House of Commons
Monday, October 31, 1921
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Church of Scotland (General Trustees)
Order Confirmation Bill,
Read the Third time, and passed.
Oban Burgh Order Confirmation Bill,
Greenock Corporation Order Confirmation Bill,
Considered; to be Read the Third time To-morrow.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Bacon, Hams and Lard (Labels)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the practice of labelling imported bacon, hams, and lard under the Defence of the Realm Act still continues and is obligatory; and, if so, when it will be abolished?
The obligation of labelling imported bacon, hams, and lard continues by virtue of the Sale of Food Order, which was made, not under the Defence of the Realm Act, but under the Ministry of Food (Continuance) Act. 1920, and the Ministry of Food (Cessation) Order, 1921. The Order will automatically expire on the 21st August, 1922, unless sooner revoked.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the propriety of an earlier termination of the currency of this Order?
indicated assent.
Safeguarding of Industries Act
Referee
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he can give the House the name of the referee or referees proposed to be appointed in connection with Part I of the Safeguarding of Industries Act; and, if no referee has yet been appointed, is he prepared to allow goods now held up by His Majesty's Customs and as to which dispute has arisen in connection with their liability to duty to be released forthwith until such time as a tribunal of appeal, such as the Act allows, becomes in practice available to importers?
The referee appointed by the Lord Chancellor to decide complaints under Section 1 (5) of the Safeguarding of Industries Act is Mr. Cyril Atkinson, K.C. A notice of his appointment appeared in the Press on Thursday of last week.
Has any provision been made for the salary of this gentleman and for the compensation of the people who have had to wait so long for the release of their goods?
Not that I know.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the referee appointed by the Lord Chancellor to determine cases in dispute, as provided by Part I of the Safeguarding of Industries Act, will hold his courts in public; whether he will be assisted by other referees at the various ports throughout the kingdom; and will these inquiries be held in public?
In view of the nature of the matters to be considered, it is not intended that cases arising under Section 1 (5) of the Safeguarding of Industries Act shall be heard by the Referee in public, but his decisions will be published. The answer to the second and third parts of the question is in the negative.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not think that greater delay will be caused by the fact that there is only one Referee, and that cases will be held up?
That depends entirely on the number of cases that come up. If in practice it is found that there is a necessity for an additional Referee, the matter will be considered.
What opportunity will be given to those interested to place their views before the Referee?
Every opportunity.
Will this Referee, who is an English lawyer, adjudicate upon questions arising in Scotland?
This matter has only just been brought to my notice, and I cannot say.
Issue of Orders (Procedure)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he could inform the House what are the formalities which British traders have to observe, or what are the questions which it is necessary for them to answer, when applying to him for the issue of an Order under Part II of the Safeguarding of Industries Act; whether a private interview was recently accorded by him to representatives of the Federation of British Industries, who waited upon him to secure some modification in the formalities referred to above; and whether he proposes to publish a report of what transpired at that interview, so that all parties concerned in the operations of Part II of the Act may know what transpired?
It is impossible to lay down any strict rule applicable to the varying conditions of all the different industries, except that applicants must make out to the Board of Trade a primĂ¢ facie case that the conditions precedent to the reference of a complaint to a Committee, as set out in Section 2 (1) of the Act, are complied with. I am sending the hon. Member a copy of Memoranda which are sent to applicants explaining the procedure, and indicating the kind of evidence which it is desirable for them to submit in support of their complaints. In reply to the second part of the question, a deputation representing a number of industries which had submitted or proposed to submit, complaints under Part II of the Act discussed with me some points of difficulty as to the precise evi- dence which might be required. One of the Memoranda I have referred to embodies the Board's views regarding the guidance that should be given to industries as to furnishing information. These views were formed by the Board after consideration of the question as a whole including the difficulties brought forward by the deputation, and as I have already stated the Memorandum in question is sent to all applicants. The answer to the last part of the question is, therefore, in the negative.
Optical Glass
asked the President of the Board of Trade what the definition is of the term optical glass within the meaning of the Safeguarding of Industries Act; whether a scientific definition is used for the purposes of administering that Act; and, if not, whether he will request the Royal Society of Great Britain to provide a formula by which optical glass possessing certain variations of dispersions and refractive indices may be distinguished from other glass without such characteristics often, and perhaps incorrectly, described as optical glass?
For the purpose of Part I of the Safeguarding of Industries Act the Board have adopted as a standard the formula that optical glass is that type of glass, other than unworked spectacle glass, ordinarily used in imaging systems. I am satisfied that any attempt to define optical glass on the basis of constants is impracticable, and no useful purpose would appear to be served by setting up a complex formula which would present insuperable difficulties in administration.
French and German Goods
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, seeing that Part I of the Safeguarding of Industries Act imposes a flat-rate duty of 33â…“ per cent. on goods such as ophthalmic glass, dolls, toy magic lanterns, toy cinematographs, etc., in which both French and German exporters are competing for the English market; that in nearly all cases of such competition in similar goods the German exporter can sell his commodities in the English market at a cheaper rate than the French exporter, owing to the bounty on the German exchange; and that in such case the effect of a flat-rate duty is to impose a heavier duty on French exports than on German exports, he will state whether it is the policy of His Majesty's Government to constitute a preferential tariff which discriminates against French goods in favour of German?
It is clearly impossible for me, within the limits of an answer, to retraverse the ground covered by the Debates in this House on the Safeguarding of Industries Bill, but the answer to the question is in the negative. As regards the particular commodities instanced, I may point out that they are not all dutiable.
Is not the effect of the policy as stated in the question?
I think that is open to argument.
Flash-Lamp Batteries
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that pocket flash-lamp batteries are being detained by His Majesty's Customs on the ground that the small piece of carbon rod which they contain comes under the category of arc-lamp carbon as set forth in the Schedule to the Safeguarding of Industries Act; and, if so, will he state why large dry-cell batteries containing much larger pieces of carbon rod are not liable to duty under the same Act?
In a reply which I gave to the hon. Member for Central Hull on Monday last, I stated that the ruling that the carbons in the small dry cells for pocket flash lamps fall within the heading of arc-lamp carbons was being reconsidered. As a result it has been decided that there is sufficient difference between the carbons in pocket flash lamp batteries and arc-lamp carbons to take the former outside the scope of Part I of the Safeguarding of Industries Act, and the Customs have been informed accordingly.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the delay in coming to that decision has caused serious loss to traders in these articles, and will they be compensated?
Toys
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the fact that in the case of the duty imposed under the Key Industries Schedule upon magnetic compasses, etc., these goods are exempted from duty if they take the form of toys; and as toy gyroscopes are likewise held to be exempted, he will state why the same principle is not applied in the case of other articles such as dolls' eyes, toy magic lanterns, etc., when they are imported by toy dealers and sold in toyshops alongside of the gyroscope and magnetic compasses referred to?
Toy magnetic compasses and toy gyroscopes are clearly not scientific instruments, as they are not of sufficient accuracy for scientific use and they do not fall under any other heading of the Schedule to the Safeguarding of Industries Act. Dolls' eyes are, however, lamp-blown ware, and magic lanterns of all kinds are comprised within the general heading of optical instruments.
Is there any truth in the rumour that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, in order to raise revenue, has offered the dramatic rights of this Act to the authorities of the Savoy Theatre?
Does the right hon. Gentleman think that, in the case of imported articles of the kind, the ingredients, dolls' eyes and so on, of toys ought to be included at all in a Schedule of an Act for the safeguarding of industry, and the protection of key industries?
It is not always easy to say where an article begins, and ceases to be a toy.
The dolls' eyes candidate!
Lactose
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state why, seeing that the Board of Trade under the Safeguarding of Industries Act is not permitted to tax food, lactose or milk sugar, an important ingredient, in the manufacture of infant food, has been scheduled for taxation?
Articles of food or drink are expressly excepted only from the operation of Part II of the Safeguarding of Industries Act, and not from Part I, under which lactose of a certain grade of purity is dutiable.
Was not a distinct pledge given by the Government that food should not be taxed?
In regard to Part II, certainly; in regard to Part I, I would not like to say. I would remind my right hon. Friend of a fact of which he is doubtless aware, that the Board of Trade spent a certain amount of money during the War in trying to develop a section of this trade in order to use what has hitherto been waste.
Are we to understand then that there is to be a tax on food in order to develop trade here?
I do not know that I should like to put that on an election poster.
Nor yet dolls' eyes!
Chemicals
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that a large number of proprietary articles of Continental origin included in the Key Industries Schedule of the Safeguarding of Industries Act are used by hospitals, and that, owing to the duty now imposed, these hospitals will have to pay much higher prices; and whether he is prepared to allow a drawback to these hospitals on such medical chemicals, in view of the low state of the finances of these institutions?
A number of the commodities covered by the general chemical heading of the Schedule to the Safeguarding of Industries Act are no doubt of the kind stated by the hon. Member. The experience of the War years showed, however, the grave danger of dependence upon foreign sources for important medical supplies, and the need of action to prevent, so far as possible, its recurrence, and I am not prepared to introduce the legislation necessary to give effect to the hon. Member's suggestion.
Is it not a fact that no part of these duties add anything to the cost of the articles to the consumer, and that the duties paid are a part of the profit which the importers have been making?
I think the hon. Gentleman is probably correct.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the Minister of Health said in this House that the object of these duties was to increase the cost and so increase the cost of everything in this country?
I am afraid that is a matter for debate.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that a considerable number of the 4,000 articles in the Fine Chemical Schedule of the Safeguarding of Industries Act are the registered trade marks of German patented proprietary articles; if it would be advisable to give the chemical names, if known, of these substances instead of advertising the foreign trade-mark names; is it permissible for British manufacturers to prepare and sell such patented proprietary articles under the registered trade marks; and, if not, whether he is prepared to delete such articles from the Schedule, in view of it not being possible to manufacture and offer them for sale without infringing existing trade-mark rights?
I am aware that a number of the names appearing in the lists of chemical products issued under Section 1 (5) of the Safeguarding of Industries Act are registered trade names of German proprietary articles, but in the majority of such cases the equivalent chemical designation also appears in the lists. As regards the third part of the question it is open to British manufacturers in certain cases to manufacture and sell such products under the German trade names. I would emphasise the fact that the lists are issued to remove doubts as to the commodities covered by the particular headings of the Schedule to the Act and for the convenience of traders.
Is not the Government giving a free advertisement to these proprietary articles?
I do not think so.
Direct Export Orders
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that, in the case of commodities imported under the Key Industries Schedule, Continental firms have already suggested to British merchants that they should despatch their export orders direct from the Continent, and that every facility will be given for such direct export; that such adoption of this suggestion will mean that a serious loss will result to this country from the restrictions of the Safeguarding of Industries Act and the German Reparation Act, and that loss will also result to our shipping and to our revenue from port dues and charges, inward and outward, and thus cause reduction of employment in the shipping and transport industries; and what steps does he propose to take?
I have no evidence that the course suggested by the hon. Member in the first part of the question is being adopted on any appreciable scale. No doubt the operation of legislation of the kind mentioned causes at the outset some temporary inconvenience to merchants, but I am confident that British traders can readily make arrangements which will obviate the difficulties which the hon. Member has in mind, but which, I think, he greatly exaggerates.
Questions
Great Britain and Ireland (Trade)
asked the President of the Board of Trade what is the average weekly value of goods and produce of all kinds being imported into this country from Ireland, and what proportion represents the product of the North of Ireland area; and what is the weekly value of British exports to Ireland, North and South, respectively?
I regret that I am not in a position to furnish the information desired by my hon. and gallant Friend, as the aggregate figures of trade between Great Britain and Ireland, which are prepared by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland, are not yet available for any part of 1921. In any case, the information obtained, on which these compilations are based, has not hitherto distinguished the products of different portions of Ireland or classified imports into Ireland according to the areas for consumption in which they are intended.
Mercantile Marine Engineers
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether new Regu- lations relating to the examination of engineers in the Mercantile Marine are about to be issued; and whether he will consider the advisability of inserting a provision making it possible for engine-room artificers of the Royal Navy, who have a practical knowledge of internal-combustion engines, to sit for a motor engineer's certificate?
A new edition of the Regulations relating to the examination of engineers in the Mercantile Marine is in course of preparation. Both the current Regulations and proposed new Regulations make it possible for an engine-room artificer of the Royal Navy, who has sufficient experience of marine internal combustion engines, to sit for a motor engineer's certificate.
Grain and Flour
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the Government still hold any stocks of grain or flour in this country; if so, if he will state approximately what quantities; and what recent action has been taken by his Department to dispose of these stocks?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative; the remainder of the question, therefore, does not arise.
Peace Treaties
Pre-War Debts, Germany
asked the President of the Board of Trade the reason for the delay in carrying out the arrangements made through the German clearing office for the liquidation of pre-War debts to British firms by crediting at once the Treuhander or trustees' debts; is he aware that the large sums involved would be welcome to British firms to-day, and would assist them materially in grappling with the present unemployment; and would he further urge on the Controller of Enemy Debts to bring pressure to bear upon the German Government for the payment at once of these amounts?
Of the £18,750,000 of proceeds of liquidation admitted by the Treuhander to be in its possession. in which debts collected by that office during the War are included, £12,000,000 have now been credited through and have been paid or are in course of payment. Constant pressure is being exercised by the British clearing office upon the German authorities to secure a more rapid crediting of the remainder. In view of the delays which have occurred, individual claimants may care to consider taking advantage of their right to bring their claims before the Mixed Arbitral Tribunal for adjudication. Amounts of proceeds found due by the tribunal will immediately be paid by the clearing office.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise that the continual locking up of British money in German hands is one of the causes of the present unemployment in the textile trade, and is it not of vital importance to British labour that all outstanding claims, amounting to £6,000,000, should be promptly settled without further shuffling on the part of Germany?
That is in the nature of a speech.
Great Britain and Japan
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the secret agreement between Great Britain and Japan, which contributed to the settlement of the Shantung issue at Paris, is still in existence and possessed of any value; and, if so, whether, under the altered circumstances, it is proposed to abrogate it?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. Member for Chesterfield on 25th October last.
Bulgarian Reparation
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what proportion of the total reparations should have been paid by Bulgaria during the year 1920–21; what that proportion amounted to; and what was the sum total of her Budget in 1920 and in 1921?
I have been asked to reply. As the answer is rather long, and contains a number of figures, I will, with my hon. Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
The following is the answer :—
Article 121 of the Treaty of Neuilly provides that Bulgaria shall pay in respect of reparation the sum of 2,250,000,000 francs gold, and that this amount shall be discharged by a series of half-yearly payments on 1st January and 1st July in each year beginning on 1st July, 1920, subject to the following provisions, namely: the payments on 1st July, 1920, and 1st January, 1921, shall represent interest at the rate of 2 per cent. per annum from 1st January, 1920, on the total sum due by Bulgaria. Thereafter each half-yearly payment shall include, besides the payment of interest at 5 per cent., provision of a sinking fund sufficient to extinguish the total amount due by Bulgaria in 37 years from 1st January, 1920. The sum therefore payable under the Treaty by Bulgaria during the financial year April-March, 1920–21, was 45,000,000 gold francs. For the year 1920–21 the figures of the expenditure and revenue were 2,995,000,000 and 1,803,000,000 levas paper respectively, and for 1921–22 the latest revised figures are 2,670,810,000 and 2,556,890,000 levas paper respectively. The average rates of exchange for 1920 and 1921 may be taken as follows:
For 1920, 100 paper levas=7·37 gold francs
For 1921, 100 paper levas=4·99 gold francs up to 30th September.
Questions
Wool
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the Government still hold stocks of wool, and if he will state, approximately, what quantities and what steps have been taken recently in order to dispose of these stocks; and whether only small quantities are offered from time to time with a high reserve price, which has the effect of maintaining the present high prices of wool and of all articles made from this raw material?
I have been asked to answer this question. The Government-owned stocks of wool have been consigned under agreement to the British Australian Wool Realisation Asso- ciation, Limited, for realisation, and at the present date stand at approximately 2,000,000 bales. The disposal of such wools is proceeding continuously and at as rapid a rate as they can be absorbed by the trade. Since 30th June last to date, the Realisation Association has disposed of more than 275,000 bales in the United Kingdom. In addition, more than 200,000 bales will be offered for auction by the British Australian Wool Realisation Association before the 31st December. From January to July of next year continuous sales have been arranged at which it is intended to offer over 750,000 bales. The answer to the last portion of the question is in the negative. Present market prices rule in almost every case above reserve prices, rendering the latter inoperative.
Swine Fever Serum
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that a quantity of serum urgently required for the treatment of swine fever arrived in England on the 13th of September, but owing to the effect of the Reparations Act was not obtainable until 21st October; that owing to this long delay the animal had already been slaughtered before the goods arrived, causing not only loss to the trader importing the goods, but a loss to the swine breeder who had hoped to save part of his stock by inoculation with the serum in question; and will he inquire into this?
I am unable on the information furnished to trace the consignment referred to; but, if the hon. Member will furnish me with full particulars, I will cause further inquiry to be made into the matter.
Gas (Statutory Price)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that many complaints are being made by gas companies at the delay of the Board in replying to their applications for relief under the Gas Companies Regulation Act, 1920; and whether, in view of creating employment in works of extension and renewals, steps will be taken to expedite the Board's decision when these applications are made?
I understand that a few complaints have been made of delay in dealing with particular applications for a revision of the statutory price of gas. There has been no avoidable delay in dealing with the applications, but it will be realised that each case requires careful and detailed examination, and while every effort is made to expedite the decisions of the Board, I fear that it will be some time before the whole of the cases can be dealt with.
China
asked the Prime Minister if his attention has been called to the attempts by Japan to force on China an alleged Shantung settlement before the Conference meets at Washington; whether Great Britain, as the Ally of Japan, approves these methods; and whether, since China strongly objects to the Japanese proposals, he will suggest to the Tokyo authorities that the prospects of partial disarmament will not be improved by the adoption of demands of this nature?
I am aware of the proposals which have recently been made by Japan for a settlement of the Shantung question, but I am not aware of any such intention on the part of Japan as is imputed to her in this question. I hope that the presence of representatives of the countries concerned at Washington will afford an opportunity of reaching a satisfactory settlement, either in or outside the Conference. His Majesty's Government do not propose to intervene as suggested by the hon. and gallant Member.
asked the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether the British Government still recognises the principle of spheres of influence as applied to China; and, if so, what spheres of influence are still regarded as existent in that country?
The policy of spheres of influence in China has been superseded by one of international cooperation, and the further development of this policy will no doubt form one of the subjects of discussion at Washington.
Greece
asked the Prime Minister if the Government has any knowledge of, or has given, any encouragement to the project reported in the Press of 15th October for the exploitation of tobacco in Greece by a group of English capitalists; will he state what attitude the Government may adopt towards any project which would deflect capital from this country and help Greece in war expeditions in Anatolia which have been undertaken against the advice of the Allied Governments; if his attention has been directed to the statements attributed to King Constantine that it was the intention of the Greeks to occupy territory outside of the Smyrna enclave ceded to them by the Sèvres Treaty; and, if so, if the Government has taken, or intend to take any action thereon?
In reply to the first part of the question, I would refer my right hon. Friend to the answer given to the hon. and gallant Member for Gateshead on the 25th instant. As regards the second point, the decision taken by the Supreme Council at Paris on 10th August last was that while the Allied Governments should refrain from assisting either Greeks or Turks with troops, arms or credits, this should not infringe the rights of private firms to freedom of trade. His Majesty's Government do not exercise any control over the flotation of loans in the London market, but is is of course desirable that issues of capital which will relieve unemployment in this country should have preference over others. The answer to the third and fourth parts of the question is that the Greeks, as a result of their recent operations, occupy territory much in excess of the Smyrna enclave, but the measure which they are reported to have taken to assimilate its administration with the administration of Smyrna, do not, according to our present information, call for any action on the part of His Majesty's Government.
Has the Government no power to prevent the issue of such a loan? Would not the issuing of it inevitably be assisting the Greeks against the Turks?
My information is that His Majesty's Government have no power to prevent the issue of such a loan.
Money Lending (Rate of Interest)
asked the Prime Minister if he will consider the introduction of legislation to make money lenders show on their promissory notes or other similar documents the rate of interest per annum which the borrower will have to pay?
I have been asked to reply. I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer given on the 27th June to the question asked by the hon. Member for Wrexham, a copy of which I am sending him. I am at the present time unable to add anything to that answer.
Betting by Cheque
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the recent decision in regard to betting by cheque; and whether, to regularise the position so cheated and provide revenue to the State, he will introduce legislation, if the same is necessary, legalising betting on the parimutuel or totalisator principle, a fixed percentage of the money passing to be paid over to the State and, in the case of betting by cheque, the transaction to be valid in point of law only when a Government stamp of specified value is affixed to the cheque of the payer or payee?
I have been asked by my right hon. Friend to answer this question. The answer to the first inquiry is in the affirmative; to the rest of the question in the negative.
Would not the voluntary hospitals like to have a cheque for £1,000,000 from the pari-mutuel?
Is the Home Secretary prepared to consider the result in comparative cost of police protection to ordinary citizens at these functions under the pari-mutuel or the totalisator, as against the anarchical methods which now prevail?
Ireland
Loyalists' Property
asked the Prime Minister whether he will make a request to the competent Sinn Fein authorities that, in accordance with the terms set out in the Paper recently laid upon the Table, the property of loyalists in the South of Ireland will not be interfered with during the period of the cessation of active operations in Ireland?
Every complaint of interference with property contrary to the terms of the Truce is at once taken up with the representatives appointed by Sinn Fein to receive and deal with such complaints. My right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary will be glad to receive particulars of any such cases which have come to my hon. and gallant Friend's knowledge, and will have immediate action taken, if this has not already been done.
Is it not a fact that the gentlemen in Ireland who lead the Sinn Feiners cannot deal with these matters; and would the right hon. Gentleman make representations to the Commander-in-Chief of the Irish Republican Army, Mr. Michael Collins, to take immediate action?
I have told the House and the hon. and gallant Member what course of action we have pursued. I think that course is the one most calculated to secure redress and, at the same time, to preserve peace.
Is it not a fact that there are cases in which persons have been threatened with death, since the Truce, unless they clear out of Ireland within a certain time; and is it not a fact that they have also been told that if they mention this fact they will also suffer death and, therefore, the case is an extraordinarily difficult one?
I have no information to that effect, and those very circumstances must explain my ignorance of this matter. Any cases of this kind brought to the notice of my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary would at once be taken up, as they would clearly be a breach of the Truce.
On what grounds of justice are loyalists in the South of Ireland being compelled to pay taxes when they do not receive any protection from the English Government? Why should the Government go to a third party to do what they ought to do themselves?
His Majesty's Government are giving, and will give, to the loyalists in the South of Ireland all the protection in their power.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the British Government have ceased to function in the South of Ireland?
Criminal Injuries (Awards)
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the fact that a sum of approximately £8,000,000 has been awarded by the courts under the Criminal Injuries (Ireland) Acts against local authorities in Southern Ireland as compensation for the malicious burning of houses, destruction of property, wounding of the person, and loss of life; whether he is aware that only a negligible proportion of this sum has been paid, whereby many persons whose property has been destroyed, or whose relatives have been wounded or murdered are suffering severe privation and distress; and whether he will state what steps the Government propose to take to secure to these unfortunate persons the payment of the compensation to which they are entitled?
I have been asked to reply to this question. The facts are as stated in the first part, and it is the case that owing to the attitude of local authorities in the South and West of Ireland the awards made have not in most cases been paid. The Government are fully sensible of the hardship resulting in many cases from this default, and they accordingly obtained powers in the Restoration of Order in Ireland Act, which enabled them to apply sums withheld from recalcitrant local authorities towards meeting such claims. The sums available for this purpose are, however, relatively small, and the Government were under an obligation to give priority to the claims of Crown servants and other persons who had suffered loss as a direct consequence of services rendered to the Crown in combating the rebellion in Ireland. Arrangements have, however, now been made which I hope will enable the Irish Government to afford some relief in other pressing cases of genuine hardship.
Will the right hon. Gentleman not recognise that a man who has had his house burnt down has to provide one for his wife and family, and that he requires money to do so? Surely, the money ought to be provided by the Government, seeing that the house was burnt down owing to the failure of the Government to give him protection.
Surely it is the duty of the State to provide compensation for its own servants without coming on this fund.
Unless this House grants the larger portion of this money it is not possible to compensate everyone according to the awards given, many of which, in my opinion in reference to property, are exaggerated. I am doing the best I can with the money under my control, and nothing further can be done without the support of the House of Commons.
May I press for an answer to my question if it is not the duty of the Government to provide' compensation for those who suffer in its service?
Has the right hon. Gentleman a statutory right to vary any award by a court in Ireland?
I have not attempted to vary any award. Obviously I have not a right to do so.
Does the right hon. Gentleman, when he says the awards are excessive, mean that the claimants will get nothing?
My hon. Friend is not to understand that. I said in reference to some of the awards dealing with property, I think they are exaggerated. Of course, I cannot interfere with them.
What are the new arrangements the right hon. Gentleman proposes to make?
The new arrangement is that, as the intercepted money comes in, I am endeavouring to deal with particularly hard cases affecting people who are not Crown servants, but who have suffered by reason of service to the Crown.
Munitions (Importation)
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the Chief Secretary's statement that the searching of ships' cargoes for arms by the police forces was suspended for 10 weeks, he can say under what provision of the truce agreement, as issued by Sinn Fein, it was thought necessary to suspend these important precautionary measures?
It has never been suggested that this step was in compliance with any of the terms of the truce agreement. The circumstances in which it was taken were fully explained by my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary for Ireland in reply to a question by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for York (Sir J. Butcher) last Thursday, and I have nothing to add to the statements then made by my right hon. Friend. Every precaution to prevent importation of arms into Ireland is taken, not only in Ireland, but in Great Britain and elsewhere.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Chief Secretary said last week that this searching for arms had been suspended for 10 weeks; and that, owing to this neglect to protect Ireland from being inundated with arms, very large quantities of arms have gone into Ireland, which will cause great loss of life if hostilities are resumed?
My hon. and gallant Friend has first of all misapprehended the answer given by my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary. It is not that the search for arms has been suspended, but that the particular search at certain ports by auxiliary police has been suspended. The ordinary precautions and search are going on as before, and there is, as far as I am aware, no evidence of the large importation of arms of which my hon. and gallant Friend speaks.
Are not the Customs officials Sinn Feiners in many cases?
Was this suspension the result of a Cabinet decision?
I will not answer a question of that kind. It would be entirely contrary to constitutional practice to do so. It was a decision for which the Government are responsible.
How is the right hon. Gentleman able to explain why it became necessary for the General Officer Commanding to issue such an order as is alluded to by the hon. and gallant Member?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware—he must be aware—that some 50 coastguard stations have been closed down or destroyed by Sinn Feiners, and in these circumstances is it not impossible for the Government to prevent importation of arms into Ireland?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the search for arms by Custom House officers proved to be totally ineffective, and that for that reason the services of the police were invoked until those services were suspended for 10 weeks?
I am not pretending to the House that there has been no importation of arms. I think there has, and I think that any importation of arms during the Truce is a legitimate ground for complaint by ourselves. But I do not believe that there has been any importation on a large scale, and I do not think that the temporary suspension of the special examination at these ports led to the results suggested by my hon. and gallant Friend.
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that an official bulletin, which is not marked confidential but, on the contrary, for circulation amongst the troops, was issued on the 14th October from the headquarters of a large command in Ireland, paragraph 2 of which reads as follows: Gun-running is now so general and free from molestation that the equipment of many Irish republican army units is proceeding apace; and, in view of the necessity of preventing gun-running in order to minimise loss of life, will he assure the House that greater vigilance to prevent the importation of arms into Ireland shall be exercised?
I have been asked to answer this question. It is the case that a bulletin containing the statement referred to has been circulated to some of the troops in Ireland, but I am not in a position to confirm its accuracy. In regard to the last part of the question, I am assured by my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary for Ireland that the necessary steps to prevent the importation of arms are being taken.
Why is the stable door closed after the steed has been stolen?
As this official statement that gun-running was going on in Ireland has been published, will the hon. Baronet bring that to the notice of the Leader of the House, who has just said that he did not think there was much gun-running?
That is not what I said.
Conference
asked the Prime Minister whether any statement is possible as to the exact state of the negotiations with Sinn Fein Ireland?
No, Sir. As the Prime Minister stated on Thursday last, it is regretted that it is not possible, during the sittings of the Conference, to make statements from time to time in regard to the exact state of the negotiations.
Is it a fact that the Conference is continuing?
I think my hon. and gallant Friend might await the Debate to-day. It is quite obvious that no Conference on any subject between parties who are divided in opinion can be successfully held if daily statements are to be made.
In view of the Motion on the Paper, would it not be of great advantage to the House if we could be given some information as to exactly how far negotiations have got? —[HON. MEMBEBS: "No! "]
British Goods (Boycott)
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the so-called Department of Trade and Commerce of the Irish Republic in March, April, and May of this year issued orders forbidding the importation into Ireland of many articles of British manufacture, including agricultural machinery of all sorts, and have, as late as the present month, during the continuance of the truce, refused to withdraw such orders until British troops have evacuated Irish territory; whether, in consequence of these orders, British manufacturers have been prevented from sending goods over to Ireland for sale; and what steps he proposes to take in the matter?
I must refer my hon. Friend to the reply given by the Prime Minister to a question on this subject on the 24th instant. The Government will be prepared to deal with any breach of the law committed in connection with this attempted boycott.
Has the right hon. Gentleman taken any steps that would prevent the distribution of this very large number of boycotting circulars—hundreds of thousands—throughout Ireland, which has caused most serious loss to many small traders in the South of Ireland?
These circulars, if found, are commandeered, and people distributing them will certainly be arrested. If posted they will be torn down. I do not think there is any information on which the statement can be based that hundreds of thousands have been issued.
Has the right hon. Gentleman read a report furnished only two days ago to a meeting of Sinn Fein delegates in Dublin, in which it was stated that 225,000 notices had been distributed boycotting British goods, and has he taken any steps to stop that?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Wool-worth's stores in Dublin were closed the other day by the so-called Irish Republican Army police, while eight members of the Dublin Metropolitan police were looking on, and no steps were taken to prevent them from closing those stores, because they were selling British goods?
Notice should be given of that question.
Questions
Government Staffs (Overtime)
asked the Prime Minister whether he will give instructions that overtime in Government offices be reduced to a minimum in order that the necessity for further discharges of ex-service men may be obviated to the greatest possible extent?
Every effort is made to reduce overtime in Government offices to a minimum, and, so far as can be ascertained, no overtime is at present being worked which could be obviated by the engagement of additional staff or the postponement of discharges of redundant staff.
Ministry of Transport
asked the Prime Minister whether it is intended on the ground of economy to transfer the powers and duties of the Minister of Transport to the President of the Board of Trade; and whether he is aware that it is urgently necessary, in order to facilitate the proper conduct of the business of the Ministry of Transport, including the signing of official documents, that a decision on this matter before the House rises is very desirable?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave on Wednesday last in reply to a question by my hon. Friend the Member for Twickenham. As regards the last part of the question, I am fully alive to the desirability of arriving at an early decision on this subject.
Will a decision be arrived at before the House rises?
My hon. Friend may rest assured that the Prime Minister will lose no time in coming to a decision, but he realises, of course, the many preoccupations of the Prime Minister at this moment.
May I suggest that, if the Prime Minister is to wait until he has leisure to look into the subject, someone else should be asked to do so?
Disarmament
asked the Prime Minister the names of the British officials who have been engaged in studying questions of disarmament at the League of Nations or in this country in connection with it?
