs with which he sympathises. I hope that when we, as I hope we shall, press this to a Division, we shall have the support as well as the sympathy of the right hon. Baronet. We can have plenty of sympathy. It flows out to us from the other side. We are told that individually they sympathise with all the things we point out to them; but when it comes to getting their votes in the Lobby their sympathy evaporates.

It is not sympathy that these children want; it is bread, warm clothing, shelter. Will this Is. a week per child provide it? How much food will it purchase? How much clothing? How much housing accommodation will it rent for them? And yet these people are many of them ex-service men. Homes for heroes! Food for heroes! Conditions for heroes! You say there is no money in the country. On the Financial Resolution I pointed out a way of getting the money—by reducing the interest on the loan. You could provide approximately £100,000,000 by reducing it to 4 per cent. We have been told from the other side that we made a solemn pledge. Yes, but you made solemn pledges to the men whose children are starving. You made pledges to the people in the country from the same recruiting platforms as those from which you appealed for finances. Why should you keep your word to the one class because it is money, and break your word to the other when it means starvation, broken hearts, and death? You do not know the conditions in the country, or you would not come like the callous men that you do and vote so brutally against the people outside. I do not want to rouse feelings here, although I may be doing so, but I am prepared to convince any hon. Member of the necessity for increasing the amount to be paid, and of the absolute ineffectiveness of this sum to meet the situation in the country, if they will only come with me within 500 yards of this Chamber. We are not making rebels, but you are. You are creating forces that will one day compel you to devote serious attention to them.

I must ask the hon. Member to confine himself to the Amendment. A speech of this kind would no doubt be in order on the Second or Third Reading, but when we come to specific Amendments it is impossible to have this kind of discussion upon each.

I shall say no more, except to move the Amendment, and express the hope that hon. Members will show that they can have sympathy, not merely as individuals, but even as a Coalition party, by supporting it.

7.0 P.M.

With reference to this and other Amendments on the Paper, I should like to say that, so far as I am concerned, I cannot continue to be a party to a pretence. We have been informed that the right hon. Gentleman cannot agree to any of these Amendments which would involve a variation in the benefit either for wife or for child. We quite agree to the two or three suggestions or Amendments standing on the Paper in the name of the right hon. Gentleman, but for the purpose of importing these particular Amendments into the Bill it is not necessary that we should take any further part in discussing these matters. [HON. MEMBERS: "A waste of time!"] That must not be taken as any assent on our part either to the Report stage or the Third Reading stage of this Bill to-night. I think, however, that it would be more seemly no longer to continue this pretence of dealing in Committee with a very important Bill which concerns the very life-blood of so many people outside. Having had the statement that we can expect no change at all and that there can be no variation in the money benefits, it appears to me that it would be an act of futility and an act of disloyalty to those whom we represent outside this House if we took any further part in the Committee stage.

I am very sorry to hear my right hon. Friend say that. [An HON. MEMBER: "Hypocrisy!"] I hope I may be allowed to say that, and I am quite sure the right hon. Gentleman agrees with me, but he must be the judge of his own actions. I responded at once, after careful consideration, to proposals from that side of the Committee with regard to the case of a woman maintaining an invalid husband and to the suggestion that something should be done for the worker who might very well, in many cases, have a mother. [HON. MEMBERS: "Five shillings a week!"] I mean that. I was asked by the right hon. Member for Stourbridge (Mr. J. W. Wilson) what would be the position of the Government in regard to a variety of proposals on the Order Paper involving increases of expenditure, some of them very large ones. I stated that it was impossible to accept them under this scheme. Then the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes) said: "Very well; we take no further responsibility." I did not quite follow the further statement he made, to this effect, "We will not go on with the Report stage and the Third Reading stage." [HON. MEMBERS: "He did not say that!"] I am most anxious not to misrepresent the right hon. Gentleman. I did not follow what he said.

I said that our attitude on any of the further stages of this Bill in Committee must not be taken as giving assent to the Report stage or Third Reading stage being taken to-night.

As this is a very pressing matter, and he who gives quickly gives twice, I was going to ask the right hon. Gentleman, on behalf of the people for whom I am doing what I can, "As you do not seem to be very much concerned about the further stages of the Committee proceedings because of certain announcements that have been made, may I be allowed to take the Report stage and the Third Reading stage?" I was going to ask that, and I hoped to ask successfully, for time presses and I want to get on with the machinery.

My hon. Friend does not understand, and I am sure my right hon. Friend does not. I am sorry he says he cannot be responsible for further steps in the Committee. I say let us do the best we can, and as time presses let us take the Report stage tonight.

I really think we must dispose of the Amendment before we discuss other matters.

I desire to make a comment on the Amendment. I should not have been led aside—if I was led aside—to depart from it at all except through the comments of my right hon. Friend. This is an Amendment which says that the weekly allowance for the first child shall be 7s. 6d. and that for every other child shall be 6s., without any number. I am sorry that it is my duty and responsibility to tell the Committee what that means. That is my duty, but my hon. Friend the Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean) is relieved of that responsibility. I have got it, and I do not think I ought to be denounced because I tell the Committee what, in terms, this pro- posal will amount to. In this case, this is what would happen if it were carried. It would add to the cost of the Bill £9,800,000.

I know, but it is my duty to tell what the cost will be. As you cannot get that by increasing the State contribution at any time, the only thing would be to increase the contributions from the employed persons and the employers. It would be difficult to make a calculation on that of what their weekly contribution would be, but it would be something very considerable indeed Alternatively, leaving the contributions at what they were, it would mean that I should have to collect contributions for 12 months after the close of benefit under this Bill. It is very disagreeable to my hon. Friend, but although he has denounced me I have got to state the facts. This is the bench of achievement. It is, indeed, and this has to be worked out. This Amendment cannot be accepted, for the reasons I have given. I was rather sorry to hear my hon. Friend suggest that this is all that is being done. It is not all: it is in supplement.

This is all that is being done under this Bill. We are discussing this Bill, not the other scheme.

I beg the hon. Member's pardon. I thought he was trying to put it that the State, pecuniarily, was not doing anything but this. My hon. Friend knows that that is very far from being correct, and that this is not the only thing. It is the only thing in this Bill, but to put it that it is all the State is concerned to do, and that it is entirely filled with disregard, unconcern, and neglect is not to state the case accurately

On a point of Order. I know you are watching him, but are you listening to him? I want you to listen to him?

I was on the point that this is not all that the State is doing. I content myself with saying that my hon. Friend the Member for Govan knows better than to suggest that this Bill is all that the State is doing on behalf of these people

May I be allowed again to intervene in order to say, with reference to the later stages of the Committee and the Report and Third Reading stages, that we must stand by the statement I have made. Furthermore, I am of opinion that it is not within the Standing Orders of the House to take the two later stages of a Bill of this character at the same sitting. Let me say that if any action of ours in respect to this matter would delay the payment of the benefit by a single day we, of course, would not commit ourselves to any such proceeding

I think it is the fact that the right hon. Gentleman, by taking the Third Reading stage on the day originally fixed, will be able to get this Bill through, and to receive the Royal Assent and enable the benefits to be paid on exactly the same day as he announced.

I do not know whether I can appeal to my right hon. Friend. I quite understand the very difficult position in which he is placed. He has a, certain Financial Resolution to work upon; that we all recognise. The Amendment on which the last Division took place would have entailed a very large additional expenditure which, however, justified—and it seemed to me to have very many arguments in its favour—would undoubtedly have struck a blow at the financial scope of the Bill. That, I quite agree, is impossible. My right hon. Friend is not a hard-hearted, adamant administrator, but is very anxious, so far as he can, to meet the general wishes of the people. It is quite absurd to suggest otherwise, because I have known him for a great many years in the House, and we all appreciate the difficulty in which he finds himself. I want to make this appeal to him. I see an Amendment which stands in the name of some hon. Members of the Labour party immediately following this one and which is an entirely different proposal in regard to its size. The proposal now before the Committee is a very big one, and the right hon. Gentleman has told us that to carry it out would cost £9,000,000. He is responsible for the financial result.

To keep within the bounds of Order, I think it would be better for the right hon. Gentleman formally to move to report Progress, then the discussion would not be restricted.

I beg to move,

"That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."

I am very much obliged, Sir, for the suggestion, because I think the Committee would like an opportunity of discussing this matter. I was about to suggest to my right hon. Friend that it would be a very great pity if this Debate were to break off at the point which has been suggested by my right hon. Friend the Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes), who conceived it to be his duty to take no further steps in connection with this Measure. The remedial operations of this Bill are limited—there is no doubt about that—and fall short of what every hon. Member would wish them to be. It would be a; very bad thing if this Debate broke off at that point, and what I am suggesting to my right hon. Friend, who, I think, must have some thing in reserve up his sleeve, if I may say so—

That is a very important query. I am suggesting this to my right hon. Friend. I do not know if my hon. Friend the Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean) would be willing to withdraw this Amendment, so as to allow the next Amendment on the Paper to be moved, which increases the 1s. to 2s. It is quite possible, and I urge this very strongly on the Minister of Labour, that instead of breaking off and of nothing being done, something more might be accomplished, something in accordance with the views of hon. Members belonging to the Labour party. I must say that I am not at all in favour of the remaining stages of the Bill being taken to-night. I do not think that ought to be done. We shall lose nothing in time, and this question ought to be considered further. My right hon. Friend is fully seized of the undoubted fact that there is an immense amount of opinion in all parts of the House that is very anxious to go further than the Government has yet seen fit to go.

I have known the House of Commons for some time, apart from its votes, and I think that the remaining stages ought not to be taken to-night. A way out of the angry and difficult mood in which the Committee has just been finding itself would be for my hon. Friend to consent to withdraw his Amendment, so that we could go on with the next one on the Order Paper. That Amendment makes a big proposal which I believe is a really practicable one.

I, too, would suggest to my hon. Friend the Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean) the withdrawal of his Amendment, if there were the slightest chance of the right hon. Gentleman opposite finding himself able to reconsider his previous announcement and to treat sympathetically the next Amendment on the Paper. If we can have any assurance on those lines I should advise my hon. Friend to withdraw his Amendment. If not, if there can be no change in the attitude of the Government, we shall certainly go to a Division.

For my part, and I think, on the part of many hon. Members on this side of the Committee, we could not see our way to beg the Government to accept the present Amendment in view, if nothing else, of the fact that this is giving half-a-crown more for the child than for the wife. But I think it is certainly most inadvisable that the sum in respect of the child should be so far limited as to be only 20 per cent, of that of the wife. It is quite at variance with the proposal adopted by the House in connection with the Pensions Regulations, when the amount for a child was 75 per cent, of that for the wife. Certainly, as a mere medical matter, a child will require for its nourishment far more than 20 per cent.

In regard to the Motion to report Progress, if we can have no assurance from the right hon. Gentleman that he will consider this point further, I should go so far as to vote against the Government. If we could have some assurance from the right hon. Gentleman that he will consider the point, I think the Committee would get very well out of the situation in which it finds itself.

I wish to associate myself with what has just fallen from the hon. and gallant Gentleman. It is unfortunate that we should be placed in a position in which we have, either by voting in respect of the Motion to report Progress or in respect of the Amendment before the Committee, no alternative between a proposal we find ourselves unable to support as it stands and the inelastic position of the Government with regard to this particular matter of dealing with children.

I am quite willing to accede to the requests which have been made to me from different parts of the Committee. I have no desire to be accused outside or even inside the House of robbing anyone of something that is going to assist him. If the Government are not prepared to accept the proposal that there shall be 2s. for each child up to four, or to abolish the limit of four children, I do not see any use in withdrawing my Amendment, because the Division will take place on the question that the word "one" stand part of the Clause, which will dismiss all the Amendments at once. If the Minister will give an assurance that he is prepared to do something in the matter, I am quite prepared to accede to the request made from other parts of the House.

I gather that the Minister is not going to accede to the hon. Member's request. He is the only Member of the Cabinet present on that Bench. This is a matter of great importance. It is a question really whether the Government are going to give way to the obvious impatience of some of their most faithful supporters on this question of children. [HON. MEMBERS "No!"] Oh, yes. If we have a vote on the 2s. or 1s. basis, I think we shall get a surprisingly good vote. The Minister obviously cannot agree to this matter without consulting the Treasury. I see no representative of the Treasury there except the Treasury officials. I do not see the Financial Secretary to the Treasury, and I draw the attention of the Committee to the way we are treated on a matter of the most vital importance. I believe if the Leader of the House had heard this Debate and the recent events he would have given us something, which is what we want, after all, and if the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. Maclean) can get something I am certain he will withdraw the Amendment. All of us have this matter closely at heart, and I think it is a terrible pity that there is no one beside the Minister here. If by giving the Government a few hours to think it over, we can get an extra shilling, for the children, it is worth it, but if we cannot get a promise that something will be done on Report we had better go on fighting as best we can.

Is not my right hon. Friend going to say something in reply? As I take it, the request to him is not that he will promise to accept the next Amendment. I am sure he will reply at once, if he can, that that is an Amendment which he would view in a very different spirit from the one before the Committee.

May I make an appeal to the right hon. Gentleman? I have not a reputation for moderation, as hon. Members generally will understand, but I represent a constituency consisting of people who are very hard hit by the present unemployment problem, not merely as unemployed workers, but as ratepayers. We are paying out in our district £17,000 a week in Poor Law relief and the burden is becoming intolerable. We are not merely asking for assistance for the unemployed. The effect of the increase in the grant to the children and the women will mean that the ratepayers will receive a considerable amount of assistance, and they are entitled to it. I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he could not do something to meet us in this matter and give us an opportunity of saying that at least some recognition has been given although 2s. a week, if you give the whole 2s., is practically an impossible sum on which to maintain a child. The lowest that is given by guardians in most of the industrial centres is 5s. a week. I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to consider the situation from the standpoint of increasing the amount if he cannot give us all we ask for.

I respond at once to my right hon. Friend's appeal. I am asked to say whether I can give an undertaking that the Amendment to increase the children's allowance from Is. to 2s., which the Committee is precluded from discussing now, can be favourably considered. I think it should have an opportunity of discussing that not overshadowed by the 7s. 6d., but I cannot give any undertaking that on the Report stage, for instance, if this were put down again with the 7s. 6d. out of the way, the Government could accept it. This proposal alone to increase the Is. to 2s., much as we may sympathise with it, will cost, during the six months, £1,600,000. I have to tell the Committee the facts. I have done my best at every stage to put the facts fairly before the Committee. That I deem to be my duty. I am afraid I cannot give any undertaking that any other decision will be come to, though I agree it is desirable that the Committee should have an opportunity of discussing the Amendment which is shut out now by the proposal to raise it to 7s. 6d.

Has my right hon. Friend any knowledge of what would be involved in extending the grant even of a shilling to all children, and not limiting it only to four?