In addition to Captain J. R. Seagrave, C.B., R.N., Colonel G. S. Clive, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O., and Group Captain P. R. C. Groves, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O., the British Members of the Permanent Advisory Commission for Military, Naval, and Air Questions, set up in accordance with Article 9 of the Covenant, my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Education has hitherto been a member of the Temporary Mixed Commission on the Reduction of Armaments, which was appointed in pursuance of a Resolution of the First Assembly of the League. The question of his successor is under consideration.
War Debts (Cancellation)
asked the Prime Minister whether, with a view to assisting the stabilisation of exchanges in Europe, the Government is in communication with the American Government regarding the cancellation of the European War debts; and whether, in view of the unpopularity in the United States of America of the proposal mutually to cancel these debts, he will consider the desirability of approaching the American Government with a proposal under which the United Kingdom will agree to cancel half of the War debts owed to her, excluding Russia, this half amounting to £612,000,000 in round figures, on condition that the United States of America will accept responsibility for the other half, excluding Russia, likewise amounting to £612,000,000, thus relieving the United Kingdom of £612,000,000 of her total debts of £862,000,000 to the United States, which were incurred by the United Kingdom entirely for the purpose of reloaning to European Allied Governments for war objects after America entered the War?
The answer to both questions is in the negative.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether this matter will be considered at the Washington Conference, and whether it may be proposed there that a joint Committee be set up by this Government and the American Government to consider the whole matter?
I gather from the Press that the American Government has made it perfectly clear that no economic question can be taken at the Washington Conference. I will ask my hon. Friend to take it from me that the public canvassing of this question at the present time is calculated to create difficulties rather than to allay them.
Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the whole question of disarmament is an economic question? Would not the cancellation of War Debts do more to restore peace than anything else?
asked the Prime Minister whether he will give consideration to the suggestion of a cancellation by this country of the War debts owed to us by our European Allies?
There is no phase of the question relating to international War indebtedness which has not received consideration by His Majesty's Government.
Is it not highly likely that no country would benefit more by cancellation of debts than Great Britain?
Hungary
asked the Prime Minister whether a decision has yet been come to as to the future residence of the ex-Kaiser Karl; and whether the settlement of the West Hungary question may now be considered assured as originally contemplated in the Trianon Treaty?
The Powers are still in communication as regards the future residence of the ex-Emperor. As regards the second part of the question, it may be assumed that the Treaty of Trianon will be carried out, subject only to the terms of the agreement recently signed at Venice by the Austrian and Hungarian Governments, which provides for the holding of a plebiscite in the town of Sopron and surrounding district. The Allied Governments have intimated that they desire to raise no objection to this arrangement.
What troops are now in occupation of West Hungary, and under whose ægis will this plebiscite be held?
Those are not questions which naturally arise out of the question which the hon. and gallant Member put on the Paper, and I must have notice of them.
Channel Tunnel
asked the Prime Minister whether he can give any estimate of the number of men who would receive employment through the construction of the Channel Tunnel?
No, Sir, I am not in a position to give any such estimate.
Transport
Roads (Construction and Maintenance)
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the enormous increase in the costs of road construction and maintenance and the present disproportionate burdens upon various classes of the community arising there-from, he will set up an independent Committe of Inquiry for the purpose of advising as to the equitable distribution of such burdens amongst the taxpayers, the ratepayers, road vehicle users of all classes, and the owners of land whose property is improved in value owing to roads expenditure?
I have been asked to reply to this question. Most of the points referred to by my hon. Friend form part of the larger question of the relationship of national and local finance, and I doubt if they could be usefully dealt with separately.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there is considerable dissatisfaction as between the different classes of traders—the one who uses mechanical and the one who uses other forms of transport—the one being heavily penalised while the other escapes scot free?
I am aware that there is some dissatisfaction.
Railway Rates
asked the Minister of Transport whether, as the present high railway charges are detrimentally affecting trade and agriculture, he is in a position to announce a reduction of railway rates?
The effect of the general depression of trade and the coal stoppage on railway finances rendered any general reduction in rates before the end of Government possession impracticable. It is, however, provided by Section 60 of the Railways Act, 1921, that any representative body of traders may apply to the Railway Rates Tribunal to reduce charges.
With regard to the last part of the question, can my hon. Friend give us any idea when he will be in a position to announce a reduction of these very high railway charges?
When the Rates Tribunal have been approached by representative bodies of traders, and, after hearing, the Tribunal have come to the conclusion that the rates ought to be reduced.
Railless Traction
asked the Minister of Transport whether he has received applications from local authorities in the country for power to run systems of electric railless traction vehicles along public roads; whether the operation of such systems cannot be undertaken without specific Parliamentary authority, which cannot be obtained until next August; and whether, having regard to the necessity for creating immediate employment both in the construction of the vehicles and the construction and erection of the electrical apparatus, arrangements can be made at once, after due inquiry, to sanction in proper cases the construction and operation of any such systems?
I am aware that certain local authorities are considering the desirability of substituting a system of railless electric vehicles for sections of their tramways. Power to give the sanction in the manner suggested by my Noble and gallant Friend would require general legislation.
Does not the hon. Gentleman think an expression of opinion by the Ministry might help the local authorities in coming to their decision, thereby aiding employment?
Wherever we can help trade we do that, but no sanction can be given with legislative force without an Act of Parliament.
Then nothing can be done in the matter until next August?
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that when local authorities promote Bills of this character they always get tremendous opposition from what is known as private enterprise?
Railway Electrification (London and Brighton)
asked the Minister of Transport whether complete plans for the electrification of the line between London and Brighton were prepared before the War; whether, seeing that this is a work which it is desirable should be under taken in the public interest, and which will provide direct and indirect employment for a large number of persons, he will say what steps he is taking to expedite the progress of the scheme?
I am at present discussing with the company as to whether it is possible for them to make an early commencement of the work in respect of which the preparations are (I am informed) in an advanced state. The scheme is one which is desirable on its own merits and from the point of view of finding substantial employment, both directly and indirectly. As stated by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in reply to a question on the 24th October, the terms of the Trade Facilities Bill would cover a guarantee of capital raised for such a scheme.
Eastern Avenue, Wanstead and Romford
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport whether his attention has been drawn to the position with regard to the arterial road in course of construction in the neighbourhood of Wanstead and known as Eastern Avenue: whether he is in a position to inform the House as to the reason for the suspension of the work on part of the road; and whether any and, if so, what steps are being taken to complete the scheme?
I am fully aware of the circumstances attending the construction of the Eastern Avenue between Wanstead and Romford—an undertaking on which more than 1,500 men are continuously employed. No suspension of the work has occurred, but there is one section, three-quarters of a mile in length, which has not yet been begun. This section traverses land which formed part of the City of London Housing Estate, and arrangements had been made for the Corporation of the City to pay, as part of their housing cost, for the construction of this section. The suspension of their scheme has necessitated a reconsideration of the position, and friendly negotiations are in progress. I have no doubt that the work on this section will be commenced at an early date
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that thousands of men will be employed if he will only expedite this matter and these inquiries?
There will be no delay.
Questions
Turkey (Tobacco Fields)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether some of the richest tobacco fields in Turkey lie within a zone in Asia Minor for the possession of which Turks and Greeks are now struggling?
The Smyrna zone assigned to Greece by the Treaty of Sèvres contains tobacco-growing districts, but I am informed that they can hardly be counted among the richest in Turkey, which lie on the Black Sea.
Will any steps be taken to prevent Greeks from raising loans on securities which belong to the Turks?
Argentine Railways
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to Lord St. Davids' recent speech with reference to the serious predicament the English-owned railways of the Argentine Republic find themselves in owing to the refusal of that Government to allow the railway companies to increase their rates to meet the increased cost of operating; and whether, in the interest of many thousand British shareholders, he will do all that is possible in the way of diplomatic representations?
My attention has been called to the speech in question, and His Majesty's Minister at Buenos Aires is furnishing a full report on the situation. As soon as this arrives it will receive the earnest consideration of His Majesty's Government.
Passports and Visas
asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware of the proposal before the French Government for the abolition of the passport in France; and whether the Government is now prepare to consider a similar suggestion and so give a lead to the nations of Europe to return to pre-War conditions in this matter of such considerable importance to the travelling public?
His Majesty's Government have no information as to any such proposal, and are not prepared to consider a similar suggestion for depriving British subjects of this valuable and, in present conditions, irreplaceable means of establishing their identity and nationality when travelling abroad.
Will the hon. Gentleman consider the identity card, which would be just as useful and far more easy to obtain?
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the fact that the Italian Government have increased their price for the Italian visa from 8s. to 10s. at a time when our French and Belgian Allies have abolished the visa altogether for British subjects; and whether His Majesty's Government will urge upon the Italian Government the advisability of reciprocally abolishing the visa for passports of their respective nationals?
The charge of 10s. now fixed by the Italian Government as the price for an Italian visa corre- sponds with the fee of 10 gold francs, calculated according to the international dollar exchange, in conformity with the recommendations of the Paris Conference of October, 1920, which His Majesty's Government have also adopted. The answer to the latter part of this question is contained in the reply given by the Secretary of State for the Home Department to a similar enquiry of my hon. Friend on the 26th instant.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what further progress, if any, has been made between this country and allied nations, in addition to France and Belgium, for mutual abolition of the visa on the passports of their respective nationals?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I beg to refer to the' answer which I gave on Wednesday last to a very similar question put by the hon. Member for the English Universities.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise from personal experience the difficulties of foreign travel of to-day, and has not the time arrived when some combined effort might be made to cut away this international tangle?
East Galicia
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Polish authorities are holding a census in East Galicia with a view to showing that the inhabitants of that country are Poles; and whether he has any information that the last two independent Ukrainian papers in Lemberg have now been suppressed?
I have no official information on either of the points mentioned in my hon. and gallant Friend's question, but I have seen the allegations made by the so-called President of the National Ukrainian Council of the Galician Republic to this effect. I am causing inquiries to be made from His Majesty's Minister at Warsaw.
Has any progress been made in settling the status of East Galicia?
No, Sir.
Egypt
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Reuter communiqué sent to Egypt last Tuesday regarding the alleged conclusion of the negotiations between the British Government and the invited representatives of the Sultan of Egypt was issued by the Foreign Office; whether this communiqué has been the cause of great mystification in Egypt; and whether he will take steps to make the matter quite clear to the Egyptian public so that the position of the Egyptian Ministers may not again be similarly prejudiced?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the negative. As regards the last two parts, the reply made by the Prime Minister to the hon. Member for Twickenham on the 27th instant will have removed any misapprehension in Egypt.
In view of the harm already done by this communiqué, will the hon. Gentleman cause specific inquiry to be made at the Foreign Office as to who is responsible for issuing this unofficial information?
I am not aware that there was an unofficial Foreign Office communiqué.
Then will the hon. Gentleman approach the editor of the "Daily Chronicle" and ask him who was responsible?
I can scarcely be expected to consider that proposal.
Constantinople (Labour Dispute)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the president of the Inter-Allied Police at Constantinople is reported to have favoured the side of the tramway and electricity company against the men; and will he draw attention to the importance of British officials in occupation in Constantinople maintaining absolute impartiality between capital and labour where any partiality may react unfavourably on our good name in the East?
I have been asked to reply to this question. I am aware that each party to the tramway dispute in Constantinople has made allegations suggesting that the other party has been favoured by the military authorities. I am satisfied that these allegations are unfounded, and that there are no grounds for the issue of any special instructions of the nature referred to.
Has General Harington been asked for his view on the matter?
I am, not aware.
Russia (Trading Company)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether he has received a report that a company called the Rossisko Eksportno-Importno Tovareeshchestvo has recently been formed in Russia for the purpose of doing business with foreign countries on behalf of the Soviet Government on a commission basis, and that the goods offered by the company for disposal abroad include goatskins, pigs' bristles, caviare, and scrap iron; and what is the approximate total value of the goods at present on offer?
I have received a report concerning this company from the British Agent in Moscow. The goods offered by the company are as stated by my hon. and gallant Friend. The quantities offered are reported to amount in value to approximately £245,870.
Is this happily named company trying to export 35 tons of caviare, a very nutritious food, and in view of the fact that Russia is starving will the hon. Gentleman see that that is not allowed to be exported, and will he further assure the House as regards this scrap iron that it will be searched to see that there are no bombs imported in it?
Is the name of the company correctly spelt?
I would refer the hon. Member to my hon. and gallant Friend (Lieut.-Colonel Archer-Shee), who is more closely acquainted with the nature of the company even than I am myself. I understand it is desired to export such commodities as they have in their possession which are likely to be purchased in this country.
By British colonels.
Export Credits
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department whether, in granting export credits, care is used to confine these facilities to manufacturers and genuine export merchants, to the exclusion of financial syndicates, brokers, and others who merely seek a commission which adds to the cost without increasing the amount of employment these operations may bring to this country?
All applications made to the Export Credits Department are examined by the Advisory Committee to the Department, which consists of financial and commercial experts, including two Members of this House. Every care is taken by the Committee to secure that guarantees are only given in respect of genuine business. My hon. Friend is no doubt aware that manufacturers in certain industries frequently take advantage of the assistance which can be rendered by financial houses in negotiating important contracts, and it would not be desirable to exclude such business from the scope of the export credits scheme.
When there are two offers from the same district, one from a financial house and one from a responsible British manufacturer, who has the preference?
Every proposal is considered by the Advisory Committee on its merits.
Wheat and Oats Subsidy
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether fractions of acres of wheat and oats are to be paid for during this autumn; and, if not, is he aware that a grave injustice will be inflicted upon smallholders?
The question of the interpretation of Section 1 of the Corn Production Act, 1917, as regards fractions of an acre has been referred by the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries and the Board of Agriculture for Scotland, jointly, to the Law Officers of the Crown, for both countries for their opinion. The Law Officers have advised that the Departments are not liable to make any payments in respect of fractions of an acre and that they have no power by Regulation to legalise such payments.
How do they arrive at that?
They have interpreted the Act. I cannot say anything more.
Are these fractions of acres for separate fields? If a farmer has 20 fields of corn, are the fractions included or excluded in each field?
Where there is a number of fields the fractions are added up. Only the ultimate fraction will not be paid for. The case does arise where a smallholder has some wheat or oats on one field only. In this case we could not pay for the fraction.
Would it not be possible to treat a whole field occupied by allotment holders in a parish as a unit for this purpose, so that all the fractions in that field can be treated as one unit and get the proper Government allowance?
I referred the matter to the Law Officers and their opinion was that that could not be done.
Allotments
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether the inter-Departmental Committee appointed to inquire into the position of the allotment movement has completed its labours; and whether a Report will be laid before the House?
I understand that the inter-Departmental Committee has still to take some further evidence, after which it will proceed to prepare its Report, which will be presented to Parliament as soon as it is available.
Corn Production Acts (Claims)
asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that in many counties only a portion of the claims under the Corn Production Acts has been investigated; and whether, in view of the large reductions made by the investigation in these cases, he will take steps to have all the claims investigated?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. An inspection of every field on which wheat or oats were grown could not have been carried out without the appointment of a large additional staff of officials at considerable expense, and previous experience showed that in the great majority of cases the returns made by farmers could be relied upon as accurate. It was decided, therefore, to confine inspections to those cases where the Agricultural Committees suspected negligent cultivation, and, in addition, to make test inspections in a proportion of other cases in order to check the areas set out in the claims. The Ministry is satisfied that the saving which might result from a complete inspection of every claim would not compensate for the cost involved.
Wheat Prices
asked the Minister of Agriculture if he is aware that country millers are charging at the rate of 64s. per quarter of 448 1bs. of very inferior wheat, just good enough for chicken food, whereas best milling wheat is selling for 45s. per quarter of 504 lbs.; and will he inquire into this matter?
The average price of British wheat last week as returned under the Corn Returns Act was 44s. 9d. per 480 lbs. Sales of inferior wheat at the rate of 64s. per 448 1bs. would probably be in small lots, but in any case the price of wheat is free from control, and I do not propose to recommend that maximum prices be imposed.
India
Seditious Leaflets
asked the Secretary of State for India what steps have been taken to put a stop to the circulation of leaflets in India tampering with the loyalty of the Indian Army; how many of the authors and printers of these leaflets have been prosecuted, and with what result; and whether any of those who signed these leaflets have been allowed to go free?
I have been asked to answer this question. My right hon. Friend is consulting the Government of India as to the answer to this question. Perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will repeat it next week
Moplah Rebellion
asked the Secretary of State for India how many Hindus have been forcibly circumcised and converted to Mohammedanism during the Moplah rebellion in Malabar?
Various estimates have appeared in the Press. My right hon. Friend has no accurate figures. But there is no doubt that the Moplah fanatics now in rebellion have perpetrated the most terrible cruelties on their victims and that there have been many forcible circumcisions.
Will the hon. Member endeavour to get the figures?
Can particulars be got in answer to the question I have put down for next Tuesday?
I will ask my right hon. Friend.
Can the hon. Gentleman say if the disloyalty in India among the Moplahs is not directly due to the disloyal speeches of two Members of this House during their recent visit to India?
Lahore (Fiee Brigade Superintendent)
asked the Secretary of State for India whether Mr. Newland, an ex-soldier and the superintendent of the Lahore municipal fire brigade, was ordered by the municipal committee of Lahore to wear khaddar uniform, that is, uniform made of Gandhi's homespun cloth, the badge of disloyalty to the British Government, and was compelled to resign his appointment in consequence; and, if so, what steps have been taken by the Government of India in the matter and what, provision has been made for Mr. Newland?
I have seen nothing but a newspaper report of this occurrence. I am telegraphing for information.
Questions
Voluntary Hospitals (Grant)
asked the Minister of Health whether the Government still adheres to its promise, arising out of the Cave Committee's Report, to allocate £500,000 to the voluntary hospitals; what steps in that case have been taken towards the allocation of the fund; within what period is it intended it should be allocated; and whether in each case a stipulation is to be attached to the effect, that before a hospital can receive a grant it must put up a sum equal to the grant made up of new money?
The grant of £500,000 towards the liquidation of the voluntary hospital deficits was voted by the House last August. The Voluntary Hospitals Commission are taking steps to establish local hospital committees on the lines recommended in Lord Cave's Report, and it is hoped that the personnel of a number of these committees will be complete within the next few weeks. King Edward's Fund, who act as the local committee for London, have made considerable progress with their work, and emergency grants will be distributed at an early date to the most necessitous of the Metropolitan hospitals. I am informed that it is not anticipated that the full amount of the grant will be spent during the current financial year, and an Estimate will be submitted to the House next Session for a revote of the unexpended balance. As regards the conditions attaching to the grant I would refer my hon. Friend to the White Paper (Cmd. 1402), which was circulated in July.
Is it not a fact that the recommendation of the Cave Committee was made in order to give immediate assistance to the voluntary hospitals in the emergency, and if such a stipulation or suggestion as that which I have made is not accepted the whole idea of the £500,000 grant will be of no value at all?
I could not hear the hon. Member's question.
And I could not hear the answer.
The hon. Member had better put the question down.
Orders of the Day
Irish Negotiations
Vote of Censure Motion
Prime Minister's Statement
May I ask whether the Amendment standing in my name is in Order?
No. I think not. The Motion which is to be moved to-day raises a simple and quite clear issue. The Amendment on the Paper in the name of the Noble Lord raises quite a different issue. The Motion proposes to condemn the Government for their action in entering into certain negotiations. The Noble Lord would propose to condemn the Government for their action during the past three years. That is quite a separate Vote of Censure, and cannot be taken to-day.
I beg to move, a Division, feeling certain that it will take a majority into the Lobby, let it have it. It has already assured itself of a large majority.
The party that follows the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), without waiting for this Debate, has declared its intention of going into the Lobby in support of the Government. With equal precipitation, the Labour party has declared its intention of doing the same, so that the Government, at any rate, is assured of a very large support from all quarters of this House against such of its supporters as may go into the Lobby in support of this Motion. Those of us who support this Motion are not men of fame or note, and I myself, in proposing this Motion, make apology to the House for my deficiency as an orator, but I hope that the House will not think that our case is any the less strong because of the want of practised skill or the inadequacy of our method of presenting our case in debate. Obviously we are not taking this action from any motive of personal advantage. We have much to lose and we have nothing to gain, unless it be the ease and satisfaction of conscience derived from the upholding of those principles of national government which are vital to the safety of the country and right in the best interests of the nation.
I will proceed, if I may, to examine very shortly the position at which we have arrived in relation to the affairs of Ireland. Last autumn the whole Government was vehement in its expression of determination to suppress rebellion in Ireland, and we were told frequently by the Chief Secretary that all was going well. He assured us that he was gaining the upper hand, that the enemy were on the run, and that the forces of the Crown in Ireland were steadily pervailing. Then there happened an incident of some note—the journey of Lord Derby, under the name of Mr. Edwards, to Dublin, disguised, as he afterwards told us, with a pair of spectacles. Then there were journeys to and fro between the precincts of Downing Street, and those places in Dublin where those who are engaged in the work of rebellion hold their sway. Then on the 11th July there burst on the world the announcement that the Government had entered into a truce in Ireland. There were two versions of it. They were published in the "Times" newspaper, and indeed in the Whole Press of the United Kingdom. There was the General Headquarters communiqué of the British Army in Ireland, and there were the terms as issued by Sinn Fein in their "Irish Bulletin."
We have never been told how those two versions came to exist. They are different in material particulars. The general headquarters communiquĂ© prohibits all attacks on Crown forces and civilians and the use of arms, and provides for the cessation of military manÅ“uvres of all kinds. The Sinn Fein "Bulletin" only provides for "no provocative display of forces" and "no interference with Government or private property"—a very different state of things. Neither of the two documents provides any adequate measures for the protection of the loyalist law-abiding population of the South of Ireland. These terms are conspicuously wanting in any such provision, and the difficulties which the Government have at the present moment in carrying out measures for the protection of the law-abiding citizen in the South of Ireland arises to a considerable extent from its neglect to provide for their protection in the terms of the truce. I would like to ask the Government why this truce was entered into. We have never been told. It has not been carried out in all respects. It has been violated in many. There have been some murders and some outrages and cases of arson. Courts of law are held in defiance of the King's law, and it is common knowledge—I have abundant evidence here, if the House desires it—that the Government of the Irish Republic are taking over all the functions of administration in Ireland, and the King's Government is being steadily ousted from its functions.
Under the truce?
4.0 P.M.
Under the truce. I would ask another question in regard to this truce. The country would like to know why was the truce never signed? Was it an act of carelessness or neglect? I hardly think so. What was the design in having no signature? Those who negotiated the truce for the British Government included General Macready and Mr. Cope, the Assistant Secretary to the Government of Ireland. Mr. Barton and Mr. Duggan were representatives of Sinn Fein. Why do the names of none of these-gentlemen appear on the document, or why were there not some other names giving the authority of the Government, or the names of those representing the Irish Republic? This is a strange, unprecedented state of things. It requires some explanation from His Majesty's Government. Following the truce, there was a letter written by the Prime Minister on the 24th July to Mr. De Valera. The House was not informed of the important correspondence which this letter commenced until a White Paper was issued on Monday, 15th August, in the last week before Parliament adjourned, the Adjournment actually taking place on Friday, the 19th August. Why was not Parliament informed? This correspondence contained a most important offer to Mr. De Valera and his friends as to the future government of Ireland. It proposed a conference on the terms therein set forth. Ireland was to assume forthwith the status of a Dominion with all the powers set forth in this document. She was to enjoy, according to this letter, complete autonomy in taxation and finance, have her own courts of law and judges, her own military forces for home defence, her own constabulary and her own police. She was to take over all the usual services connected with domestic government, and to exercise all the powers and privileges upon which the autonomy of the self-governing Dominions is based. There were six limitations. The first limitation was that it was essential that the Royal Navy alone should control the seas around Ireland and Great Britain, and that such rights and liberties should be accorded to it by the Irish State as are essential for naval purposes in the Irish harbours and on the Irish coasts. Secondly, it was stipulated that the Irish Territorial Force should, within reasonable limits, conform in respect of numbers to the military establishments of other parts of these islands. Thirdly, there were to be facilities for aerodromes. Fourthly, it was assumed that voluntary recruitment for the forces of the Crown would be permitted throughout Ireland; fifthly, that the British and Irish Governments would agree to impose no protective duties or other restrictions upon the flow of transport, trade and commerce in; all parts of these islands, and, sixthly, that the Irish people would take over responsibility for a share of the national debt and the pensions arising out of the War. These terms were to be confirmed by a treaty between the British Parliament and the Irish Parliament, and it was further stipulated that the existing powers and privileges of parliamentary government of Northern Ireland could not be abrogated except by their own consent. Whence did the Government obtain authority to make an offer of that kind, far beyond anything which they had explained in this House or in their speeches in the country. They made those offers. They were scornfully rejected by Mr. De Valera, and, when he consulted them, by his friends. He claimed that Ireland had declared herself a Sovereign Independent State and could not submit to any such thing as Dominion status. The letter says: there was a sudden change. The Prime Minister wrote a letter at the end of September in which he withdrew, or practically withdrew, from the stipulation, ended the correspondence, and suggested a conference without any conditions. That conference was accepted by Mr. De Valera in the letter which he wrote in reply. He said: "I had no thought at any time of asking you to accept any conditions precedent to a conference." It was the Government who asked for conditions. they are being offered something which in fact they are not to be given? There is no hope of negotiation undertaken on a basis such as that.
I think I have shown that it is impossible to vary or tamper with the terms of allegiance. Is the Government standpoint that of mere formal allegiance? Are the Government to give up something in order to secure that? What is the worth of allegiance secured by such a suggestion? I read in the Press of the surrender to Southern Ireland of a few villages in Ulster. What is the worth of allegiance bought at a price like that? The Prime Minister in his speech at Carnarvon dealt with some of these questions very fully. He said:
We have never suffered in this country such a "humiliation before. Are the Government defeated? Do they bow the knee to these conditions? If so, why have they not told us. The people are not defeated; the British people are not defeated. The Government never trusted them, or told them what the true situation was. They have never told the people since last year what the true situation was. The Government never asked whether the people would stand by them and see this business through. If the Government are defeated it is by fear of the gunmen. The Irish terror has extended to Downing Street. The British people are not to be terrorised by any conspiracy into bartering their safety and tearing up the unity of these islands at the dictation of a small gang which the Chief Secretary described in this House as a body of men subsidised by foreign money.
What hope is there of peace in this way? You may get a temporary peace and a temporary cessation of hostilities. Even the terms of the truce are not being carried out in good faith. What faith can you put in men who have been described as rebels? What do the Government propose to do? The Conference is practically ended. The Government continue to see the Irish representatives, and it suits those representatives very well. They are doing exactly what I told the House they would do when the House adjourned in August. I ventured to say then that it was to be expected that Sinn Fein would gradually take up all the functions of the government of Ireland, that the Government would find themselves confronted with the actual existence of an Irish republic, and that the British Government as an effective force would be driven out of Ireland. That is exactly what is happening. It is going on steadily under the truce and it is very nearly accomplished. It will not be very long before everything necessary is done.
In the last issue, or a recent issue, of the "Irish Bulletin," published by Dail Eireann to the Press in Ireland, it is claimed that 28 out of 33 county councils are Sinn Fein councils, functioning for the Irish Republic and collecting rates for the Irish Republic. That is only one instance. I could give many more. In spite of what the Chief Secretary has said, Sinn Fein Courts are sitting openly all over Ireland, administering law which is not the British law, administering a law of their own. Only to-day I met a man who is over from Ennis. He went to make a claim for compensation for the burning of his house in Clare. In the Court, where the King's Judge sat, there were other proceedings going on. Overhead, in the same building, there was a much more crowded Court functioning for Sinn Fein, and in the Court house the county council, a Sinn Fein body, was openly sitting and carrying on its business. What can happen with a state of affairs like that? It brings the whole of His Majesty's Government into contempt.
The Conference has practically broken down. The Government is obviously seeking a pretext for the breakdown of the Conference, which must come sooner or later. Do they want to find the pretext in this Debate to-day and in the expressions of the point of view held by a number of private Members? Do they want to thrust upon us the onus and the responsibility of having broken down a Conference, which has been foredoomed to failure from its inception, or are they going to thrust the responsibility upon Ulster by making some proposals which Ulster cannot accept?
What is their position, and what are they going to do when the Conference breaks up? That is the most important question of all, and they should tell the country where they are and what they mean to do. They will have to do something. They will have to take some course. While we—I am speaking of those private Members who act with me and myself—deplore that the Government should have entered into conference with these particular persons, we desire peace in Ireland—peace established on a sound basis. We have held that there should be a Conference, but not with this gang which the Government has described as being subsidised by foreign money, and which, as has been shown by the documents which were published in the White Paper, was in communication with the Bolshevik Government of Russia. Those are not the people with whom the Government should confer. They should confer with the representatives of the real Irish people, the Irish people living in Ireland, who are not the authors of this terror which the Government has allowed to grow up and establish itself in Ireland. We want peace, peace in the United Kingdom, but these are not the ways of peace. I doubt if this Government can make peace—they have played so many parts and they have changed so often. Who has confidence in their actions? There is a famous case in history where a great king desired to build a temple. He was a great king and a holy man, who was successful in war, but God said to him: "Thou shalt not build an house unto My name, because thou hast shed much blood." If there is to be peace in Ireland, other ways will have to be found. I implore the House to consider where they are going. This is not a question of Ireland only. This is a question of Great Britain. If we have a British Government terrorised, and a British Government submitting to negotiations with a gang of gunmen, what a vista is opened! A British Government brought to heel here may be brought to heel elsewhere than in Ireland by methods of this kind. They are beginning in India. We hear of something in Egypt. [An HON. MEMBER: "They are beginning here, too!"] Yes, they are beginning here, too. A Government under an obligation to the Crown and to the people to uphold those great principles of law and order upon which our country has been built up will, if it continues in these courses, bring us to disaster, not only in Ireland, but throughout the world.
I rise to second the Motion which has been moved with such moderation and, as the House will agree, with such sincerity by the hon. and gallant Member for Burton.
I may say at once it is with no light heart, and in no provocative spirit, that we have put down this Motion. A Vote of Censure is not an easy thing to carry in this House when it is moved even by a strong Opposition. It is certainly not a pleasant thing to move when it is put down by Members against a Government or a party to which they belong. It is not a nice thing to find oneself in conflict with one's political associates and personal friends, but those of us who put our names to this Motion have felt for some time past that things were going from bad to worse, and when the telegram was sent by de Valera to the Pope, and the Conference continued in spite of the failure to find a formula by which it would be possible to get over the situation so created, then we felt we had reached the very depths of degradation and that at whatever cost we must make our protest, even if there were only a few of us to do so. I see we have been described as rebels to the Government and that the party leaders and the Whips are going to bring us to book very quickly and put an end to us this afternoon. I take no exception to the Whips doing what they can to see that their influence is not undermined. That is their job. I would only say this, with all respect, that had the Government shown the same vigour and the same promptness in dealing with those who are rebels against our King and our country, there would be no need to take such drastic steps against those who are described as rebels against the leaders of their own party.
I wish to make our position quite clear. No doubt the Prime Minister, when he comes to deal with us—and I learn he has had a week-end at Chequers in order to prepare his reply—will describe us, if he takes the trouble to describe us at all, as being merely a body of Tory reactionaries. If he does so, it will not be a fair description. The Tory party—the Unionist party—whatever their views may have been in the past, have, as a body, shown clearly since the Armistice that they wish to look upon Ireland in a new light. They have shown their willingness to try an experiment, even if it be against their own convictions and even if they be not sanguine of its success. Many of my hon. Friends whose names are down to this Motion were willing to give the Home Rule Act of 1920 a fair trial. Therefore, we cannot, as a body, be described as merely wanting to go back to the old days when we would consider nothing in the form of self-government for Ireland. When that Bill was before this House, and when those of us who felt very strongly that the Union was really the only way of governing Ireland presented our views, we were assured by our party leaders and by the Prime Minister, that if that Bill were passed it would be the last word in concession. We were told by the then Leader of the Unionist party that Dominion Home Rule could not DC granted, and that if it were granted it meant nothing less than an Irish Republic. Among the pledges given to this House and to the country was this, that if the Members elected for Southern Ireland did not after the election take the oath of allegiance that the Parliament there should not function. That was quite clear, and it is embodied in the Act. We were also given to understand that the Parliament should not be set up until the country was in a state for self-government—that if murder and intimidation continued the Parliament should not be set up. What happened? Murder and assassination continued after the Act was passed, and then without one word of consultation with this House negotiations were suddenly started and the declared policy of the Government was absolutely reversed. These negotiations were started with men whom the Prime Minister described over and over again as a gang of the worst type of murderers. I ask, as my hon. and gallant Friend the Mover of this Motion has asked, "Why were those negotiations started?" The Lord Chancellor, who occupies an important position in His Majesty's Government, made an important and definite pronouncement on the subject just before these negotiations took place. He was pressed by the Bishops in another place as to the adoption of different methods in the Government of Ireland, and he said this: say, speaking for myself, and I think for those for whom I am acting, that to a conference qua conference we have no objection provided the House of Commons is consulted. We feel that when an Act has been passed through the House of Commons and through Parliament so recently as last December, the Government have no right to alter the terms which were laid down by Parliament without coming back for Parliament's consent; but, provided that was done, and if the Prime Minister had come to the House and said, "We wish to have a conference," I do not think there would be any objection at all by the most reactionary Tory in the House. What we do take exception to, and very strongly, is the men who have been asked to confer, and the way in which it has been done. If the House will throw its memory back to last year, they will remember that a conference was considered at that time. The Prime Minister came down one day to the House and told us that he had had' two remarkable communications. He had had one from the Galway Urban Council and another from a distinguished priest, Father O'Flanagan, and he said they had suggested a conference, and that he thought a conference would be a very good thing, or words to that effect. He will correct me if I am misquoting him. He said it would be a very good thing, but he went on to say:
Let us inquire who are these people who have been brought over here. These are the sole people who were asked to come over and have Ireland handed over to them. The Prime Minister himself said they represented only a small minority of the Irish people. Why are a small minority of the Irish people to be asked to come over here in this way? What is the character of some of these individuals? One of them is Michael Collins, commander-in-chief of the murder gang. There is a statement issued from Dublin Castle, not even last year, but on 19th March of this year, and this statement—
Smoking their cigars.
I should like to ask the Prime Minister, if I am not asking him too many questions—Does he really think these men want peace? Is that what they are paid for by these foreign Bolshevists? Does he really think that this band of conspirators will have their whole nature changed by a display of weakness on the part of the British Government? What does the Chief Secretary say in regard to weakness? He says, Sinn Fein "hailed every evidence of goodwill as a sign of weakness." He was right then. Again I take one man, merely to show how these people appreciate our weakness:
What is the use of deliberating with these men? Rebellion is their job. They are out to stir up the country and to bring about the downfall of the British Empire. The Chief Secretary objected in those days to these people, and said, in reference to the late Prime Minister, the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), who I am glad to see here, that his treatment of the rebels encouraged every enemy in Ireland. Let us give even the devil his due. The right hon. Member for Paisley, at any rate, had the decency to go and see his friends in Ireland, and he saw them in gaol. The Prime Minister has them over here. It may be very brave of him, but I prefer the caution of the right hon. Member for Paisley. The Prime Minister sends a telegram: "Happy to see you; come when you like; always here; no conditions." After all, what is this truce? It is a slipshod affair at the best, and, if I may say so without offence, the Leader of the House did not do himself justice when he announced the terms of that truce. We are accustomed to hear from him, whether as the Leader of the Unionist party or as Leader of this House, a frank statement, but on this occasion I was sorry to hear him, I will not say shuffle, but say he had forgotten a document which he must have known was of the utmost importance and in regard to which he had been given notice. If we are going to discuss the terms of this truce, may I ask why, in Heaven's name, there is no mention of boycotts? Are not boycotts one of the oldest instruments used by this gang, whether Fenians, or Moonlighters, or Sinn Feiners? Yet there is not a word about boycotts in the truce—one of the greatest instruments the terrorists use. I put a question to the Chief Secretary about boycotts, and he said it did not come within the terms of the truce. We are told within the last week that occasionally the terms of the truce may have been slightly violated, and the Leader of the House said to-day he did not think many arms had come in. If I had the courage to weary the House, I could give them a history of the breaches of the truce which have taken place within the last two or three months. I have the particulars here, and I will read one or two. There was a Sinn Fein court held at Ennis, County Clare, another at Fermoy, and nearly every day there is somebody kidnapped. I had a telegram this afternoon saying that bombs were thrown into Beggar Bush Barracks on Saturday.
The hon. Member ought not to enter into a number of details. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"] There is nothing in the Motion which has been moved dealing with the observance of the truce.
5.0 P.M.
I understood that this Debate was to give those of us who desired it the opportunity of eliciting information from the Government, and of giving our view, and I am sure the Prime Minister himself would not wish that we were hampered in putting our case. I was dealing with this question of the truce, and the way it was carried out, and, with all respect, I submit that I am entitled to show that this truce has not been carried out. Even the "Times," who are not so anxious to advertise Sinn Fein activities, put in an account on Saturday of a prosecution in Cardiff. It was a prosecution there against a man named Joseph Patrick Connolly, the organiser of the South Wales branches of the Irish Self-Determination League, who was charged on remand with unlawfully hoarding revolvers, pistols, blasting cartridges and gelignite, to the danger of life and property in the United Kingdom. The prosecuting counsel said: beginning to be rather uncomfortable about these Parliamentary statements. We were told not long ago that it was impossible to have any dealings with Bolshevism, and yet in a few months a trade agreement was set up and they were given an office in London. For what purpose was it used? To spread Bolshevist propaganda. Even an Act of Parliament is not immune from becoming a scrap of paper. The farmers were promised a guarantee, not for an indefinite time, but for a definite period, and before four months were out it was wiped off. Therefore, we must be careful, before giving the Prime Minister carte blanche to arrange things, that we should know exactly where we are. We want to know that Ulster will be safeguarded. Apart from all that, one thing is clear already—that if this Conference proceeds on the lines on which it is proceeding, at any rate the loyalists in the south of Ireland must be sacrificed—first disarmed, and then abandoned, to be governed by a gang of people whose pastime is to maim cattle, and whose profession is to murder men.
It is all very well for us over here to look calmly on and say, "Well, they are the minority; they must be sacrificed." Cabinet Ministers have the privilege of being protected, even when at golf with their friends. Downing Street is blocked up because they are afraid of the murder gang. The Gallery is shut to protect us here. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] It has been for a long time. Whenever we were threatened, the Gallery was shut up. We take all these precautions, and quite rightly. But what about the loyalists in the South of Ireland? They did not have detectives. They did not get their houses blocked up for them. There they are, with their families, homes, and all at stake. They are told that they are to be handed over to government—if you can call it government—by the men who murdered their own kith and kin. We heard only this last week how a meeting in London was broken up by Communists, who spat on the Union Jack and tore it into pieces. What would be thought if we were told now that we were to be governed by those people? And they have only torn up the British Flag—not murdered anybody. Do not let the House of Commons forget that India and Ireland are under terrorists to-day. It will be England to- morrow if this policy is pursued. If you do not realise it, the people are beginning to realise it, and, before it is too late, let us urge upon the Government to show some firmness, some strength, some principle, and some policy We are told that it is necessary to have peace at any price in order to placate American opinion. Our Empire was not built up, and it will not be maintained, by thinking, or caring, what other countries will think. It was by doing what we thought to be right.
That was the way you lost America.
We shall lose the Empire now if we are going to hand it over to such people. If we do what we believe to be right, other countries must either like it or lump it. At any rate, it is paying pretty dear if we have got to hold this Conference in order to placate America. If nothing comes of the Conference, what will be the result? We have given these rebels just the opportunity they want—time and opportunity to organise. All their leaders have been released. They have brought ammunition and guns into the country. They have prepared themselves; they have been given time to get money and resources, and if the Conference were to succeed, if Ireland were really handed over to this rebel gang, does the Prime Minister or the Cabinet really think that that would mean peace? Is that going to stop international complications? Does he believe for one moment that, left to themselves, Ulster and Sinn Fein will not be fighting within a few months? Then what will be our position? Are we going to interfere, and, if so, whose side are we going to take, and what is to be our position if the Irish-Americans say, "We are going to help our friends the Sinn Feiners"? Are we going to turn round then and stop them, and will that not drag us into international complications? Is it really the road to peace, not only to sacrifice the individual loyalists, but to hand over the country to men whom we know cannot be trusted, and have no principles of government?
I suppose that when the Division comes we shall find ourselves defeated. We know, as my hon. and gallant Friend has said in moving this Motion, that the Wee Frees are going to support the Government. Of course, they are; their policy is the essence of Birrelism. It is exactly what they want. We know that the Labour party is going to support them. If this were a Motion upholding the methods of Lenin and Trotsky, they would support it; naturally, they have got to do it. The Government will also be supported by those who say, "We are afraid that if you put them out we shall get something worse in the shape of the right hon. Member for Paisley." Then you will get a certain section of those who are qualifying for honours in the shape of K.B.E's. and baronetcies. Those of us who go into the Lobby in support of this Motion, at least will have the satisfaction of knowing that, however few we are, we are doing it because we sincerely think it to be right; because we believe in those principles which we have upheld, and which the Government and the Prime Minister upheld perhaps till a few months ago, and from which we can see no reason for departing, because whatever is the settlement in this particular case, right is right, and wrong is wrong.
Before dealing with the Motion which you have just put from the Chair, Mr. Speaker, may I say that I confess to a considerable feeling of diffidence; for this is the first occasion on which I have taken part in an important Debate since I had the honour of being given the position of Leader of the Irish Unionist Members in this House. The reason for that diffidence will occur to everyone. Hitherto Sir Edward Carson as he then was has stood in this place, and has put the case for Ulster to the House so clearly, so vigorously, and with such relentless logic that I have often thought it is only those who were determined not to be convinced who failed to be converted by his arguments. His transference to another sphere of activity is a loss of great magnitude, alike to the Empire, to Ulster, and to this House. His was one of those arresting personalities which all too seldom make their appearance on the stage of our political life. It is on an occasion of this kind when I desire to put the point of view of Ulster with reference to this Motion before the House, fairly and without embellishment, that I feel very acutely the difficulty of following so illustrious a predecessor.
Ulster has many friends amongst those who are in sympathy with this Motion. We have many friends also amongst those who will support the Government. I hope all these friends of ours will recognise that in the action we may take in this Debate, or in the Division following it, we are acting entirely in the interests of Ulster for the safeguarding of which we have been sent to this House. The Government, against which this Motion is aimed, has given us a Parliament which, when completed and supplied with the necessary authority, will have very ample powers of self-government. We have already seen that Parliament partially built. Hon. Members know that our elections took place some time ago—and, incidentally, I may remind the House that they produced a most wonderful manifestation of confidence in the loyalist candidates who stood at that election, and for the leader of the Ulster Unionists in Ireland. A short time later that Parliament was opened by His Gracious Majesty the King, and everything appeared to be going on in a satisfactory way from our point of view. There, unfortunately, things came to a standstill, and the position now is that we have our Parliament, but for some reason or another—I will suggest a reason in a moment—the Government have not transferred to that Parliament and to the Ulster Government the necessary powers to make that Parliament and that Government a reality.
It is almost a year since the Government of Ireland Act was passed, and, as I said, all the preliminary steps have been taken towards setting up a Government, but without the powers I have referred to the House will realise that the Government is absolutely impotent and is little more than a sham. Let me describe the position in a very few words. The Government of Ulster, such as it is at the present time, and so far as the Ulster Parliament is concerned, has been conducted with money borrowed from the bank. Why is that? Because our Treasury has not been set up; we have no means, therefore, of dealing with the current expenses except in that way. The Parliament has the power to pass legislation, and, in fact, has passed it. Two or three Acts have already received the Royal Assent, but if these and other Acts which may be passed require executive or administrative action, that action cannot be taken because the powers have not been handed over. In the matter of the police, on which, as everybody knows, the peace and order of any country ultimately depend, things are in the same condition. The police in Belfast are under the control of an alien institution, namely, Dublin Castle, a body which, I venture to say, in the view of 95 per cent. of the people of Ulster, is absolutely hostile to our people. I am quite certain I am right in saying that nobody would be better pleased than they if the Ulster Parliament was a complete failure. The House knows that there have been, unfortunately, serious riots in Belfast during the last few weeks or months. The loyalist portion of the community are constantly calling upon the Ulster Government to suppress these disturbances, and we have to endure the humiliating spectacle of a Government which has been solemnly set up by this House, and as solemnly charged by it with the preservation of peace and order and the good government of the country, having to stand by absolutely impotent, and unable to do anything to prevent these things. Surely, every Member of this House, no matter what side of politics he may be on, or what his political views may be, must see that this is, at least, an illogical position. Most of us will agree that it is an absolutely intolerable position.
In every Department of our Government it is the same. Take the Agricultural Department. One of the most terrible plagues that ever visited the world might fall upon Ulster tomorrow, and the Minister of Agriculture would have no means of dealing with it. He might issue some orders which the farmers of Ulster might or might not put into operation. The powers which the Minister of Agriculture ought to have have never been handed over. A very good example of what I am referring to was given in relation to labour the other day in this House. As the House knows, matters appertaining to labour were handed over to the Ulster Parliament. In Ulster unemployment is as bad as in this country. The Ulster Government was ready and anxious to shoulder the responsibility of dealing with the unemployment question, but again, because of the delay in the transfer of these powers, they have not been able to do so, and we had here the other day to include Ireland in an Act dealing with unemployment which if the Government of Ireland Act had been carried to its logical conclusion you here in England would not have had it to do. The same thing applies to every other Department.
Therefore I make a very earnest appeal to the Prime Minister that he should hand over these powers to the Ulster Parliament at the earliest possible moment. The present position is utterly intolerable. I have no doubt that these powers, as I have said, would have been put into our hands long ago had it not been for the Conference. I do not know what the Government's defence is for the delay which has taken place in these transfers. I think they will tell us that to give us these powers will require action under the Government of Ireland Act which would have the effect of irritating the Sinn Feiners and might in some way or other either jeopardise or prejudice the chances of agreement at the Conference. If that is the defence of the Government I will only put our case against it. We have a Government charged with the government of the country, yet, as I say, absolutely impotent, because the necessary powers are withheld. That is a state of things which nobody who has a desire to carry out the pledges and provisions which are contained in the Government of Ireland Act can see continue with any satisfaction.
Practically that is the only point on which I desire to intervene in this Debate. We do not propose to discuss further than I have done the merits or demerits of the Conference. The Ulster Government has from the very beginning taken up the position that this was a matter which did not vitally concern them. We have got our Parliament. We hope as the result of to-day's Debate we may have an assurance from the Prime Minister that all that is now needed to make that Parliament a reality will be supplied to us at the earliest possible moment. We look upon this question of the Conference as one entirely between the British Government and the Sinn Feiners. I do not mean by that that our sympathies are not with our Southern fellow-countrymen, or that we are not aware of the conditions under which they live. We do know the position in which they are to be a dreadful and terrible one. But we have to look first to safeguarding the interests of Ulster, on behalf of those who sent us here. This question affects Ulster very seriously. Let me say to the many hon. Friends who are about to support and vote for this Resolution, that we have decided to take no part in the Division, provided always, as we have every hope may be the case, we get a satisfactory answer from the Government with reference to the transfer of these powers. One of the strongest motives which influenced us in the decision which we came to in this matter was that we could not bring ourselves—or at least we are very reluctant—to vote in the opposite Lobby to hon. Members who are associated with this Motion, because we know perfectly well that amongst those hon. Members are the best friends that Ulster has in this House. We know that in the lifetime of this Parliament they have backed us up through thick and thin in all the legitimate demands we have made. Those who have sat in former Parliaments have been as loyal to us, too, at all times. We are very grateful for all this. I will finish my few remarks by once more asking the Prime Minister to grant us these powers at the earliest possible moment, remembering that the withholding of them is a very serious matter and might easily complicate the already difficult position in Ireland.
I think all hon. Members who have been in the House some time, and have been acquainted with the hon. Member for South Antrim (Captain Craig), will agree with me when I say that he need not make any apology for appearing before us as the successor of the great Ulster leaders who preceded him. I rise, not so much to deal with what he has said, although I wish to say to the Government that I think the hon. and gallant Member has made out a very strong case. With regard to the immediate transfer of certain powers to the Ulster Parliament, that puts before the House a somewhat different point of view to that which was put before us by the Mover and Seconder of this Resolution. I admit that I agree with a good deal of the case they have made out. I do not dispute their facts. I do not dissent from much of their criticism of the Government's Irish administration. My own view is, and I have never hesitated to express it in this House, that the Irish administration of the last 12 months has been deplorable, policies adopted one day and abandoned the next.
A war that has not been a war, peace that has not been peace, the old division between the Army and the Civil power, the old muddles of the administration of Dublin Castle, I think I may say that we on these benches, speaking a year ago, foresaw the drift of events in Ireland, and we implored the Government to go far beyond the details of the Measure brought in to deal with Ireland, and make their final offer then and there to Nationalist Ireland. Whether we were right or whether they were right, I think the Leader of the House will agree with me when I say that there is some ground of disquiet among Members of the Conservative party when they see the Government in October, 1921, giving twice as much to Nationalist Ireland as they refused in October, 1920. So far I am on common ground with my two hon. Friends who moved this Resolution. I am on common ground with them in a great deal of their criticism of what has happened during the truce. As the hon. Member for Eastbourne (Mr. Gwynne) said, it seems to have been agreed to in a very slipshod fashion, and drawn up in a hurry on the assumption that it was intended to last for a few days, and not for several months.
I do not suppose there is any hon. Member of this House who has any direct knowledge of Irish affairs who has not had brought to his notice instance after instance in which the truce has been broken. Obedient to your ruling, Mr. Speaker, I am not going into details, but I would simply draw the attention of the Leader of the House to two cases which have been brought to my attention, and one of them has already been mentioned this afternoon. I am informed that at the beginning of the truce in July last there was not a single Thompson submachine-gun—that is the last word in quick-firing guns—in the hands of the Sinn Feiners, but I am told to-day that many of these sub-machine-guns of this particular pattern have been seen with all their parts in the hands of the so-called Irish Republican Army.
The other instance to which I wish to draw my right hon. Friend's attention is that quoted by the hon. Member for Eastbourne, which was reported in the Press at the end of last week, the case of Connolly, the organiser of the Irish Self- determination League in South Wales. My hon. Friend the Member for Eastbourne stated the case very fully, but he did not tell us that it was found during the proceedings of the police court at Cardiff that this man was in direct communication and apparently acting under direct instructions of Lain Mallows, the Director of Military Supplies to the Irish Republican Army. In view of these facts I say as strongly as I can to my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House that if the negotiations are to continue our representatives must insist that the first condition is that these infringements of the truce must cease.
I ask the Leader of the House either in his speech or in the speech of the Prime Minister to deal specifically with this infringement of the truce. I understand that the votes of many hon. Members must depend upon the answer which the right hon. Gentleman gives in that respect. So far the House will note that I find myself in general agreement with previous speakers. It seems to me that they have made out a very strong case against the Government. I would like however to ask, have they made a strong case against the negotiations? That is where I part company with them. Let me put my case before the House. My hon. Friends object to the Government having entered into negotiations with the Sinn Fein delegates. This is the 31st October. Negotiations have been going on between the Government and Republican leaders since the early summer, and I suggest to my hon. Friends that they ought to have put down their Motion of Censure several months ago.
The moment it was thought possible negotiations might take place, we saw the Leader of the House in July, and we sent a letter to the Prime Minister which appeared in the Press within three days of the time in which the terms offered to Southern Ireland were put into the Press.
The last thing I wish to do is to enter into a controversy with my right hon. Friend, and I withdraw everything I have just said in that connection, and I pass on to another point connected with the negotiations. The House will remember that in the early summer the Prime Minister of Ulster felt it his duty to take the very bold course of interviewing the so-called President of the Irish Republic. I think that was a very brave action to take, because it was open to every kind of misapprehension. Whether he was right or not I do suggest to the House that if it was not morally wrong for the Prime Minister of Ulster to interview the so-called President of the Irish Republic, it cannot be morally wrong for the Prime Minister of England to interview the so-called Vice-President of the Irish Republic.
The hon. Member for Eastbourne made an eloquent allusion to the very hard plight in which the Unionists of the South and West find themselves in the present state of Irish affairs. I regret that my hon. Friend the Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness), who speaks for a certain section of Unionists in the South of Ireland, is not present, but I have seen myself within the last three days some Irishmen from the South and West, very representative Irishmen, with a very great stake in the future of their country, and these men tell me quite definitely, and they authorise me to say to the House, that they hope the negotiations will continue. They go further, and say that they have appointed delegates, and they hope—and I join with them in their hope—that the Government will at the earliest opportunity call these Southern Irish Unionist representatives into their conference. That shows, at any rate, that however much opposition there may be to the negotiations amongst some of our friends in the South and West, there is a very substantial section of representative public men there who do not object to the negotiations.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman tell the House what is the attitude of the only organised body of opinion that has authority to speak for the South of Ireland?
I am not entering into a controversy on this point, and I am simply stating my own view of the question. Suppose my hon. Friend is right and I am wrong. Suppose these Southern Unionists are wrong, what is the alternative? My hon. Friends opposite who have spoken have said very little about the alternative. It is obvious to every hon. Member that the only alternative is war, and a war as terrible as any this country has ever fought. I do not say that we may not be driven to war. I am quite prepared to enter upon war if it is the issue of the American war of Secession, and I am prepared to shrink from no sacrifice to make that war successful.
I say, however, that before we enter upon war two conditions must be fulfilled. In the first place it must be clear to the world that every effort has been made to reach an honourable peace; and, secondly, I say that we must go into the war with the full body of British public opinion behind us, public opinion not only of one party in the State, but the public opinion of this country and of every part of the Empire. I believe as strongly as I believe anything that to go into a war without these two conditions being fulfilled would be to put the Empire in the most critical situation in which it could find itself. In view of that fact, let the negotiations go on as long as our representatives at the Conference. are convinced that there is a chance of success upon certain definite conditions. Let me enumerate those conditions, for it is upon the answer of the Government to these questions that the attitude of many Members will depend. The negotiations should go on as long as our representatives in conference are convinced there is still a chance of success, but the conditions are, first of all, no separation and allegiance to the Crown; secondly, naval supremacy; and, thirdly, no coercion of Ulster.
What does the hon. Gentleman mean by Ulster?
There, again, if my hon. Friend will allow me, I will not be drawn into a controversy. I think that for the general purposes of this debate it is sufficient to say "No coercion of Ulster." I hope when the Prime Minister replies he will make it quite clear that on no condition whatever will he go beyond those three points. My hon. Friends opposite seem to doubt the word of the Leader of the House, but I am quite confident that if the right hon. Gentleman says he is not going beyond those conditions the whole Conservative party may rest satisfied. Let me put this to the House. What would be the position of the Government if they did go beyond those, conditions? Would it not mean a loss of all their support throughout the country? There is not a single Member of the Government who, if he went beyond these conditions, could face an election in any popular constituency in the country. In view of that I shall be prepared to accept my right hon. Friend's statement that those conditions will be observed when he makes it, as I feel sure he will.
Let the negotiations go on. If they fail the Government will feel that they have made every effort to attain an honourable peace before embarking on a terrible war. We shall then go into the war reluctantly and regretfully, but at the same time united, with a perfectly clear conscience, and with the certainty that we shall win. If, on the other hand, the Government succeed at the Conference, they will have ended an age-long controversy, they will have made peace between two great and historic peoples, and they will have cut out the poison which for generations has been sapping the strength of the British Empire. The chances of success may be remote, and it is idle to deny that many of us Conservatives, in taking the action we wish to take to-night, are exciting resentment and criticism among our best followers in the country. I am prepared to take the risk. It seems to me that the issue is an issue far greater than the future of any Member, or any party, or any Government. I say this to the Government. Let them state plainly that they will not go beyond those conditions which they have already laid down. Let them state plainly that they intend to see that the truce is carried out in deed as well as in word. If they will do that, then I say, go on with the negotiations and bring them to a successful termination.
I rise to speak on this Resolution with a very deep sense of responsibility. My great desire is to give expression, if I can, to the views of that great body of moderate Unionists who are becoming increasingly disturbed and alarmed by the Irish policy of the Government. The people to whom I refer are not in any sense hostile to the Government. They have no wish to embarrass it. On the contrary, they have been its most loyal supporters and showed their patriotism in the dark days of the War. They are people with clear convictions and principles. They are slow to change and slow to move. They are people above all who are not ready to conciliate their enemies at the cost of their friends. It is not surprising that they have not a quite clear mind in regard to the Prime Minister. They are very grateful to him for his services to the Empire during the War. But I am afraid I cannot say quite the same with regard to his post-War services, with regard to which I fear there is not the same unanimity of opinion.
So far as I am concerned, I have never regarded this Resolution as a Vote of Censure. I have looked upon it rather as a grave warning, and if it be carefully examined it will be seen that it is concerned far more with the future than with the past. The Resolution must be taken to mean exactly what it says. We do view with apprehension, and with increasing apprehension, what is going on. We do think that Parliament should not be confronted with an accomplished fact. The supporters of this Resolution are not trying to compass the downfall of the Government; on the contrary, we believe we are doing them a service, and that this public evidence of Unionist feeling will strengthen their hands in the negotiations which they are carrying on. The Resolution might possibly have been worded differently, but unless it is criticised from a microscopic standpoint, I submit that the wording is quite sufficiently clear to bring out the points which it is necessary to emphasise and to define the attitude of those who support it. If the Prime Minister chooses to regard it as unfriendly, that is his affair. I would ask, Is it censure to tell a surgeon who has subjected a patient to the hazard of a severe operation that his action is causing grave apprehension? If not, where lies the difference? The Prime Minister is a master of Parliamentary arts. I have no doubt he will find it easy to misrepresent the meaning and to misinterpret the motives of the plain but patriotic people responsible for this Resolution. He will find it easy, as he has already done, and as it has been described from the Chair, to represent it as a Vote of Censure. I expect him also to say that its defeat will be tantamount to a Vote of Confidence in the Government and in its entire policy.
But is the situation really as simple as that? It will be very interesting to hear whether the majority of those who follow the Prime Minister into the Lobby tonight intend to issue to him a general letter of credit to be used when and where he pleases. I shrewdly suspect that the real desire of many of his temporary followers will be less to support the Irish policy of the Government than to injure the Coalition and to foster dissension in the ranks of the Unionist party. May not the Prime Minister's action on this Resolution be ascribed to the fact that he is suffering from the effects of prolonged and quite excusable irritation which he wants to work off? Owing to want of class or condition on the part of His Majesty's Opposition, he is not getting enough hard fighting to keep him in proper form. Even the hon. Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Ken-worthy) has not succeeded in sufficiently extending him. But the Prime Minister saw his chance on this Resolution to have a fight. He is longing for it, and will have it even it be with his own supporters. We have no objection to a good fight, but I fear that the Prime Minister may possibly find cause later on to regret his impulsive action in this matter. I am quite ready to defend the wording of the Resolution, but the view I take is that it would be an unnecessary waste of time. I believe I can best explain my own attitude and the attitude of many others by recounting the circumstances which have led up to my adherence to this Resolution.
6.0 P.M.
I am one of those who spoke in favour of the last Home Rule Bill, and I based my action on my experience in South Africa. I confessed at the time that I had been mistaken originally in thinking that the Boer leaders could not be trusted with the safety of the Empire. I stated at the same time that the difficulty in Ireland would never be settled satisfactorily until local leaders could be induced to accept positions of responsibility. When the situation in Ireland became more dark I was ready to back the Government in all measures thought necessary to restore law and order which, on the face of the assurances given explicitly by the Chief Secretary, I believed would be taken. I was surprised to learn in July last that negotiations had been entered into with Sinn Fein. Notwithstanding that the truth was becoming known in regard to the murder of Mrs. Lindsay and the re- volting atrocities that were being perpetrated in the South of Ireland of a character which could not be mentioned in detail in this House. I advocated a policy of "Wait and see" at a time when some of my friends favoured the putting forward of a Resolution similar to the one on the Paper to-night. Although I took that action, I viewed the policy of negotiation with the murder gang with considerable doubt and grave misgiving, as on the information then available I could not believe in the possibility of a successful outcome of the negotiations. Later, in the course of the summer, I realised that the Government's action had been justified from the point of view of the world at large, although I doubted whether the terms the Government proposed could be accepted by this House as satisfactory. Still I endeavoured to think the matter out carefully, and I defined my own position plainly—that I could not support any settlement that might lead either to secession or to the coercion of Ulster, directly or indirectly. Those I regarded as the essential points. During the last two months I have addressed a number of meetings in my own constituency, defining my attitude, and explaining the limits beyond which I was not prepared to go, I found that the feeling there was running very strongly against the Irish policy of the Government. I did my best to defend the Government policy generally, and I also went so far as to say that, having regard to the large issues at stake, the Government were, perhaps, right in discountenancing attempts to inflame the public mind by over-emphasis of particular incidents. I also said that I did not think the Government ought to be embarrassed in any way in the conduct of the negotiations so long as there was any real hope of reaching a satisfactory settlement. Up to the present I have adhered to that attitude in my constituency, and, with this record behind me, I would ask the House, who can justly accuse me of being hostile to the Government, of embarrassing them in the conduct of the negotiations, or, least of all, make against me the charge which is freely made in the Press against all of us who are responsible for this Resolution, of being an out-and-out advocate of a policy of force? The suggestion is ridiculous.