It appears to me, in face of what the Minister has already stated, that if my hon. Friend withdraws his Amendment we have absolutely no hope that the Government are prepared to accept that in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Silvertown (Mr. J. Jones). Does the right hon. Gentleman say that if he accepted that Amendment, which would only cost £1,500,000, the Government is not prepared to grant that sum? It seems to me to be the height of foolishness to discuss the matter any longer. I am convinced that the Government have made up their minds that they are not going to give one single farthing over and above what they have already agreed to, and we may as well go home and let you settle the business in your own way.

Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again," put, and negatived.

Question again proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Clause."

I really do not think we should allow this matter to go right away now. We are going to vote on the question whether the word "one" should stand part, and although if we go to a Division I shall support the Amendment, I must point out that it means that in a family of four in most cases the unemployed worker is actually going to get more than the employed worker. Therefore I would much rather vote on the Amendment standing in my own name, which is for 2s. 6d., or on that of the hon. Member for Silver-town (Mr. J. Jones), which is for 2s. However, if by any chance we should carry against the Government the Question that the word "one" do not stand part, we should then be in a position to amend the Amendment and reduce the amount from 7s. 6d. to 2s. or 2s. 6d. or anything else we like.

Yielding to the requests which have been made to me, and also to what seems to be the desire on the other side of the Committee as well, to put a strong recommendation before the Minister, I beg leave to withdraw my Amendment. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I am not withdrawing it out of any idea that we shall have any support in the other Amendment from hon. Members who have just interrupted. I am doing it so that the Committee will have a clear issue on which to vote. It is said that this will cost too much. On that we may differ. The right hon. Gentleman says that if this Amendment is out of the way there might be a better opportunity of the Government considering the next Amendment.

If we can enlist the sympathies of the Committee to the extent of an additional 1s. for each child, I should be quite satisfied, and many thousands of children would be more than grateful for the vote given. I beg leave to withdraw my Amendment. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]

Objection having been taken the Amendment cannot be withdrawn.

Amendment negatived.

Am I to take it that the Amendment has been negatived? [HON. MEMBERS: "Yes!"]

You are a lot of political tricksters, including the right hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London.

I am going. A great victory over starving children you have won. Another bob a week.

The next Amendment, to leave out the words "Provided that the weekly rate shall not in any case exceed nine shillings," stands in the name of the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean).

I intend to move nothing further in regard to this Bill on the Committee stage. I am sick of the proceedings.

On a point of Order. Am I not entitled to give my reasons for withdrawing my Amendment?

If the hon. Member does not move his Amendment, he is not entitled to make a speech.

I beg to move, in Subsection (2), to leave out the words

"Provided that the weekly rate shall not in any case exceed nine shillings."

This Bill, as I understand it, is brought in to help the needy and the neediest in the community, but by some oversight it has been so drafted that those with large families of more than four children, do not benefit. Surely, where there is a greater number of children there is the greater need for assistance. I have made inquiries as to the probable cost of the acceptance of this Amendment, and I am informed on competent authority that it will mean £2,500 per week, so that for the full period the total cost of the acceptance of this Amendment would be less than £70,000. I hope that the Minister of Labour will, on behalf of the children in families where there are more than four children, accept the Amendment.

This Amendment would have the effect of wiping out the 9s. maximum. I am afraid that the amount which would be received by a man, namely, 24s. in the Bill, would be increased by this Amendment. I am sorry that I cannot accept it.

The Committee will have heard with very great regret the statement of the right hon. Gentleman. This is a very small thing for which we ask. The Government have decided, and the Committee has just decided, to retain the allowance for children at 1s. per child, that is, under 2d. per day. In addition, here is the limit that those people who have large families—and surely we all desire to see large families in these days—are not even to have 2d. a day for their children. They are to be limited to a total sum of 4s., even if they have 10 children, as does fortunately happen in some families. Ten young children are to have between them 4s. a week, or under 5d. a week per child, considerably less than 1d. per day per child. Surely the country is not so poor that it has to do this sort of thing. Surely we can find money for the comparatively few families which would claim more than 4s. per family. If we must economise money, let us do it in some other way. If we must pay a little extra taxation, I feel sure that those who are already paying Income Tax would rather pay a little more than have this miserly and miserable limit imposed upon the most necessitous and the most deserving families. I still hope that the right hon. Gentleman will reconsider his attitude in this matter and will, either now or on the Report stage, remove this limit, which is contrary to every sound policy of Government, which is a distinct discouragement of large families, and which is, up to a certain point, a limitation of the families by the invitation and incentive of the law. I hope that this wretched limit will be removed, either at this stage or on the Report stage.

I desire to support the Amendment, and in doing so I am not going outside the scheme of the Bill. I accept for the purpose of my argument the contention of the Minister of Labour that the three-sevenths of the cost of this Bill which comes from the State could not at this stage, even if the Committee desired it, be altered. The effect of accepting the Amendment would be to shorten by some period, but not a very great period, the time over which the fund would be available. Allowing for that period to be shortened, the fund would still remain available for that period of the year in which the distress is greatest and the danger of injury to the health of the children is at its height. Further than that, as the Bill stands, without this Amendment, no distinction is made between those who have four children or less and those who have more children. Where you have two families in the same street, one with more children than the other, and yet both getting precisely the same grant under the Bill, you are tending to heighten and intensify the comparison which will necessarily be made between the two families.

In perfect consistency with the framework of the Bill as the right hon. Gentleman has presented it, and bearing in mind the limitation which at this stage is imperative and cannot be got over, it is worth while to accept this Amendment, although it may involve a shortening of the period during which the fund will be available, in order that through the worst time of the winter there may be an additional help given to precisely those families which most need it. By doing that, you may avoid invidious comparisons between the position of the larger families and the smaller families. Acquiescence in this Amendment would make an appreciable difference in the way that the Bill is viewed by those who do not realise as fully as does my right hon. Friend the financial stringency which, unhappily, limits the operations of the Bill. I appeal to my right hon. Friend in this case, both because the sum involved is small, and because the application of it is essential to equity between one kind of family and another, either to accept the Amendment or promise that it shall be considered on the Report stage.

I can well understand the difficulties of my right hon. Friend in having to resist the appeals that are made to him from time to time. He succeeded in resisting the first Amendment to-day, because it struck a blow at the whole structure of the Bill. In regard to the second proposal, which was intended to increase the allowance per child from Is. to 2s., he felt it his duty to remain adamant, but so far as this Amendment is concerned, it is a proposal which he must find it difficult to refuse, on grounds of human sympathy with suffering—which this Bill is designed as far as it can to meet—on the grounds of economics, or on the ground of the financial ambit of his Bill. On all these grounds he ought to accept this Amendment. What sort of position can the Government expect to hold with regard to the differentiation which they make in this part of the Bill? Where a family consists of four children, each one gets Is. per week, while next door, living under similar conditions, you have a family with six or seven children—which is a very common thing—and though their need is greater they are to have less relief. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO!"] The whole family pro tanto has less relief. You cannot take them out. It is the whole family that suffers.

On the grounds of ordinary sympathy, on the grounds of economics, what are you going to do? You are going to drive these larger families as a further burden upon the rates. The other children have to be relieved somehow. Four of them are to be relieved under this Bill. The other two must go to the guardians. Where is the sense in that? Then, I think that this is within the financial ambit of the Bill. If it is not it ought to be. Under the general position taken up from time to time by the Government with regard to these matters, I do not complain of the way in which the Minister of Labour is endeavouring to discharge the very disagreeable duty, as I am sure it is to him, of refusing relief on the three grounds which I have mentioned. But in that case what is the use of the Committee at all? It does not matter what arguments are adduced my right hon. Friend is powerless. He says, "These are my orders." What, then, is to become of the House of Commons?

In the old days when these matters were discussed and the Minister felt the force of argument, of reason and of the human appeal of the House, he was able to send for somebody who was a higher financial authority than himself; but the right hon. Gentleman can do nothing, and this Committee, set up to deal with this Bill, is helpless. The only chance is to make reference to some outside dictator and, at some further stage perhaps, meet the wishes of the Committee. I am not blaming my right hon. Friend, but that is not treating this Committee or this House with the respect to which we are entitled. I make this appeal on broad general public lines. The spirit in which the Committee is debating this most important question does not show one of the best moods of the House. It is the position in which men feel the force of argument and are unable to give effect to the measures which they would desire to adopt. I know the House of Commons well. I understand thoroughly its present difficult position. Here is the House of Commons, in some respects, at its worst in dealing with a great human problem. I would suggest to my right hon. Friend that he can restore the right spirit in the further conduct of this Measure by giving most favourable consideration to this Amendment. It means a great deal, not only in this House, but outside it. If the other grounds fail, I appeal to him on that ground. If he cannot give an answer now, let him say that he will see that, as far as is in his power, the most favourable consideration shall be given to this Amendment.

I cannot sit silent when a matter of this kind is being discussed, and I would appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to reconsider the question. After all, who would suffer most from the straitened resources of the family? Who suffers most in this country from the starvation that may arise from unemployment? It is the child. I think that everything possible should be done to prevent the infantile mortality which I am afraid will arise in the case of families where there is prolonged unemployment. I think that the argument as to the unfairness which arises in the case of families of different size is an. important one. You should not penalise those whose families happen to be more numerous than four when, after all, they are the people who require most assistance; and I do not think that it matters if the adoption of this Amendment does shorten the period of payment. After all, probably it will not do more than shorten it for a very brief period. I therefore support strongly the suggestion that all the children of the family should receive the same assistance.

May I supplement the appeal which has been made to the right hon. Gentleman? As I indicated earlier in the Debate, I have felt that this was the smallest, and yet the most important, of any of the Amendments before the Committee. Let us realise what we are doing. We are trying to set up a standard of what a family should be, and if the family numbers more than four, then the money is to be stopped. There can be no justification for that. Where there is a large family the benefits are most needed. I cannot imagine any argument in favour of the proposal in the Bill. I sympathise with the right hon. Gentleman in the difficulty in which he is placed. He has got the figures before him, but if the figures given by the hon. Member (Mr. Broad) who moved the Amendment are correct, it seems almost ludicrous to occupy a half-hour of the time of the Committee debating the subject. The Bill itself, in Sub-section (5) of Clause 2, contains a provision allowing the contributions to be continued by certificate if the fund is in deficit at the end of the six months. What employer or employed person would refuse the appeal for an extra 2d. for one week—I do not believe it would be for two weeks—to meet the extra food for these babies? I am sorry if earlier in the discussion I invited the right hon. Gentleman to make a statement which rather shut him out as regards this last, and I think smallest, but yet most vital question, and I would appeal to him to give way on this small Doint.

I sit for an artisan constituency in Liverpool, and I know what difficulties that constituency is in to-day. I would respectfully point out to the Committee that where there are six children in one of these families, which is not at all an uncommon occurrence, the ages of the elder ones will be about 14, 12, 10, and so on. It requires a great deal more to support these children than is required in the case of a family with one child six months old. or even in the case of a family of four children who are all young. In the case of a family in which there are more than four children, the expense is very much greater in proportion than where there are fewer than four. I would be the last Member of the House to make suggestions against a Minister, or to say that he has not as much compassion as any of us, or that he cannot see the force of the arguments. I am sure that if the right hon. Gentleman is withholding his concurrence to this obviously logical and extremely desirable Amendment, it is because he has not got permission with regard to the money to make the concession, but, in those circumstances, I think that even he will say—as I think most of us would say if left to ourselves—that it is just one of those cases where, in order to make some limitation in reference to the actual money that is being talked about, a limit has unfortunately been set at just exactly the point and in exactly the circumstances where it ought not to be set

Therefore, as an old Member of the House, I add my most earnest appeal to the Government to give way with regard to this point. Whatever our opinions may be as to the method of meeting the great distress which exists, under this Bill if the State is setting out to meet the difficulty with regard to these children of the unemployed in this way, surely it ought to meet it in a logical and sensible manner, and ought to take into account exactly those circumstances which are most difficult and provide for the case of these unfortunate people who have deserved well of the State. If it is true, and it has not been denied, that this would not make any breach in the Financial Resolution, and that within the limits of what we are enabled to do this course can be adopted, then the right hon. Gentleman might say, even if he is not able to take up the matter to-day, that in view of the facts brought out in the arguments from all sides of the Committee, he would put the question be those who do control the money to see whether on Report he could not accept some suggestion of this kind.

May I make a suggestion? I take the position which we are in is that everybody realises the needs of these particular persons, and must sympathise with the desire to extend relief in the direction proposed. But we have got a certain amount of money available, and what we have to do is to distribute it to the very best advantage. Before we can decide what is to the best advantage we ought to know what position we are in, first in regard to what this would cost, and. if the suggestion of my hon. Friend were carried out, by how much would it actuallv shorten the period within which relief should be given. Until we know these facts I do not see how we can decide whether it would be a greater advantage to make this very desirable increase and shorten the period, or allow the period to stand and be forced to deny this very desirable addition. I would suggest to my right hon. Friend that he should have on Report Stage those figures before the House, so that we could see by what time exactly the period would be shortened, and then we should have the whole facts, and the House could decide for itself which provision would give the greater advantage.

8.0 P.M.

I rise to join in the appeal that has been made to the Minister of Labour to reconsider the position. Many of us on this side of the House heard his decision with great regret, regret which was none the less because no adequate reason was given to us for not extending the relief in the case of a family in which there are more than four children. If we were to apply to it the terms which will be applied to it outside, we would say that this was an outstanding example of illogical meanness. Think of the demands made by growing children, by six of them. It is not the Is. a week that is keeping a child. Where there are five or six or even four children, the sustenance of the children comes very largely from the money of the father and mother, and not least from that of the mother. Nothing could be further from the truth than to imagine that this Is. per week per child goes any length towards keeping that child in proper condition. I trust that for the sake of his honour the Minister of Labour will force the Cabinet to depart from this Resolution, even by tendering his resignation. The right hon. Gentleman has plenty of courage, and I think that in this matter it is for the Committee to assert itself against the Government Whips in the name of humanity.

Everybody who has spoken thinks that this Amendment ought to be carried. [HON. MEMBERS: "We are all agreed."] When we are agreed our unanimity is wonderful. I must ask the Committee to allow the words of the Clause to remain as they are for the moment, so that I may consider them and the exact position with regard to this matter before the Report stage, when I will make a proposal to the House myself. If this Amendment were carried, there would be no limit to the number of children. I do not say I shall go to that length. I may make a proposal of a different character. I suggest that the words of the Bill be allowed to stand now, and that I be allowed to look at the situation carefully, giving no undertaking that I can carry out the whole of my hon. Friend's purpose. I will, however, see what I can do

What the Minister of Labour has said is an advance, but I would tell him very respectfully that he quite misconceives what I consider to be the view of the Committee if the proposal he is to make to the House falls in any really substantial degree short of what the Amendment proposes. When he considers the Clause I hope he will have fully in his mind what I have taken the liberty of saying on behalf of Members of the Committee who do and do not usually act with me.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (5), to leave out the words

Where a couple are bonâ fide living together, and have done so for some time, it may be reasonable that they should benefit, though personally I do not think so. After all, the cases are not many and it is as well to draw the attention of the people concerned to the fact that they are living in an illegal state. If they are impressed with that fact, they have the option of legalising their union, in which case there would be no further impediment to their drawing benefit. Although the right hon. Gentleman may not be able to accept the words of my Amendment, I hope that between now and Report he will be able to improvise some safeguard which will be more effective than the alternative he has on the Paper.