During the last few weeks, however, the conviction has forced itself upon me that my first instinct when I heard of these negotiations was right, and that I ought not to accept any settlement as satisfactory unless I could also be satisfied that the people with whom it is proposed to be made can be trusted to carry it out with good will and good faith. The vital question to my mind is, "Can we trust these people?" A comparison between that great and gallant gentleman and patriot, the late General Botha, and that alien and unscrupulous mountebank, the so-called President of the Irish Republic, to whom the usages of the House compel me to refer as the Member for East Clare or the Member for East Mayo—[HON. MEMBERS: "Both!"]—such a comparison, to my mind, is greatly to the disadvantage of the latter. In most political settlements, the spirit in which they are entered into is far more important than their precise form. A great deal has been said about safeguards, and a great deal of importance, quite rightly, no doubt, is being attached to them; but safeguards are not necessary in practice when people can be trusted, and when people cannot be trusted they cease to be effective and give no real protection. The events of the past few months point more and more to a negative answer to the vital question, "Can we trust these people?" and consequently my apprehension as to the possible results of the negotiations has been steadily increasing. The murder gang is still in power in Southern Ireland, and the so-called elected representatives have been returned in conditions of sheer terrorism. Are these people, who have obtained power by these means, likely to surrender lightly their position? Are they out for the good of Ireland, or for themselves? Where do we find any evidence whatsoever of any change of heart? Do we find it in the so-called President's correspondence with the Prime Minister? Do we find it in his communication with the Pope? Do we find it in the manner of the observance by Sinn Fein of the truce? Do we find it in the provocative conduct of the Sinn Fein leaders? The Prime Minister referred last week to the provocative follies of those leaders, such as the flaunting of Sinn Fein flags in London and the escort of gunmen who, it is said, accompany the delegates and their colleagues to their conferences with the Cabinet. Follies they may be, but, at any rate, they give some indication of the temper and mind of the people who indulge in them, and from this point of view they are most important. I refer also to the message which has already been mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Eastbourne (Mr. Gwynne)—the message published in the "Times" this week. I had intended to read a large portion of it, but I will content myself with reading just one extract. It is a report by the Secretary of Sinn Fein to a conference at the Dublin Mansion House, which was said to have been attended by 2,000 delegates representing all branches of Sinn Fein activities. This very remarkable document says: ing the things which are. The Government knows best whether this feeling is justified or not; private Members are not able themselves to know all the facts. That feeling, however, exists, and I think it right to state it in this House. The Government's lack of candour leads people to believe that the position in Ireland is much worse than has been disclosed. Truth generally will out, and the House will remember that on Thursday of last week, as a result of methods of examination similar to those which are known in the United States as the "third degree," this pitiful confession was extorted from the Chief Secretary: nothing can be done without the concurrence of the House. This is strictly and literally true, but there is a real distinction to be drawn between an offer actually made by the Government to a third party and accepted by him, and an offer tentatively discussed and decided to be submitted to the judgment of Parliament. The former course, I submit, forces the hand of Parliament to a most undesirable extent, and I am confirmed in this view by the nature of the offer made and not accepted by Sinn Fein. If that offer had been accepted, I believe that a very difficult position indeed would have arisen. The point of the present Resolution is, if possible, to prevent the recurrence of such a situation, and there is still time, and no time should be lost, if that course be followed. The Government have said that they will not improve the terms already offered. I am sure the country will welcome a further assurance on that point by the Prime Minister this evening. As I have said, he is a first-class fighter, and he can, if he chooses, employ the weapons of invective, ridicule and contempt against those of us who have had the temerity, from a strong sense of duty, to associate themselves with this Resolution. Whatever course he may take, I, for one, shall not complain. Hard knocks have no terrors for me; I shall ask for no quarter. I venture to suggest, however, that the opinion and feelings of a responsible body of his supporters deserves to be approached from a serious and considerate standpoint. I do not think the Prime Minister will improve the position, either for himself or for the Government, or for the country at large, by savaging his own friends. He may achieve a fleeting Parliamentary triumph by this means, but that will be all. Cannot he find a better way? I have appended my name to the Resolution, and, for the reasons I have given, I shall go into the Lobby in support of it if necessary. I shall not be deterred by the knowledge that the arrangements for the mobilisation of an overwhelming force which the Prime Minister intends to lead to victory, have been effective and complete. Staffs, I believe, have been working at the highest pressure; liaison officers have been busy; and, as a result, a heterogenous host has been persuaded to act together. This formidable but ill-assorted array will, I presume, comprise the glittering staffs of at least four parties. It will have a backbone of Coalition and Wee Free Liberals. It will comprise a strong contingent composed for the most part of new recruits and camp followers of the Unionist party, a horde of irregulars recruited from the various elements of the Socialist party, and from those groups who are mainly distinguished in this House by the support which they can be relied on to give at all times to the enemies of their country. Truly a triumph of Parliamentary organisation! I fear, however, that the position which the Leader of the Unionist party and of his colleagues in the Government may occupy in these circumstances may be rather humiliating and painful. It is not the first time that they have found themselves placed in the van of such a motley array. If it occurs again I am convinced that it will be viewed with profound dissatisfaction by a very large number of their Unionist followers throughout the country. Two questions suggest themselves. Where will the flower of the Unionist army be found, that great force to whose steady courage and unwavering support the Prime Minister owes his present position? and against whom is this great victory to be won? I prophecy that, if won, as no doubt it will be, unless wiser counsels prevail, it will prove to be but a Pyrrhic victory and that its fruits, when garnered, will indeed be dead sea fruit. I have no hesitation in voting in favour of the Resolution, but I am inclined to think that even at this late hour the Prime Minister will be well advised to consider whether he can give such information and assurances to the House, and through the House to the country, as will justify the Proposers of the Resolution in also reconsidering their position.
The hon. Member who has just resumed his seat made a statement with regard to the Labour party which it would have been well if he had produced some evidence in support of it. It is very easy for any of us to charge sections of this House with always being prepared to support the enemies of our country, but I think no such charge should be made unless full evidence in support is produced. Members of the party with whom I am associated, though they may differ from the hon. Member in principle, are as loyal to the interests of this nation as Members in any quarter of the House.
Why are they friends of the Bolsheviks?
If the hon. and gallant Gentleman is prepared to make any statement with regard to Bolsheviks, he can be met either in this House or elsewhere. As this Debate has progressed it has been perfectly obvious that it is distinctly in the nature of a family quarrel. If the different sections which comprise the Opposition had been prepared to do what Oppositions usually do on such occasions, we should have been tempted to remain silent, amused, but perhaps not altogether disinterested spectators. We do not follow that course on this occasion, and I will give the reason why. In the opinion of the Labour party the challenge to the Government raises issues which are vital, not only to the nation, but to the Empire. I go further and say that the challenge raises issues which are vital to the whole English speaking world. It will be almost impossible to find another instance where a Motion of Censure by Government supporters has been tabled with so great a disregard for National and Imperial interests. I was the more astonished that the Motion had been tabled as I listened to the Mover and Seconder stating their case. It seemed to narrow itself down to two points. One was that there had been a change of Government policy. That change must be perfectly obvious. The second point was that there had been some infringement of the Truce. No very definite evidence was produced in favour of this charge. Those of us who are opposed to the Motion, equally with those who have made the charges of infringement, are strongly opposed to any violation of either the letter or the spirit of the Truce by any party or any section. Both the Mover and the Seconder referred to the Labour party, and rather suggested that there was something inconsistent in our anxiety to support the Government in resisting their Motion. There is nothing inconsistent. We are still opposed to the policy which the Government has followed during the last two or three years. We are opposed to their policy of reprisals and repression. But whilst we are strongly opposed to that policy we are more strongly in favour of negotiation. We believe that the case for opening up negotiations had been fully established. We are exceedingly anxious to see those negotiations brought to fruition in some form of permanent settlement, and we will give the Government our unqualified support until they have have had a fair opportunity of carrying the Conference through to a success.
It strikes me that a Motion of this character would have been more defensible if it had been placed on the Order Paper, say, six or seven months ago. [ Interruption .] Negotiations have been talked about since the end of last year. Let there be no mistake about that. They were in the Press in December, 1920. If there had been any desire to warn the Government, a Motion could have been tabled six or seven months ago. Neither the Mover nor the Seconder, nor any of their supporters to-day have drawn any attention to the fact that a very important phase took place in the situation on 22nd June, and I want to bring this again to the attention of the House. It seems to me that that change was so far-reaching as to render it incomprehensible that it should have been overlooked, or if it was not overlooked that, with full knowledge of the change, any such Motion should have been tabled. On 22nd June the opening of the Ulster Parliament took place. That opening was marked by a sincere and striking appeal for peace in the Gracious Speech from the Throne. I am going to trouble the House with a quotation from the Speech, as I think it has such an important bearing upon the issue which has been raised by this Motion: Is that appeal to be limited to Ireland? Are the Irishmen to be invited only to extend the hand of forbearance and conciliation, to forgive and to forget? Evidently, from what we have heard to-day, and from the names associated with the Motion, there are those in this House who are not prepared to respond to this message, who are not prepared to allow the Cabinet of the day to respond to this message, and it seems to me that they are taking upon themselves as great a responsibility in refusing to respond to it as was ever taken by any section of this House. That is not all. On 24th June the Prime Minister sent a letter, which is also of the greatest importance. I do not hesitate to say that the efforts to obtain a Conference were the result of the appeal, and the response to the appeal was a letter couched in the following language: Laughter .] Evidently there are those who seem to think that that is a very far-fetched statement. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] All I can say is that they have not been in Ireland, they have not visited Ireland since the truce, and they did not see the condition of affairs in Ireland whilst the policy that has been abandoned for the time being, and which I hope will be permanently abandoned, was in operation.
We live in Ireland.
Is it too much to say that six months ago Ireland presented to us the most tragic condition of affairs that had ever obtained in that country? There was a spirit of lawlessness and violence which, in my judgment, threatened to destroy the foundations of society. I am speaking from actual knowledge of two visits to Ireland during that period, and I repeat that there has been a wonderful transformation. I am going to trouble the House with a quotation from a statement by a former Member of this House, Mr. William O'Brien. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] He was a much respected Member of this House. Perhaps we did not always agree with him, but we liked to listen to him. This is what he said in the "Times" at the end of August, and it bears out what I have said as to the wonderful change in Ireland:
"What force and legislation have failed to do for ages is an accomplished fact under our eyes. The country is in a state of profound tranquillity and content."
[ Laughter. ] Allow me to proceed—
"Violence and bloodshed have disappeared; life and property are as secure as in any well-organised State in the world. There is no war of classes going on."
Oh!
He was not speaking of Northern Ireland. Laughter. ] I have not finished yet. British Governments. That being so, I want to ask this question: What is going to be the effect in Ireland in the event of this Motion now before the House obtaining any considerable support when the Division is taken? It seems to me that it will be nothing short of a disaster. Therefore we of the Labour party, notwithstanding that we continue to oppose the general policy of the Government with regard to Ireland, are determined to assist the Government all we can to enable them to go through with the Conference.
We have heard repeatedly in this Debate that the people outside have all of a sudden become hostile to the Government's policy. I do not believe it. I think I can say what the position is at this moment so far as a great, in fact, an overwhelming number of workers in this country are concerned. They are tired of bloodshed, and they will support this or any other Government that is going to end this age-long feud. They are anxious for peace, and they are anxious for peace to be secured by the more enlightened method of negotiation. Were such a Motion carried it would strengthen the conviction that already exists in Ireland that the British people, or some of them, do not want any settlement whatever. We of the Labour party were compelled to oppose the Government of Ireland Act. We opposed it because we were convinced that it would not lead to a settlement. No permanent scheme which divides Ireland into two parts will ever secure the approval of the majority of the Irish people.
Are you for coercion, then?
I am going to state my case in my own way, but before I finish I will tell the hon. and gallant Gentleman of what I am in favour. We recognise that this Conference is an honest attempt to examine the difficulties. We believe that it is an honest attempt to explore every avenue that may lead to peace, and to a real, permanent settlement. We desire to see the Conference so successful that it will begin a new era of confidence, of cooperation, and of friendship between the two peoples. We are satisfied with the assurance which has been given by the Prime Minister that Parliament is to be given a full opportunity of debating any proposal which may be the final result of the Conference. On that position we take our stand. We are content to wait. We are content to walk in this matter by faith and not by sight. We are prepared to trust those who are carrying on the difficult negotiations, and when the time comes to examine their proposals—now I will reply to my hon. and gallant Friend—we shall examine the findings of the Conference and apply certain tests: (1) Whether the proposals satisfy the majority of the Irish people. As democrats we must take up the position that the majority must be satisfied, otherwise the settlement will never be a permanent settlement. Then we shall apply two other tests. (2) Having regard to the long religious difficulty, there must be some form of protection for the minority. (3) We shall examine the proposal from the standpoint of the security of our own country. That is the position that we have taken up at trades congresses and at Labour conferences, and that is the position which, as was stated from the Government Benches over a year ago, was approved by a conference of 1,000 representatives of trade unionism which was held in the Mansion House in Dublin. For these reasons we wish God-speed to the Conference, and we shall continue to support the Government so long as the Conference remains, in the hope that it will lead to a permanent and satisfactory solution.
I need hardly assure the House of Commons that I am not going to claim a Vote of Confidence for the Government to-night on the ground of the idyllic picture given by Mr. William O'Brien. I have always had great respect for Mr. William O'Brien's gifts, but I never admired his imagination more than I did when I heard the quotation. All the same I am very grateful to my right hon. Friend (Mr. A. Henderson) that he did not give us any more quotations of the same kind.
It has been assumed that when I invited this discussion on Thursday last, it was in order to attack some hon. Friends of mine who had ventured to differ from the Government on the policy which we have adopted. Let me assure the House, and let me assure my hon. Friends, that that was not the object in the least. A very grave issue had been raised as to proceedings which have been conducted by the Government. It was quite clear that there was a section of Members of the House, who have given very loyal support to the Government in the main, who were full of misgiving in regard to this particular action, and I felt that it was essential that the situation should be cleared up as soon as possible, so that we could know what was the view of the House of Commons upon the policy which we were pursuing. My hon. Friends to-night have stated their case. They have stated it temperately, with courtesy, and, on the whole, skilfully. My hon. and gallant Friend who moved the Resolution (Colonel Gretton) stated his case quite calmly and clearly, and my hon. Friend who supported him (Mr. Gwynne), when he got away from Chequers, also stated his case quite calmly. He was rather worrying about the fact that I had gone down to Chequers to acquire muscular strength to wrestle with him.
My hon. Friend (Colonel Gretton) who stated the case, apart altogether from the merits, thought that the present Government was not the Government to make peace, because we had been guilty of shedding blood, but the bulk of his speech was that we had not shed nearly enough blood. Besides, I was rather perplexed when he said that, at any rate, David should not build the temple of peace, but I did rot understand which of his friends he had marked out for the position of Solomon. I want to deal quite fairly with my hon. Friend's objections. As I understand his case, there was a great deal of material, I say quite respectfully to him, which was not germane to the Resolution before the House. He referred to breaches of the Truce. There have been breaches of the Truce. I complained myself of some of them. They have been investigated, and, as far as they could be put right, they have been put right. We received guarantees which I think those who gave them will do their very best to carry out. The difficulties are great on both sides, on our side as well as on theirs, but we have received distinct guarantees.
For instance, after we received evidence, not that arms were being landed in Ireland, but that preparations were made for landing arms in Ireland—of that we had evidence, some of which is attributable to the action of the German Government, and it is right that that should be stated in this House—we received a distinct undertaking that during the Truce no arms would at all be landed in Ireland. I only want to make that general statement about peace, because, obviously, it would be impossible to enter into all these cases, on a Motion dealing with one particular issue on which the judgment of this House is to be obtained.
I therefore move away from that, to deal with the case raised by my hon. Friend the Member for South Antrim (Captain Craig). I congratulate him on his first appearance as leader of the Ulster Unionists in this House. I quite understand the trepidation which he felt in following such a very distinguished and such a great Parliamentarian (Lord Carson), but it will be the feeling of the House that he acquitted himself with great credit. My hon. Friend has asked me a specific question, and he is entitled to an answer. I propose to dispose of that before I come to the Motion. He says that we have set up a Parliament in Northern Ireland. There are certain powers which must be transferred to it before they can make that Parliament operate, and make it effective for its purpose. My hon. Friend knows perfectly well that those powers were to be conferred upon the two Parliaments simultaneously. If the Southern Parliament did not come into existence, there was something in the nature of Crown Colony government to be set up, and these powers were to be conferred simultaneously upon the Crown Government and upon the Ulster Parliament.
Peace negotiations were interposed. We did not deem it advisable to set up Crown Colony government until we knew how these negotiations would eventuate. But I can quite see that that is paralysing the domestic activities of the Ulster Government, and therefore I will give my hon. Friend this pledge. I think—I accept his description—that the present condition is unfair and intolerable to the Northern Parliament. Therefore, unless something happen in the course of the next few days, one way or the other, that puts the position right from the point of view of the Act of 1920, we will, either under the powers which we have got—and we will obtain the opinion of the Attorney- General upon the point—confer the necessary powers upon the Northern Parliament, or we shall ask the House of Commons, during the present Session, to pass a short Act enabling us to do so. Because it is obvious that it is unfair to set up a Parliament, and then to deprive it of the only powers that enable it to work creditably. That is giving an unfair advantage to enemies—and there must be enemies of that Parliament, as there are enemies of similar Parliaments—and they are entitled to say, "See how they are working," overlooking the fact that the reason they are not able to discharge their functions properly is because there are certain powers which have still to be conferred. Therefore, it is right that that should be done. I thought it necessary to get that point out of the way, because it is a very important point, and it has its bearing upon the Motion of my hon. Friend.
Now I come to that Motion, which divides itself into two parts. The first is a condemnation of the Government—well, an expression of grave apprehension that the Government should have entered into negotiations, I put it quite roughly—with men who at the time were engaged in a conspiracy against the authority of the Crown. I think that that is putting it quite fairly. The second point is that those negotiations ought to have been preceded by the sanction of Parliament to the actual proposals made inside the Conference. Let me take those two points. If the House will allow me, I will deal with the second first.
The first observation I want to make is this. No pact entered into in the course of these negotiations can come into effect without the authority of Parliament. Every detail will have to be submitted to Parliament. The agreement, if there be an agreement, will have to be converted into the form of an Act of Parliament which will be subject to a First Reading, a Second Reading, a Committee stage, a Report stage, and a Third Reading in this House, and in the other House. So, therefore, nothing can be done without the full scrutiny and sanction of Parliament.
Is it suggested that we ought to have come to this House of Commons and said, "We want your sanction for these proposals" and submitted a list of them? No negotiations could possibly be conducted on those principles, and I ask those who have experience in negotiations to realise for a moment what it means. Were we in a secret meeting from which nothing went out. That might conceivably be done, but if you enter into negotiations you must have some latitude. There are certain basic principles. That I agree. Those we have already declared to the House.
What are they?
We have declared them to the House, and we stand by them. I am coming to that in a moment. Let me just develop the argument. When you enter into a conference, there are always certain things which you can adjust. There are certain things on which you can give way here and there, in return for something given away on the other side. Otherwise, there is no use in having a conference. You can propose an Act of Parliament. There was the Act of Parliament of 1920. That was not a conference. It was Parliament making a proposal. That did not accomplish its purpose. I was always in favour of a conference, if I could get it. But suppose Parliament said: "Upon this you can have latitude, and upon that you can have none." If that were said before you entered the conference, that would paralyse negotiations. You can refuse to enter into a conference, but, at any rate, if you enter into a conference do not put your negotiators in a worse position than those whom they meet, which then would be the position.
The next point I make is this: We have notified Parliament of every step we have taken. I have repeatedly at this box stated—and I am within the recollection of Members present—that the Government were prepared to meet in discussion any representatives of the Irish people who could—I used the phrase—" deliver the goods," that is, who were in a position to make good a bargain when it was made. We were willing to discuss matters with them. I remember having a trade union deputation. My right hon. Friend the late Leader of the House (Mr. Bonar Law) and I received that deputation. We were asked by the Labour deputation whether we were prepared to meet the representatives of Sinn Fein. There was some talk of a bridge. I then said—my right hon. Friend and I were in consultation together—that I would meet anyone on the bridge to discuss terms, provided that they were in a position to "deliver the goods."
You repeatedly said in this House that you would meet anybody other than the murder gang.
7.0 P.M.
My hon. Friend is absolutely wrong. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] I never used that phrase, and I will come to that point because that is the very essence of it. I am not in the least going to run away from the point. I repeatedly stated here that I was prepared to meet anyone who could make a bargain on behalf of the population of Ireland. I stated the only limitations on my part to the negotiations. They are in the OFFICIAL REPORT, and I could give quotations, but I have no doubt my hon. Friend will remember them. I stated them each time I made a statement in this House. That is the position. It has never since been challenged. No one in this House said, "You must not meet them. You must not negotiate with them. You ought to crush the rebellion first." This has been going on certainly for 12 months, and I have made statement after statement on behalf of the Government of its policy, not merely as to my readiness with my colleagues to meet the representatives of Sinn Fein, but also as to the limitations, and the only limitations, which we regard as being imposed on our power of negotiation. Then came the letter of July, following His Majesty's Gracious Speech at Belfast—
Might I interrupt the right hon. Gentleman?
The Debate is not over, and there are many other speakers—
I am loath to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman, but he said just now he had always said he would meet anyone. I am not going to say anything fresh. I have quoted him already this afternoon. The right hon. Gentleman said:
"There are, however, certain individuals who are gravely implicated in the commission of crime so serious that the Government cannot consent to abandon their elementary duty of bringing such persons to trial. … We cannot possibly grant to those who have been guilty of crimes of violence, of murder, of very brutal murder, a safe conduct which we would not grant to any British Member of the House of Commons in similar circumstances. It is too much to ask of any Government, however desirous they might be for peace in Ireland, that they should ask the forces of the Crown, who have been subjected to all these outrages, and whose comrades have been struck down through the action of these men, to permit them to go through under the same conduct of the British Government, We must therefore make an exception in the case of those men."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 10th December, 1920; cols. 2605–6, Vol. 135.]
That is emphasised and repeated three times in his speech, and then he confirms it in the letter to Father O'Flanagan and to the Galway County Council, on 10th December last year.
I had that fully in my mind. Those are men who have been convicted of murder, who have been convicted of offences of the crime of murder—
What about Michael Collins?
He has not been convicted, and under British law every man, until he is convicted of a crime, is regarded as innocent—
He was implicated.
I did not interrupt my hon. Friend when he spoke. If I were the last speaker in the Debate, I could well understand these interruptions, but he has got other hon. Friends to whom he can supply this. After all, it is one of the elementary principles of English law, and I am rather surprised to hear this question raised in the House.
Why was he mentioned in this White Paper?
I therefore proceed with the next point, and I must apologise for the interruption. I now come to the letter of July, which, as I said when my hon. Friend interrupted me, was a letter written to carry out the spirit of His Majesty's appeal in his gracious speech from the Throne at Belfast. That letter was written in July. This House sat for weeks after that. Why was there not a challenge then? This is not the time to challenge the conduct of the Government. The time to have made the challenge was when that letter was published, when the House of Commons was informed of the negotiations.
We did it.
I beg my right hon. Friend's pardon.
We wrote you a letter.
Had there been a Motion put down then, had there been a demand from 40 or 50 Members to discuss the action of the Government, my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House would have wasted no time in giving the necessary opportunity—none. So, therefore, what I want to point out is this. Every step which was taken was taken after a full notification to the House, repeated statements here, and the publication of the full letters. There has been no challenge until after the Conference began.
Now I am invited to state what is the opinion of the Government, in the middle of the Conference, upon subjects which are now under discussion in that Conference. There are two kinds of conferences you can hold. You can hold a perfectly open conference—a conference where reporters are admitted, where everything is fairly presented to the public the following morning. That is one kind of conference. There are well-known conferences —party conferences, ecclesiastical conferences, and they have their uses, but no business is ever transacted at them— none. They encourage the faithful; they hearten the faint-; and everybody goes home feeling he has taken part in the only show on earth. These conferences are essential to the life of any organisation, but these are not the conferences where business is transacted. There is a second kind of conference—a conference with closed doors, when men can state their case, make tentative proposals, make suggestions, without always feeling that the following morning every word is scrutinised, and there are criticisms, attacks, when you are taking a certain line with a view to another line which you may take further on, and which you cannot explain for the moment. Take conferences with business men. If business men want to put through a great transaction, whether it be a great conference, or a great amalgamation, they do not have reports the following morning to their shareholders on everything that has passed between them. The matter is always submitted to their judgment. These are the only conferences in which you can do business.
There is a third kind of conference, which has the vices of both and the advantages of neither, and that is the conference of partial disclosures. One side goes to its own friends and says, "Here, we are not going to give way on this, we are going to stick out for that," and the other party goes to its friends and says, "Here, we are going to stand by this, we will not in the least give way on that." That is the way to bring every conference to complete disaster. You cannot have it on one side without having it on the other. If you could have a discussion here upon every one of these items there would be a discussion next week upon the same items in the Assembly in Ireland. That is a way to defeat the Conference.
The House of Commons—and I say it without caring personally one iota—the House of Commons must either trust its negotiators, or replace them. This is not a business, in fact the whole business of government is not such that any man would care to stick to it, and certainly not if he has not the confidence of the people of the country. I want to know—and my colleagues want to know—whether the House of Commons wishes us to try and make peace. If it does not, there will be, at any rate, one glad man who will go to his Sovereign and say, "I hand in my Seals of office."
That is the position. If you start discussing each individual item here, there will be no Conference. Let the House of Commons realise that nothing can be done until whatever be accomplished behind closed doors comes here to the House of Commons. That is their authority, that is their power. If they do not like any of these terms, they are not committed—not in the least. I say so now, they are not committed. We shall recommend terms, that is our business; it is the business of the House of Commons to reject them if they do not like them, and they have full power to do so. But if you have a Conference, and even my hon. Friend the Member for Eastbourne said, "We are all for a Conference"—
Not with the murder gang.
That is a point to which I am coming. Does he imagine that we can have a Conference if there is going to be a discussion in the House of Commons on every proposal which is going on, and on every counter-proposal? He would find the Conference would be perfectly worthless.
Now I come to the point which my hon. Friend has raised, and which I take to be the gravamen of their charge against the Government. They say, "We are all for a Conference; we think a Conference desirable, but do not have a Conference with men who are engaged in repudiating the authority of the Crown, and who have been associated with deeds which we abhor." I think that is a fair statement of their case. Let me ask them one or two questions. With whom would they confer?
You are asking questions.
As a matter of fact, the speech of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Burton was one series of interrogatories from beginning to end, and rightly so. That was the rhetorical form of the speech, and rightly so. I meant to answer them when I got up, but if I had got up and answered each question as he put it, I should have destroyed his speech. I do not think the House would have liked it, and I should have fallen under the ban of the Chair. I am going to ask those who contend that you ought not to confer with the Sinn Fein representatives, but who believe that there ought to be a Conference, "With whom would you confer?" Would you confer with the Southern Unionists? That we have done. The Southern Unionists were the first to press me to go into conference. Men as loyal to the Crown as any in this House: men who have stood by the Crown through dark and difficult days in Ireland, all through their lives. Some of them actually entered into conference with the very men to whom we are told we ought never to talk. I am not going to name them, they are well known and distinguished Unionists. I shall not name them. They are very well known, very distinguished. Some of them have held high office under the Crown, but they would be the last men to tell the House of Commons or the country that it would be of the slightest use to come to terms with them. They could not put through an arrangement for Ireland. They said so; they said, "You must make your arrangements with Mr. De Valera and his associates." Who else was there? We might have met my hon. Friends (the Nationalist Members) below the Gangway, but they also would be the very first to admit that they are not in a position at present to speak on behalf of the majority of the population of Southern Ireland.
Whom else could we have chosen? We could have picked men from Ireland, and could have said to one, "Will you come and confer with us?" and, to another, "Will you come?" And then there is a third man who might come and confer, highly respected and loyal and patriotic, who has never taken up arms against the Crown. What are we to do? You may discuss matters, you may agree, you may meet Sir Horace Plunkett, a distinguished Irishman, but would he carry anybody in Ireland with him, on either side? He attempted it at the Convention, and the only party that is in the majority in the South of Ireland never went near him.
Therefore, if there is to be a conference at all, it must be a conference of the people who, for the time being, speak in the name of the majority of the Irish people. I have been told that they speak for the Irish people only because they have secured representation by intimidation and by threats. If you are to say that, you will not treat men as elected representatives because of the methods by which they have been elected, then there is an end to the British Constitution. I have never known a party obtain a majority in this House without the other party saying that the majority had been elected by methods which were discreditable to the very last degree.
Terminological inexactitudes.
You always get that charge, whoever obtain the majority. Let us face the reality. For the moment—we know it from the reports we have received—the sympathies of Ireland are behind these people—for the moment. The only thing we can do, when men have been elected under an Act of Parliament passed by this House, is to treat them as representatives of that people. Who else is there? If you, therefore, say "All Sinn Fein "—I make this admission—" has repudiated the authority of the Crown, and declared for a republic and you are not to deal with them for that reason," then there is no one in Ireland with whom to deal.
It is not the first time that Britain has treated with rebels and it is not the first time that Britain has treated with rebels with good effects for the Empire. As a matter of fact, after the annexation of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, every man who fought was a rebel against the authority of the Crown. The point for the House of Commons to decide is not whether you are going to treat with rebels, not whether you are going to treat with men who were organised in a conspiracy against the Crown, but whether you are going to enter into a conference at all, and whether—here I face the issue which my hon. Friends did not face—whether you are going to enter into these negotiations with men who have repudiated the authority of the Crown, or whether you are going to gay that first of all, at whatever cost, you will crush the rebellion, and then deal with Ireland.
That is the only issue. I will proceed to examine it. That is a very important decision for the House of Commons to take, and the decision it takes to-night will indicate what is its view upon that point—whether it is to say to the Government," Drop these negotiations. Crush rebellion first, and impose upon Ireland such terms as seem just in the sight of the Imperial Parliament." It is a question of "the cost. Let us count the cost. I agree that it is quite a fair issue to present to the House of Commons and to the Government. It is an issue we have considered, and I am not criticising my hon. Friends, even if I would like to do so. They are putting all these questions which I put to myself. I am going to deal quite frankly with the House of Commons; it is no use unless you do so. If this Conference be broken off—it might be —I am not asking the House of Commons to face anything which someone at this box would not ask it to face, perhaps in a few days. I want the House of Commons to face it squarely. I want the House of Commons, in the words of my hon. Friend (Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. Hoare)—before it embarks on that—to feel that it has done everything that it decently can be expected to do by this country and by the conscience of the civilised world.
The first thing that any Government would have to do would be to come to this House, and ask for a considerable expansion of the forces of the Crown. It is not an unusual experience in a war to find that the forces at your disposal are not equal to a task and that they have, therefore, to be strengthened and reinforced. What is the task in front of the forces of the Crown? My hon. and gallant Friend (Colonel Gretton), in a speech delivered the other day at Burton, said that we "gave up just at the point when the gunmen were about to be broken." To-night he took a different line, and said that we were going from bad to worse. However, I do not dwell upon that.
But what is the task we have before us? It is not the task of facing organised armies in the field. Then a slight superiority in numbers or, given inferior numbers, a superiority of equipment, enables you to accomplish your task. Our experience, and the experience of any country that has had anything to do with guerilla warfare, is that, in order to achieve success, the numbers have to be entirely out of proportion to the numbers of your foes. You have to surround and hunt down small elusive bands over a very considerable tract of territory, a good deal of it highly difficult, mountainous country and swampy country, with a population entirely in sympathy with your guerillas. Those who had experience of the South African War know what that means: every farm a depot, every farmhouse an observation post, all the residents supplying information, and giving warning to those who are being pursued by the forces of the Crown. We all know how gigantic forces had to be sent to Africa, in order to accomplish that task against a much smaller population.
If it is to be done, and if the people of this country are convinced that it must be done, it can be done, and it will be done. There will be unpleasant incidents. One of the evils of guerilla warfare is that your forces are dispersed; they are not under the same control and discipline as when they move in masses under their officers. That is a fact not to be over- looked. It means that you have to increase your numbers so as not to have too small detachments. I want to put this to the House, and I put it quite solemnly: Unless it be absolutely necessary for the honour and security of this country, this is not the time to come to the House of Commons, and ask it to impose great additional burdens upon the taxpayers of the country, or to come to the House and ask it to invite young men once more to risk their lives. I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare) that, before doing that, you must first of all convince the people of this country that there is no other alternative. You must convince the Empire. We must convince ourselves.
I cannot say that there is no other alternative. There is no peace yet. Negotiations are proceeding, and I should be happy if I were in a position to stand at this Table, and announce that the great parent races which founded this Empire— because they are a great parent race just as are the people of this country—had decided to put an end to this feud of centuries, and to substitute comradeship for enmity. But I cannot conceal from the House the possibility that I may have to make the grim announcement that it is impossible to settle, without danger or dishonour. In that terrible hour, when someone standing at this Box has to ask the House of Commons to invite the country to make greater sacrifices, his conscience must be clear. We must feel that everything 4ias been done so that every Member of this House can go to his constituents, his overburdened constituents, staggering under the heavy weight of the War, with hundreds of thousands of men already sacrificed, and millions of money lost in the War; every man must be able to go to his constituency and say, "We are fighting for the security of the British Empire, we are fighting for the honour of Britain, we are fighting for freedom and right; we have done everything in our power to make peace, and it is no fault of ours that it has not been done." It is because we want to put every man in the House into that position that we are doing our best to find peace.