Earlier on the Paper I have an Amendment which unfortunately has been overlooked, and it refers to this point. May I ask what the procedure is to be before I deal with the Amendment now under discussion?

I am afraid I have a certain responsibility, which responsibility is shared by the right hon. Gentleman for not calling my attention to his Amendment. I am afraid that as the question has been put it is impossible to go back. We must make the best of the position as it is, and if necessary put the matter right on Report.

Is it not the case that if an Amendment be withdrawn the whole position is just as open as if the Amendment had never been moved? Therefore, if the hon. and gallant Member who moved the Amendment withdraws it, I submit there is no reason why we should not go back and take the Amendment of the Minister.

The Amendment of the right hon. Gentleman seems to have no bearing on what I have discussed. If I withdraw my Amendment I cannot again move it?

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman is not satisfied with a further Amendment of the Minister, which is to be proposed later, he can move to amend it and bring his qualification in there. He will not be prejudiced in any way by doing that.

Then I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment. Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (4), to leave out the words

"as being the wife or dependent child of an unemployed worker."

I am much obliged to the hon. and gallant Member for withdrawing his Amendment. I think I can show him how the Amendment I now move has a bearing on the situation. The Sub-section as it stands is too narrow in scope. It enables me to refer to an employment committee the question whether any person is "the wife or dependent child of an unemployed worker." If I omit those words, the effect is that I can refer other questions for decision and that might help the view of my hon. and gallant Friend. At any rate, whether that is so or not I want a wider opportunity here of referring matters to employment committees.

Amendment agreed to.

There are two or three Amendments dealing with the position of a wife or housekeeper, and I propose to call that in the name of the Minister of Labour.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (5), after the word "grant" ["his wife with the person claiming a grant"], to insert the words

"and any female person who is residing with a person claiming a grant for the purpose of having the care of his dependent children and is being maintained by him."

I have put that Amendment down in response to appeals which have been made.

It would be convenient if the right hon. Gentleman would indicate how he proposes to meet the point I raised just now. How does he propose to prevent a man inviting a woman to live with him solely for the purpose of drawing this additional benefit? What is the safeguard against that taking place and the couple being eligible for benefit?

I understood the Minister to suggest that this was to some extent meeting the point made by the hon. and gallant Member for Hulme (Lieut.-Colonel Nail). May I say that the actual words of the Amendment do not seem to limit the proposal at all, but rather extend it. It leaves in the words to which the hon. and gallant Member drew attention, and those words being followed by the word "and," the paragraph is now made to include certain other people. Will the Minister not consider a revision of this Amendment so as to bring in a limitation on the lines suggested by the hon. and gallant Member?

The Amendment which I proposed to Clause 1, Sub-section (4) left it open to me to refer any question as to whether a grant is payable to the local employment committee. The Committee has very kindly given me that wider power. Now we come to something else entirely. I am now proposing to add to the definition of "wife" the words

"and any female person who is residing with a person claiming a grant for the purpose of having the care of his dependent children and is being maintained by him."

The hon. and gallant Member for Hulme (Lieut.-Colonel Nail) asks me to explain how the addition of those words will affect his point. They will not affect it It is the previous Amendment which will enable me to refer that particular question to the local authorities, not on narrow points, but to take up the point with which he is dealing, and refer it to the local employment committees, putting it to them whether or not the particular man in such cases can establish the fact that under the terms of the proposed Clause he has a person living with him in respect of whom he is properly entitled. The phraseology is that of Article 20 of the Royal Pension Warrant, 1919—

"any person who is living as a wife."

I shall now, under the wider authority given to me by the amended Sub-section (4) of Clause 1, be able to take the opportunity, in necessary cases, of asking the man to establish the fact.

Would the Minister not have had that power previously? I understood the Chairman to say that the hon. and gallant Member for Hulme (Lieut.-Colonel Nail) would have an opportunity on a subsequent Amendment of raising this point.

I suggested that there would be an opportunity on this Amendment, and there would be by putting in a proviso which would cover the whole of this paragraph.

May I, on a point of Order, ask would it be in order to add a proviso that it should not include certain persons?

No. The point taken by the hon. and gallant Member for Hulme (Lieut.-Colonel Nail) was that a person could be induced to come and live with an unemployed workman as his wife in order to get the benefit.

I do not feel that the Minister has quite realised the point that is going to arise in practice. As I understand it, when this Bill becomes an Act it passes out for administration to every corner of the country, and in my humble judgment there are going to be many cases—at any rate in certain districts—where this very question will arise. Not only will the question arise as to whether the woman is to be fairly regarded as the wife of the man, but there will also be the question as to whether a person is a bonâ fide caretaker of the house and caretaker of the children. Say what we like, there has been an enormous amount of abuse in the administration of the unemployment money that has been previously paid out, and it seems to me that what the right hon. Gentleman wants to aim at is to make this Measure apply only to those persons who for the past six or twelve months have actually occupied the positions of housekeepers or caretakers. If he does not do that, there will be many cases of men with children who will take in a housekeeper for the sake of drawing the 5s. If the right hon. Gentleman has got that in mind he did not make it clear to us. He must not overlook the fact that before any case can come to him about a particular individual, a lot of time must elapse. It will take more time for him to deal with that case, and to decide whether he will refer it to the proper authority. Unless some protection is taken, to see that these housekeepers and caretakers are bonâ fide at this present moment, there will inevitably be a large number of cases in which those administering the Bill cannot refuse to give the extra 5s., and there will be people going into houses for the express purpose, not of serving as housekeeper, but simply to add to the burden of these payments.

I think I could make a suggestion to meet this very important point. This part of the Bill strikes me as being very loosely drawn. Would it not be possible on the next stage, if not now, to alter it by including the words of the Royal Warrant—

"Who has lived with him as his wife and is living with him as his wife."

That would do away with the possibilities which the hon. Baronet who spoke last fears may arise. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider putting that down himself or accepting those words if I put down an Amendment to that effect. I wish to draw attention to another matter in connection with th3 right hon. Gentleman's Amendment. As I read it, its effect will be that a man who has a wife and children and who is maintaining some other woman to look after the children, can also draw benefit in respect of that other woman. In other words, a servant can be claimed for, or a family relative acting as a caretaker by a man who has already a wife. I do not know if the scheme originally contemplated such an arrangement, but under the wording suggested by the right hon. Gentleman, I do not see what is to prevent a man claiming 5s. for a wife and 5s. for, say, a sister or niece who may be looking after the children. The right hon. Gentleman would not give us any reply the other night when we raised this matter. He stuck as tight as a limpet on his bench, and he would not rise at all. I think he acted with discourtesy, or I would rather say that he was very forgetful. I withdraw the word "discourtesy," as I have had some experience of him now and do not think that term would be correct. The hon. Member for Consett (Mr. A. Williams) and I put an Amendment on the Paper, but that was not good enough, and the right hon. Gentleman put his own Amendment down, and I say that that Amendment of his goes outside the scope of the Bill or, rather, outside the intention of the Committee. We propose that in the case of widowers or widows with children, where a female person resides with the unemployed worker for the purpose of looking after such children, that female person shall be included in the expression "wife." I believe that is the intention of Parliament, but under the proposal of the right hon. Gentleman you can claim 5s. for a wife and as well 5s. for a niece or sister who may be looking after the children.

I invite the right hon. Gentleman to write out the Bill and to add his own Amendment and then to read it in a calm atmosphere, and I defy him to read any other meaning into it. I think it would have been very much better if the right hon. Gentleman had chosen to accept the Amendment standing in the name of the hon. Member for Consett and myself, which has in it none of these ambiguities.

On a point of Order. Having withdrawn my previous Amendment, am I precluded from bringing it up on the Report stage?

I think the shortest way, so far as my point is concerned, is for me to put it down for the Report stage.

In reference to what fell from the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy), I should be sorry to be charged with discourtesy.

He is anxious as to the possibility of two wives, and I share that anxiety, of course. We say that the grant shall be 5s. a week in respect of a wife, and that is perfectly clear. The definition of a wife is as printed in the Bill, and I go on to add another definition, namely,

"any female person who is residing with a person claiming a grant for the purpose of having the care of his dependent children and is being maintained by him."

In framing this Amendment, I bore in mind what my hon. and gallant Friend said about this point, and I am sorry I do not seem to have satisfied him. On the main point, however, I am quite confident that the Amendment we made in an earlier part of the Clause, leaving to me, if any question arises, the decision as to whether a grant is payable under the Bill in respect of any person, gives me the fullest power. I should require this man to establish the fact that the woman for whom the grant was claimed had been bonâ fide living with him for the purpose of looking after his children, and I think that fully meets the case.

I really do not think the words proposed by the right hon. Gentleman are very satisfactory. He proposes, first of all, that a wife shall include a real wife, then a person who is lining with him as his wife, and then any female person who is residing with him for the purpose of looking after his children. I think many people in this country will think it very undesirable to raise the question of the unmarried wife unless it is really necessary. As the Bill was drawn, it would have given the grant in respect of the unmarried wife, but not in respect of the female relative looking after a man's children. I admit that the right hon. Gentleman's words will get rid of that difficulty, and I do not know that they will very materially differ in their working out from the words I have put down on the Paper, but I think they will have a very different moral effect upon the country. If a man is married, his wife naturally looks after his house and children; if he is a widower and has children, he must have a house, and fie must have some woman to look after them. He needs as much money in the second case as in the first, and it is perfectly reasonable, therefore, for the Government to make a grant of 5s. in respect of the wife and, if she is dead, in respect of the woman who is there to look after the house and the children. It is quite unnecessary, I think, to enter in the Bill into the question of the relations between the man and the woman, and I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he cannot between now and the Report stage adopt my words, or some other words simply saying that the expression "wife" includes, besides a real, legal wife, any woman who is living with a claimant to take care of his house and his dependent children.

I do not think the Minister has quite met the case put by the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Ken-worthy). The right hon. Gentleman says that under the Bill he can only pay 5s. in respect of any wife, but if a man's legal wife is paid 5s. as a wife, there is nothing in the Bill to prevent him claim- ing another 5s. for a wife under the provision we are just adding, that the housekeeper or servant looking after the children can be classified as a wife. In other words, I think a man can claim 5s. for his legal wife, 5s. for what I may call a temporary wife, and any number of 5s. for maid servants looking after the children.

If the hon. and gallant Member will look at Sub-section (1) of Clause 1, he will find that the provision made is for the maintenance of a man's wife, not his wives.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, in Sub-section (5), to leave out the word "fourteen" ["under the age of fourteen years"], and to insert instead thereof the word "sixteen"

I desire to move this Amendment, which stands in the name of the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean). This would bring in children who are attending secondary schools, and so on. It is not the child's fault if the father is unemployed, and where a working-class family has made great sacrifice to keep a child at school another two years to prevent it drifting into a blind alley, that family should be encouraged, and I really think a very strong case can be made out for raising the age to 16 years. I have not got the figures as to the additional cost, but I do not think it can amount to many thousand pounds, and I think the case is so strong that the comparatively small extra cost should not be allowed to stand in the way.

We are drawing near to the end of the Debate on this Clause, and it has been a very disappointing Debate to us on this side, as it leaves us without almost any gleam of hope, except a faint glimmer on the question of the limitation of the number of family to whom relief can be given. That, the Minister has promised to consider, and I want to ask him, while considering that point, whether he will take into account the point just raised by my hon. and gallant friend. The Minister has represented himself to us as being very rigidly bound by the Financial Resolution. No elasticity at all—that has been his formula; but I think he has rather given the go-by to it himself. I do not think he can be quite so rigidly bound as he has suggested, because while every addition when proposed by us has been rejected, he has done one or two things which must have increased the expense. He has put in the husband and he has put in the housekeeper. We are grateful for that, but it clearly shows that he has got something somewhere. We have searched him for the last halfpenny, and when we got on to the children we did feel that we were plumbing the depth, but there does seem to be a little margin somewhere on which the Minister can draw. We have had statistics with regard to the cost of two proposals, but when we came to the children we were not told the figures, and I do not think he has got the figures with regard to this proposal. I think it is just possible that on both of these proposals he might not find himself put to any extra expenditure, because, after all, these proposals rest upon an actuarial computation, and when one looks at the computation on page 4 of the White Paper, one sees that a certain number of children are estimated as coming into the claim. The estimate is based on 1,300,000 unemployed men, of whom 741,000 are married, 700,000 of these are qualified for grants in respect of their wives, and the number of dependent children in respect of whom grants can be claimed is estimated to amount to 1,300,000.

These are all estimates by a very competent actuary, but they are estimates, and we all know that actuarial estimates in the past have been wrong, and that a very considerable accumulation of funds has taken place. I hope, therefore, the Minister will take a hopeful and optimistic view of the calculation with regard to children. An expert makes an estimate which is going to leave a good margin. That has been the experience, and I think it is likely to be the experience here. I want the Minister to bank on it. We are urged to be adventurous, to show initiative and enterprise. I do plead with the Minister in respect to this Amendment that he will be adventurous, and that in the case of these families he will agree to the limit of 16 years. We all know that in normal times children between 14 and 16 may get employment, but that is not the case now, and, in addition, you have the point made by my hon. and gallant Friend that it would be a lamentable thing in a case where a man had endeavoured to keep his child at school until the age of 16 that he should be compelled, through lack of employment, to withdraw it. For those reasons, I urge the Minister at least to give this earnest consideration, and not to turn it down now, but to promise to look into it and give us some hope on Report.

This would cost six figures, at any rate, but I do not put that as the main consideration. The main consideration is this. Broadly, 14 years is the school-leaving age, although I recognise that there are a large number of children who remain at school, at any rate, until the end of the term in which the 14th birthday occurs. But this is my difficulty. I have got to see that they are not at work, and if I go beyond 14, I am confronted with a great deal of difficulty to determine whether or not these children are, in fact, at work, and earning. I am making no charge of abuse. The hon. Member for Walsall (Sir R. Cooper), I think, spoke of wide, general abuse under the Insurance Act. That carries the matter much too far. There has been abuse, but to say that it is wide and general is, with the greatest respect, nonsense. I want to see, however, that the money at my disposal does go to the hardest cases, and if I go up to 16 I am confronted with the fact that I should have to make very close inquiry to see whether or not the child was at work. That is the main reason against accepting this proposal.