For great issues of principle this country is prepared to take great risks, but it must be convinced that the challenge is adequate, and that there is no other means of adjusting it. If the security of this country is menaced, if the Throne is repudiated, if the Empire is to be mutilated, and Ireland established as an alien country on our most vulnerable sea flank, free to make its own arrangements with our enemies, if Ireland is free to make war on our commerce, if British commerce is to be left liable to attack on the Irish coast without any rights for Britain to use the shores of Ireland for its defence, if Ireland walks off with her freedom, leaving Britain staggering alone under burdens which Ireland joined her in incurring, and which every Irishman throughout the world is sharing to-day, whether in this country or in the Dominions or in the United States of America—if an arrangement like this is insisted upon, which will mean that the fires of civil war are to rage at our doors between Catholic and Protestant, while we look on without either safeguard or authority, then Britain, I feel confident, will make the necessary sacrifice, and face the necessary risks to avert such evils, and it will soon be found that the island which raised 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 men to fight for the liberties of Europe is still quite equal to defending its own safety and maintaining its own honour But we must be convinced of all these things.
We shall examine every proposition, we shall seek every path which leads to an honourable peace. We want to be able, honestly and sincerely, to tell our countrymen if we fail that it has not been through our fault. Our responsibilities as negotiators and as a Government are enormous. We have to offer the best advice to the Crown and the best advice to Parliament, and great issues are depending upon this Conference. The fate of the Empire, or rather the strength of the Empire, is involved in it. I do not mind admitting that the War was to me a revelation of the immense hidden strength of this Empire, and of its importance to the cause of humanity. The Government will never overlook that factor in these negotiations. If concessions are pressed for of a character which will weaken the Empire, then the Government will take all hazards, but if concessions can be made which will bring an honourable peace and which will strengthen the. Empire, then we will hazard all on the possibility of achieving that peace.
I talked about the responsibilities of the Government. The responsibility of Parliament is greater. We can negotiate, we can advise, we can recommend. Parliament decides. Therefore its responsibility is greater. Parliament, if it so will, can protract these dangers, and this deadly feud into an uncertain future. That it can do, and the responsibility will rest upon Parliament; but neither Parliament nor the Government can insure a settlement. That depends not merely upon us. It depends also upon the representatives of Ireland. But Parliament can do its share, and the decision may be the decision of this House to-night. This decision to-night may be a fateful one in the history of the Empire. It may be—who knows?—written in the annals of this Parliament that on this day the House of Commons equipped the Government, whose life depends upon its will, with authority to enter upon a peace which brought a new accession of strength to this great Empire, by bringing to its side a gifted and a gallant people who for centuries have been at feud with it, and by removing from the path of Empire a peril that always beset it in the hour of our deepest perplexity, and by adding a brilliant chaplet to the renown which this Empire won throughout the world as the one Empire that has found the wisdom and the way of transfusing freedom into power.
The House to-night is placed in as paradoxical a situation as any I have ever known. The Motion which you, Sir, have put from the Chair is, avowedly and without any concealment, conceived and intended as a Vote of Censure upon the policy of the Government in entering into conference with the Sinn Fein leaders. It singles out for censure one, and as far as I know the only, point in the policy which the Government have pursued regarding Ireland which meets with the heartfelt support of the Opposition. At the same time, in bare justice to the hon. Gentlemen who moved and seconded this Motion, it should be put on record that it is a Motion which, I do not say in its exact terms, but in its spirit, in its essence, and in the main arguments by which it is supported, would have been carried with enthusiasm 12 months ago by a majority of the Members of this House. What was the situation then? We had just placed on the Statute Book that marvellous Act which has endowed a portion of Ulster, as we have been told in pathetic tones to-night, with a Parliament that cannot legislate and an Executive that cannot act, and which provided, in the events which have actually occurred, for three-fourths—nearly four-fifths—of Ireland a form of Crown Colony government; that was supposed to be the last word of constructive statesmanship. Some of us, of whom I was one, were bold enough even at that time to advocate Dominion self-government, and to plead for immediate conference with the effective leaders of Irish opinion. What was the response with which we met from the right hon. Gentleman to whose eloquent peroration we have just listened? It was that these proposals were fraught, if carried into effect, with supreme peril and were hopelessly impracticable. I think I myself was represented by the fertile and inventive rhetoric of the Prime Minister as being qualified to be the next inmate for political Bedlam.
A great deal has happened since then. What followed? Perhaps the most tragic year in the whole annals of Irish administration. The Government and Parliament—Parliament under the assurances given by the Government— lived in an atmosphere of illusion. The Government thought, and they assured us—both the Prime Minister and the Chief Secretary—over and over again that they were making headway with their policy of retaliation and exasperation, that they were driving Sinn Fein into the hills and the bogs, and they were always on the eve, always just on the eve, of complete and shining success. We have heard from the Prime Minister to-night a different story. He has enlarged, and enlarged with great force, and with my complete sympathy, on the horrors, difficulties, and, in many respects, the futilities of guerilla warfare. That is exactly what has been carried on in Ireland during the course of the last nine months; carried on, as the Chief Secretary has perpetually assured us, with promise of complete success; and it is its complete failure which has at last tardily, but happily, opened the eyes of the Government to the realities of the situation. The Government have at last seen wisdom, but my hon. Friends who are the parents and the sponsors and the advocates of this Resolution have learned nothing from the experience of the last few months. It has taught them nothing at all. They remain where they were a year ago. They have not realised that the gods they worshipped have been dethroned by the hierophant whom they then followed, and that what they have always regarded as idols have been set up in their place. I never bowed the knee in that temple, and I am afraid I cannot do more for them to-night than express the reluctant, perhaps the superfluous, sympathy which human nature urges us to extend to the forlorn hope of a losing cause.
We are as big as your party.
Let me point out to my hon. and gallant Friend that it is not a question of numbers. The policy which we have advocated is now the policy of the Government. The policy which he has been advocating to-night, and the arguments which he has used, drawn as they have been very largely from Ministerial speeches, is a policy which the Government have repudiated. So much for the losing cause. I have risen to deal very briefly with the past, because I am much more concerned with the present. If I deplore, as I do deplore, the introduction of this Motion, which I think is unsound in substance and impolitic in the time at which it has been proposed; if, as is the case, nothing Would induce me or any of my political friends to countenance it in any way; it must not for that reason be inferred that we are giving a blank cheque to or a general Vote of Confidence to His Majesty's Government. We think they are doing right and pursuing a wise and statesmanlike course. We wish they had adopted it earlier in the day, but we are perfectly content to support them by every means in our power, both in spirit and in substance, in the action they are now taking.
As to the method of proceeding by conference, I agree in substance that no pledge could be, from a practical point of view, more ridiculous than to make it a condition of a conference of this kind that the proposals to be made, the suggestions, concessions, or whatever you like to call them by the Government, should be published in advance to the world before the Conference has had them under consideration. Nothing but misunderstanding and disaster would, in my opinion, attend a conference conducted under such conditions as those. While the Conference lasts, it ought to be strictly confidential. At the same time, as I think the right hon. Gentleman assured us, it ought not to be in a position, without the consent of Parliament, to come to any settlement. That, I understand to be the position of the Government. The Prime Minister said—and I think he said with great cause—and I am curious to hear what answer is made, because I was going to say it myself—it is an observation which I think ought to occur to anybody with common sense—I was going to ask the same question that the Prime Minister has asked: If you are going to have a Conference, with whom is it to be? It is quite true that the Chief Secretary, in a sentence which was quoted earlier in the day, described the Sinn Fein Members of this House as having been elected under conditions which make them untrustworthy representatives and exponents of national opinion. But the Prime Minister has told us to-night that they have the sympathies of a large part of a nation behind them—the majority of the nation—and it is also perfectly true that the charge of being non-representative is one which is hurled backwards and forwards from one side of the House to another in every Parliament that has ever sat. The Chief Secretary's remarks may be treated as part of the conventional armoury of the politician like so many of the dicta which he has emitted during the last nine months.
We have got in this matter to face facts and realities, distasteful though they may be, and it is only by facing them that you will attain, if attainable it be, a settlement of this secular quarrel. They are for the time being the men in whose hands the majority of the people of Ireland have trusted the conduct of their fortunes and the laying out of their future national destiny, and not to recognise them is not statesmanship, but pedantry of the most disastrous character. I can only express my own hope that a conference conducted under those conditions by persons who, in the full and real sense of the word, are accredited to speak on behalf of two great nationalities, conducted from both sides, not in the spirit of recrimination or of forensic controversy, but with a genuine desire to reach a settlement which, without impairing the security of Great Britain and the Empire, will make Ireland in the fullest sense a free nation, offers the best, and, indeed, the only, hope, as far as I can see, for the future of Ireland. I will not dwell even for a moment on the menacing picture which the Prime Minister drew of the possible alternative. If—which God forbid!—peace negotiations should break down, we should he confronted by a situation of unexampled difficulty and peril. Do not let us in advance commit ourselves to this or that method of facing and dealing with such a situation.
8.0 P.M.
While not committing ourselves to this or that method of dealing with it, we ought to be encouraged to believe that such an atmosphere will be created within the Council Chamber, and afterwards—if conclusions are reached in this House of Commons—as will dissipate many of the apprehensions and suspicions which have hitherto clouded the possibilities of settlement, and permit the assent—and, indeed, the heartfelt assent—of all parties in the State, not only here, but in Ireland itself—and when I speak of Ireland, I speak not only of the South and West, but of Ulster also—to that which, in the common interest, has been too long delayed, and out of which the genius of our two nations ought, unless it has become impoverished and sterilised, to be able to evolve permanent peace.
The only remark I will make with regard to the speech of the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) is that, if I do not deal at any length in reply to his words, it is because every criticism which might be made of the Prime Minister this evening is equally applicable to him, for he is the author of our troubles in Ireland, and it was his policy, at the time of the Easter rebellion, which has made it so difficult for the forces of the Crown in Ireland ever since, and I will only make this one comment, that a few months ago I happened, when speaking in metaphor, to refer to the fact that the right hon. Gentleman, when he went to Dublin, shook hands with murderers—
I never did anything of the kind. The charge has been apologised for publicly, and withdrawn in the Press. There is not a word of truth in it.
I am extremely glad, as I was going to say, that his secretary wrote to say that it was quite incorrect. But here this evening he held a very different view. Apparently to-night he approves of the Government doing the very thing he himself would not do in Dublin. I must pass at once to the remarks of the Prime Minister. In his speech, I venture to think, he did not answer our case. He did not give the reasons for this extraordinary change of policy, but he made several remarks which I think he must have been aware would lead to uneasiness on the part of all Members, and certainly of the Unionists in this House. He said that it may be necessary to convince the House of Commons that the rebellion must be stamped out; but I venture to remind the Chief Secretary that he had convinced himself of that a very few months ago, and that was the policy of the Government. We have not heard a single word this evening why the policy of the Government has been completely changed since. He also said something which filled us with uneasiness, because I believe there are many personal friends of mine in this House who were coming down to listen to the Prime Minister, and their votes entirely depended on what he was going to do, and what he was not going to do in the way of further concessions. The Prime Minister just now said, "If concessions must be made." He used that ominous phrase, and I ask the Chief Secretary— because I think it will affect the votes of probably 20 or 30 Members this evening— what are the further concessions which the Prime Minister said must be made. We thought we had reached the limit of concessions.
The Prime Minister made a general challenge to us, apparently on the ground that our opposition was very recent, and that we had not taken any step to make our view clear in the past. He also referred to the fact that no pact can come into effect unless submitted to Parliament first. I say, with the utmost respect, that that is ridiculous. If His Majesty's Government have completed a conference, and made a deal with Sinn Fein, the honour of this country will make it extraordinarily difficult for this House to go back on the Government after the whole thing is done. We remember a scrap of paper on another occasion. He also asked us: Could a list of the points of the Conference be submitted to Parliament? I think he might have told Parliament, before he told De Valera, of this great change of policy; in fact, he promised Parliament that he would make a statement first as to what his principles were, but he says now no basic principles were given away. What are basic principles? Is Dominion Home Rule a basic principle? That was given away. An army in Ireland, the laying down of arms before any conference could take place, the cessation of hostilities before any delegates could be invited to London—I venture to think those were all basic principles, which we heard a score of times in the speeches of Ministers in this House.
Then my right hon. Friend said that we never challenged this Conference. I presume that the House will agree that the whole thing came somewhat as a surprise to us. It came in a hurry. He said we never challenged it. May I say that, immediately afterwards, at least 20 of us met upstairs and wrote a letter to the Prime Minister. Furthermore, we appointed a deputation which waited upon the Leader of the Unionist party, and we expressed the extreme gravity with which we regarded the whole situation. The White Paper, I think, was given to the House on Monday, 15th August, and on Wednesday, 17th August, the first possible day, my hon. and gallant Friend, by Private Notice, raised the question in this House, and challenged it, as I did myself. On 19th August, the hon. and gallant Gentleman, who introduced this Motion, and myself again challenged his policy. The correspondence was only published on the Monday. Then the whole thing was un fait accompli , and the change of policy was not placed before Parliament. We read it for the first time in the newspapers that the decision of Parliament had been reversed, and the pledges of the Prime Minister had also been turned down. On 25th July the Prime Minister gave a pledge in this House that he would make a statement on this subject. Day after day we asked when the statement was going to be made. He made no statement until he rose in this House three hours before the Adjournment of the House on the Friday, when he told us nothing, except two alternatives, and not a word about what the basic principles were.
The issue before us to-day is not, such as some hon. Gentlemen think, merely the tiding over of temporary difficulties, or 'the question of taking an unpleasant course which is going to lead to ultimate peace. It seems to me that the issue goes to the very root of our governmental principles, and can be shortly summed up as follows: Shall an integral part of this Empire, under duress of terrorism and assassination, be handed over for all time to the mercy of the terrorists and assassins who are sworn republicans and enemies of the King? That is the issue we are discussing today, and if we say "Yes," then it seems to me that British civilisation has failed, and the very foundations of constitutional government are cracked. The Prime Minister said that the British conscience must be free, but I venture to say—and I believe I am speaking on behalf of all parties in this House—that the British conscience is free. When the Prime Minister says that our conscience must be free, I ask this question: Is our cause just? Has Ireland been badly governed in the past? [An HON. MEMBER: "Yes!"] Has there been a single advantage of our civilisation which England, Scotland and Wales have received, which has not been granted to Ireland? Am I exaggerating when I say that not one Act of Parliament has been passed in recent years where Ireland has not received a preference over other parts of the Empire? I do not want to labour the point, but if the right hon. Gentleman asks us whether the British conscience is free, I would remind him of the liquor legislation in Ireland, where preference has always been given; the land legislation, for which this country poured out its millions for the peasants of Ireland; conscription, from which Ireland was exempt; the rationing of food, which did not apply to Ireland, and when we were tightening our belts Ireland got the fat? Everyone knows, too, that Ireland had more Parliamentary representation than any other part of the United Kingdom, and even controlled the fate of British ministries on successive occasions. Far from being oppressed or down-trodden, Ireland seems to have been the spoilt darling of the Empire, and that appears to be the answer when the right hon. Gentleman asks whether our conscience is free. We have no right or reason to reproach ourselves with our treatment of Ireland under the Union.
Coming to the situation in 1914, when the Act was passed, this House held that that Act was a pledge which must not be annulled unless replaced by a further Act. I never held that view. That pledge was given to the Irish Nationalists who were constitutionalists, and never threatened separation. Immediately after the rebellion and the establishment of a Republican Government in Ireland, that pledge no longer held, and that Act should have been withheld until such time as constitutional leaders controlled the situation in Ireland. The Government thought otherwise, and they introduced a new Bill which satisfied no one, and meant that sooner or later Ireland would become a republic. The Government held the contrary view, and said that that Act was going to bring about peace in Ireland. I do not want-to go through the long story, but I think we are all agreed that the opposite result took place. Crime of unexampled ferocity took place under the inspiration of avowed Republican rebels. Instead of arresting the leaders for high treason at the start, and stopping the movement in a week, as General Maxwell could have done if he had had a free hand, the late Prime Minister and the present Prime Minister went above the law, and themselves became accessories to high treason, in so far as they refused to enforce the law of the land. The elections were held under the muzzle of the rifles of the gunmen, and this is described as self-determination. I prefer to call it self-extermination by order of the murder gang. The story of Ireland from that day has been the most humiliating in the history of any Empire. The Crown forces in Ireland have had their hands tied again and again by political pressure from this House and the Government. Finally, when at last the forces of the Crown did appear to have grappled with the situation, after displaying extraordinary patience, fortitude and restraint, then, suddenly, to the amazement of the country, the truce was brought about. Why did the truce take place? Because, for- sooth, if the newspapers can be believed, the right hon. Gentleman the leader of the Unionist party read His Majesty's Gracious Speech from the Throne to the people of Ulster, and he was so overcome by its terms that he immediately proceeded, presumably "Daily Mail" in hand, from 11, Downing Street to No. 10. There he said to the Prime Minister, "We must have a Conference." Now, if the suggestion is that the speech was not made on the advice of the Ministers, surely it was a very improper one, and if the speech was made on the advice of Ministers, how came it about that the Unionist leader was not consulted before he read it? I am sorry the Unionist leader is not here. He might have been able to give us some light, but I confess it puzzles me completely. From that date the Government, having once descended the slippery slope, have begun to gallop, and it seems as though their fate was going to be that of the famous herd of Gadarene swine, and I think we all agree that if they go at the present pace they will reach ultimately the same allotted destination.
A more appalling thing could not well be conceived than that His Britannic Majesty's Ministers should have so utterly surrendered the honour of this country as to call a conference with men whose hands were dripping with the blood of gallant men whose only crime was that the Prime Minister had sent them to Ireland to protect life. The only good point the Prime Minister made—and in this I am supported by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith), who also said it was the only good thing—was as to who the conference would be with if it was not with the representatives of the Sinn Fein! I venture to think that that is not a very difficult question to answer, because I believe that the vast majority of the people of this country were not prepared to have any conference at all, unless it could be with the men who were going loyally to accept the sovereignty of this country. The Prime Minister told us he was prepared to meet anyone who could deliver the goods. There were very different views held in some quarters. I am going to call evidence which has not been brought in this afternoon, and that is from one of the Big Four. There are two representatives of the Cabinet who are members of the Big Four, and two representatives of Sinn Fein. Lord Birken- head, in the House of Lords on 21st June, said: ference did he ever tell us what his views were. The pathetic part of it is that everyone of us who has signed this Manifesto and supports this Motion agrees with all these Cabinet views. We hold those principles to-day. It is not our fault that the Cabinet have made a meal of their words of two or three months ago. Because we listened to their words and imbibed these truths in the summer they have no right to call us mischief-makers in the autumn unless you apply the same epithet to our mentors who are the guardians of the nation.
Then we come to the truce. The Government made a truce in August with people who in July they described as the murder gang. There never was such a truce. I am not surprised nobody signed that truce. The signatory of such a surrender would deserve impeachment. It was a complete betrayal—one of the greatest in the history of the country. The Government were satisfied it was an honourable understanding, and they say the document did not require signature. I see the Chief Secretary opposite and I say to him that that truce has been dishonourably broken. Never a day passes but it is broken in a thousand instances. Numbers of loyalists have been orered to clear out of the country. The Chief Secretary did not know this. I sent him a letter some little time ago with some particulars, and he acknowledged the receipt of it. Since then I have other instances. There was the case of a man who, thinking the truce was on, went back to Ireland with the object of joining his wife and family, and thinking that once more he would see his own home. He was ordered to clear out of the country or threatened with death by order of the Irish Republic. He got out. The home has been sold up and he and his family have had to leave the land of their birth. That is the truth of the truce. I ask the right hon. Gentleman, who really has bluffed this House long enough, what is happening in the Cork district at the present time. Is he aware of the fact that in a country district in County Cork hundreds of young rebels are training quite openly and going about with rifles and bandoliers? On Sunday afternoons there are large reviews. Motor cars are stolen in order to provide transport for these people, and farmers' carts and horses are commandeered apparently in order that the Irish Republican Army, which you are allowing to be organised under the truce, will be mobile in a very short time. The parties are going round in this part of the country collecting the Irish Republican Army levy of 4s. in the £, and all this is being done under the eyes of the Royal Irish Constabulary, who are ordered "not to interfere under any circumstances whatever."
That is not true.
Why, then, do they not interfere?
They do interfere!
I am afraid the right hon. Gentleman is once more mis informed. I have received letters from these areas—
When my hon. and gallant Friend talks about a thousand breaches of the truce per day and that the Royal Irish Constabulary have orders not to interfere, he is saying what simply is not true.
From one end to the other the rebels are breaking the truce in Ireland. Is it a breach of the truce that these young men should march through Mallow and Bandon with rifles and bandoliers slung over their shoulders and holding reviews? The Chief Secretary gets extraordinarily bad information, and he never seems to know what is happening in Ireland until it is brought to his notice in this House. Does the right hon. Gentleman know that men belonging to the Irish Republican Army, in the districts I have mentioned, are being billeted at the houses in those districts and the inhabitants have to feed them and keep them, and is he aware that in some of these houses as many as five or six men are billeted? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that loyalists are chained up outside churches and are being kidnapped; does he know that loyalists are being fined in large numbers every day and condemned to death? I know it is inconvenient for the Chief Secretary to admit these facts, and there is not one of us who would not support a Conference with any Irishmen who recognise the sovereignty of the realm. We have no objection to a conference, provided it held with people who are loyal subjects and admit the sovereignty of this realm. With regard to the question of this Conference, the Prime Minister said: humanity? Is Ireland going to be better governed? There can only be one answer.
Will you, with your eyes open, plunge Ireland into permanent chaos and misery in order to please the Irish Republican brotherhood in America, or will you do your duty to your country, and, emulating the example of President Lincoln, will you fearlessly preserve Ireland for the British Empire? Even if your Conference succeeds, you know perfectly well that these people are unfit to govern. The Prime Minister knows very well that they are unfit to run a parish council. The right hon. Gentleman began his speech by saying that Germany was importing arms and trying to import them into Ireland. If your Conference succeeds Ireland is going to become a second Russia and it will be plunged into chaos, and you are going to have a vile military tyranny right at your very gates. I ask hon. Gentlemen, regardless of party ties, honestly: Do you believe Ireland is going to be happier and better by what is going to be the result of this Conference if it succeeds? I think not. I have not met anyone yet who believes that Ireland is going to be better under this form of government. I can only find those who say that this Conference is a clever tactical movement, but this subject is too big a thing for tactics, because it is something which affects the fate of the British Empire as a whole.
I had no apprehension whatever when I heard that the Government were negotiating with the representatives of Sinn Fein. I have never met an Irishman since the Conference commenced who was not delighted at the prospects, and they believed that they were going to have a sixpenny Income Tax while we have had to pay 5s. Great Britain has exploited and developed many parts of the world, but surely we can well afford to spend our money in developing Ireland and making it a more prosperous country. I realise that in the past Irishmen have always been fighting amongst themselves. After all, the men in the North and the South of Ireland are two entirely different nationalities, but as time moves on they will become one nation. The change will not come about in five or ten years, but in a few decades. We must act within reason and, not expect two different nationalities, who have always been entirely opposed to each other, to come together at once after 100 years of opposition to each other. They will become a nation in time when there is a settlement, and I believe that there will be a settlement.
Although I was far from being apprehensive about the step the Government took in entering into negotiations with Sinn Fein, I am now anxious upon this question for two reasons. The Government is very anxious to settle the matter, and I am apprehensive lest they may give away too much, and perhaps by doing so they will lay the foundations for future trouble in Ireland unless the Government is firm as regards Ulster and the Protestants in Ireland. Let me look at this question from Sinn Fein point of view. These are the men who are negotiating with the Government now. It must be admitted that extreme Sinn Feiners are avowed enemies of the British Empire. I think they are working with those who are trying to cause revolution in Egypt and India, and at any rate they are working on exactly the same lines. There must be some central organisation, and I think you will find it in New York. I think you will find that in New York they have an Irish office, an Indian office, and an Egyptian office, and they have plenty of foreign money—money from pro-Germans at their back, with the object of creating a revolution and a rebellion such as the world has never known. We are talking of the British Empire; are we quite right in talking about it? We have the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Speaking as a Scotchman, I ask, why talk about the British Empire? Why not talk about the Empire of Great Britain and Ireland? The Sinn Feiners, the Members for South Mayo and the City of Cork, are not out that these negotiations should be a success. They are avowed enemies of the Empire. They would without question like to see civil war in Ireland. If they were not of that opinion they would not be true to their own faith. It is revolution and rebellion that they are out for, and yet these are the men we are negotiating with, the men who will do their level best, if we do not give way to them over Ulster, to try and lay the foundation stone of civil war in Ireland, and in the same way as those who are associated with them are promoting mutiny in India and rebellion in Egypt. They will get their end unless we are careful—an end which they are paid with foreign money to secure.
The extreme Sinn Feiners do not represent the people of Ireland; nine-tenths of the people want to have a settlement. Perhaps the House will forgive me for going back a little on the history of Sinn Fein. I have spent a good deal of time in studying the question, and may be able to give some information. In 1916 Sinn Feiners were of no account whatever in most districts in Ireland. They may have had one or two representatives in this House, but as a party they were opposed to the Nationalist party and were of little account. But the young men were said to be Sinn Feiners. They had a very clever organisation, and it was as a two-headed monster. One half had its headquarters at Harcourt Street, and it controlled the whole of Ireland outside Dublin from a purely military and political point of view. The other half were at the offices of the Transport Union and worked on trade union lines all over the whole of Ireland. They were the heads of the Sinn Fein military organisation in Dublin. The hotheads at Liberty Hall decided to have a rebellion in Dublin in the hope that the rest of Ireland would come over to them, and as there were not very many British troops in Ireland at the time, they thought they would get what they wanted from Great Britain. What happened after that? Within a few weeks the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) announced that he was going to give Ireland peace at any price. He was going to give her Home Rule. It was declared that the Sinn Feiners were splendid fellows, and, as a matter of fact, 50 per cent. of the Nationalists at once went over to Sinn Fein, and the Government instead of putting down the organisation simply put down Harcourt Street. During the next 18 months the Sinn Feiners worked with extreme ability, and I believe that the Transport Union was so well organised that it embraced the whole of the employés in Ireland, not a single working man remaining outside the union. Then they decided to go on strike, and issued an order that every worker in the country should come out. At that time the wages of the working classes in Ireland were simply disgrace- ful. Factory girls were getting 7s. a week, and had to go about barefooted.
Wages paid by Unionist employers.
I do not care a damn by whom they were paid, or rather, I should say, I do not care a bit. The wages paid were disgracefully low.
I must ask the hon. Baronet to be a little less picturesque in his language.
The employés were very badly paid, and I must give credit to the Labour and transport union for the action they took. At the election these men voted Sinn Fein, but the majority of those who voted Sinn Fein had not the faintest idea of what they were voting for. They were not voting for revolution, or declaring war against the British Empire, but were simply voting for the party that had done them some good in their own country. I do not blame the Irish for sending these people to Parliament, but now that they have been elected they have taken a line which is absolutely wrong, and I venture to say to the Government, "Do not give way. You know that the men with whom you are negotiating are not, perhaps, out for a settlement. Make up your minds what you are going to give to the Irish. Be as generous as you possibly can. Give them the terms, and, if these delegates do not accept them, tell them to go back, for you have no further use for them, as they do not know the job, and then leave it to the Irish people."
I rise to support this Motion with all the earnestness at my command, because I am convinced that the principles underlying the words of the Motion are absolutely sound, and that they embody the true and real views and convictions of by far the largest section in this House. We have had speeches from Englishmen, Scotsmen, and Welshmen, and perhaps it will not be altogether out of place if an Irishman is allowed to say a few words in this Debate, which, after all, is on the greatest subject with which any Irishman can deal. I have listened, as I am sure we all have, with the greatest possible interest to the observations of the Prime Minister, but as an Irishman I am bound to say that, if what he said represents the real state of affairs in Ireland, I listened to it with shame. What does it amount to? So far as Southern Ireland is concerned, the only people who can be got to represent the interests of that part of Ireland are what the right hon. Gentleman himself has described as a gang of assassins. It is an awful thought for an Irishman if that be true, and if the real state of affairs be that, if you want to get the views, the sentiments, and the convictions of Southern Ireland, you are driven to go to people who have acquired the power they now wield in Ireland, not by the free will of the people whom they are supposed to represent, but by election at the point of a revolver or rifle. I cannot help thinking that there is a certain amount of misapprehension in the minds of one or two hon. Gentleman who have addressed the House this evening as to the real meaning of this Motion. It has been suggested that what we mean is that the terms which are to be put forward by the negotiators must be submitted to this House. The Motion says nothing of the kind. It says: gang of assassins, you have no one with whom to confer at all. Is not that an awful position?
Reference was made by the Prime Minister to a matter in which I take a very keen personal interest, and perhaps I may be allowed to say one word about it before I go any further. The Prime Minister, in dealing with this question with whom he was to confer, mentioned incidentally the fact that he conferred with certain Southern Unionists. I do not want there to be any misapprehension in this House about that. I know perfectly well, and the House knows, who are the gentlemen with whom the right hon. Gentleman conferred; but I know also, and I want this House to know without any mistake, that the gentlemen referred to by the Prime Minister do not represent the Southern Unionists of Ireland.
They represent them as much as the hon. and learned Gentleman does.
My Noble Friend is not as well acquainted as I am with what occurred in Ireland. I happen to know something about it, because I was there on the spot at the time. I know that the only organisation in Southern Ireland that represents the Southern Unionists is the Irish Unionist Alliance, and I know equally well that that organisation has branches in every county in Ireland; and I also know that that very same organisation repudiated the action of the gentlemen to whom the Prime Minister referred. Therefore, when I say that the gentlemen referred to do not represent the Southern Unionists in Ireland, I am only stating what I know to be absolutely correct, and it is a matter upon which I do not want any misapprehension whatever to exist. I am glad to pass from that because it is not a savoury subject, but I could not allow it to pass over sub silentio .
Let me come back to the Resolution. There is not a word of it which cannot be justified by the words In the Proclamations and statements of Ministers themselves. Those with whom these negotiations are being carried on have been described by the Prime Minister, by the Chief Secretary, and by other Members of the Cabinet in language I need not repeat. Are we not justified in saying, if that is the class of people you are negotiating with, that this House views the matter with grave apprehension? Is there anything curious in that? Is there any thing extraordinary, is there anything contrary to the principles of the great Unionist Party, is there anything unpatriotic, is there anything that any man in this House could object to when this House is asked to affirm that it views with grave apprehension the carrying on of negotiations with men who not only have sworn allegiance to an Irish Republic but have repudiated allegiance to His Gracious Majesty? It does not stop there. We were told by Members of the Cabinet from time to time "whoever we confer with we are not going to confer with those who are implicated in crime." The Resolution objects to that course of action, and it is merely following the course indicated in the language used by the Prime Minister. We were then told in the most emphatic terms by the right hon. Gentleman, in one of the letters that passed between him and Mr. de Valera, "my colleagues and I cannot meet your delegates as representatives of a sovereign and independent State without disloyalty on our part to the Throne and Empire."