May I put this point: I quite recognise the difficulties of the right hon. Gentleman, but the point that was stressed particularly was the question of the children who were continuing at school. In that case the difficulty would not present itself. The same thing would apply in regard to children who stayed on from 14 to 16. You would be able very simply to get the assurance there. I do not want to press the Minister at this stage to do more than this—to say whether he would not consider in regard to this age limit some extension in cases where the administrative difficulty would not arise, and where, in addition, you have what is certainly a most desirable thing: where you have this urgent necessity not breaking in upon the most important period of school life and interfering with the course of education merely because the parent happened to be suffering from this emergency. If the right hon. Gentleman will give us the assurance that between now and the Report stage he will consider sympathetically that proposal, then we will not press the matter.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman fully realises my difficulty. I cannot give an undertaking, but if he will keep in mind the difficulties of administration of money, I will look into it as he asks.

Amendment negatived.

The following Amendment stood on the Paper in the name of Mr. J. ROBERTSON: In Sub-section (5), after the words "at the cost of the person claiming the grant," to insert the words

"and includes—

The following Amendment stood on the Paper in the name of Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY: In Sub-section (5), after the words "at the cost of the person claiming the grant," to insert the words" or under the age of twenty-one years where precluded from working by physical or mental infirmity."

These two Amendments have been covered by the Amendment which has just been negatived.

On a point of Order. May I put it to you that the Amendment of the hon. Member for Bothwell (Mr. J. Robertson) does go further than the one we have negatived. I was waiting for you to call upon me to move the Amendment as in the case of the Amendment of the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean), and I ask if now I may move it?

We have gone beyond it, and we cannot go back.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

I want to make one or two observations to which I trust the right hon. Gentleman opposite will listen. He will have heard that I was unfortunately slow in rising to move the Amendment as to the child who is above the age of 14, and who is making attendances at school. I do not want to repeat arguments already used, and if I had known I might have had an Amendment to move to leave out the Clause for the purpose of raising the question. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) has asked the right hon. Gentleman if he would look into the question of the child at school over the age of 14. Might I again draw his attention to the words of the Amendment of the hon. Member for Bothwell, which says:

( a ) any child of or above the age who is in regular attendance at any school and who is maintained as aforesaid."

I cannot see where the administrative difficulty will be—

The hon. and gallant Gentleman is not now in order. We can only discuss the Question, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

Would I be in order in discussing the fact that the Clause is drawn very narrowly so as to limit the benefit to children under the age of 14, and that there may be cases of children over the age of 14 who should be included in the Clause.

We cannot discuss what the hon. and gallant Gentleman thinks ought to be in the Clause. The only Question before the Committee now is that the Clause, as it has been amended by the Committee, should stand part of the Bill.

Question, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.

CLAUSE 2.—Provision of funds for purposes of the Act.)

(1) For the purpose of providing funds for the payment of grants under this Act every employed person liable to pay contributions under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921, or under any special scheme made under those Acts (in this Act referred to as "an insured person") and the employer of every such person shall be liable to pay contributions at the rates specified in Part I of the Schedule to this Act, and there shall for the purpose aforesaid be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament a contribution of such an amount as may be determined by the Treasury to be approximately equivalent to the sum which would be produced by weekly contributions paid in respect of insured persons at the rates specified in Part II of the said Schedule as respects men, women, boys, and girls respectively.

(2) The contributions payable under this Act by an insured person and his employer shall be paid and collected in the same manner as and together with the contributions payable in respect of insured persons under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921, or under any special scheme made thereunder, as the case requires, and the provisions of those Acts relating to the payment and collection of contributions (including the provisions of any regulations made under those Acts), and the provisions of those Acts for securing the payment of contributions (including provisions as to penalties and proceedings for the recovery of contributions and the provisions of Section twenty-nine of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, which relate to the powers of inspectors), shall, subject to any prescribed modifications, apply accordingly.

The aggregate amount collected by way of contributions under this Act and by way of contributions under the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921, shall be apportioned between the fund to be constituted under this Act and the unemployment fund in accordance with directions to be given by the Treasury.

(3) All contributions payable under this Act by employers and insured persons or out of moneys provided by Parliament shall be paid into a fund under the control and management of the Minister of Labour, to be called the Unemployed Workers' Dependants Fund.

(4) The sums to be contributed under this Act out of moneys provided by Parliament shall be paid into the said fund in such manner and at such times as the Treasury may determine, and the contributions paid under this Act in respect of persons insured under any special scheme shall be paid into the said fund in such manner and at such times as may be agreed between the Minister of Labour and the body charged with the administration of the scheme, or in default of agreement may be determined by the Treasury.

(5) Contributions under this Act shall be payable in respect of the period beginning on the seventh day of November, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, and ending on the seventh day of May, nineteen hundred and twenty-two, inclusive:

Provided that if it is certified by the Treasury and the Minister of Labour that the amount of the contributions payable under this Act in respect of the period aforesaid is insufficient to meet the charges on the fund, contributions shall continue to be payable for such further period as is declared by the certificate to be necessary for the purpose of meeting the deficiency.

On the certificate being issued under this Section the Minister of Labour shall cause the certificate, together with a special report with reference thereto, to be laid before Parliament.

(6) Any balance remaining in the Unemployed Workers' Dependants Fund, after discharging its liabilities under this Act, shall be paid into the Unemployment Fund.

(7) In this Section the expression "the Unemployment Fund" means the fund constituted under the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920.

I beg to move, in Subsection (1) to leave out the words

In the sixteenth century there was no such provision. People who could not provide for themselves had to rely upon the charity of others. Under the Poor Law of Elizabeth it was put upon the people of the parish to look after those in the parish who could not look after themselves. That went on for a couple of hundred years. Early in the nineteenth century that burden grew too much for the parish. There were parishes which could not carry the load. The result was that in 1836 this House made provision by which the burden on the parishes was spread over a larger area. A number of parishes were put together. Their liabilities were pooled. The unions so formed had to share amongst themselves the load originally falling upon the separate parishes. Now we have reached that stage in which the burden is not only too great for the parish but for union of parishes. What was taken off the shoulders of private individuals and put upon the parish, and then taken off the shoulders of the parish and put upon the unions, is now, in this time of emergency, found to be so great that it has to be taken off the shoulders of the unions and put upon the shoulders of the nation. That is really what is happening under this Bill. This Bill is to relieve the rates. It is to take off the guardians of the poor some of their responsibility, and what some of us complain about is this: while the national necessity for shouldering a part of this load is being recognised by the State, what the State is really doing is that it is taking the national load, but it is not putting it upon the national shoulders. It is putting it upon the shoulders of certain people engaged in industry, upon certain workers and certain employers. We say that that is unfair. We say that it is against the whole principle against which this House has acted in the past. When this House has been fully convinced that this was something which should be a national charge the Government have put that charge upon the whole of the nation. Expenses which are national come out of the Consolidated Fund. The revenue of the country goes into that Fund, and the charges come out of it. In this particular case what has taken place is that we are saying to the boards of guardians of this country, "We think you are too heavily burdened and we must come to your relief, and we are going to do this to the tune of something like £6,000,000, which otherwise would have to be raised in rates, and it is now going to be raised in some other way."

If the money was going to be raised in the ordinary way by taxes we should have no complaint, because we contend that that is the fair and proper way. This is a national burden, and it is commended to this House as such in order to meet an emergency that is due to the War. No one will admit that any individual or sec- tion of the community is responsible for the position in which we find ourselves. The employers do not admit that they are responsible for the situation and the employ és or the Government do not admit responsibility. It is a war charge to be defrayed by the nation, but it is not so defrayed under this Bill. We take from the local authorities this load of £6,000,000, and we meet it out of taxation to the extent of three-sevenths, the remaining four-sevenths being borne half by the workers in certain industries and half by the employers in those industries, which is a most arbitrary arrangement.

9.0 P.M

I do not know upon what principle it can be justified. Whether the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport can justify it or not I do not know, but I submit that this is going to be a very difficult case. See what takes place. Part of the money is got by levying a contribution upon the workers in certain industries. That is a form of direct taxation. It is really an Income Tax on those particular people. It may be said that it is not a very serious tax, that it is only 2d. per week, amounting to 4s. 2d. a year. I think there is every evidence to show the truth of what has been said that this is a sort of thing that the workmen will not resent; but my view is that we have no right to take advantage of the generosity of the people of this country in this way. The workers have imposed larger levies than this upon themselves to meet the wants of their fellow-workers, but this House ought not to take advantage of that spirit. Half of this sum is to be levied by putting an Income Tax on the workers and the other half is to be levied on the employers. The proportion that falls on the employers enters into the cost of production and is passed on, and it is a form of indirect taxation, because it is reflected in the price of the commodity which has to be paid for by the consumer. This Bill adopts the extra ordinary position of professing to turn a local burden into a national burden assuming three-sevenths of that burden and imposing a special tax upon a certain section of the community. We think that is wrong for many reasons. We think no good reason can be adduced for it. It has one or two very curious consequences. One is that the larger the demand this Bill makes the smaller are the sources of supply, because four- sevenths of the revenue is to come out of the workers in certain industries. The more workers there are out of work the larger will be the demand and the smaller the number in work. The larger the sum you want the smaller are your sources of revenue, and that is a very curious situation to be placed in. We have been told during the course of the discussion on unemployment that one of the great causes of unemployment is the cost of production, which we must get down. That if true, and we have to get it down.

How are we going to get it down is a matter upon which there is a good deal of difference of opinion. Some people think you can do it by getting wage down, and there is some truth in that, but it seems a little curious on the one hand to insist upon getting wages down, and while you are doing that, and making the income of the workers smaller, you are placing a levy on their reduced income. That is not a policy which this House ought to adopt. If it be true that wages must come down and that we cannot get out of this impasse without that action, then it is an improper thing to put this special burden on this specially selected class. This is equally true with regard to the part borne by the employer, which is going to be reflected in the price of the commodities. One thing is perfectly certain, and it is that wages cannot come down without producing a very serious condition of things, and it is a pretty serious condition of things if we have to tell the people that there is no hope in the future unless the standard of living is reduced and unless they submit to substantial reductions in wages. It is a very serious thing if that is what we are reduced to. I am quite sure that if at the same time we are doing that we are telling the workers they must submit to reductions of wages. We are pursuing a policy which is going to maintain high prices and that is only adding to our difficulties.

In so far as we are making a levy on industry, we are bound to increase the cost of production and increase the price of commodities. From every point of view, we think the policy of the Government is a wrong one. If this is a national charge, and there is no justification for this Bill unless it is, then it should be borne by the nation. We should not place three-sevenths of the burden on the nation and the other four-sevenths on individuals. We may be told that the result of this Amendment will be to seriously impair the financial position of the Bill. That is said in regard to every proposal. The effect of it is to take away four-sevenths of the income that is proposed. The £6,000,000 raised by the methods of the Bill will last for 26 weeks. If this Amendment be carried, and if the contributions from the workers and employers are not pressed, the sum resulting from the State contribution will only carry us on for about 12 weeks. In answer to that, we say this is no reason why you should adopt an unfair method. Within that 12 weeks this burden, if it still remains, can be met by the adoption of proper financial measures.

My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for East Newcastle (Major Barnes) has invited me into a discussion on the history of the Poor Law of England. If he were successful in his efforts, I should have to take him back before the reign of Queen Elizabeth when the assistance rendered to the poor was voluntary and was enforced by ecclesiastical censure. People who refused to give it were taken before the magistrate to be admonished for want of charity in not relieving their poor neighbours. At no stage has the relief of the poor been recognised as a national charge. With great respect to-his arguments my hon. and gallant Friend will not find anything in this Measure, nor in the speeches of its promoters, to justify the suggestion that this Measure does for the first time acknowledge that the relief of the poor has become a national as distinct from a local charge. The fact is precisely the opposite. This method is intended to have certain beneficial effects and in many cases to save persons from that which they have so much repugnance to, namely, the necessity to apply to our Poor Law for relief. It is quite true that in these times many persons are being compelled to apply for relief which they never thought necessity would compel them to do. This method has the advantage that although the relief which is given in itself is not large, yet, so far as it extends, it will enable many people to avoid the necessity of applying to the guardians at all.

It will also enable them to maintain that spirit of independence and self- respect which is so vital to the healthy attitude of the community by feeling that they are dealing in the true sense with a relief scheme which is a contributory scheme. My hon. and gallant Friend, with very great fairness, stated both sides of the proposition. He, in fact, answered himself. To take this Amendment and pass it would be at once to emasculate this proposal, and, instead of it becoming an insurance proposal to carry the unemployed person over the winter months, it would become a proposal which would be bankrupt before it had run half its course. It would hold out to the unemployed person the prospect of a six months' benefit, but it would expire really in something less than three months. I am sure my hon. and gallant Friend would not desire that, and I do not think the Committee would wish to support the Amendment. There is nothing new at all in the principle of this Bill. It is quite true it is not put forward as an Amendment to the Insurance Acts, but it is, in fact, based on the contributory principle which has been recognised in each of the Insurance Acts, and it does something towards creating that situation which many people desire, that is, that industry itself from its own resources should find the means to support the unemployed in the industry. In these times it is necessary to supplement it by State assistance. If my hon. and gallant Friend were in a position to move a further Amendment he would throw the whole cost on the State. Is he sure that he would thereby be lessening to any extent the burden on industry? The one thing we have to avoid in these days is the increase of taxation. The very fact of our high taxation is no doubt one of the causes of unemployment in our midst. I hope my hon. and gallant Friend will not press his Amendment.

The object of this Amendment is to exclude from the necessity of contributing to this scheme persons who, under the Bill as it stands, are compelled to contribute. I should have thought that my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport, who has just spoken on behalf of the Government, would have directed his observations to explaining to the Committee upon what principle, either of reason, of justice, or of equity, these people are to be compelled to pay this contribution. So far neither my hon. Friend nor any previous speaker from the Treasury Bench has given a good reason why in justice or in equity these people should be called upon to pay. The hon. Gentleman has referred to this proposal as a proposal of insurance. It was similarly called by the Minister of Labour. If it is a scheme of insurance, it has to be tested as such, and if it cannot be justified as a scheme of insurance then I submit that a scheme framed in this fashion cannot be justified at all. I do not want to go into this matter at any length, but it is important. Insurance is a scheme, as everybody knows, whereby certain contributors pay contributions to build up a fund, whereby they, the contributors, will derive certain benefits in certain contingencies. There are two or three elements there which are vital to the existence of all insurance schemes. The first thing is that the benefits are to be paid on certain contingencies. Those contingencies are future, and they are uncertain. Let us examine this scheme from that point of view. There is nothing uncertain about these contingencies and nothing future about them.

What are we doing? We are bringing into a new insurance scheme 1,750,000 persons who at present are unemployed. You cannot start a new insurance scheme by bringing in casualties already existent. You are starting with an immediate liability of £240,000 per week. I say that in a new insurance scheme such a suggestion is absolutely absurd. It is never done and it could not be justified. You might just as well compel people to pay for the loss of a house already on fire and call it fire insurance, or you might just as well compel people to pay for the lose of a ship now at the bottom of the sea and call it marine insurance. It is nothing of the sort, and from that point of view it cannot in any sense be justified. My hon. Friend tells us that this is based on the previous National Insurance Act. It is nothing of the sort in this sense, and if my hon. Friend will read the last Unemployment Insurance Act he will find that, under Section 7, the first condition of receiving benefit is that the person who claims the benefit proves that not less than 12 contributions have been paid in respect of him under this Section. By that test, this, as an insurance scheme, utterly and completely fails, and from that point of view there is no question that it is not insurance, but that you are undoubtedly taxing a section of a section of the community in order to pay benefits to which it is absolutely certain that they themselves will never be entitled. Broadly speaking, this is an insurance scheme under which those who pay the premiums will never receive any benefit, and those who receive the benefits will never pay any premiums; and I insist again that it is from this point of view that it has to be examined as an insurance scheme.

There is one very limited sense, and one only, in which it can be justified as an insurance scheme. It is true that the employed person at present will be covered for these additional benefits for the period of six months, and to that extent it can be called insurance. But if you want to act justly by these people you have to exclude, in ascertaining what premium they ought to pay, all the existing liability. If you want to act justly by them, you should get your actuary to tell you what it will cost to insure for these benefits the people at present employed—not the people at present unemployed, but the people at present employed—for the period of six months. If you want to make them contribute at all, make them contribute then, and that will be a fair proposition. To do otherwise would be as though the owners of the few remaining houses that were left after the great San Francisco fire were compelled to insure their property against fire for the succeeding six months, and were compelled to pay premiums at such a rate as would not only cover their own risk for the next six months, but would pay the great loss caused by that conflagration.

That is the way in which you are treating these people. But that is not all. Although employed persons will be covered in that limited sense for six months, suppose that, when the six months have expired, there is a deficiency. I do not share the sanguine anticipations of some hon. Members on this side that there will be no deficiency; I believe that a deficiency at the end of six months is inevitable. If so, what is going to happen? The employed persons will have to continue their payments until the deficiency is wiped out and the fund is solvent; and for the remainder of the time they will not be covered in any sense whatever. They will be paying without receiving any benefit, or any possibility of it. I have said that there will be a deficiency, and I think the slightest examination of the scheme will show that there is every likelihood of it. I have read with great care the interesting and able report of the Government actuary, and in the first sentence he says:

Very well, be it so. According to the report itself the scheme is based upon a very large number of hypotheses and speculations, which may or may not prove to be correct. Necessarily that is so; I am very doubtful if they have much experience of an actuarial character to go upon. Let the Committee consider what these hypotheses are. The scheme is first of all based on the hypothesis that the 1,750,000 unemployed will be reduced to 1,500,000, averaging over the whole period of six months. We all profoundly hope that that anticipation may be correct, but if it should prove not to be correct, and if that average is not brought down to 1,500,000, there will be a deficiency. Again, it is based upon the anticipation that claims can only be made in respect of 600,000 wives. Again I hope that that anticipation will be realised, but it is upon that speculation that the scheme is based. Then it is based upon the estimate that only 1,114,000 children will come in under the scheme. Again, I hope that that anticipation will be realised, but the scheme is based upon this estimate. I may here say that the Minister has already made several concessions, which again will increase any deficiency. Then it is based upon the anticipation that the cost of administration will be only 10 per cent., and here again I note that the Government actuary is careful to say that that is not an estimate of his. He says:

"A sum must be deducted as an allowance for expenses, which, I am informed, are not likely to exceed 10 per cent, of the contributions."

The Government Actuary is informed that the expenses are not likely to exceed 10 per cent, of the contributions. I hope that that anticipation may prove correct, although there were published a day or two ago, in reply to a question, the expenses of the National Health Insurance scheme, and there the expenses of administration proved to be, not 10 per cent., but about 15½ per cent. of the total contributions. I think my right hon. Friend is somewhat sanguine in imagining that he is going to administer his fund for so much lower a percentage than the National Health Insurance Fund costs to administer. Suppose that there is a deficiency. Then, as I have pointed out, these employed persons, who are in no sense covered, in no sense insured, will have to continue their payments until that deficiency is wiped out. I know, as we all know, that the burdens of the State are heavy enough at present; but, heavy as they are, there is no justification, and there can be no justification, for imposing upon one section of the community this liability, for which there can be no ground in justice and in equity.

I want very briefly to support the very able case put forward by my two hon. and gallant Friends. I am sorry that whilst I was out for a moment the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport was not able to accede to the Amendment. Surely at this time, any burden we can take off the industries that are working should be removed. I should have thought that would have been the most obvious thing we could do at the present moment. Supposing that during the next three or four months a very great number of extra undertakings have to stop; supposing more pits close and more factories have to shut down. Heaven forbid that that should be so. I hope we have touched rock-bottom, but suppose we have not, what is going to happen to our previous Bill then? You will have the number of payments to the unemployed, and to the wives and children increased, and the scheme will be bankrupt even more quickly than the right hon. Gentleman supposes. This is a national emergency, and it ought to be dealt with in a national way. As the right hon. Gentleman knows, I have once or twice been privileged to plead in this House the case for putting the care of the unemployed on to the industry itself. In normal times I think that is the way to solve the problem of the unemployed, but we are now, however, passing through absolutely unprecedented and abnormal times, brought about by causes quite outside the ordinary causes of trade depression. The numbers which we may have to deal with under this scheme during the winter may, by hazard, be even greater than now. That will be brought about by the causes which accounted for our present condition.

Those causes are due largely to the action of right hon. Gentlemen opposite and of their corresponding fellow-statesmen in France, America, and the Allied countries. In these circumstances to ask the industry that happens to be working and to ask the present workers in this country to bear such a large proportion of the cost is, I consider, simply monstrous. There is no other word for it. They have been brought about by national policy, approved by this national House of Commons, and this ought to be met as a national emergency out of national funds entirely. I certainly trust we shall go to a Division on this matter, and that we shall get good support. It is the most simple and clear Amendment that we could possibly have on Clause 2. If it is accepted it will put the whole burden on the State and not, as my hon. Friend who preceded me said, on a certain selected class. I have heard hon. Gentlemen opposite complaining against attempts to tax the fortunate landowners. I hope they will support us in our protest against taxing the fortunate workers and employers who happen to be working and helping to carry us through this terrible crisis.

I think we might have a somewhat fuller explanation as to the actuarial basis of this scheme and whether it is in fact an insurance scheme at all. A very powerful speech from the other side of the Committee seemed to me to prove conclusively that it was not an insurance scheme. If it is not an insurance scheme it is psychologically unsound in the highest degree to mix it up with the machinery of unemployment insurance. If there is a thing one resents it is the use of the word "dole" in connection with unemployment insurance. Here are people who have paid into the insurance scheme. When an emergency comes, for which they have saved and made provision, so they go forward and draw this money, which is stigmatized all over the country as a dole. It is in no sense a dole, but this is a dole. The fact that it is a dole derived from their fellow-workers does not make it anything less of a dole, and to mix it up with the National Insurance scheme is psychologically unsound and leaves a very bad taste in the mouth. We have been assured by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport that this is not in any way an insurance scheme, so that the actuarial basis of it may be left entirely out of account. If not, then I would say, what is the justification apart from the expediency, which is the most dangerous of all things, for supposing we are midway through the unemployment depression. There is no reason to believe we have reached anything like rock bottom yet. We have 20 per cent. out of employment, but there may easily be 40 per cent. It is a very grave and terrible emergency, but it is no good to shut our eyes and to go blindly ahead on the assumption that we are going to get through with it.

The Minister has expressed the view that he will be extremely fortunate if he gets through this winter with 1,500,000 unemployed, to whom the scheme will apply. Even this burden already is going to add £100,000 a week directly to industry, which will fall on those businesses which at present have their heads just above water. When the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport said that the last thing we wished to do at this moment was to increase taxation, he raised an appreciative cheer from all sections of the Committee. Surely, however, if you are going to spend this money, the worst place in the world to take the money from is these industries which are actually producing. It seems to me that there is a possibility of an increase in the number of the unemployed, and of a consequently vicious spiral being set up, by which as the unemployed increase the bog of unemployment increases, you will sink those industries into a bog from which it will be impossible to withdraw them, except by a direct State grant. I should like an assurance that this possibility has been considered, and what further steps, if any, the right hon. Gentleman intends to take if he sees we are on a descending, instead of an ascending, scale. The whole finance is backed on the fact that unemployment is going to diminish from 1,700,000 to 1,500,000.

On the average, but if we find it has gone up from 1,700,000 to 2,000,000 or 2,250,000, what is to happen? The House will be adjourned after the passage of this Bill, which will be like a millstone clamped round industry. The House will be adjourned and there will be no possibility of doing anything until next February, while this burden is dragging down industry. I am sorry to have heard so little from the great industrialists in this House and from the captains of industry. I should have liked very much to have heard their opinions on this subject, because this is a burden on our industries which are only just existing. I have heard no argument in support of the proposal in the Bill to convince me that we have proved that our already struggling industries can carry a possibly greater and greater weight of unemployment within the next five or six months.

I hope the Government will not accept this Amendment. In my judgment this is a temporary measure, and it is a question of the strong helping the weak. My hon. Friend says it is a question of taxing industry, but it is one of the strong helping the weak. In my judgment the whole Bill will collapse if the Government accepts this Amendment. That is all I have to say on the matter.

The Minister interjected a remark that the finance of the Bill was based on the number of the unemployed being about 1,500,000 during the next six months. The right hon. Gentleman's estimates in the past have always been cast on too hopeful a basis. He was forced to reduce the benefits he offered to insured persons nearly a year ago.

Because, no doubt, the benefits were too large in comparison with the weekly contribution. At any rate, we hope his anticipations will be realised. But I am anxious to draw his attention to one or two large questions involved in this Amendment. What justification has the Minister for asking the 8,000,000 persons who will be taxed under this Bill to pay their weekly contribution? Why has he turned to this large number of people? I have little doubt myself that the Government consider they cannot come to the House of Commons and ask for the necessary sum. They also consider that the local rates cannot be further increased, so they fall back on the machinery of the Unemployed Insurance Act to raise the sum required. By so doing they do a great disservice to the cause of National Insurance. The right hon. Gentleman himself has stated that this is not an Insurance Bill. Is it fair, therefore, at this time that he should use the machinery of the Unemployed Insurance Act to find sums of money which can be forthcoming from other sources? Would it not be much better to take the long view that the desire for unemployment insurance is deep-seated, well-founded and based on a sound principle, instead, as he is now doing, of asking for certain contributions for a temporary purpose? The Minister's proposals violate the principle of ability to pay. It is the first canon of taxation that taxes should be based on ability to pay. Speaking broadly, Great Britain is noted for that sound principle of taxation. These contributions are not based on that principle. They take from those who are unable to pay and they do not place the burden on the right shoulders, and if the Amendment is pressed to a Division I shall support it.

The speeches we have just heard illustrate the extraordinary difficulties under which the Government attempts to deal with this, or indeed any other difficult problem. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Lanark (Captain Elliot) was moved to his uttermost depths for the industries which are still afloat. I do not know upon what experience he speaks, but as one who is to some extent about in business circles, I cannot help thinking the industries which are afloat have cause to congratulate themselves in these extremely difficult times, and if they are called upon for some small contribution to meet the present really extraordinarily serious crisis, surely that is not the occasion for speeches condemning the Government without making any alternative suggestions for raising funds to meet what may fairly be described as an almost desperately serious situation. My hon. and gallant Friend also complained of the Minister of Labour that he was of a sanguine disposition and counted upon things improving. If he did not count upon an improvement in the present situation he would not be fit for his office. A Minister is bound to be sanguine. Some of us may deal in pessimism, but no Minister can afford to take a pessimistic attitude at the present moment. All sides of the House would rise against a pessimistic Minister. As it is, my right hon. Friend, for being sanguine, has incurred the adverse criticism of a sporadic critic here and there in the House. So much for my hon. and gallant Friend.

Now for the hon. Member for Greenock (Sir G. Collins). He said the Minister is making use of the machinery of the Unemployed Insurance Act for the purpose of meeting this crisis. If he was not prepared to use any machinery he had at hand in this crisis he would not be the man for his job. Would you have him pessimistic? Would you have him reject all such machinery as may offer for dealing with an admittedly difficult crisis? I am astonished at these criticisms, unfurnished as they are with a beggarly shadow of a suggestion by way of any alternative treatment of a difficult problem. Then my hon. Friend, if I may still call him so, in spite of his little excursion across the way, complained about the Minister. All I know about the Minister to-night is that anything he does is wrong, and that no one suggests what is right. My hon. Friend complained that he did not put up the local- rates. I am surprised at that coming from the hon. Member for Greenock. If he will look a very little way from his own constituency across to the Hebrides he will find an area in which the more a man owns the poorer he is, on account of the excessive and oppressive rates which prevail in that part of the country, and almost all over that an this respect unfortunate Division of the United Kingdom, and he was prepared to complain that extra levies were not made on the local rates which already are strained to absolute breaking point. Close to his own constituency a state of things has occurred in which people who have bought property, and have been prepared to spend any amount of capital in improving it, have absolutely been driven out by excessive and oppressive rates. Here in the City of Westminster we are suffering from almost the same complaint, and yet the hon. and gallant Member asks why the Minister does not put the extra cost on the rates. The kind of criticism we have heard entirely confirms me in my conclusion that the Minister of Labour is right. I do not toy any means always support him—I wish he would abolish the Labour Exchanges and housemaids' classes, and do all kinds of things—but on this occasion I believe he is right, and I am going to support him.

I feel that the Government do not yet realise how serious is the incidence of this charge in industrial areas. The hon. Baronet who has just amused the Committee has spoken very effectively as to the burden of the rates. Surely, it is because the burden of the rates is very heavy in industrial areas that the claim is made that this is a national charge and not a local charge and should be borne nationally. The Bill as it stands places the burden on the worker and the employer. The hon. Baronet has just told us that the employer ought to consider himself fortunate to be working in order to pay the rates; but is he aware that in the heavy iron and steel industries, there is not one works to-day which is making a profit? A large number of them are being carried on at an actual loss. By this Bill you are penalising the good employer; the employer who is concerned for the welfare and wellbeing of his workmen as well as the wellbeing of the district, and who is carrying on his work at no profit, but often at a loss. You are penalising him by making him, in addition to the loss, contribute for every man he employs. You are putting a premium on the (employers to discharge their men, because if they carry on you are, by this

Bill, piling up the loss which they are sustaining.