We know, also, coming down to the end of the same correspondence, that when Mr. De Valera ultimately said he would go to the Conference, he said it in a letter in which he also said his position had been already indicated and was thoroughly understood. He might just as well, so far as the meaning of the letter is concerned, have repeated the language that he used when he said he came there as the head of a sovereign independent State. He did so simply in other words. Are we entitled to object to negotiations being carried on between His Majesty's Government and Mr. De Valera as representing a sovereign independent Ireland, or are we not? Is there anyone in the House who is going to object to the Motion on that ground? This Motion is justified, not only by the facts of the situation as we know them, but by the declarations of Ministers themselves. The right hon. Gentleman told us that his letter of 20th July was written as the result of the Gracious Speech of His Majesty in Belfast. Has any conference ever taken place on the basis of that letter? The letter was about a conference to be called between people who were loyal to the King, not between His Majesty's Government and people who denied the authority of the King and would not swear allegiance to him. That is not the sort of conference that was contemplated either by the Prime Minister or anyone else when the letter was written. It has been a conference, so far as it has gone, between His Majesty's Government and gentlemen who have said time after time that they came there as representatives of a sovereign independent State, and that claim has never been withdrawn. That is the position of the Conference at present.
9.0 P.M.
I listened with very considerable apprehension to that portion of the Prime Minister's speech in which he drew a picture of the terrible consequences that might ensue in the event of this Conference not resulting in any agreement. Did he ever stop to think what is going to happen in Ireland supposing he and these interesting gentlemen with whom he is conferring come to some terms on which they are mutually agreed? Does he know, does this House know, that if a Republic was granted to Southern Ireland tomorrow that is only going to be the beginning of the trouble? I say nothing about Ulster for the moment. Does he know that there is a large party, known as the Irish Labour party, who are out for a Bolshevik Republic, that these very men are now at daggers drawn with Sinn Fein, that Sinn Fein will have nothing whatever to say to a Republic of that class, and that the first issue which would arise if there was a Republic in Ireland to-morrow would be between those two factions, with results that I do not care to contemplate? Again I ask, supposing there was a Republic in Ireland tomorrow, what further trouble are you going to have in addition to that? Is the integrity of Ulster going to be respected? Is there to be no trouble between these gentlemen who, in the words of one of the Ministers, have vowed the destruction of the British Empire and loyal Ulster? Are they going to sit down quietly, the lion and the lamb, together? Nothing of the kind.
I do not care what name you give to the scheme which may be adopted for the future government of Ireland. You may call it a Republic, you may call it Home Rule, you may call it Dominion Home Rule—I am not concerned with names, I am concerned with realities, and what is the reality? By whatever name you call this new Government, the reality will be that you will have handed over the destinies of Southern Ireland at least, and possibly the whole of it, to the men who have, in the words, I think, of the Chief Secretary or Lord Curzon, vowed the destruction of the British Empire, to the men who are determined and have been doing all they can to put down every spark of loyalty in Ireland. You may say, "We are very sorry for you loyalists in Ireland." I am perfectly well aware that in some quarters—rather high quarters too—the loyalists of Southern Ireland are regarded as more or less a nuisance. It has been said in high quarters that if we did not exist the problem would be very much easier. No doubt it would. Probably, if we sympathised with what has been going on in Ireland under the name of so-called patriotism, our views would have been consulted. We are ignored. We have taken the oath of allegiance to the King, and so have my hon. Friends in this House who represent other parts of Ireland. Those with whom His Majesty's Government are negotiating have not only not taken the oath of allegiance to the King, but have not the remotest intention of doing so, and have repudiated the King in every shape and form. We, unfortunately, have not the necessary qualifications to enter the Council Chamber. If we had, I suppose we should join the happy parties in Downing Street, and enjoy the tea and cigars which, apparently, are reserved for those who refuse to take the oath of allegiance to the King.
I have endeavoured to point out that every word of this Resolution is justified, not only from the facts of the situation but from the pronouncements of Ministers. It was stated here last week by the Prime Minister that the Government wanted to know where they stood with the House. I could not help thinking that it is rather a curious time to come now and ask that question. Surely, if the Government wanted to know how they stood in the opinion of this House on the question of entering into negotiations with these men, the time to ascertain that view was before the negotiations began. If it is necessary to ascertain the view of this House now, it was doubly necessary to have done so before anything was done in regard to these negotiations. The Conference has been going on for weeks. At one time it was called off altogether. We are told that it is going on still. Whether it is or not I do not know. The result of what has been done during the past weeks is that the Government have now, apparently, got into a most appalling mess over the whole business. They are up to their neck in it, and I suppose that this House, some way or other, will assist them to get out of it.
We have been told, almost ad nauseam , in this House, in correspondence, and in speeches on platforms, that at all costs we will not have a republic. That is very interesting. It is a sentiment to which we all subscribe, but it is rather beside the point, because a republic is there already. That is the trouble. A republic is in existence.
Hear, hear.
The only law in Ireland that is worth talking about is the law of the Irish Republic.
Hear, hear!
May I give an example within my own knowledge which occurred during the last few days? I could multiply such examples. Last week a man, I think of the farming class, was in the street outside the Four Courts in Dublin when he was suddenly seized by six or eight Sinn Feiners. He knocked two of them down, but he was overpowered by the others. They commandeered a passing car, put him in the car, sat on him, and carried him off. During the whole of those operations four Metropolitan police were looking on.
Shame!
Brave men!
It is only on a par with what happened in Grafton Street, at the well-known shop of Woolworths, who sell, amongst other things, commodities manufactured in this country. The shop was entered by the so-called Sinn Fein police, who refused to allow any business to be transacted, drove the customers into the street, and shut up the shop. During the whole of those operations the Metropolitan police were looking on. One would like to know whether the action of the Dublin Metropolitan police arose from any initiative of their own or whether it arose as the result of orders given to them, and if so, by whom?
We in Ireland do not know where we are. We have not the faintest notion where we are. We should have a mild satisfaction if we were told, honestly and straightforwardly, the worst. Tell us the worst and let us know what is going on. God knows we have suffered enough. How long is this agonising suspense to go on? How long are loyalists in Southern Ireland not to know from day to day what their fate is going to be? Talk about a truce, there has been no truce. It has been a surrender. What is going on during the truce has been described by other speakers. It is sufficient to say that the present state of affairs, so far as British Law is concerned, is absolute anarchy and nothing else. What is the motive for allowing this state of affairs to develop, I do not know. We have heard a good deal of talk from time to time about creating atmosphere. So far as we Southern loyalists are concerned, we are sick to death of atmospheres of make-believe and sham; atmospheres that only end in fog. We are sick to death of avenues that lead to nowhere but disaster, and of formulas which are nothing but a screen for hiding the truth. Does anyone suppose that any formulas that can be contrived or invented during these negotiations will transform the whole situation? Will your formulas make loyal men of rebels? Will your formulas make the men who have defied the King and refuse to acknowledge allegiance to him, entirely change their tactics? Will your formulas turn Ireland into a loyal, contented, and peaceful country?
It is high time that we ceased playing with fiction and dealt with facts. Men like myself who live in Ireland, sometimes despair. The Government apparently have been trying to create an atmosphere. They have created an atmosphere, but it is not the atmosphere that they were trying to get. The atmosphere they have created in Ireland is an atmosphere of anarchy and despair. That is a terrible state of affairs to have to confess. We, the Southern loyalists, apparently, are to be left to our fate. We have been left to our fate. There is no protection for us at all. Even the truce is no protection.
Many hon. Members know what has been going on during the truce, and they know among other things that private property is being confiscated and that people are being driven out of their houses, and are being blackmailed and forced by threats to subscribe to the Sinn Fein army. I know several cases of loyal men who hate this thing, with a hatred which could not be excelled in the heart of any man, being driven, through terror of their lives, to subscribe to this rebel gang in Ireland.
No wonder in that state of affairs we, the loyal population of Southern Ireland, are beginning to despair. We see no ray of hope at all, and when we see that the future of our country is to be decided as the result of negotiation with those who are not only our bitterest enemies and have done us an infinity of harm, but are the bitterest enemies of the British Empire, how can we have any confidence as to what is going to happen? The only result of these negotiations, accompanied by this truce, so far has been that the Sinn Fein army, which in June or July last was beginning to get to the end of its resources, is now equipped and ready for war in a way in which it never was before. That is all that we have got from the negotiations. The truce has not been observed. As the Chief Secretary for Ireland admitted last week, for 10 weeks the importation of arms into Ireland has been going on. Those who live in Ireland know, and I know it myself, that any amount of arms have been pouring into the country during those 10 weeks. I do not know how many, but it is common knowledge all over the country. I know of cases where men have seen them landed out of ships in the south of Ireland without the smallest concealment or attempt to stop it. That is the result of your" negotiations and your truce. Apparently, if the terrible contingency contemplated by the Prime Minister becomes a reality, the task is now 10 times harder than it was last July. That is the fault of these negotiations, the fault of the truce, and of the fact that all law, justice, constitution, and government of every kind have been abandoned since this truce began.
We have been criticised in this House on the ground that it is an inopportune moment to start a discussion of this kind, and that if we wanted a discussion of this kind we should have started it long ago. I cannot help thinking that we have been silent long enough One naturally asks the question, what of the British public? What are they thinking? The answer, which is painful but true, is that the British public have been chloroformed. The truth has been suppressed. The British public have been led to believe that the issue in Ireland is something totally different from what it really is. They have been led into that deception by an unscrupulous Press, and, apparently as the result of the policy going on for the last couple of years, the Government have not got what they would have if the public knew the truth, the entire country behind them in dealing with this formidable movement. I am glad to see that there are at last signs of the British public rubbing its eyes. It is about time that it did. The Government, no doubt, will get a majority in this House to-night, but we who support this Motion look beyond these walls. We look to the great public of this country. We believe they are gradually, though slowly, awakening to the real truth, and that the time is not far distant when they will take no uncertain stand for king, loyalty, constitution, and empire.
I wish to answer a point which has been put by my hon. Friend the Member for Dublin University (Mr. Jellett). I do not deny the sincerity with which he has put his case. No one will deny that from the condition of affairs in Ireland he has every reason for so putting his case, but I think that in the speech which he made, he did not take into consideration fully the conditions that were brought about by this fact— and I shall be interested to hear the answer to this from some of my hon. Friends—that the Unionist party at the last General Election was pledged to Home Rule. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Is there any hon. Gentleman supporting this Resolution to-night who will deny that? [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] All those who accepted the coupon were pledged to Home Rule. Is there any Gentleman in the House who accepted the coupon who will say that he was not pledged to Home Rule?
I say it for one.
And I also.
made an observation which was inaudible in the Reporters' Gallery .
I must ask the hon. Member for Silvertown (Mr. J. Jones) not to persist in his interruptions.
I quite understand. Other people may interrupt, and I must not.
The hon. Member must obey my ruling.
Certainly, I will do so.
The fact that some of my hon. Friends voted against the Home Rule Bill would show that they did not consider themselves so pledged, but 99 per cent. if not 100 per cent—I thought it was 100 per cent—of those who accepted the coupon at the last election, whether rightly or wrongly, accepted Home Rule, or they accepted the statement in support of Home Rule which was then made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Glasgow (Mr. Bonar Law).
The pledge which was contained in the Prime Minister's letter to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Glasgow (Mr. Bonar Law) was:
"We recognise, however, that, in the present condition of Ireland, such an attempt could not succeed and that it must be postponed until the condition of Ireland makes it possible."
Is the condition of Ireland better to-day than it was in November, 1918? That is the answer.
My hon. Friend need not be so excited. Those who, like my hon. Friend, voted against the Home Rule Bill are perfectly entitled to take up the attitude adopted by the Mover and Seconder of the Resolution, and others besides. I only repeat the fact that 99 per cent. of the Unionist party—and if my hon. Friends will allow me I will go on to show that I do not differ from them as much as they think—who accepted the Coupon in 1918 were pledged to Home Rule. The mischief was done before the last election.
By the 1914 Home Rule Bill.
I agree, by the 1914 Bill. It is absurd for people to get up to-day and try to show that they are the only true Unionists, and to say that they are going to stop the only possible solution which was put forward by the Government which they supported at the election of 1918. Why did they not do so then? My hon. Friend the Member for Dublin University (Mr. Jellett) said the Southern loyalists are left to their fate. I very largely agree with my hon. Friend. [ Interruption. ]
Why do you not pull up some of those bounders?
If the hon. Member interrupts again, I shall have to ask him to leave the House.
Why do you not pull them up?
I must now ask the hon. Member to leave the House.
I will leave the House, quite easily. I protest most emphatically against—
I have called on the hon. Member to leave the House.
I am leaving, when I like.
If the hon. Member does not leave the House, I shall have to name him for disregarding the orders of the Chair.
I will leave the House then. Why should other people be allowed to—
I am waiting for the hon. Member to leave.
Other people can interrupt, but I am called upon immediately. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order!"] It is all very fine!
Is the hon. Member willing to leave the House?
I am willing to leave it. I am sorry I ever came into it.
The hon. Member for Silvertown then left the House .
On a point of Order. The remarks of the Noble Lord relative to the Motion before the House seemed to me to have gone far beyond the point of relevancy.
I admitted the speech of the Noble Lord, because it appeared to me to be an answer to what was said by the preceding speaker.
I quite recognise, Sir, that this Debate is naturally accompanied with feelings on both sides of the House, and I do not wish to pursue that subject. If my hon. Friends think I am wrong they are entitled to do so. All I said was that I thought the remarks of the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken, with some some of which I am in entire agreement, would have been more to the point if they had been uttered prior to the bargain of 1918. My hon. Friend said, "You are leaving the Southern Unionists to their fate." On the day on which the Tory party agreed, through its leader, to allow the Home Rule Bill to pass, the fate of the Southern Unionists was sealed. No one knows that more than the hon. Members from Ulster. What is the use of talking to-day? Why did not those who protest so strongly now protest at that time?
We voted against the Bill.
Those who voted against the Bill are in a strong position.
Why did you not do that?
I supported the Bill, but I am not going to carry on an argument with the hon. Member. I say that those who voted against the Bill are in a strong position, but the great majority who voted for the Bill are not The argument which the hon. Member for Dublin University uses would more properly have been used prior to the bargain of 1918, when the Coalition agreed to the Bill. The situation to-day, whether any one likes it or not, is quite otherwise. What spokesman of the Tory party is prepared to come forward and say that if an election were going to be held to morrow they would take the Home Rule Bill off the Statute Book. Is there any one authorised leader—
rose —
I mean an authorised leader.
Does the Noble Lord contend, because he and others voted for the Home Rule Bill, that therefore the Southern Unionists in Ireland have no right to complain?
I never said anything of the sort. I said that they had every reason. If the hon. Member had listened, instead of interrupting me, he would have understood my remarks. I said that the hon. Gentleman who had just spoken was perfectly entitled to take up his attitude, but that it was an attitude which should more properly have been taken up before the bargain was made by the Tory party and the Liberal party, who followed the Prime Minister at the time of the 1918 election.
The hon. Gentleman then made a slighting reference to certain people in the South of Ireland, who are just as entitled to speak for the moderates in the South of Ireland as he is. I will give the names of two of them—Earl Midleton and Earl Donoughmore. They are just as much entitled to speak as he is, and more than the hon. and gallant Gentleman who interrupts. The No-Partition League is just as entitled to speak as the Unionists of the North—[HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]. No one is going to get up and say that the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken is a bigger figure in Ireland than either Lord Midleton or Lord Donoughmore. No one will make that extravagant statement, not even the hon. Gentleman who interrupts me. They command double the influence that he does. I think it is unfair to have made slighting references to those people such as the hon. Gentleman did, whether they are right or wrong. All they have sought to do is to make the position of their co-loyalists in the South of Ireland more tolerable than it has been under the abominable muddling of the Government, muddling which people like the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken have done nothing to prevent, and about which representatives in the North of Ireland, while always themselves anxious to get the very best bargain which they can for Ulster, have worried precious little in regard to the position of the Unionists in the South.
I must interrupt the Noble Lord, in order to inform the House that in the course of the discussion on the 1920 Bill no amendment was brought forward in any quarter, which had as its object their protection, which did not receive our support. What he may not be aware of is that elsewhere, in a place in which he is not entitled to be present, the sole protection of these people were those whom he derided.
Amendment after amendment was moved by the hon. Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Lieut.-Colonel Guinness) and myself and received no support.
That is not correct.
I cannot continue the discussion with the hon. Member. It would be out of order. But it is within the recollection of many of his hon. Friends. We moved amendment after amendment, and got no support.
The Noble Lord is now going rather far.
I quite agree, Sir, if I may say so. I think I was led by the interruption to get slightly away from the immediate words of the Motion. My only reason for interrupting was to show that the claim, made by the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken, to speak for the South of Ireland is not a claim which can be maintained. I was going on to say that I did not believe that the situaton was as simple as the Mover and Seconder of this Resolution seemed to think. I find myself in very considerable agreement with most of what they said. I share with them in the utmost detestation of the manner in which the Government have, from the first, dealt with Ireland, although I say that the whole Unionist party is more than responsible in the matter owing to the way in which they have allowed the Government to go on doing this without really registering their opinion in an effective manner against them.
They are doing it now.
Again and again during the last two years the Government have made promises and have expressed their intention of doing certain things which have been pressed upon them by their supporters, in order to end the intolerable condition of affairs in the south of Ireland, and again and again these promises have not been carried out. I agree with everything that the Mover and Seconder have said on those lines. I admit the ability with which they put their case. No one who heard them speak can deny the sincerity of the views they expressed; but the case is not as simple as they appear to think it to be. Are those who support the Resolution to-night certain that when the issue is joined, as it will be joined very shortly, in my opinion—I have very little hope that the Conference can be brought to a successful end—they are doing the wise thing in endeavouring to force the Government to break off negotiations? That would be the effect if the Resolution were carried. The Government would have to resign.
I share with everyone a feeling almost akin to horror at having to negotiate with people who condone such acts as have been done in Ireland. At this period, when the Conference in any case hangs upon a thread, when the chances of its coming to a successful issue are very small, is it wise to be the means of breaking off the Conference? Is it not wiser to allow the Conference to come to some issue or other within the next few days? If the Conference is successful, if an agreement is arrived at, surely that is the time to criticise fully and to discuss it thoroughly in this House. I think a condition to which most of us could agree is one of which not nearly sufficient was made by the Prime Minister in his speech, namely, that it is absolutely necessary that the truce in Ireland should be a real truce. There, I am afraid, I find myself in disagreement with many hon. Gentlemen with whom I do not like to disagree. The Prime Minister made much too slight a reference to the illegal acts which have undoubtedly been committed during the truce. He said, in effect, that if there had been illegal acts the Government had endeavoured to stop them. But that was not the point. For the past three months arms have unquestionably been imported into Ireland; Sinn Fein courts are unquestionably in existence in all parts of Ireland, and all sorts of most deplorable conditions are arising.
While holding the view I have expressed, that it would be a mistake to break down the Conference at this period, that view would be changed if I thought that a continuance of these illegalities was to be permitted under the truce. If the truce came to an end to-morrow we should find that Sinn Fein was more firmly established than ever. That is only another example of deplorable mismanagement, due very largely to the Chief Secretary, in the government of Ireland. But that is quite a different point from the point at issue in the Resolution. From all points of view no one can object to any hon. Gentleman who belongs to the Unionist party voting for this Resolution, though I think that any hon. Member who does vote for the Resolution will act wrongly in doing so. Looking at the question from every angle, and admitting that the arguments on either side are very evenly balanced, I believe that the effect of carrying the Resolution would be to bring about the resignation of the Government. What would happen if that condition of affairs arose? What are the alternatives? Is anyone prepared to come forward and say that he will lead the Tory party back into its old lines, no longer possible to follow, of union and no Home Rule? Is anyone prepared to do it? Is my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Cambridge University (Mr. Rawlinson), who is the most responsible of those protesting, prepared to do that?
Personalities!
It is a compliment, not personalities. In any event the hon. and learned Member for Ealing is not the best judge of what are personalities. Is the hon. and learned Member for Cambridge University, whom I regard as a very responsible supporter of the Resolution, prepared to say to the great mass of Conservative electors of the country—the position of the Conservative party in the country requires very careful consideration by all the leaders—that he will use all his endeavours to form an alternative Government, the policy of which shall be to take the Home Rule Act off the Statute Book and go back to the old paths? Personally, I regret that the Home Rule Act was ever passed. I think the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) and his supporters have the greatest responsibility in the matter. But in this matter, as in so many other matters with which we have to deal at this period of time, it is not the least use for any of us to attempt to go back to the conditions before the Home Rule Act was passed. We have to make the best of a bad job, and if we carry this Resolution we must put forward some alternative policy to be put into force.
With all respect to the Noble Lord, I say that the fortunes of political parties have ceased to matter much in their relation to the Irish problem. The Motion on the Paper has not attached to it any name representative of Southern or Northern Irish Unionists. It is a Motion standing in the name of hon. Members who represent English constituencies. The hon. and gallant Member for South Antrim (Captain C. Craig) who, earlier in the Debate, spoke as the leader of the Ulster Unionists, indicated to the House that they were not likely to vote for the Motion.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not think that the hon. Member for Dublin University (Mr. Jellett) is a representative Irish Unionist?
The hon. Member apparently has not followed what I said. I said there was not attached to this Motion the name of any Irish Member representing either Southern or Northern Unionist opinion. That is a fact. I, of course, know that the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Jellett) who recently addressed the House sits in this House for an Irish constituency. I was also saying that the House has been informed that the Unionist representatives from Ulster are not going into the Lobby in support of the Motion. Those facts surely are significant. I want to add a few sentences to what has already been said in the name of Labour by my right hon. Friend the Member for Widnes (Mr. A. Henderson). We who sit on this side of the House have to listen periodically to reproaches for what is termed our want of patriotism, and hon. Members think nothing of going the length of saying that we are always eager to support the enemies of this country. That was said to me to-day. I know it is a minority opinion, and that it is not a representative view, either held or expressed by hon. Members on the other side of the House.
I do not think that was said of the right hon. Gentleman.
I apply to myself most, if not all, of the things which are said in relation to the party with which I happen to be associated. I say deliberately, it is nothing short of impertinent to claim, as some hon. Members do, a complete monopoly of that quality we call patriotism, and I marvel at hon. Members who have reached the prime of life, who are absolutely truthful, reasonable and honourable, and who, in their personal dealings, are as good as the best, thinking nothing whatever of using these political fictions designed to label us as enemies of our country. We have as great a regard for the British Empire as the best of you, and if we do differ as to the methods designed to secure the greatest prosperity and the best form of government in the Empire, that entitles no one to charge us with a lack of that quality which, as I say, is called patriotism, and which is only real as far as it recognises the rights of others, while claiming the rights of one's own country.
This Motion should have been brought forward months ago, if it had to be brought forward at all, but the case against it is one of substance, as well as one of time. Surely, the Debate so far as it has gone has demolished completely any case which could be adduced for censuring the Government either for entering into, or continuing the Conference which is the subject of discussion. It is true the Government has reversed its policy in relation to Ireland, but that ought not to surprise some of the supporters of the Government. Why has the Government reversed its policy in this instance? The Government, as clearly exhibited in the powerful speech of the Prime Minister this evening, has reversed its policy because, if you begin by trying a wrong policy, you must reverse that policy when it has failed. If force could have succeeded in its object you would not have had this departure. Those who some time ago were described frequently and most emphatically as murderers and the leaders of a gang of murderers, have since had to be received into the Cabinet room itself for the discussion of questions of the highest importance. The results of methods of sternness are before us. We can see that those methods have failed to produce any of the results at which they aimed, and statesmen with even moderate qualities of perception must see that when a certain policy has failed there is no sense in any longer continuing it. That is the cause of the reversal. If force then could have been made effective this charge against the Government could not be laid.
The main argument in the speeches of those supporting the Motion has been that order should have been restored first. Well, order depends upon a people's regard for law. You cannot have order without a regard for law, and law is not a thing to be imported into one country from another. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no."] I repeat, that law is not a thing to be imported from one country into another. I know that military force and naval force can be for some temporary purposes imported from one country into another, but I am speaking of that which we call law, that general body of doctrine, that regard for institutions which is maintained only in so far as the people themselves are the law makers and are responsible for the administration of the law. It is because you have had law imported into Ireland from the outside that you have had so little respect, if any at all, paid to it, and that is why the average Irishman delights in what is called a state of disorder. The sooner we reach recognition of this very simple and really historical fact the better. There are some men, judging even by this Debate, who still see Ireland in the guise or form of a mutinous island only to be put down, and only to be kept in its place. As a manifestation of a form of Prussian brutality, that is a point of view which one can respect, but not all the strength of the Empire used for 100 years and expressed in terms of naval and military force, not all the power of the soldier and the policeman, would in my judgment produce what is generally desired, namely, a state of order and respect for the law. We are driven by the lessons of experience and by the inner knowledge which we all have of what men think in their own minds, to reconsider our position and try to get by conference what it has been found impossible to get by conflict. The hon. and gallant Gentleman who moved the Motion declared in reference to the charge that Ireland had foresworn allegiance to this country:
Belief must grow from other causes. If we want allegiance which rests upon faith and belief, the reversal of policy which we have begun must be continued until a settlement is found on terms of agreement. Irishmen are as capable of love of Ireland as the best Englishman is of love of England, and that which we regard as loyalty in our case can never be described or denounced as treason or disloyalty in the case of Ireland; and they, who have to look at matters from the angle of their nation and not of ours, should have, I think, reasonable consideration even from a Parliament which for so long has had Ireland in its power. It is time we ceased to talk about the unity of Ireland and this country. Let us be frank, and let us say what is true, and what is true is that there never has been, and is not now, any union between Ireland and this country, and that we will not get union by threats or by any of the instruments of force which it is competent for a government to apply.
Will you apply the same argument as between the North and the South of Ireland?
I can trust the North and the South of Ireland to settle their affairs. I can trust the men of the North of Ireland to look after themselves, as they so often have said they would if their rights were assailed. My right hon. Friend the Member for Widnes clearly explained to the House in detail what is the Labour party's attitude on this question, and I need not repeat it at length now. The Government, in the Debate, has been asked to face the realities of the situation. I think that is exactly what the Government is doing. It sees the realities of the situation, and, understanding its responsibility, it is trying a new plan to cope with those realities, and for that reason I should expect that there would not be in this House a dissentient voice or hope in respect to the exhaustive efforts which clearly the Government is making to reach a settlement on terms honourable and fair to both the countries. Finally, all I want to add is this, that Labour regards this step taken by the Government in the last few days as the only one which a Government with any self-respect could take, as the only one likely to indicate to Ireland what are the realities of the situation as they are seen in this country, and just as the Government has realised the realities and is trying to deal with them, we trust that Irishmen in Ireland also will see the realities and try to meet them. Labour previously has said that that Irish Act which we said would not work has not worked. We declared that it would not work, that a Southern Parliament would not be set up, and consequently that the Northern Parliament would be in a position of futility for the reason that the larger part of the Act would not work at all. The second thing we said was, that the force which month after month we were told would be applied would fail, no matter how long it would be applied.
10.0 P.M.
The world has had too much force. The sufferings of the world to-day are not merely material sufferings; they are suffering in mind and soul, as well as materially, and it is about time that we applied to these problems of Ireland, as well as to many other problems of the world, a new body of doctrine; and I say I am certain that, given some arrangement on terms that would place the affairs of Ireland in the hands of the Irish people, this country would soon find in Ireland as good a friend as she has in any other part of the Empire. We must not look upon Ireland as a place recently colonised by a number of people. Ireland possesses, if not all, certainly many of the attributes of an ancient nation, and we should be compelled, before we go into this question, to look at the matter, not only from the standpoint of our nationhood, but from the standpoint of the nationhood of Ireland. If we cannot accommodate these various nations of the Empire properly within the walls of our Empire, upon terms acceptable to each of them, our statesmanship will be at fault. I do not blame the Government for trying. I welcome their trying, and in the Lobby to-night, so far as our support can be of assistance to them, we shall heartily give that support, not only because they have recently turned in what we think is the right direction, but because we believe that their policy is now founded in conditions which any Government must adhere to and which any Government in the future must pursue if this quarrel between the two countries is to be brought to an end.
The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down informed the House that if all the forces of the Army and the Navy were employed for 100 years or more we should not reduce Ireland to a state of law and order. May I remind the right hon. Gentleman of what one of the Chief Secretaries for Ireland, Mr. Birrell, said in 1906, when he became Chief Secretary to Ireland, namely, that Ireland then was in a more peaceful state, and more prosperous, than it had been for 600 years? That is what a Liberal statesman said who was then Chief Secretary for Ireland. He was right, and it was because there had been 16 years of resolute Tory government.
Would the right hon. Gentleman murder the people?
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Platting (Mr. Clynes), the right hon. Member for Widnes (Mr. A. Henderson), and the Prime Minister—all three—have said that the Movers of this Motion should have made the Motion seven or eight months ago. That shows how ignorant they are about the affairs of Ireland. How could we make a Motion when we did not know that the Prime Minister and the Government were going to surrender and were going to eat their own words spoken only a short time before? What did we do? It was not until the end of June that there was any indication that the Government were going to recede from the position which they had taken up, and in July, as some of us thought that there did seem some indication, after the Speech made in Ulster at the opening of the Ulster Parliament, we took what was the proper course for persons in our position to take. A certain number of Members of both Houses of Parliament—Conservative Members—asked to see their leader, my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House. We saw him in Downing Street, and we told him what our views were. The right hon. Gentleman, quite properly, did not tell us what the policy of the Government was, because it had not been announced; but he said that we were old men, that our ideas were old, and that the young men of the party had different views. May I remind my right hon. Friend of what happened to Rehoboam, who forsook the counsels of the old men, and followed the counsels of the young men, with results disastrous to himself? Not till the 15th August, let me remind the two right hon. Gentlemen opposite, was the policy of the Government announced, and on the 19th the House adjourned, so that we only had four days in which we could do anything. What could we do? We wrote this letter to the Prime Minister:
"That this meeting of Unionist Members of both Houses of Parliament profoundly dissents from the far-reaching offer which the Government has made to Mr. de Valera, comprising as it does, amongst other dangerous provisions, the maintenance of the Sinn Fein army, and being a complete reversal of the deliberate decision of Parliament embodied in an Act passed in December of last year."
That was sent to the Prime Minister. It appeared in the papers on the 19th We had only four days in which to meet, draw up the letter, and send it to the Prime Minister. What more could we do? On the 19th, Parliament adjourned. As soon as we came back here we asked for a day, and when we got the day we put down the Motion. Under those circumstances, I venture to ask those two right hon. Gentlemen and the Prime Minister what more we could have done? We took cognisance at once of what we thought was going to be the wrong policy of the Government to draw their attention to it, and to ask them to change. They have not done it; therefore we have put down this Motion. The Prime Minister said that he was going to deal with the two parts, the first and the second, and that he would deal with the second part first. I do not think he dealt very much after that with the first part. That is rather a way of his, and he said:
"No pact can be entered into in these negotiations without an Act of Parliament."
It is too late then. What would happen? A Bill is brought in. It would be exactly the same thing that happened with the Treaty of Peace, when we were all told that it was necessary to have an election in order that the country, through its representatives in the House of Commons, might pass criticism upon the Treaty of Peace. When the Treaty of Peace came, we were told that we had either to take it or leave it. The same thing will happen again. If we put down an Amendment, we shall be asked by the right hon. Gentleman there, "Why did you not bring it in before?" and then we shall be told," If you' move the Amendment, and it is carried, there is an end to the negotiations. We have bound ourselves, and we cannot do anything." Therefore it would be too late. Then the Prime Minister said that he had always been prepared to negotiate. Yes, but under what conditions? Under the conditions that the arms were laid down. That is a very different thing from negotiating with the rebels with arms in their possession. This is what the right hon. Gentleman said in the House of Commons on 15th February this year:
"After consulting those who are responsible for order in Ireland, and who are personally interested in putting an end to all this murder in Ireland, because they run very great personal risks, every one of them, themselves, they strongly urged that we should agree to no truce except on the express conditions that arms should be surrendered. I think the House of Commons will agree that that was a wise decision."— [OFFICIAL REPORT, 15th February, 1921; col. 44, Vol. 138.]