This is a Bill which is not putting the burden on the strong, but is putting the burden on those backs which are already at breaking point. So much for the employer. The worker also, through his local rates, finds that his back is almost breaking. In many industrial towns the worker, in addition to paying his insurance, is also the ratepayer, and you are putting this heavy extra burden upon him. In addition, you are putting a burden upon the casual workers, the dockers, and others who are only working two, three, or four days a week. You are adding to their burdens an additional tax by this so-called insurance. If the right hon. Gentleman had not in other Bills robbed the insurance fund, robbed the worker and the employer of £22,000,000 which has been built up in normal conditions, there would have been no need for this extra burden. It is unfair to industry, to the worker and the employer to put this burden upon them, and until the Minister of Labour and the Government are prepared to recognise, as the Prime Minister said in his opening statement, that this is a national question, and should be borne nationally, some of us will have to repeat what we have said on previous occasions. Neither industry nor the districts can afford to bear this extra burden, and I am afraid that there will be a rude awakening unless the Government are prepared to shoulder their responsibilities and to deal with this as a national question and not a local one. Although taxes are high, rates are infinitely higher, and those who have the money should be willing to contribute out of what they have and not put the burden on those who have not got it.

Question put, "That the word 'every' stand part of the Clause."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 180; Noes, 14.

Division No. 358.]

AYES.

[9.50 p.m.

Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent

Borwick, Major G. O.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.)

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Chichester, Col. Robert

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Bowyer, Captain G. W. E.

Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill

Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James

Briggs, Harold

Clough, Sir Robert

Armstrong, Henry Bruce

Broad, Thomas Tucker

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Bagley, Captain E. Ashton

Brown, T. W. (Down, North)

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Bruton, Sir James

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Burdon, Colonel Rowland

Craig, Capt. C. C. (Antrim, South)

Barlow, Sir Montague

Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay)

Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H.

Barnston, Major Harry

Casey, T. W.

Davies, David (Montgomery)

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Cautley, Henry Strother

Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester)

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Dawson, Sir Philip

Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Renwick, Sir George

Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend)

Donald, Thompson

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich)

Doyle, N. Grattan

Lloyd, George Butler

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Edgar, Clifford B.

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Edge, Captain William

Lorden, John William

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath)

Lort-Williams, J.

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs, Stretford)

Evans, Ernest

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Roundell, Colonel R. F.

Fell, Sir Arthur

M'Connell, Thomas Edward

Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur

Ford, Patrick Johnston

McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester)

Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)

Forestier-Walker, L.

McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern)

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Forrest, Walter

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Magnus, Sir Philip

Simm, M. T.

Gange, E. Stanley

Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.)

Stanier, Captain Sir Beville

Gardiner, James

Mason, Robert

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Gee, Captain Robert

Middlebrook, Sir William

Stanton, Charles Butt

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Moles, Thomas

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A.

Moreing, Captain Algernon H.

Stewart, Gershom

Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington)

Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Green, Albert (Derby)

Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox)

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Sugden, W. H.

Gregory, Holman

Neal, Arthur

Taylor, J.

Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E.

Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley)

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Harris, Sir Henry Percy

Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster)

Tryon, Major George Clement

Haslam, Lewis

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Wallace, J.

Henderson, Lt.-Col. V. L. (Tradeston)

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Parker, James

Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)

Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford)

Pearce, Sir William

Waring, Major Walter

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Warren, Sir Alfred H.

Hinds, John

Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.)

Watson, Captain John Bertrand

Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G.

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

White, Col. G. D. (Southport)

Hopkins, John W. W.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Perring, William George

Williams, C. (Tavistock)

Howard, Major S. G.

Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray

Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.)

Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis

Polson, Sir Thomas A.

Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H.

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton

Wilson, Colonel Leslie O. (Reading)

Jephcott, A. R.

Pratt, John William

Winterton, Earl

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Prescott, Major W. H.

Wise, Frederick

Johnson, Sir Stanley

Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G.

Wolmer, Viscount

Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke)

Purchase, H. G.

Worsfold, T. Cato

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Ratcliffe, Henry Butler

Young, E. H. (Norwich)

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Kenyon, Barnet

Reid, D. D.

Mr. McCurdy and Colonel Gibbs.

NOES.

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Galbraith, Samuel

Rose, Frank H.

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Hancock, John George

Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West)

Hayward, Evan

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Holmes, J. Stanley

Ward, Col. J. (Stoke upon Trent)

Major Barnes and Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy.

Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian)

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

Of the next Amendments on the Paper, which deal with the same subject-matter, I propose to select that which covers the widest field so that the discussion may be as full as possible.

I beg to move at the end of Sub-section (1) to insert the words

10.0 P.M. tain people who might in certain conditions anticipate the reception of benefit. Nor can it be suggested, if I secure the withdrawal of certain contributions, that the fund is thereby rendered insolvent, for no actuary could guarantee the solvency of this fund. No actuary would dare to suggest that the Measure as framed will be sufficient to meet the obligations which the Measure provides, owing to the fact that the whole of the calculations are founded upon probabilities and uncertainties so exceedingly wide that solvency cannot be guaranteed. It cannot therefore be urged against me that by withdrawing certain contributions I am destroying the solvency of the fund or that I am violating the principle of pure insurance, because it is not claimed that that principle is enshrined in the Bill.

I am putting in a plea on behalf of a certain section of the very poorest of the workers. I am asking that the casual labourer should be exempted under this Bill, that the man who is employed not more than four days per week should not be required to contribute. I ask the Committee to consider the position of some. of the men who are employed for two or three days, or it may be only one day per week, who with their reduced and often miserably low wage have to meet the necessities of a full week. The care of wife and children for the whole week falls upon the wage for part of the week. It is said, and with truth, that the contribution required is but a matter of 2d. per week. The amount seems so small as to be negligible, but those who are drawing only one or two days' wages will not regard even 2d. a week as a negligible amount. To them it is an additional tax on wages. If employed, they are already contributing. This is an additional contribution, and is one which will fall very hard upon them. I know that I could not put forward this plea if this were a read Insurance Bill, but in spite of the vote which has just been taken, there is a frank admission that a large proportion of the fund for floating this scheme comes from the State, and what I am asking here is that this relief for the poor unemployed worker which is to be provided in ordinary conditions by the three parties—the State, the employer, and the worker—should, in the case of the extremely poor, the casual labourer, be provided by the State alone.

I hear quite distinctly the objections that are raised to State support. But this Measure is only a modification of Poor Law relief. There is a large flavour of Poor Law relief in the scheme, and I have no hesitation in asking for the casual worker that this additional benefit should be entirely met from State resources. I am under no delusions as to the constitution of State resources. I know very well that it means from the taxation of all, and that the workers in everything practically that they purchase will be contributors, but I think there will be a larger distribution charge than we can justify in the Bill as it stands. I am not distinctly wedded to the four days. There are Amendments on the Paper, placed there without my knowledge, limiting the period to three days or to two days. The proposal to exclude the man who works not more than four days will cover the other cases, as has been said, though I admit that the arguments are stronger and the claim is greater in regard to the man who works only two days than for the man who works four days. If I fail to obtain the four days I could feel I had accomplished something on behalf of the poorest of the poor if I secured exemption for those who work for three days or two days.

By the Amendment I am proposing that the employer of casual labour should also be exempt from contributions. I am bound to say that I have in mind the great dock companies. They are not paying 2d. per week for a single workman but are paying sometimes three twopences per week for three different workmen employed at different times. That becomes a substantial burden upon that particular industry. It is a burden proportionately larger than that borne by those who have men and women regularly in their employment for five-and-a-half or six days a week. I have also in mind the desirability, where full-time work may not be continued, of keeping works going, even if it be on part time, and where a firm is so reduced, where the position has become so acute, that short time has become an essential condition. There is very little margin in a firm like that for any payment at all to any insurance fund. In some cases I can conceive it possible that the knowledge that payment will have to be made might turn the scale as between continuing on short time and closing altogether. I do not wish to exaggerate, but such cases may occur. It is a circumstance to be considered by the employer.

Here, again, I recognise fully that I cannot make out a claim as strong for the employer as I feel I can confidently make out a claim for the poorly paid casual labourer. The lot of the latter is at all times a terribly hard one. In my constituency casual labour of that character is hardly known, but my mind goes back 25 years, to the time when in the early morning I stood outside the dock gates in the East End of London watching the men there anxiously seeking work, getting half-a-day now and a day then, standing off altogether two or three days a week, arudous labour with very poor pay, continual anxiety, personal fatigue added to domestic trouble—I have these men in my mind, and I feel that for them in this abnormal period, under the conditions which are likely to prevail during this winter, I am not asking too much when I suggest that the benefits to be conferred by this Bill shall be secured from State resources without calling upon the poorest of the poor to make any contribution.

I desire to support the Amendment with which my name is associated. Much play has been made in the Debate because few, if any, employers have said anything whatever in respect of certain sections of the Bill. I wish to speak in support of this Amendment from the standpoint of both employés and employer, also having in mind the consideration that it is vital and essential to-day in respect of under-employment that employers have always regarded the problem sympathetically. First, there is the point of view of the employés. We Lancashire people are more particularly concerned, not with unemployment, but with extreme under-employment. In respect of under-employment we have found that the workers as a whole are not accepting the Bolshevist, noisy, disloyal and revolutionary type of expression, but that in secret they are suffering, hiding, and cloaking their poverty from the public view. It is necessary often to search for the terrible conditions that are hidden from sight, as a result of the under-employment that obtains to-day. What do we find? That even in the matter of food it has become necessary to use substitutes for cheapness, such as were used in War days, which undermined the physique of the people. Luxuries are being eliminated, and many of the habits of the people compulsorily altered, as a result of the extreme under-employment which obtains.

The hon. and gallant Member for Accrington (Major Gray) has very rightly pointed out that, though possibly to some people 2d. may seem an infinitesimal consideration, yet in many parts of the country it is a vital consideration to men and women. We must remember that in many parts of the country it is necessary for the women to take a hand in industry for the upkeep of the home, and when I tell the Committee that in many places the weekly wages of a man or woman, by reason of under-employment, sometimes comes to less than 5s. per week, it will be seen that 2d. is an important consideration to them in connection with the upkeep of the right standard, and the preservation of the outlook which should obtain in the home.

I do not intend to harrow the feelings of the Committee, or to indulge in any sloppy sentimentalism; but, speaking from a definite standpoint as an employer of labour, I say that we must have contented employés, with a distinctive idea of camaraderie . And I want to tell the Committee to-night that the employés of this country as a whole are with a splendid heroism joining hands with the employers to face foreign competition and the difficulties of obtaining markets. Their heroism of the bread-and-butter day is equal to, if it does not surpass, the heroism with which they faced the trials and dangers of the War. As regards the employers, I say that the employers of this country are second to none in the world in the splendid efforts which they are making on behalf of welfare work, as also of scientific research in industry. If the Minister of Education were here, he would be interested to learn how many employers, at their own expense, are endeavouring, because of the shortness of the public purse, to provide opportunities for that further education which is vital if we are to successfully meet world competition. Despite bad trade and the difficult conditions, I repeat and emphasise that the employers are putting into operation at their own cost those educational schemes which are essential to us if we are to face the competition of the future.

If it is suggested that the employers may not be considering the welfare of the people alone, I would point out that there are hon. Members whom I see around me and others engaged, for example, in the textile industry who are taking orders at a definite loss, in order to keep our mills and workshops going and to keep together that splendid band of highly organised and perfectly instructed craftsmen of industry which we have in this country. And if a further call is made upon them for this contribution it will mean much curtailment of trade. I ask the Committee to support us in our supplication, because it is a supplication, on behalf of our splendid employés, and on behalf of the employers of industry, so that together we may carry on this work of helping to meet competition, and keep our trade while maintaining that high standard of comfort which is necessary to the workers. We know that the Government desire by such measures as that dealing with export trade to further and assist industry. I suggest that these small "nibblings," if I may coin a word, are making things difficult for us who to-day are carrying on our works definitely, and without any qualification at a loss, in order to keep our people together. But I suggest these little palliatives, as the condition asked for, will be acceptable and useful, and in respect of which we are trying to combine workers and masters in one helpful bond to give tone to the country in its worklife.

The Mover of the Amendment admitted that his argument would be stronger if the number of days' work was reduced from four to three, and that is so, and therefore, while I do not want in any way to reduce any possible benefit which might accrue to the under-employed man, I would suggest that for practical purposes, if we are really going to do anything, it is reasonable that relief might be given to those who are employed for not more than two full days. The Minister in charge of the Bill, speaking on Monday last, made a definite statement, and said:

"I am asking all those who have the good luck to be in work to pay 2d., a week."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 24th October, 1921; col. 473, Vol. 147.]

Good luck, however, is a relative term. It is undoubtedly good luck in these days of unemployment if a man is employed all the week. It is relatively good luck if he is employed for four days a week; but who can say that it is good luck for a man to secure half a day's, or one day's, or two days' work a week and be unemployed for the rest of the week? That, I think, does not come under the definition of good luck. I should like to have had the support of the Labour party in regard to this matter, but where are they? I must give my hon. Friend the Member for St. Helen's (Mr. Sexton) the credit for having an Amendment down on the Paper, but I imagine that circumstances over which he has no control have made it impossible for him to move that Amendment, and in the absence of the Labour party, I hope that we will nevertheless give every con- sideration to the people whom they ought to represent, although they are absent.

I am a regular attendant but I admit that I do not bore the House with as many speeches as the hon. and gallant Member, but for that very reason, that I only occasionally address the House, I think those who are always wearying it should treat me with courtesy.

Let us take the case of a labourer. In my own constituency there are a great many dock labourers who turn out every day of the week seeking for work, and who get half a day's or a day's work. We cannot call that good luck. The money which such a man earns brings him in barely sufficient for himself, and is it not rather hard to ask him out of those few shillings to make a contribution for the maintenance of others even if they are more unfortunate than himself? There is a good deal in psychology. I believe the men who are getting a full week's work, or even the bulk of a week's work, will not grudge the 2d., but when the men are only getting half a day or a day at work, they do feel that it is unfair to ask them to give an extra 2d. on top of what they are already paying. From the psychological point of view, therefore, I believe it would be unwise to crush these people with this extra amount, and from every point of view I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give most careful consideration to the suggestion that has been made.

We have had three most admirable speeches on this subject, but I regret that I cannot see my way to meet my hon. Friend.