That was only last February. Why has the right hon. Gentleman, and why have his Government departed from that excellent principle? Have the Irish Sinn Feiners altered in their character? Have they shown anything which would lead anybody to suppose that their word could be taken, or that they could be trusted to behave like ordinary citizens? Does the House realise what these people really are? Does the House know that Lieutenant Breese, a young officer, was murdered in a motor car when driving with two ladies, that they were stopped, and he was wounded and was then tied to the axle of a motor car?
That is not true. I know the facts, as they were stated to me by a deputation. I made special inquiry about it, and that was not the evidence of the lady in the car.
That was a statement made publicly, but I am very glad to hear that they did not go so far as that; but if they did not do that, they put this officer into the car, making the lady drive it, and, wounded as he was, they shot him after a short distance. These are the people with whom we are now negotiating. Then there was the murder of Mrs. Lindsay. Having ascertained that some of His Majesty's forces were going to be ambushed, Mrs. Lindsay gave information at the nearest barracks, or wherever troops were. For that she was shot. I venture to say that you cannot enter into a truce with people of that sort. If you are at war with nations who respect the usages of war, who are independent nations, that is one thing; but if murder has been committed by people who are your own subjects, you cannot enter into negotiations with people of that sort. The Prime Minister tells us in a very impressive manner that, under certain circumstances, he is going to do certain things. How do we know he is? It is only a year ago that the Prime Minister, answering the right hon. Member for Paisley, said this:
"My right hon. Friend said he would give Dominion Home Rule. Would he? Dominion Home Rule involves an army and a navy.
Major M. WOODS: Not necessarily.
The PRIME MINISTER: Yes, necessarily. There is no single Dominion that has not the power to set up an army and a navy. … Would my right hon. Friend give them the power to set up an army and a navy in Ireland?"
HON. MEMBERS: "Answer"
[OFFICIAL REPORT, 5th August, 1920; col. 2749, Vol. 132.]
And the hon. Members who called out "answer" to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) are many of them going into the lobby this evening to support the Prime Minister in doing that which a year ago they challenged the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley to do. Then the Prime Minister went to Carnarvon, and there he told the people that he put this question to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley and he could not get an answer from him. That is only a year ago. The Prime Minister now turns completely round. He offers the Dominion Home Rule that he refused to give when the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley asked him, and which he went down into the country and held himself up to praise for having refused. Under these circumstances, I say there never was a quicker change artiste! If the right hon. Gentleman in such a short time as that completely reverses his policy, what reason have we to suppose that he will not reverse the policy which he put forward only a few moments ago?
Then we come to the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary. How often has he stood at that box and in a voice of thunder informed the House that "the rebels were on the run; we have the situation well in hand!" I thought at one time that in the right hon. Gentleman we at last had got the right man in the right place. I thought we had a man of iron. I see we have a man of straw painted to look like iron. The right hon. Gentleman has on one or two occasions made use of very interesting statements about the rebels. There is one I would just like to recall to his memory. The right hon. Gentleman—I think he again was replying to the right hon. Member for Paisley—had been referring to the doings in Ireland and said: "I call it a deliberate organised highly-paid conspiracy to smash the British Empire." What has made the right hon. Gentleman alter his opinion? Has he altered it? Had he any opinion when he gave it?
What is going to happen if the Government grant Dominion Home Rule? perhaps finding a formula which ostensibly reserves the suzerainty of the British Crown? What is going to happen? I have seen all the Home Rule Bills, with the exception of the one of '86. On all these occasions the Unionist party have said that the real aim and object of the Nationalists in Ireland was complete separation. The Liberal party always denied it. The Nationalist party in this House denied it—but they did not deny it in America. Ever since 1870, when Mr. Gladstone commenced, the Government have been making concessions. He said, "Force is no remedy." He would have approved of the speeches of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Miles Platting. First of all, we had the disestablishment of the Irish Church. Then we had the first Irish Land Bill. Then we had another Irish Land Bill. Then we had two Home Rule Bills; again the Home Rule of 1914, and the Home Rule Bill of last year. We have gone on down the line conceding, conceding, conceding, and now we have come to what I think is the very last concession that we can make, and we find that we are no better off than before Ireland is no more satisfied than she was before. Ireland is to have an army. I have not time, to read all the speeches which I have got here in which the Prime Minister pointed out that he had never told this House or the country the dangers we were suffering from in Ireland during the War. The right hon. Gentleman has said that the coast of Ireland was strewn with the wrecks of English ships, and they have evidence that the Irish Sinn Feiners were in league with the Germans, and that arms were being sent from Germany now.
I am very sorry to interrupt my right hon. Friend, but I cannot allow that statement to pass, because it implicates another nation besides ourselves. What my right hon. Friend said was that we were indebted to the German Government for information as to some of these proceedings.
I should be the last person to wish to misrepresent what the Prime Minister said in July, but my recollection is perfectly clear. The Prime Minister said he had evidence that arms had been sent from Germany.
My right hon. Friend is mistaken. What my right hon. Friend said was that the German Government had given us information of an attempt to send arms from Germany, which the German Government had prevented.
I will not pursue the matter further. The House knows now the actual statement, which of course I accept. What is going to happen during the time the Irish nation has Dominion Home Rule? It is going to have an army. It is as certain as I am standing here that, when they have developed that army they will say, "We will have nothing further to do with you or the King, and we are now an independent Irish lie-public."
They say that to-day.
My hon. Friend says they say that to-day. Anyone with ordinary foresight must know that that is what is going to happen. I should like to remind the House of one October morning 116 years ago when one of England's greatest sons—a man who always fought his enemies and never deserted his friends—made this signal, "England expects every man will do his duty." On that October morning upon those officers and seamen depended the future of the Empire. I am not at all sure that the vote to-night will not be very nearly as important as the result of the action that day.
The issue which we are debating to-night, and the results of our Debate may be fraught with such grave consequences, and indeed must be fraught with such grave consequences to the future of these islands and of the Empire, that I think every one will desire to measure his language carefully, and refrain from using any words which may make a breach where no breach already exists, which may widen a breach already existing, or may make it more difficult to bridge the breach that exists. I have listened during this Debate to a great many challenging statements to which, in other circumstances, I should like to make some reply. I do not wish to say that the right hon. Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) was thinking of anything but how best to secure peace, but I find it difficult to believe that the first part of his speech was calculated to promote that end. I take again the speech of the right hon. Member for Miles Platting (Mr. Clynes) who, I believe, to be sincerely desirous for peace. But I do not think his speech was directed to that end. I myself speak necessarily with limitations, and under responsibilities which neither these right hon. Gentlemen, nor any of my hon. Friends who have spoken on the other side of the House, labour under at this moment, and that makes it necessary for me, as far as I can—not making a fighting speech, and not a prepared speech—to measure my language and to avoid anything which may make a critical situation more critical, or deprive us of any hope of peace which is now open. But subject to the limitations which my position imposes upon me, it is my desire now, as I hope the House will believe it always has been, and always will be, to deal with it with perfect frankness, and with perfect clearness and sincerity. I am sorry that my hon. Friend—I still call him so—the Member for Eastbourne (Mr. Gwynne) should have suggested that I shuffled with the House in answering a question the other day. If 30 years passed in this House, in all conditions of Parliamentary struggles, is not sufficient to defend me against a charge of that kind, I am not fit to be here, and no other defence will I condescend to offer.
I will deal rather, not with the attempts to prove that the Government has been in the wrong in the past, or with small criticisms, but with the great issues which the House has really to decide. My right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) if I rightly understood him, challenged the right of the Government to open these negotiations. I think I ought to meet I that challenge, and I propose to do so.
Do hon. Members remember the manifesto to the electors which was issued by the Prime Minister and by my predecessor in the position which I now fill? Let me read a few words. These were the words in which my right hon. Friend and my predecessor, as Leader of the Unionist party in this House, announced to the country what was the authority for which they asked at the last General Election:
Will the right hon. Gentleman read on?
On a point of Order. Is the right hon. Gentleman entitled to quote from a document, and to omit material passages from it?
That is not a point of Order.
I have a limited time. I read the whole of this document this morning. I have quoted all that I believe to be material. My hon. Friend thinks I have omitted something which is material. I sacrifice my time in order that he may read it.
I think it is most material—
"I recognise, however, that in the present condition of Ireland such an attempt could not succeed, and that it must be postponed until the condition of Ireland makes it possible."
I am in the judgment of the House. My right hon. Friend went to the country, and we went to the country—all of us—upon that Manifesto. It was not the moment then; we think it is the moment now. The only reason for which I quoted it was to justify myself to my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London and to any who may feel his doubts as to the authority of Members of our party to deal with this question on the lines and in the full measure of the liberty that are claimed by our leaders for us.
My right hon. Friend also said that the Prime Minister had stated that any settlement must be subject to the approval of Parliament. That is obvious. My right hon. Friend retorted that if we negotiated a settlement before we consulted Parliament it was too late to submit it to Parliament. The House will forgive me. I am speaking to Members of my own party at this moment. Will my right hon. Friend consider whither his principle would lead him? I know nothing more dangerous for the Conservative party in this State. I know nothing more dangerous for the State itself than to destroy the authority of the Executive. A little time ago the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Miles Platting, with, as I thought, real political insight and real statesmanship, if he will forgive me for saying so, with courage befitting his high position and the respect in which we all hold him, was telling his friends of the Labour party that as long as their leaders could not lead, as long as at every step they were tied hand and foot and must come back and ask some less informed authority, to whom they could not reveal the whole of the facts at the moment, whether they might do this or that, Labour would be beaten in its industrial struggles. At the moment when the right hon. Gentleman opposite is attempting to inculcate that first lesson of social order, of political wisdom, of practical government in the minds of a recalcitrant Labour party, my right hon. Friend denies that same liberty to the leaders of his party. The right hon. Gentleman opposite was wise and statesmanlike. If there be any party that ought to guard the authority of the Executive, that ought to resist the claim of my right hon. Friend, it is the party to which he and I belong, to whose traditions in this matter I am more faithful than he is.
That is a doctrine of absolutism.
My right hon. Friend and others complained that they were insufficiently and too late informed of the steps we contemplated. It is quite true that the definite proposals of the Government were not published in the Press and presented to Parliament till the Monday before the House adjourned. There were days then enough for hon. Members to give notice of such a Motion as that we are discussing to-night. But I do not take my stand on that alone. This Motion does not challenge the conditions which we have laid down.
Yes.
No, it does not. There is not a word challenging the conditions which we have laid down. It challenges the propriety of our negotiating at all with the people whom we invited to the Conference.
Read the latter part.
Perhaps the hon. Member will allow me to make my own argument. The Resolution says:
"That this House views with grave apprehension the action of the Government in entering into negotiations with delegates from Southern Ireland who have taken an oath of allegiance to an Irish republic and have repudiated the authority of the Crown."
Read on.
That is all that is germane, and it is sufficient for my purpose. It is not a challenge to us for negotiating because of the conditions under which we negotiate. It is a challenge to us for negotiating with the men with whom we are negotiating. My hon. Friends must do us justice. They were not taken by surprise by that. They had not only four days to make up their minds about that. On the 24th June the Prime Minister wrote to Sir James Craig and Mr. de Valera in identical terms, except for the necessary changes according to the addressee—
"The British Government are deeply anxious that, so far as they can assure it, the King's appeal for reconciliation in Ireland shall not have been made in vain. Rather than allow yet another opportunity of settlement in Ireland to be cast aside, they feel it incumbent upon them to make a final appeal, in the spirit of the King's words, for a conference between themselves and the representatives of Southern and Northern Ireland. I write, therefore, to convey the following invitation to you as the chosen leader of the great majority in Southern Ireland, and to Sir James Craig, the Premier of Northern Ireland, that you should attend a Conference here in London—"
That was published in the Press on the 27th June. There was full notice to the world that we invited to a Conference here Mr. de Valera and any of his colleagues—
"and that you should bring with you for the purpose any colleagues whom you may select."
Why was not this Motion made then? I think I know why. I think I know why it is made now, and it is germane to the discussion before the House. I believe that after the King's visit, after the remarkable appeal conveyed by His Majesty in that Speech, for which we were responsible as his advisers, accountable to this Parliament, there, was a great desire through Ireland, through this country, through the British Empire, and through the English-speaking world that we should act in the spirit of the words which we had asked His Majesty to deliver, and if the Motion had been put down then there would not have been fifty or forty—there would have been hardly anyone—to stand against the universal feeling of the English-speaking world. Why, then, is it put down now, and why have we been harassed during these recent sittings until we felt that this Motion must be taken at once, and the House brought back from details to the great issue and invited to give a clear and decided answer upon that great issue? It is because the circumstances, the external irritating and sometimes aggravating incidents which had gone on from day to day during the truce had prejudiced the atmosphere of reconciliation, that feeling of goodwill which His Majesty, as being the most exalted—
On your advice.
I said so. Of course His Majesty acts on the advice of his Ministers.
Then why bring him in?
When his Ministers, instead of speaking by themselves, advise His Majesty to use certain language, it has a solemnity and an appeal which no words used by a subject, however exalted, can ever carry throughout the Empire. I shirk no responsibility that belongs to me or to my colleagues. I think that my hon. and gallant Friend (Lieut.-Colonel Croft) must be content to agree that any utterance by the King has a solemnity, a resonance, and an appeal beyond any utterance of any of his Ministers. It is the incidents which have occurred since which have changed the atmosphere. The difficulties are immense. On both sides there are people who do not wish this Conference to succeed, and on both sides they use every incident in turn, every complaint that they can, whether well founded or ill founded. What I have to say upon that matter is this: We accepted the terms of the truce, if truce it is to be called, which appear on the White Paper laid before the House, and on every question that arises both parties are bound by that document, and it is to that document and that alone that the appeal has been made in every case. My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has already stated how our remonstrances in regard to the importation of arms into Ireland have been met. Daily, as these incidents occur, regrettable, deplorable almost, but I trust not quite disastrous, they are taken up with the representatives of the other side, and as far as the principal delegates are concerned, I think I may say that they have acted in this matter as men of honour. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]
Michael Collins, man of honour!
I know. I have been with them. Who is to challenge me who has not sat there with them? I say, so far as they are concerned, they have acted as men of honour, they have admitted the obligation to keep the terms of truce and I believe are doing their best to carry them out—I suppose we cannot wholly claim this as a reason for hastening the proceedings of the Conference as much as possible, as much as is consistent with its prospects of success—but I do.
Is the Conference going on? [HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order!"]
If the hon. and gallant Member for Bournemouth cannot refrain from continual comment, I shall have to ask him to withdraw.
I do beg the House not lightly to ruin the whole chance of peace by being impatient over a minor wrong. If there were any sign that the Truce was wilfully broken by those with whom we were negotiating it would be impossible for us to continue, but as long as they meet us fairly over these instances and as long as we can take them up as they arise do not let us lose the great, the vast, the immense issues in a maze of petty details and of temporary irritation.
My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare) appealed to me personally, and nobody has a better right than he, nor have many the same right to make such an appeal. I do not think that it serves any good purpose or conduces to the object which he has in view as much as I, that we should repeat, again and again, things that we have already said. If my word once given is worth nothing, it is worth no more when I repeat it twice. If hon. Members have no confidence or trust in those who sit upon this Bench, and in whom they had confidence a little time ago, the mere repetition of what we have already said will not bring confidence back, and the mere repetition on either side outside the Conference of things which we said before the Conference met might easily bring that Conference to an end. It was not necessary for us to Repeat any terms we had made, any limitation we had laid down; it would not be, unless outside the Conference one of those conditions had been challenged afresh. Is not no small part of the feeling which has led to this Debate and the Motion which has been moved due to the fact that a message was sent, not by a member of the Conference, but by a very important member of Sinn Fein, by Mr. de Valera himself. [An HON. MEMBER: "The President!"] I do not give him the title; my hon. Friend is anxious to do that. A message was sent by Mr. de Valera himself, from outside the Conference, in the middle of the sittings of the Conference, which challenged the very basis of our proceedings? My right hon. Friend has replied to that. Except for that we never should have thought it necessary—and I do not think it necessary now—to reaffirm at every moment that what I said I meant, and that by the pledges I have given I will stand.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Paisley (Mr. Asquith) made one re- mark which I heard with great satisfaction. He said that whatever his criticisms of the Government in the past—when he made them as disagreeable as he could—the proposals which we had now made, as far as known to him, were his proposals. I am very glad to hear it. The right hon. Gentleman added that they had been his proposals a year ago. He is mistaken. It is because of the difference between what are his proposals now and what were his proposals then that I am so glad to hear that observation from him. At that time the right hon. Gentleman saw no reason why the naval defence of this Empire and of these islands should not be at the mercy of an independent Irish State.
I never said anything of the kind, or anything even approaching it.
It is not my object to convict my right hon. Friend of inconsistency, though, if I wished, I think I could do it. It is my object to register what is the great fact of vital importance, that in the proposals which His Majesty's Government have made they have got down to the solid rock bottom, beyond which no British Government of any complexion would go.
My colleagues and myself, understanding this Motion as an attack upon the Peace. Conference, from which we hope and earnestly pray that peace with honour will eventuate, will vote against it. Some parts of the speech of the Prime Minister, especially propositions with regard to Ulster, compel us to reserve both our words and our actions.
having risen —
rose in his place , and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.
Question put accordingly,
"That this House views with grave apprehension the action of the Government in entering into negotiations with delegates from Southern Ireland who have taken an oath of allegiance to an Irish republic and have repudiated the authority of the Crown; and, in view of the fact that an Act of Parliament for the settlement of the relations between Great Britain and Ireland was passed as recently as last year, is of opinion that no proposals for the government of Southern Ireland should be made without the sanction of Parliament."
The House divided: Ayes, 43; Noes, 439.
Division No. 361.] AYES. [11.0 p.m. Adair, Rear-Admiral Thomas B. S. Ganzoni, Sir John Remnant, Sir James Archer-Shee, Lieut.-Colonel Martin Gritten, W. G. Howard Roberts, Samuel (Hereford, Hereford) Ashley, Colonel Wilfrid W. Hall, Rr-Adml Sir W. (Liv'p'l.W.D'by) Sprot, Colonel Sir Alexander Balfour, George (Hampstead) James, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. Cuthbert Stewart, Gershom Banbury, Rt. Hon. Sir Frederick G. Jellett, William Morgan Sueter, Rear-Admiral Murray Fraser Banner, Sir John S. Harmood. Lowther, Col. Claude (Lancaster) Townshend, Sir Charles Vere Ferrers Blair, Sir Reginald Maddocks, Henry Willoughby, Lieut.-Col. Hon. Claud Boyd-Carpenter, Major A. Marriott, John Arthur Ransome Wilson, Capt. A. S. (Holderness) Burn, Col. C. R. (Devon, Torquay) Newman, Colonel J. R. P. (Finchley) Wilson-Fox, Henry Butcher, Sir John George Nicholson, Brig.-Gen. J. (Westminster) Wolmer, Viscount Cooper, Sir Richard Ashmole Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Yate, Colonel Sir Charles Edward Cory, Sir C. J. (Cornwall, St. Ives) Nield, Sir Herbert Croft, Lieut.-Colonel Henry Page Oman, Sir Charles William C. TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— Curzon, Captain Viscount Pennefather, De Fonblanque Colonel Gretton and Mr. R. Gwynne. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S) Poison, Sir Thomas A. Foxcroft, Captain Charles Talbot Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
NOES. Acland, Rt. Hon. Francis D. Barnes, Rt. Hon. G. (Glas., Gorbals) Betterton, Henry B. Adamson, Rt. Hon. William Barnes, Major H. (Newcastle, E.) Bigland, Alfred Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Barnett, Major Richard W. Birchall, Major J. Dearman Adkins, Sir William Ryland Dent Barnston, Major Harry Bird, Sir A. (Wolverhampton, West) Agg-Gardner, Sir James Tynte Barrand, A. R. Bird, Sir William B. M. (Chichester) Ainsworth, Captain Charles Barrie, Sir Charles Coupar (Banff) Blades, Sir George Rowland Armitage, Robert Barton, Sir William (Oldham) Blake, Sir Francis Douglas Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Beauchamp, Sir Edward Blane, T. A. Astor, Viscountess Beckett, Hon. Gervase Borwick, Major G. O. Atkey, A. R. Bell, James (Lancaster, Ormskirk) Boscawen, Rt. Hon. Sir A. Griffith Bagley, Captain E. Ashton Bell, Lieut.-Col. W. C. H. (Devizes) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Baird, Sir John Lawrence Bellairs, Commander Carlyon W. Bowles, Colonel H. F. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley Benn, Sir A. S. (Plymouth, Drake) Bowyer, Captain G. W. E. Balfour, Sir R. (Glasgow, Partick) Bennett, Sir Thomas Jewell Bramsdon, Sir Thomas Barker, G. (Monmouth, Abertillery) Bethell, Sir John Henry Breese, Major Charles E. Briant, Frank Fisher, Rt. Hon. Herbert A. L. Inskip, Thomas Walker H. Bridgeman, Rt. Hon. William Clive Fitz Roy, Captain Hon. Edward A. Irving, Dan Briggs, Harold Flannery, Sir James Fortescue Jackson, Lieut.-Colonel Hon. F. S. Brittain, Sir Harry Ford, Patrick Johnston Jameson, John Gordon Britton, G. B. Foreman, Sir Henry Jodrell, Neville Paul Broad, Thomas Tucker Forestier-Walker, L. John, William (Rhondda, West) Bromfield, William Forrest, Walter Johnson, Sir Stanley Brotherton, Colonel Sir Edward A. Fraser, Major Sir Keith Johnstone, Joseph Brown, Major D. C. Frece, Sir Walter de Jones, Sir Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvll) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Jones, Sir Evan (Pembroke) Bruton, Sir James Galbraith, Samuel Jones, G. W. H. (Stoke Newington) Buchanan, Lieut.-Colonel A. L. H. Gange, E. Stanley Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) Buckley, Lieut.-Colonel A. Gardiner, James Jones, J. T. (Carmarthen, Llanelly) Bull, Rt. Hon. Sir William James Gardner, Ernest Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Burdon, Colonel Rowland Geddes, Rt. Hon. Sir E. (Camb'dge) Kellaway, Rt. Hon. Fredk. George Burgoyne, Lt.-Col. Alan Hughes Gee, Captain Robert Kelley, Major Fred (Rotherham) Cairns, John George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd Kelly, Edward J. (Donegal, East) Campbell, J. D. G. Gibbs, Colonel George Abraham Kidd, James Cape, Thomas Gilbert, James Daniel Kiley, James Daniel Carew, Charles Robert S. Gillis, William King, Captain Henry Douglas Carr, W. Theodore Gilmour, Lieut.-Colonel Sir John Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement Carter, R. A. D. (Man., Withington) Glanville, Harold James Knight, Major E. A. (Kidderminster) Carter, W. (Nottingham, Mansfield) Glyn, Major Ralph Lambert, Rt. Hon. George Casey, T. W. Goff, Sir R. Park Lane-Fox, G. R. Cautley, Henry Strother Gould, James C. Law, Alfred J. (Rochdale) Cecil, Rt. Hon. Evelyn (Birm., Aston) Goulding, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward A. Lawson, John James Cecil, Rt. Hon. Lord R. (Hitchin) Graham, R. (Nelson and Colne) Lewis, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Univ., Wales) Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Graham, W. (Edinburgh, Central) Lewis, T. A. (Glam., Pontypridd) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Birm. W.) Grant, James Augustus Lister, Sir R. Ashton Chamberlain, N. (Birm., Ladywood) Gray, Major Ernest (Accrington) Lloyd, George Butler Cheyne, Sir William Watson Grayson, Lieut.-Colonel Sir Henry Lloyd-Greame, Sir P. Chilcot, Lieut.-Com. Harry W. Green, Albert (Derby) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (H'tingd'n) Child, Brigadier-General Sir Hill Green, Joseph F. (Leicester, W.) Lorden, John William Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. Greenwood, Colonel Sir Hamar Loseby, Captain C. E. Churchman, Sir Arthur Greenwood, William (Stockport) Lowe, Sir Francis William Clay, Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Spender Greer, Harry Lowther, Maj.-Gen. Sir C. (Penrith) Clough, Sir Robert Gregory, Holman Loyd, Arthur Thomas (Abingdon) Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Greig, Colonel James William Lyle, C. E. Leonard Coats, Sir Stuart Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Lyle-Samuel, Alexander Cobb, Sir Cyril Grundy, T. W. M'Donald, Dr. Bouverie F. P. Cockerill, Brigadier-General G. K. Guest, Capt. Rt. Hon. Frederick E. Macdonald, Rt. Hon. John Murray Cohen, Major J. Brunel Guest, J. (York, W.R., Hemsworth) Mackinder, Sir H. J. (Camlachie) Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Guest, Major Hon. O. (Leicester) McLaren, Hon. H. D. (Leicester) Colvin, Brig.-General Richard Beale Hailwood, Augustine McLaren, Robert (Lanark, Northern) Conway, Sir W. Martin Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Maclean, Neil (Glasgow, Govan) Cope, Major William Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Maclean, Rt. Hon. Sir D. (Midlothian) Courthope, Lieut.-Col. George L. Halls, Walter Macleod, J. Mackintosh Cowan, D. M. (Scottish Universities) Hambro, Angus Valdemar McMicking, Major Gilbert Cowan, Sir H. (Aberdeen and Kinc.) Hamilton, Major C. G. C. Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Craik, Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Macpherson, Rt. Hon. James I. Dalziel, Sir D. (Lambeth, Brixton) Hanson, Sir Charles Augustin Macquisten, F. A. Davidson, J. C. C. (Hemel Hempstead) Harbison, Thomas James S. MacVeagh, Jeremiah Davidson, Major-General Sir J. H. Harmsworth, C. B. (Bedford, Luton) Magnus, Sir Philip Davies, A. (Lancaster, Clitheroe) Harmsworth, Sir R. L. (Caithness) Mallaby-Deeley, Harry Davies, Alfred Thomas (Lincoln) Harris, Sir Henry Percy Malone, Major P. B. (Tottenham, S.) Davies, David (Montgomery) Haslam, Lewis Manville, Edward Davies, Sir David Sanders (Denbigh) Hayward, Evan Marks, Sir George Croydon Davies, Evan (Ebbw Vale) Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Widnes) Martin, A. E. Davies, John (Lancs, Westhoughton) Henderson, Lt.-Col. V. L. (Tradeston) Mason, Robert Davies, Thomas (Cirencester) Hennessy, Major J. R. G. Middlebrook, Sir William Davies, Sir William H. (Bristol, S.) Herbert, Col. Hon. A. (Yeovil) Mills, John Edmund Dawes, James Arthur Herbert, Dennis (Hertford, Watford) Mitchell, Sir William Lane Dawson, Sir Philip Hewart, Rt. Hon. Sir Gordon Mond, Rt. Hon. Sir Alfred Moritz Dean, Commander P. T. Higham, Charles Frederick Montagu, Rt. Hon. E. S. Dennis, J. W. (Birmingham, Deritend) Hilder, Lieut.-Colonel Frank Moore, Major-General Sir Newton J. Denniss, Edmund R. B. (Oldham) Hinds, John Moore-Brabazon, Lieut.-Col. J. T. C. Devlin, Joseph Hirst, G. H. Morden, Col. W. Grant Donnelly, P. Hoare, Lieut.-Colonel Sir S. J. G. Moreing, Captain Algernon H. Doyle, N. Grattan Hodge, Rt. Hon. John Morgan, Major D. Watts Du Cros, Sir Arthur Philip Hogge, James Myles Morison, Rt. Hon. Thomas Brash Du Pre, Colonel William Baring Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Morris, Richard Edgar, Clifford B. Holmes, J. Stanley Morrison, Hugh Edge, Captain William Hood, Joseph Mosley, Oswald Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Hope, Sir H. (Stirling & Cl'ckm'nn, W.) Mount, William Arthur Edwards, Major J. (Aberavon) Hope, Lt.-Col. Sir J. A. (Midlothian) Murchison, C. K. Edwards, Hugh (Glam., Neath) Hope, J. D. (Berwick & Haddington) Murray, C. D. (Edinburgh) Elliot, Capt. Walter E. (Lanark) Hopkins, John W. W. Murray, Dr. D. (Inverness & Ross) Elliott, Lt.-Col. Sir G. (Islington, W.) Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford) Murray, Hon. Gideon (St. Rollox) Entwistle, Major C. F. Horne, Sir R. S. (Glasgow, Hillhead) Murray, John (Leeds, West) Eyres-Monsell, Com. Bolton M. Howard, Major S. G. Murray, William (Dumfries) Evans, Ernest Hudson, R. M. Myers, Thomas Falcon, Captain Michael Hume-Williams, Sir W. Ellis Neal, Arthur Falle, Major Sir Bertram Godfray Hunter, General Sir A. (Lancaster) Nelson, R. F. W. R. Farquharson, Major A. C. Hunter-Weston, Lieut.-Gen. Sir A. G. Newbould, Alfred Ernest Fell, Sir Arthur Hurd, Percy A. Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Fildes, Henry Hurst, Lieut.-Colonel Gerald B. Newton, Major Sir Harry K. Nicholson, Reginald (Doncaster) Rutherford, Colonel Sir J. (Darwen) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton, E.) Norman, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Rutherford, Sir W. W. (Edge Hill) Thorpe, Captain John Henry Norris, Colonel Sir Henry G. Samuel, A M. (Surrey, Farnham) Tickler, Thomas George O'Connor, Thomas P. Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Norwood) Tillett, Benjamin O'Grady, James Samuel, Samuel (W'dsworth, Putney) Townley, Maximilian G. Palmer, Brigadier-General G. L. Sanders, Colonel Sir Robert Arthur Tryon, Major George Clement Parker, James Sassoon, Sir Philip Albert Gustave D. Turton, Edmund Russborough Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Scott, A. M. (Glasgow, Bridgeton) Vickers, Douglas Parry, Lieut.-Colonel Thomas Henry Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Waddington, R. Pearce, Sir William Scott, Sir Samuel (St. Marylebone) Wallace, J. Pease, Rt. Hon. Herbert Pike Seager, Sir William Walsh, Stephen (Lancaster, Ince) Peel, Col. Hon. S. (Uxbridge, Mddx.) Seddon, J. A. Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir John Tudor Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Seely, Major-General Rt. Hon. John Ward-Jackson, Major C. L. Perkins, Walter Frank Sexton, James Ward, William Dudley (Southampton) Perring, William George. Shaw, Hon. Alex. (Kilmarnock) Waring, Major Walter Philipps, Sir Owen C. (Chester, City) Shaw, Thomas (Preston) Watson, Captain John Bertrand Pilditch, Sir Philip Shaw, William T. (Forfar) White, Charles F. (Derby, Western) Pinkham, Lieut.-Colonel Charles Shortt, Rt. Hon. E. (N'castle-on-T.) White, Col. G. D. (Southport) Pollock, Sir Ernest Murray Simm, M. T. Wignall, James Pownall, Lieut.-Colonel Assheton Sitch, Charles H. Wild, Sir Ernest Edward Pratt, John William Smith, Sir Allan M. (Croydon, South) Williams, Aneurin (Durham, Consett) Prescott, Major W. H. Smith, Sir Harold (Warrington) Williams, C. (Tavistock) Pretyman, Rt. Hon. Ernest G. Smith, Sir Malcolm (Orkney) Williams, Col. P. (Middlesbrough, E.) Purchase, H. G. Smithers, Sir Alfred W. Williams, Col. Sir R. (Dorset, W.) Raeburn, Sir William H. Spencer, George A. Wills, Lt.-Col. Sir Gilbert Alan H. Raffan, Peter Wilson Stanley, Major Hon. G. (Preston) Wilson, James (Dudley) Ramsden, G. T. Stanton, Charles Butt Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Stourbrdge) Raper, A. Baldwin Starkey, Captain John Ralph Wilson, Col. M. J. (Richmond) Raw, Lieutenant-Colonel Dr. N. Steel, Major S. Strang Winfrey, Sir Richard Redmond, Captain William Archer Stephenson, Lieut.-Colonel H. K. Wintringham, Margaret Rees, Sir J. D. (Nottingham, East) Stevens, Marshall Wise, Frederick Rees, Capt. J. Tudor- (Barnstaple) Strauss, Edward Anthony Wood, Hon. Edward F. L. (Ripon) Remer, J. R. Sturrock, J. Leng Wood, Sir H. K. (Woolwich, West) Rendall, Athelstan Sugden, W. H. Wood, Major M. M. (Aberdeen, C.) Renwick, Sir George Sutherland, Sir William Woolcock, William James U. Richardson, Sir Albion (Camberwell) Sykes, Colonel Sir A. J. (Knutsford) Worsfold, T. Cato Richardson, Alexander (Gravesend) Sykes, Sir Charles (Huddersfield) Worthington-Evans, Rt. Hon. Sir L. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Taylor, J. Yeo, Sir Alfred William Roberts, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Norwich) Terrell, Captain R. (Oxford, Henley) Young, E. H. (Norwich) Roberts, Sir S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Thomas, Rt. Hon. James H. (Derby) Young, Sir Frederick W. (Swindon) Robertson, John Thomas, Brig.-Gen. Sir O. (Anglesey) Young, Robert (Lancaster, Newton) Robinson, S. (Brecon and Radnor) Thomas, Sir Robert J. (Wrexham) Young, W. (Perth & Kinross, Perth) Robinson, Sir T. (Lancs., Stretford) Thomas-Stanford, Charles Younger, Sir George Rose, Frank H. Thomson, F. C. (Aberdeen, South) Rothschild, Lionel de Thomson, T. (Middlesbrough, West) TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —— Royce, William Stapleton Thomson, Sir W. Mitchell. (Maryhill) Colonel Wilson and Mr. McCurdy. Royds, Lieut.-Colonel Edmund
I ask leave to make a brief personal explanation. When I was quoting from the manifesto issued by the Prime Minister and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Central Glasgow (Mr. Bonar Law), the hon. Member for South Kensington (Sir W. Davison) interrupted me and asked me to read the concluding portion of the quotation that I had selected. I had brought down with me the only words which seemed material. I think the House ought to know, and, indeed, I wish the House to know, that my quotation was complete, and that the hon. Gentleman himself was quoting from a different document.