It is suggested, first of all, that I should take no contributions from the men who have only got two days' work, and then, alternatively, I should not take any from those with three days' work, and next, from those with four days' work. Look at the machinery of collection for this temporary expedient. See what would happen here? I am not dealing with the merits of the case for the moment, but with the administrative difficulties with which I should be confronted. I should have to check each card to see whether the man had worked two, three, or four days, as the case might be. If I am to adopt that method, which I have taken as the means of doing the thing expeditiously, I really do put it to my hon. Friends that they are presenting me with an absolutely insoluble problem. On the merits of the case, my hon. Friend the Member for Kirkdale (Mr. Pennefather) spoke eloquently on behalf of the dockers, and the hon. Member for St. Helens (Mr. Sexton) has made a similar case. When we had the last Insurance Bill before us we were told that, bad as it was under the old waiting period, it would be still worse under the six days' period. I mention this in the interest of my hon. Friend, who really wants to do these men a kindness, and may be doing them something less than a kindness. Look at the position with the 6 days' waiting period under the Unemployment Insurance Act. The number of dockers in the Liverpool Dock Scheme is between 22,000 and 23,000. I will take the date since the six days' waiting period operated, when we were told that they would get nothing. In respect of this number from 4th July, the weekly contributions have been about £1,440 from the employers and employed, leaving out the State. That is, a total contribution of £18,720 for the 13 weeks to 30th September. They have got out in benefit £63,378. I am very glad it is there for them, but the moral of all that is the application of the insurance principle. My hon. Friend the Member for Kirkdale, and perhaps others, think that the poor man who only works two days a week is asked to pay 2d. for six months and will not get anything. That is a very serious misapprehension. Such a man will certainly get something out of his fund. The man who is only getting two days a week work, supposing that he is qualified in other respects, will be eligible for payment out of this fund for the remaining four days, and if the benefit is compared with the contributions, the analogy is still better, and the man will not do so badly out of this fund—I mean, of course, if he has a wife and children dependent on him. That two days man would get 3s. 4d. for his wife and for his four children 2s. 8d.

The only person who gets the grant is the man who only works two days; if he works three or four he gets nothing.

I am taking the thing bit by bit. I am at present taking the two-days man. I am coming to the others in a moment. As regards the three-days man—I want to be quite fair—he will not get anything from this fund unless the short time is so arranged—as it has been in a good many cases—to work one week and to be off a week, and if the man is thus employed he will get full benefit for the off week out of this fund. After all, I think I am entitled to ask in face of the 1,750,000 unemployed to appeal here, and I am asking employer and employed to lend a hand. The man who is only working two days a week will get full value in return. In the case where the man works three days, on short time, as I have stated, he will be able to get assistance from this fund. In the other man's case, frankly, I make an ad misericordiam appeal. I am going to ask the Committee to reject these Amendments. I asked the hon. Member for St. Helens some time ago to try to get the transport workers together and see if within the four corners of the Insurance Act, and within the four corners of this, if passed, something could be done to make the thing, wherever it is not equitable, as equitable as possible for the people for whom he and his colleagues speak. I am bound to ask the Committee to reject this Amendment. I must make it perfectly clear that I have not anything to give away. I must have this 2d., otherwise my fund will be very seriously inconvenienced.

I quite understand the difficulty of putting this Amendment in force, and I also understand that the right hon. Gentleman is very sympathetic in regard to the people who are working short time. The man who works only three days gets no benefit at all unless he can work one full week on and one week "playing off." It is impossible in many industries for that to be done. I want the right hon. Gentleman to make some concession in the case of the three-day man who cannot work one week on and play one off. These men are obliged to work only three days, and I would like the right hon. Gentleman to extend this concession to the three-day man and allow him to participate in the 9s. I have consulted the right hon. Gentleman's advisers, and they have shown me that it would be administratively impossible to carry out this Amendment, but what I have suggested, I think, is a possible solution.

If the Minister of Labour cannot promise to do this now, will he between this and the Report stage consider whether he cannot do something to give the three-day-a-week man a chance of getting at least 4s. 6d. out of the 9s.? We are appealing to the generosity of these men to help their fellow workers. I am not quite sure that this Bill is so perfect, because you are asking a good deal from the working man. You are asking the man who is in work to help the man who is unemployed, and this is not exactly the principle of insurance. I think some concession should be made on this point to the three-day-a-week man, and he should be allowed to participate in the benefit. Of course I should like the four-day-a-week man brought in if possible as well, but at all events let the right hon. Gentleman go as far as three days a week.

May I submit another reason why the Amendment in its present form should not be accepted. If the House will compare it with the previous Amendment it will be seen that it differs not only in the number of days chosen, but also in this way: The present Amendment proposes to relieve not only the employed person, but also the employer. The last one proposed only relief for the employé. There is a great difference between the two. If the Amendment were accepted you would be giving an inducement to the employer to go on short time. This is a Bill which is designed to provide and assist employment, but this Amendment would reward the employer who deliberately cuts down employment, which I am sure he desires to increase. I cannot but think that the Mover himself will agree that the Amendment in its present form cannot be accepted, and that at any rate the employer should be struck out.

Amendment negatived.

I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (3), to insert the words

"The accounts of the said fund shall be audited by the Comptroller and Auditor-General."

This has always been intended, but we thought it would be more satisfactory to have that stated on the face of the Statute itself.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, after Sub-section (5), to insert a new Sub-section—

(6) If it appears to the Treasury at any time that the rates of contributions under this Act are insufficient to meet the liabilities of the Unemployed Workers' Dependants Fund the Minister of Labour shall, if the Treasury so direct, by order make such temporary modifications in the rates of the grants as he thinks necessary in the circumstances of the case.

On an order being made under this Subsection the Minister shall cause the order, together with a special report as to the reasons for making the order, to be laid before Parliament.

This is the usual form of Insurance Acts. To make the insurance doubly sure it is to provide that in a period of great depression, which I do not contemplate, power shall be had as set out here to reduce the grants as laid down in the general scheme.

I hope the House will not accept this Amendment. It seems to me a very important Amendment, which may prove very dangerous. In the first place, this is not an Insurance Act at all, and therefore that argument falls to the ground. Then this Session may die within a few days, and therefore the provision about laying the Order before Parliament will not be of much use until February, or, if a General Election takes place, until much later. The right hon. Gentleman, if he has any figures, should explain to us how many more unemployed there will have to be on the fund, with dependants, and how many fewer employed persons to contribute, to cause an appreciable reduction in the benefit to be paid. In other words, how many more unemployed will be required to take, say, 1s. off the wife's benefit and 2d. off the child's? I understand that the right hon. Gentleman cannot give us any idea. There may be a slump, and, just when these people want assistance, the Minister may find himself compelled to halve the benefit. I do not think that that is a power which he ought to have. The meagre sums that this Bill provides should be continued at any rate till Parliament meets again. Then if the right hon. Gentleman finds that the scheme is on the rocks, to use his own expression, there will be plenty of time to come to Parliament, explain the situation, and either get Parliament to agree to bolster up the fund with a greater State contribution or point out the absolute necessity of reducing the benefit. I do not think it is desirable that a Minister should be able, by mere executive action, to cut down the benefit. It might lead to the gravest disorder in the country, and above all it is taking away the meagre benefit which Parliament has granted to the unfortunate people of this country who are unemployed. I hope the Committee will pay attention to this Amendment, which, I would point out, is a starred one, only put on the Paper yesterday. It seems to me to cut at the root of the Bill, and it ought to be resisted at all costs.

I join in the hope that the Government will not ask for this very autocratic power. If this slump, which the Minister says may occur, does occur, it will be so serious that Parliament, if it be not sitting, ought to be called together, while if it be sitting it could deal with the matter by special new legislation. We have found the Minister so adamant in making concessions at all on this Bill, that I do not think it would be fair to leave to him these very large powers. He said that it was customary in insurance Bills, but, as he corrected himself by saying, this is not an insurance Bill, and therefore that argument does not apply to this Measure, which, at the best, is merely a temporary emergency Measure. If the situation is so serious, surely the right

hon. Gentleman ought to come to the House again to ask for these powers. I do not think we ought to give him the power to whittle down that which at present is quite inadequate.

I happened to be addressing a large gathering of working women this afternoon, and I laid before them the Bill as it was proposed by the Government, and in the form in which the Government presented it to the House. There was then in the Bill not one word which said that the Minister had the autocratic power to reduce the benefit, and I am certain that, if the matter had been explained to that meeting of women, they would have said that it was a power which ought not to be put into the Bill after it was originally drafted and had passed the Second Reading. I feel sure that if action of this kind is taken there will be an outcry in the country, and people will think they have been swindled by the Government. That is a position which we ought to avoid at the present time at any cost, and I hope the Minister will withdraw this Amendment and rely upon the powers which he has to call Parliament together if it be necessary to amend the Insurance Act. If he insists, there is no other course open to us on this side but to divide against it, and put such force as we can into the Lobby and make what protest we can.

Question put, "That those words be there inserted."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 182; Noes, 14.

Division No. 359.]

AYES.

[10.50 p.m.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Casey, T. W.

Evans, Ernest

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James

Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton

Forestier-Walker, L.

Armstrong, Henry Bruce

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.)

Forrest, Walter

Atkey, A. R.

Chichester, Col. Robert

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Bagley, Captain E. Ashton

Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Clough, Sir Robert

Gange, E. Stanley

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Cobb, Sir Cyril

Ganzoni, Sir John

Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G.

Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale

Gardiner, James

Barlow, Sir Montague

Conway, Sir W. Martin

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Barnston, Major Harry

Cope, Major William

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Cory, Sir J. H. (Cardiff, South)

Glyn, Major Ralph

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Davidson Major-General Sir J. H.

Gould, James C.

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh)

Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A.

Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester)

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington)

Borwick, Major G. O.

Dawson, Sir Philip

Green, Albert (Derby)

Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith-

Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham)

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Bowyer, Captain G. W. E.

Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry

Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar

Breese, Major Charles E.

Donald, Thompson

Gregory, Holman

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Edgar, Clifford B.

Gretton, Colonel John

Briggs, Harold

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Hamilton, Major C. G. C.

Broad, Thomas Tucker

Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath)

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Brown, T. W. (Down, North)

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Bruton, Sir James

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Haslam, Lewis

Henderson, Lt.-Col. V. L. (Tradeston)

Manville, Edward

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Marriott, John Arthur Ransome

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon

Mason, Robert

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Hinds, John

Middlebrook, Sir William

Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander

Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G.

Moles, Thomas

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.)

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz

Stanton, Charles Butt

Hopkins, John W. W.

Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox)

Stewart, Gershom

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Sturrock, J. Leng

Howard, Major S. G.

Murray, William (Dumfries)

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis

Nall, Major Joseph

Sugden, W. H.

Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster)

Neal, Arthur

Sutherland, Sir William

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Taylor, J.

Jephcott, A. R.

Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster)

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster)

Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South)

Johnson, Sir Stanley

Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G.

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke)

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Tryon, Major George Clement

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Parker, James

Wallace, J.

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)

Kellaway, Rt. Hon Fredk. George

Peel, Col. Hn. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.)

Waring, Major Walter

Kenyon, Barnet

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Watson, Captain John Bertrand

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Weston, Colonel John Wakefield

Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster)

Perring, William George

White, Col. G. D. (Southport)

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray

Wild, Sir Ernest Edward

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Polson, Sir Thomas A.

Williams, C. (Tavistock)

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Pratt, John William

Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H.

Lloyd, George Butler

Purchase, H. G.

Winterton, Earl

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Wise, Frederick

Lorden, John William

Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East)

Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Lort-Williams, J.

Reid, D. D.

Worsfold, T. Cato

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Renwick, Sir George

Young, E. H. (Norwich)

M'Connell, Thomas Edward

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon)

Mackinder, Sir H. J (Camlachie)

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Younger, Sir George

McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester)

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford)

McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern)

Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy.

Macquisten, F. A.

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur

NOES.

Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E)

Maclean, Rt. Hn. Sir D. (Midlothian)

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock)

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Galbraith, Samuel

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.)

Hayward, Evan

White, Charles F. (Derby, Western)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Holmes, J. Stanley

Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett)

Mr. T. Thomson and Colonel Penry Williams.

Kenworthy, Lieut.-Commander J. M.

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge)

I beg to move, in Sub-section (6), to leave out the words "paid into the Unemployment Fund," and to insert instead thereof the words

"apportioned equitably, in accordance with directions to be given by the Minister of Labour, between the Unemployment Fund and the several funds out of which benefits under any special schemes are payable."

I am keeping in special schemes. If there is any balance at the end of the period, that is being paid back to the Unemployment Fund, and the special schemes have their share pro rata , if there is a balance.

Amendment agreed to.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

11.0 P.M.

I wish to make one comment on the Clause as amended by the Amendment we have just passed which gives power to make modifications in the rates of advance as he thinks necessary. This Bill is put forward upon actuarial computation. Upon those calculations the payments under the Bill have been delimited. From this side of the House we have been met with unbending resistance from the Government based entirely upon the accuracy of their calculations. The right hon. Gentleman has stood by the calculations all through the Debate, and he now takes power to run away from the calculations and their consequences. Here is a Bill which imposes certain contributory demands upon a number of workers, and upon the strength of those payments they are assured of certain benefits. Under the Clause, as now amended, the Minister has the power, after exacting the payments, to modify the benefits A suggestion was put forward from this side of the House that money to meet the claims might be found by reducing the interest upon the War loans. That, naturally, met with the strongest resistance from the other side of the House. It was said that, after getting people to contribute to the loans and assuring them of a certain percentage, it would be most unfair and a great breach of a solemn contract to modify the conditions. That is precisely the power that has been put into the hands of the Minister by the Amendment of this Clause. We are passing a Bill which exacts contributions; on the strength of those contributions certain benefits are promised, and the Minister has taken power under certain circumstances to modify the benefits. The fact that he will never use that power, or will never dare to use it is immaterial. What is material is that he has taken that power, and that that power has been given to him.

Question, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill," put, and agreed to.

CLAUSES 3 (Arrangements with associations for payments of grants under Act) and 4 (Provisions in respect to discharged seamen, marines, soldiers, or airmen) ordered to stand part of the Bill

CLAUSE 5.—(Expenses of Minister and Regulations)

(1) Any expenses incurred by the Minister of Labour in carrying this Act into effect, and any expenses incurred by any other Government Department for the purposes of or in connection with this Act, shall be paid out of moneys provided by Parliament, and there shall be paid out of the Unemployed Workers' Dependants Fund and applied, in accordance with the directions of the Treasury, as an appropriation in aid of the moneys provided by Parliament for the expenses of the Minister of Labour an amount equal to the moneys provided under this Sub-section.

(2) The Minister of Labour may make regulations generally for carrying this Act into effect and for prescribing anything which by this Act is to be prescribed, and may by those regulations apply, with or without modifications or adaptations, for the purposes of this Act any of the provisions of the Unemployment Insurance Acts, 1920 and 1921.

I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (2), to add the words

"or any of the provisions of any Regulations made under those Acts."

The Sub-section gives me power to apply, with or without any modifications or adaptations, any of the provisions of the Unemployment Insurance Acts of 1920–21. I want similar power in regard to any Regulations made under those Acts in order to do away with any unnecessary formality in making fresh statutory Regulations. Time is involved, and the whole virtue of this Measure is that it should be put into operation at once.

Is the right hon. Gentleman entitled by this Amendment to put in a waiting period of six days, as under the Insurance Act of last July?

The waiting period is in the Act. I do not propose to make Regulations on anything that is not in those Acts, or to do anything that is not germane. All I ask is, do not let me have to waste time making statutory Regulations if there is one which I can use immediately.

Amendment agreed to.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."

I would like some information in reference to administrative expenses. In answer to a question which I asked the other night, the right hon. Gentleman (Dr. Macnamara) said that it was not the intention of the Government to pay administrative expenses in addition to the Government contribution, but that the contribution of the Government, the employers, and the employed would also provide for the general administrative expenses of the Scheme. Therefore it becomes of great importance to know what those expenses will amount to, or what it is estimated they will amount to, because the question whether there will be a deficiency at the end of the period depends largely on the amount of administrative expenses. In the actuary's report there is a statement that he has been informed that those expenses would not exceed 10 per cent, of the contributions. That is not the estimate of the actuary, but the information which has been given him. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman how the estimate of 10 per cent, has been arrived at? I pointed out earlier in the evening that the expense of administering the National Health Insurance Act has been 18½ per cent. Has the right hon. Gentleman any reason to believe that he is going to administer this scheme at a less ratio of contribution than in the case of the National Health Insurance? I hope that his anticipations will not be exceeded, but I would welcome some information on the point.

I told my hon. Friend the other day that there will not be a charge ad hoc for administration outside the fund, but it will be in the fund.

As you have all the machinery in force for the administration of National Health Insurance, surely when we increase the contributions from the insured persons and increase the payment to insured persons the average of expenditure on administration expenses should be much less than 10 per cent., but the Minister informs us that they will be about 10 per cent.

Can we not have some more definite assurance, because 10 per cent, will absorb £600,000 in extra expenses incurred in the administration of this Act? I suggest that that sum is grossly excessive in view of the machinery which is at present in being, and I trust sincerely, in the interests of insured persons, that that large sum of money, £600,000, should be curtailed considerably.

I hope that it will be.

Question put, and agreed to.

CLAUSES 6 (Outdoor relief), 7 (Grants to be inalienable) and 8 (Penalty for false statements) ordered to stand part of the Bill

CLAUSE 9.—(Short title, application and duration)

(1) This Act may be cited as the Unemployed Workers' Dependants (Temporary Provision) Act, 1921.

(2) This Act shall not apply to Ireland.

(3) This Act shall come into operation on the tenth day of November, nineteen hundred and twenty-one, and shall, subject as hereinbefore provided, continue in force for a period of six months from that date:

Provided that Section thirty-eight of the Interpretation Act, 1889 (which relates to the effect of repeals), shall, in relation to the provisions of this Act with respect to contributions, have effect as if those provisions had been repealed by another Act passed on the expiration of the period during which contributions continue to be payable under this Act, and in relation to the other provisions of this Act have effect as if those provisions had been repealed by another Act passed immediately after the expiration of the period of six months above-mentioned.

Amendment proposed: Leave out Subsection (2) and insert instead thereof a new Sub-section:

"(2) In the application of this Act to Ireland a reference to a court of referees shall be substituted for the reference to a local employment committee, and for the purposes of Section six of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, this Act shall be deemed to be an Act passed before the appointed day."—[ Dr. Macnamara .]

I desire, in the first place, to thank the right hon. Gentleman for the step he has taken. I wish also to make an appeal to him with regard to these referee courts. He may be aware that a local employment committee was established in Belfast before such committees were established in this country. I would urge the advisability of appointing this committee again, in view of the fact that the court of referees, being a statutory body, does not scrutinise the claims for benefit. I have made the same appeal in another House. I would like the right hon. Gentleman to communicate with his officials, and he will find that they wish this committee to be set up again. I stated in another House that we were paying benefits to the Sinn Feiners and they were going to the hills to drill. If this committee was set up that state of things would stop.

This is a very interesting and important Amendment, and I think it is worthy of more attention than it is receiving and worthy of a good deal more detailed explanation from the Minister of Labour. The hon. Member who has just spoken has raised a very interesting point. As far as I understood him, he told us that unemployment benefits are being paid in Ireland to Sinn Feiners, who have gone to the hills to drill on the strength of the money they have received.

This would have been a proper opportunity for the Minister to have told us a little about the way in which the Unemployment Insurance Act is at present working in Ireland. I turned up the Act when I saw the Amendment on the Paper to see what provisions had been made with regard to Ireland. The original Act does apply to Ireland, and, by a very interesting coincidence, next to the Act is an Act to make provision "for the restoration and maintenance of order in Ireland." I do not know whether the Unemployment Act is working more effectively in Ireland than the Act which followed it. This is an occasion upon which we might have been given some information on that point.

I do not quite see how these arguments can be brought forward on a question as between courts of referees and local unemployment committees.

With your permission, Sir, may I suggest that is not the full scope of the Amendment? It is not merely a question of the substitution of the court of referees for the local unemployment committee. Words are being deleted from the Bill, which excluded Ireland from its operation, and while specific words are not being inserted including Ireland, yet the Amendment by implication does include Ireland in the scope of the Bill.

I will leave the Insurance Act and confine myself to something which, I think, the Minister will agree is material. Ireland is now being included in this Bill, but there has been no change made in the Financial Resolution. The Financial Resolution was passed when Ireland was not included, and the Financial Resolution, we were told, was too strait to allow of any extension at all of this benefit to anybody in this country. No additional allowance could be made for the wife or child. Nothing further could be paid in respect of the family. It was too narrow to permit of that being done, but it is not too narrow to permit the inclusion of a whole country. I think if a change of this character is to be made in the Bill we should be furnished with something in the nature of a calculation as to the effect of it. I take it that the Minister will give us such a calculation.

Then my rising has been useful in drawing the further infor- mation that we are going to get. When he is telling us that, will he also tell us this. Obviously, if it is not necessary to alter the Financial Resolution on account of the inclusion of Ireland the position must be that things in Ireland are so balanced that the extra contributions which are going to be received from Ireland will balance the extra payments to be made in Ireland. Obviously if you are not getting in as much as you are going to pay out, you must be drawing upon moneys which would otherwise be spent in this country—unless you are going to get in more from Ireland than you are proposing to pay in Ireland. I cannot imagine that is going to be the case or the hon. Member for the Victoria Division of Belfast (Mr. Donald) would not have risen to thank the Minister. We are now promised the calculation upon which the Government have based the inclusion of Ireland, and I await it with great interest.

It is calculated that from the employers directly in Ireland there will be £55,000, and from the employed people another £55,000, and the necessary State addition to the fund will be about £89,000.

Obviously these figures could not have been arrived at without estimating a certain number of people, but the misfortune is, I have not got that figure upon these papers.

Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman has got this information—why he drafted this' Bill to exclude Ireland, and now proposes to include Ireland? We are accustomed to this Government introducing legislation, and proceeding to scrap it after an experiment of a month or two, but that the Government, with deliberate intention, on a settled matter of policy, should exclude Ireland from their Bill and in the process of the consideration of the Bill in the House should agree to reverse that policy, is a matter in regard to which the Committee is entitled to an explanation. What caused this change of policy? I think it is scarcely treating the Committee with respect for the right hon. Gentleman to make such a proposal, involving a complete reversal of his policy with regard to Ireland, and it is acting in such a way as completely to nullify every argument which he has used against Amendments moved from this side of the House for the alteration of the Bill, because he is now putting fresh expenditure on the scheme, which he informed us could not be done. I think the Committee is entitled to that information.

I think this Amendment requires further explanation. The effect of it is to apply the benefits under the Act to the Southern portion of Ireland. The hon. Member for the Victoria Division (Mr. Donald), speaking a few moments ago, said that the result of this would be that the Sinn Feiners would take the unemployment benefit and go to the hills to drill. They are doing it now, I understand, and I have a very great objection to giving assistance to the Sinn Feiners to take measures which may result in the murder of our kith and kin in the Southern part of Ireland.

The hon. Gentleman opposite has read the White Paper which was submitted to the House earlier in the afternoon, which paper, thank goodness, has not been signed by anybody, because it is so ridiculous, I suppose, that nobody would put their name to it. However, I must not argue the question of the truce now. While I have not the slightest objection to this Bill being applied to the loyal portion of Ireland, I very much object to it being applied, especially at this moment, to the disloyal portion of Ireland, and what I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman is this. It would be difficult to draft an Amendment on the spur of the moment applying the Act only to Northern Ireland, and I suggest that the right hon. Gentleman should withdraw the Amendment on the understanding that on the Report stage he will introduce an Amendment applying the Bill to Ulster, and to Ulster alone. Unless he is prepared to do that, I shall certainly, if I can get any support, go into the Lobby against the Amendment in its present form.

The right hon. Gentleman has been very quick to reply to his opponents to-day. Now I have made a statement which, whether it be right or wrong, is undoubtedly worthy of some consideration, and the right hon. Gentleman takes no notice of it at all. Either it is due to a want of consideration and courtesy to a very old Member of the House—a much older Member of the House than himself—that the right hon. Gentleman has taken no notice of a reasonable suggestion, or it is that the right hon. Gentleman has no answer, and takes refuge in silence, though I do not think that is the real explanation, because the right hon. Gentleman always has an answer, and is anxious to give it. Therefore there must be, I think, some more cogent reason why he does not reply, and I must press him, at any rate, to give some short reason why he cannot agree to my suggestion.

I am very sorry to have fallen under the displeasure of my right hon. Friend. He knows, I am sure, that I do not wish to show any discourtesy to him. I moved the Amendment in pursuance of a pledge given on Second Reading, when I explained why we had changed the policy. I can assure my right hon. Friend that I have no desire to evade any point he has put to me. I cannot agree to his proposal, and I hope the larger controversy will not be brought into this comparatively small thing. If there be any question about the misappropriation of any public moneys paid into the Insurance Fund, at the date of transfer of this particular service any existing assets or liabilities will have to be apportioned.

I am much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman, but I am afraid I am not satisfied now. What he says is that eventually, should we come to an arrangement with Ireland, all the outstanding amounts will have to be satisfied and regulated according to the Act, or according to whatever arrangement to which we have come. Very likely; but what about the mischief to be done at once? What about the money given to those people during the next fortnight, six weeks, or two months before the appointed day? That the right hon. Gentleman avoided altogether. I must say I do not think this is a time to give our money in any form to the Sinn Feiners in order to destroy and murder our kith and kin.

Question put, "That the words pro-

Proposed words there inserted.

Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.

The new Clause (Provision of Funds for payment of Grants) standing in the name of the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. N. Maclean) is not in order, because it goes beyond the scope of the Resolution, and the Amendment to the Schedule is out of order, because the relevant matter has been decided on Clause 2.

posed to be left out stand part of the Clause."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 20; Noes, 122.

Division No. 360.]

AYES.

[11.30 p.m.

Ainsworth, Captain Charles

Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l, W.D'by)

Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor)

Atkey, A. R.

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Ward, Col. J. (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Balfour, George (Hampstead)

Inskip, Thomas Walker H.

White, Col. G. D. (Southport)

Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes)

Joynson-Hicks, Sir William

Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.)

Edgar, Clifford B.

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot

Nail, Major Joseph

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Fraser, Major Sir Keith

Oman, Sir Charles William C.

Sir Frederick Banbury and Mr. Marriott.

Gretton, Colonel John

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte

Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.)

Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike

Allen, Lieut.-Col. Sir William James

Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar

Pennefather, De Fonblanque

Armstrong, Henry Bruce

Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E.

Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings)

Baird, Sir John Lawrence

Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry

Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray

Barlow, Sir Montague

Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton)

Poison, Sir Thomas A.

Barnston, Major Harry

Hayward, Evan

Pratt, John William

Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff)

Henderson, Lt.-Col. V. L. (Tradeston)

Purchase, H. G.

Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake)

Hennessy, Major J. R. G.

Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford)

Birchall, Major J. Dearman

Hinds, John

Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs, Stretford)

Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester)

Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn,W.)

Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund

Borwick, Major G. O.

Hopkins, John W. W.

Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney)

Bowyer, Captain G. W. E.

Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead)

Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur

Breese, Major Charles E.

Howard, Major S. G.

Shaw, William T. (Forfar)

Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive

Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster)

Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.)

Briggs, Harold

Jodrell, Neville Paul

Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South)

Broad, Thomas Tucker

Johnson, Sir Stanley

Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston)

Brown, T. W. (Down, North)

Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth)

Stanton, Charles Butt

Bruton, Sir James

Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly)

Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K.

Gasey, T. W.

Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George

Sturrock, J. Leng

Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston)

King, Captain Henry Douglas

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm., W.)

Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale)

Sugden, W. H.

Chichester, Col. Robert

Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales)

Sutherland, Sir William

Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill

Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n)

Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey)

Clough, Sir Robert

Lort-Williams, J.

Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham)

Cope, Major William

Loseby, Captain C. E.

Thorpe, Captain John Henry

Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead)

Lyle-Samuel, Alexander

Tryon, Major George Clement

Davies, Thomas (Cirencester)

M'Connell, Thomas Edward

Wallace, J.

Dawson, Sir Philip

McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester)

Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor

Dewhurst, Lieut.-Commander Harry

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Ward, William Dudley (Southampton)

Donald, Thompson

Manville, Edward

Waring, Major Walter

Edge, Captain William

Mason, Robert

Williams, C. (Tavistock)

Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon)

Middlebrook, Sir William

Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H.

Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark)

Moles, Thomas

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbridge)

Evans, Ernest

Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz

Wise, Frederick

Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M.

Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh)

Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon)

Ford, Patrick Johnston

Murray, John (Leeds, West)

Young, E. H. (Norwich)

Forestier-Walker, L.

Murray, William (Dumfries)

Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton)

Forrest, Walter

Neal, Arthur

Younger, Sir George

Gange, E. Stanley

Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter)

Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham

Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Colonel Leslie Wilson and Mr. McCurdy.

Glyn. Major Ralph

Parker, James

Green, Albert (Derby)

Schedule ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Title

A Bill to make temporary provision for the payment of grants to unemployed workers towards the maintenance of their wives and dependent children, and to suspend the operation of Section twenty-seven of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920.

Amendment made: After the word "wives," insert the words "dependent husbands."—[ Dr. Macnamara .]

Title, as amended, agreed to.

Bill reported [Title amended]; as amended, to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 226.]

House of Commons (Kitchen and Refreshment Rooms)

Ordered, That Captain O'GRADY be added to the Committee.—[ Colonel Gibbs .]

The remaining Orders were read and postponed .

It being after half-past Eleven of the clock, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Sixteen Minutes before Twelve o'clock.