That is so. I thought when the Leader of the House was stating what we voted upon at the last election that he was reading from the letter which the Prime Minister had addressed to the late Leader of the House. I thought it was from that letter, which very clearly stated the words that I read, that the right hon. Gentleman was quot- ing. I regret I should have suggested that the Leader of the House was not quoting the whole of that document.
Poor Law Emergency Provisions (Scotland) Bill
Considered in Committee.
[Sir EDWIN CORNWALL in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 1.—(Poor relief to destitute able-bodied persons out of employment.)
(1) Notwithstanding anything in section sixty-eight of the Poor Law (Scotland) Act, 1845 (in this Act referred to as "the principal Act"), assessments imposed and levied for the relief of the poor shall extend and be applicable to the relief of destitute able-bodied persons out of employment, so, however, that nothing in this Act contained shall require the parish council of any parish to provide relief to any such person unless he satisfies the parish council (whose decision shall be final) that he is destitute and unable to obtain employment.
(2) The provisions of the principal Act so far as not inconsistent with this Act shall apply to relief to a destitute able-bodied person out of employment in like manner as they apply to relief under the principal Act, so, however, that notwithstanding anything in section seventy-one of that Act any charges or expenses incurred in respect of any such person may be recovered from the parish of settlement of such person not only for the period from and after the date of the notice given in accordance with the said section to the inspector of poor of such parish, but also for the period of three months immediately preceding.
(3) This section shall be deemed to have had effect as from the nineteenth day of April nineteen hundred and twenty-one.
I beg to move, in Sub-section (1), to leave out the words "destitute and" ["he is destitute and unable to obtain employment"].
Before moving the Amendment, I desire to enter a protest against the practice of constantly taking Scottish Bills after eleven o'clock; and particularly in this case, as I understand that it is desired to take the remainder of the stages of this Bill to-night. So far as I understand the procedure of the House the Parliamentary Secretary cannot have his wish unless the House agree.
I think my hon. Friend is under a misapprehension. If I get the Committee stage to-night, I shall be grateful to the House. I am not asking for anything further.
I am glad to hear it. I would request a little more consideration for Scottish Bills, so that we should not have to sit through English Bills during the day, and come on to Scottish Bills during the night. Having entered that protest, I move my Amendment, the purpose of which I explained on the Second Reading. I will only emphasise it now. This is a purely temporary Bill. Consequently I think the word "destitute" can be left out, since it confuses the mass of the people with the usual applicants for parochial relief. I hope that the Lord Advocate will see his way to accept this Amendment, and leave out that which, if allowed to remain in the Bill, will give to a certain section of officious investigators the power to go into houses, and carry out their delicate duty in a very objectionable manner. If they see a house comfortably furnished, the inspectors tell those individuals that they cannot have relief until they sell off some of the articles of furniture which help to make their home comfortable. It is against that class of investigator that I wish to have protection, and the only way in which I can do it is to have the words "destitute and" deleted from the Bill.
I have every sympathy with the speech of the hon. Member as far as his protest goes against unnecessary inquiries by inspectors. That is a necessary matter of administration. I am sure my hon. Friend will agree with me when I say that our Poor Law inspectors carry out their task with a reasonable regard for the people among whom- the inquiries have to be made. I have had a long experience of Poor Law inspectors in Scotland, and I know of no case where any objection has been made as to the manner in which the investigations are made. My hon. Friend's Amendment would not have the effect he desires, because Tinder the Poor Law Act, 1845, the inspector must make those inquiries. The only result of this Amendment would be to increase the already heavy burden which the rates have to bear, because if you omit the word "destitute," you place upon the rates the burden of giving relief to every unemployed person regardless of his circumstances altogether. It seems to me, in face of those facts, that it is impossible for the Government to accept the Amendment.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, at the end of Sub-section (1), to insert the words having to make huge payments on a low assessable value. They are to be empowered to borrow money. But how? In England a similar difficulty has been met to some extent by provision for the equalisation of rates. In Scotland no attempt has been made by the Government to deal with this problem, and yet the trouble is very much more acute there than in England. In the whole of England there are some 600 unions over the areas of which money may be raised. In Scotland, with a population of only one-tenth the size, we have 961 parishes which are rating areas and authorities for dealing with Poor Law relief. Obviously, in many cases in Scotland, poor areas with a comparatively small assessable rental, where industry is suffering severely they are faced with the prospect of huge expenditure on the destitute unemployed. They have no money out of which to provide relief, as they are already rated to the utmost limit. This Bill provides no means by which they can get money. It tells them they may borrow it, but it does not say who is going to lend it, and if anyone thinks that a wretched parish council can persuade anyone to lend it money I can only say I doubt it very much. My Amendment suggests that if the burden on any parish becomes too great it should report the fact to the Scottish Board of Health and send a certificate that it is unable to deal with the situation in the area. Then it will be up to the Government to deal with it. I suggest that on this Amendment the Government should tell us exactly what they are going to do in regard to these areas throughout the whole of Scotland. At the present moment there are many parishes overrated. Govan is one of the worst. There they have a poor rate of 3·5d. in the £ already, and it is estimated that a further rate of 2s. 1½d. will be required to deal with the unemployed. They are spending at present £7,000 a week in relief, and every week that this relief goes on it increases the rate by 1d. in the £.
That, however, is not all. In many of these large burghs in Scotland, owing to unemployment, many people are unable to pay their rent or rates, so that not only is it a question of increasing the nominal rate, but the authority will not be able to get in even the rates that they would in normal times. The Government really must make some attempt to grapple with this situation, and we want to get a statement from them as to what they are going to do. The whole question of equalising rates through areas, and of extending areas, has been long delayed. There are two ways of dealing with this question of poor relief. One is by increasing the area, and the other by giving Government grants. It is well known that when the Royal Commission on the Poor Law reported on this point, I think in 1909, it condemned the increase of areas, and recommended the retention in Scotland of the area of the parish; but it did recommend a system of grants from the central Government, in increasing proportion where the assessable value of the parish was low compared with the number of inhabitants, but in reducing proportion in cases in which the local authorities were extravagant. That seemed to be a very sound principle. I cannot go into this question now, but I do say that the Government—not this Government particularly, but all Governments—have delayed dealing with this vital question for many year. Now, faced with acute difficulties, they put forward a Bill which will not really grapple with the situation. My Amendment would have the effect of ensuring that, when in any area the burden becomes impossible, and the local authority cannot meet it, then it is for the central Government to do something more than is proposed under this Bill. I hope the Government will accept the Amendment, because, if the situation becomes impossible, I cannot see that we can do anything but come to the Government, and if necessary to Parliament, to deal with it.
I move the Amendment mainly in order to get a clear statement from the Lord Advocate as to how the case is going to be met in Scotland. Representatives of numerous parish councils have come up to London from all parts of Scotland, and have been interviewing Scottish Members and the Secretary for Scotland, to explain that they really cannot face the situation. This Bill is quite inadequate to deal with it. They cannot find the money; who is going to find it? I will not deal with the other question, namely, from whom they are to borrow the money, as I shall be dealing with that on a subsequent Amendment. This Amendment deals with the question who is to bear the burden of rates for providing the necessary relief for destitution in Scotland, and I ask the Lord Advocate to make a statement on the subject.
I support this Amendment, in order to get a clear statement from the Lord Advocate. I am very sorry the Bill has come up for consideration to-night. I am quite aware that Government business must be proceeded with. Some of us to-day had an interview with various parish councils that caused us very considerable thought and anxiety regarding the position in Scotland. If the rate referred to in the Amendment comes to 4s. in the £ or anything over that, it will cause a very serious position to arise in my own county. I wish to bring before my right hon. Friend a certain statement which was made to-day by those responsible men representing the parish councils. It is very germane to this Amendment. They informed us that before they granted relief they had an interview with the Scottish Board of Health and agreed to grant relief on a scale laid down by the Board. They also stated in the most emphatic way that at that interview the assurance was given that in order to re-imburse the parish councils and the local authorities for relief granted in that way a Treasury grant would be made to Scotland.
We cannot now discuss the question of Treasury grants. That is outside the scope of the Bill. The Amendment is simply to require that the local authorities should certify in a certain event. It would be' in order to move an Amendment in this form, but not for the purpose of discussing where the money is to come from. At present it is to come from the Treasury.
I should have thought in a matter of this kind, when we were reaching the limit suggested in the Amendment, the other question was bound to arise. If you rule that out now, of course I cannot proceed with the argument I had in mind.
On a point of Order. Of course it would be quite out of order to discuss any question of the Treasury grant, but a statement was made by the Solicitor-General on the Second Reading, that in certain circumstances the Treasury would probably do something. I think that is what the hon. Member is referring to. He made some remark about giving help in certain cases.
I can quite perceive that that argument naturally follows, but here is an Amendment with a limited scope, and it is my duty to keep it within the provisions of the Bill.
Would it not be better if the Lord Advocate made his statement at once?
I am sure there is nothing further from my purpose than to question your ruling, Sir, but before my right hon. Friend makes his statement, and in view of the confusion of thought that is in the minds of certain Members on the whole question, I should be very glad if the consideration of the Bill could have been deferred another day.
The Lord Advocate has been invited to make a statement. One reason why I interrupted was to point out that discussion could not follow, and the Lord Advocate cannot follow it, because we are not entitled to discuss here anything which would be in the nature of a Treasury grant. That is outside the scope of the Bill. Therefore the Lord Advocate cannot give any assistance to the Committee at this stage in the matter.
I understand that the Amendment was moved in order to invite me to give some supplementary statement to that which the Solicitor-General made on the Second Reading, and I hope I may be in order in doing so. I was very much impressed by the considerations which the hon. Baronet the Member for Midlothian (Sir J. Hope) put forward in regard to certain parishes where I know this burden will place a number of them in a very difficult financial position. I am aware that there are small parishes in Scotland in which it is impossible to cope, on their credit, with the burden which this Bill places upon them. My right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland met the Chancellor of the Exchequer in order to endeavour to meet this difficulty, and they arranged that the Government would assist parish councils to obtain credit to meet this temporary, I hope, but very serious burden upon their finances. The Government agreed to grant loans to necessitous parishes if, on investigation by the Committee which the Government is to set up, the case is one in which assistance is required. Scotland will be represented on the Committee, and the applications of necessitous parishes will be made in the first instance to the Scottish Board of Health. That will accomplish one of the objects which my hon. Friend has in view in moving this Amendment, because it will involve an intimation to the Board of Health of the financial difficulties in which a parish has been placed by attempting to meet this additional burden. The Treasury have further agreed that if a case is made out of great necessity they will postpone the exaction of any interest for a period of five years: but that is the limit to which the Treasury will agree in the way of affording additional credit to parish councils.
Will that concession for a period of five years apply to payment of instalments as well as interest?
No, it does not refer to instalments. It only refers to interest. We hope that numerous parishes will be in a position to meet their liabilities by overdraft from the bank in the usual way. Where we know that there are cases in which the banks will not give credit we think that such cases may be met under the scheme which the Government propose to establish. This matter is dealt with in the White Paper which was published on the 19th October, 1921, in which it is recorded that payment will be made from a sum of £5,500,000 as relief to unemployment, among other things, to assist by way of loans, boards of guardians and parish councils in necessitous areas who are unable to meet claims made upon them for relief. That is the position of the Government, and I hope I have made it clear that the Government's assistance is limited to loans. They are unable to make grants, but they propose to assist necessitous parish councils through the Committee in the way I have mentioned.
I have allowed the Lord Advocate to make a statement because it was generally desired that he should make it, but. I must point out that this is outside the scope of the Bill. Whether it comes under another Bill I do not know. This Bill is limited in its scope, and I cannot allow discussion as to what grant the Treasury should give.
Is there not all the difference in the world between a loan and a grant? There is a system of lending, which does not require any Financial Resolution. The Public Works-Loans Commissioners do things in that way. We cannot discuss a grant, but I should have thought that we could discuss the loan.
If there be any charge, it cannot be discussed, of course. Manifestly if there is not a charge, then it should come under a specific Amendment. We can only discuss the Amendment which is now before us. On Second Reading I agree that we can discuss what is not in the Bill. Then hon. Members can advance arguments as to what they think ought to be in the Bill, but in Committee we can only deal with specific Amendments. This is a specific Amendment, and I cannot allow a general discussion upon it.
I notice that Clause 2 already does deal with the powers of the new Committee under the principal Act, and then goes on to speak of the powers conferred on the parish council. I submit that on the Amendment now before the Committee it is not out of order to discuss what the Government proposes to do under this Bill. It seems to me to be quite a useful opportunity of discussing it, as it is so distinctly raised here by this Amendment. The whole question can be raised by a certificate as to the position of the parish council.
In view of the nature of the charge, I could not allow it now on this Amendment.
In my own county we have parishes which furnish an excellent reason why this Amendment should be accepted. I have in view a parish in which very large oil works have been in operation. At present they are in a state of complete collapse. As a result the valuation of the works has been correspondingly reduced. The result is that this parish is to be assessed for a population who will be almost entirely dependent upon the rates, and the rates will be drawn for the most part from the people who are out of employment plus the people in business who are dependent upon the population, but whose business is entirely destroyed in consequence of the collapse of the works. I am indebted to the Lord Advocate for the statement which he has made, but an excellent test of this Amendment is when the parish should demit the office of attending to those people who are thrown out of work and the State should intervene, because in a parish such as I have indicated unless we have the parish relieved and the responsibility undertaken by some other authority, the people to all intents and purposes will not receive any benefit under this-Act.
At present the parish is in such a position that it would not get an overdraft from the bank. The bank conducts its business on business lines and it has no security whatever. The rateable area to all intentions and purposes is destroyed, and it is a mockery to go to the parish and say, "Though you have nothing to tax, yet you will have larger powers to assess the parish and to borrow." That is the position in which this particular parish is placed, and it is not a matter to be dismissed lightly notwithstanding the late hour. There are thousands waiting on this Bill in this particular parish alone, and I can imagine nothing more ineffectual on the part of any Government than to promote a Bill pretending to give these people relief when relief under the Bill is an utter impossibility. That is the position in which I am placed. I hope the Lord Advocate will amend his statement and give us some indication as to how these people are to be provided with sustenance during this period.
We have to consider this matter from the point of view of our knowledge of existing rates in many parishes in Scotland. I am bound to say that, having voted without proper knowledge for an Education Act which permits an almost intolerable burden to be laid on certain parishes, which comes to something like 8s. in the £, I am not disposed to give anybody authority to levy a rate on a parish unless a maximum amount is inserted. I am not prepared to take the responsibility, and unless something in the way of limiting the application of this assessment is somehow placed in this Bill, I certainly shall vote against it. I do not think the situation is at all clear, in view of what we have heard to-night. I am perfectly certain, as a banker, that loans will not be made by banks on the terms of this Measure. The Clause to which my right hon. Friend referred, which deals with overdrafts from banks, and which gives power to parish councils to incur those overdrafts, refers to a very specific and quite different question altogether. Parish councils, county councils and other bodies of that kind are permitted by law, at a particular season of the year, before the assessments are due, to overdraw their accounts by one-half, and are limited to 50 per cent. of the amount. The banks regularly lend money to all their customers under that provision, but to ask for a five years' loan is to ask for a thing which the banks would not deal with at all, and can only be obtained if the security is thoroughly satisfactory and if there were a continuing liability, as the right hon. Gentleman says, on the rates.
He says there is that continuing liability. In order to find out we have to go to another Act of Parliament altogether, and see what the terms of the mortgage or bond may be which the local authorities can grant to the lenders as security for their money. It might be a useful thing to repeat in the second Bill what you are not repealing in the previous Act. In a case of this sort it is not a thing which those who run may read, and it is quite possible that people may not realise that there is in a previous Act an obligation about which they know nothing. This must be considered very carefully by the Lord Advocate, and we must trust that, after all, something will be done to meet the very grave difficulties of these mining parishes. There may be in many parishes very serious cases of unemployment, involving the outlay of huge sums, and it would be quite impossible to lay such an obligation upon those parishes. It has been suggested that there may be another area. We may find one parish with 1s. in the £ to pay, and another parish with an assessment which it cannot meet. I think, this is a badly digested Bill altogether; in fact, I do not think it has been digested.
The hon. Baronet is not discussing the Amendment, but making a Second Reading speech.
No, I am not.
I have given the hon. Baronet a great deal of latitude. I have listened to him, but I have failed to find something connected with this Amendment. This is a very definite Amendment, only to provide that where a parish exceeds an assessment of 4s. in the £ it has to certify the Scottish Board of Health. It does not go beyond that.
The idea is to limit the assessment to 4s. in the £.
It only provides that the parish shall certify at 4s. It is not a question of the Bill, or of the unsatisfactory nature of the Bill.
I hope we shall go further before we have done, and limit it to 4s. in the £.
This is a bigger matter than the attendance of Scottish Members interested in the Bill really indicates. The Amendment seeks to limit the full rate to 4s. in the £, unless an intimation is made to the Scottish Board of Health. This deals with the relief of destitute able-bodied persons out of employment in a parish. The Bill attempts to deal with the problem of unemployment, and the Poor Law relief in Scotland seeks to deal with the question of destitution. My point of view, and I think it is shared by Scottish Members, is that, if the Government are going to deal with the question of unemployment, they should not endeavour to do so from the standpoint of the relief of destitution of able-bodied persons, because it means that instead of the Government as a whole making any contribution towards the question of extra unemployment in Scotland, they are going to saddle the parish councils in Scotland with relief of unemployment. The Poor Law in Scotland deals with destitution. The question of the destitute is an entirely separate question from the question of the unemployed at the present moment. The unemployment problem at the moment arises out of circumstances following the War, and the Government have introduced a number of Bills. Some of these we have already discussed. This Bill seeks to place on the rates of the parish the relief of unemployment which is otherwise being given in other Bills from the Imperial Treasury. What we want to know is, where does the Imperial contribution come in in this case? What we think is that the parish councils in Scotland are going to be burdened by raising the money for loans out of the rates inside the next five years to deal with temporary unemployment, their function being to deal with destitution.
That is what this Bill does.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer says that is what the Bill does. He is a Scottish lawyer, and I should like to tell him that his Scottish colleagues do not understand what he means. Every speaker in Committee has made the same speech. The Mover of the Amendment and my hon. Friend the Member for Dunfermline (Mr. Wallace) have said exactly the same thing. We make these speeches to know where we are. We ought to know, for the meaning of this Bill is that the money for the relief of what we hope will be a temporary period of unemployment is to be raised exclusively from the rates inside the parish, which at the present time deals with destitution. If not, what contribution are we to receive from the Imperial Treasury?
12.0 M.
There is one point in connection with this Amendment which has not been touched upon, namely, that the boundaries of the parishes in Scotland in no way coincide with the boundaries of the municipalities. In large country areas that is not of great importance, but in a place like Glasgow there are parishes, such as Govan, Glasgow parish, and Cathcart, all within the municipal boundary, but all separate parishes for rating purposes, which involves a great difference. In the parish of Cathcart, which is a residential area, the poor rate is very small, yet there is a very large works in that district—Weir's Engineering Works. There is not full employment in that works, and the men who belong to Weir's do not live in Cathcart, but in the inner districts of Glasgow. Consequently, the upkeep of the unemployed belonging to that large works will not fall on the parish of Cathcart, but on the parishes of Govan and Glasgow. The smaller works—and other works as well—in the inside districts of Glasgow are in many cases suffering from a lack of orders, and they will have to face the additional burden of increased parish rates on account of unemployment which does not concern their parish at all. I ask the Lord Advocate whether if representations were made to him he would not consider a pooling of the rates as regards parishes in these big industrial areas. There is no question of a charge arising as far as the Treasury is concerned. I believe that in the case of Cathcart they are not paying their full share while Glasgow and Govan are paying a great deal more, and though the proposal I have suggested might not be of great advantage, it would be a small step in the right direction. There is also the point referred to by my hon. Friend the Member for Midlothian (Sir J. Hope) that many people, owing to unemployment, are unable to pay their rents and therefore unable to pay their rates. We have, unfortunately, in Scotland a system of compounding for rates on houses below a certain rental, and the result is that house factors and small property-owners are getting no rents at all, but are being called upon to pay very large amounts in rates. They are, in many cases, unable to pay those rates now, and they certainly will be unable to pay if the rates are to be increased, as they will be increased under this Bill. No attempt has been made by the Government to meet that view, which is clamant in Glasgow and other large centres. I ask the Lord Advocate to consider the particular aspects of the case I have mentioned.
It is with some temerity that I venture, as an ignorant Irishman, to intervene in a Scottish Debate. I have always felt, with regard to any Scottish Measure of this character, that after all it is setting a precedent which will apply not only to Scotland, but to the whole of the United Kingdom, to which I also belong. I would like to have some more information on this subject, because, as a matter of fact, we shall probably follow the precedent now being set. I hope the Lord Advocate will inform the Committee further with regard to this matter.
I would like to congratulate the hon. Member who has just spoken on the arrangement whereby in Ireland they are able to settle these matters for themselves, and we have no right of interference whatever—
On a point of Order. I think my hon. and learned Friend is absolutely uninformed with regard to the situation.
That is not a point of Order. If hon. Members were to rise on every occasion an hon. Member was uninformed, the discussion would be all points of Order.
I do not think I am altogether uninformed on this subject. This Bill places an indefinite liability upon the rates in Scotland. Unemployment has reached such a stage that the amount necessary to relieve it imposes on the rates a burden which would strain them beyond breaking point in any one year. That is foreseen, because the next Clause goes further than this and enables the local authority to mortgage the future and to continue a rate just below breaking point for a number of years ahead. There are many of us who think that a burden is being here imposed upon the rates which ought to have been shared, to a large extent, by the Imperial authorities. I am not going to advocate that now, but I wish to show some reason why we think a limit ought to have been imposed upon the amount of the burden which can be placed upon the local authority. With regard to one section of the unemployed, the section for which already something is done, the section who are working in insured trades and who have an insurance provision made for them, the Government is in another Bill making provision in the form of a supplementary grant to these people, but for a large section of the unemployed, the section the burden of whose maintenance it is proposed to impose on the rates, it is making no provision at all. The whole burden of maintaining these unemployed, without any grant from the State through any other Bill, is being imposed upon the local authorities. We feel that that is an intolerable position and that the State ought to share in that burden. We object to it being imposed entirely upon the local authorities, and for that reason we support this Amendment, limiting the amount of the burden which can be imposed in any one year upon a local authority. It is not because we are unwilling that those who are unemployed should have a substantial and adequate grant made for them; we desire that they should have it, but we wish to secure it from other sources.
An opportunity arises for the discussion of all financial matters on the Supplementary Estimate which has already been presented to the House, and when they are on that Estimate my hon. Friends will be enabled to discuss all questions of finance and to place their views on record.
I should like to know whether, when the Supplementary Estimate comes before the House, a discussion upon that will have any effect upon this Bill after this Bill has been passed and the powers given under this Bill have become operative on the parish councils in Scotland?
The Supplementary Estimate has no effect upon the Clauses of the Bill, but a discussion on the Estimate might have a very material bearing upon the burden to be imposed on the rates. With reference to this Amendment, I should like to say a word, first, in reply to the hon. Member for East Edinburgh (Mr. Hogge), because I think he was under some misapprehension as to the precise scope of this Bill. The Bill only puts Scottish law, as regards the relief of the unemployed, in the same position as it has been in England for some years past—the relief which parish councils are authorised to levy in support of the unemployed who are destitute. That is all, and that is a very limited Bill. In considering what burden any parish council will have to bear under the Bill, we must remember that the Government is, in other Bills, providing other schemes. That is, it seems to me, pretty wide, of course, of this particular Amendment. The effect of the Amendment is to direct the parish councils whose rates have reached 4s. in the £ to write a letter of intimation to the Board of Health, and the matter there rests; it does no more. It effects nothing except to give this intimation to the Board of Health, and it seems to me that that is an entirely useless proceeding, but I should like to say further that I think there are parishes in Scotland where 4s. on the rates would be too much of an increase, and therefore it is much better that a maximum of 4s. should not be imposed at all in the Bill, but that the scheme of the Bill should be carried out. That scheme is this, that there are certain parish councils in Scotland whose credit is good and upon whom a comparatively light burden will rest even under this Bill. These parish councils, councils which I may describe as in good credit, will be able to finance this burden by overdrafts at the bank in the ordinary way. As regards the other set of parish' councils, namely, the necessitous parish councils, who have a very heavy burden of unemployment and a very small valuation, in these cases it is impossible for the banks to finance them, and they must apply to the Government for assistance, and the assistance is that which I have already described. Therefore, I hope my hon. Friend will not press the Amendment, but will allow the matter to proceed.
I think the Lord Advocate is quite right in saying that, even supposing the Committee carried this Amendment, it would not carry us very far, but I understood from the Mover of the Amendment that he was putting it down for the special purpose of getting an explanation from the Lord Advocate as to what the Government were prepared to do to assist the parish councils. We have had that statement, but I think the statement carries us about as far as the Amendment would carry us if it were to be put into effect. The Lord Advocate has told us that the Government are pre pared to assist the parish councils by loans. That is not meeting the point that has been put by a number of hon. Members who have taken part in the discussion. That point is that by passing this Bill the Government are putting the liability on to the parish councils for a certain number of the unemployed persons that they are carrying in other cases through other Bills. Already some of the parish councils in the mining areas have been coming to the relief of persons who are unemployed, and who have not been able to get any relief through the Unemployment Insurance Act. There are numbers of men—
Perhaps the hon. Gentleman would confine himself to the Amendment. This is not a Second Reading. This is a very small Amendment, as to whether the local authority, in the event of the poor rate assessment exceeding 4s. in the £, shall notify the Scottish Board of Health. That is the whole point of the Amendment. You cannot build a Second Reading speech on an Amendment of that kind.
With all respect, I had no intention of delivering a Second Reading speech. I was simply saying a few words in regard to one aspect of the question which I think very aptly arises here. The Government are simply putting upon the parish councils a burden which, in the opinion of many hon. Members, should at least be shared by the Government. In some of our mining areas the parish councils have been very heavily burdened by meeting the destitution of a section of the unemployed that has not been met in any other way.
That has nothing whatever to do with the Amendment. I would ask the hon. Gentleman to look at the Amendment.
I have read the Amendment, and, as I have already said, that even supposing it were carried, it would not take us very far. Like other hon. Members who have spoken, I am trying to get something out of a very niggardly Government. I should like to have some assurance that the Government would be prepared to help in the burden which, I am afraid, the parish councils will be unable to bear in some parts of the country.
I do not think it very fair that this Bill should be brought up in Committee at this late hour of night.
Why not?
Because the ordinary man is quite unable at this time of the night to enter into the niceties of a Measure, and particularly one applying to Scotland. I agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for West Fife (Mr Adamson) that the Amendment will not carry us much further. I confess that the statement of the Lord Advocate does not help us very much in any doubt we may have in regard to the position in which the parish councils stand in Scotland. Only to-day we had a very representative deputation from the parish councils in Scotland, who are very much alarmed at their potential liability, and I am not in the least surprised. The Lord Advocate has told us the effect of the Amendment, and I think I do not misrepresent him when I say that what I gathered was that the parish council would report to the Scottish Board of Health, and nothing would happen. This is the position. I know a small parish council in a comparatively small area with a fairly big industrial population which may at any moment have a liability thrown upon it which is out of all proportion to the rating capacity which it can, within reason, possibly exercise.
In that case it will be appropriate for the parish council to apply to the Board of Health for a loan.
These are matters of great importance to many parishes in Scotland, and we cannot go into these matters in sufficient detail to-night. Nevertheless, the question ought to be cleared up. The Lord Advocate says that any parish council getting into financial straits may apply for a loan to the Board of Health in Edinburgh. I think my right hon. Friend will agree that that is merely laying a contingent liability on the parish, which it must clear off within a limited time. The whole effect of the present Bill is that the parish councils are being saddled with statutory obligations which mean a very great deal to the people in those areas.
We have been told that this Amendment does not carry us much further, but I am not quite so sure about that. My Amendment would limit the rate which a pariah council can levy.
No.
At any rate, it is for the Government to carry the matter a little further if necessary in order to meet the difficulties which the speeches we have listened to show do exist. The Lord Advocate said that under the Bill in the case of a difficulty a parish council could apply for a loan to the Board of Health. Does the right hon. Gentleman adhere to that statement? I understand that the parish council may apply for sanction to get a loan from someone else, but not from the Board of Health. If the right hon. Gentleman will agree to embody Clauses which give the parish council power to get a loan from the Board of Health, that would meet the case. I do not think that there is anything in the Bill which provides that you can get a I loan from the Board of Health. I ask leave to withdraw this Amendment on the understanding that it will be debated fully on Report if we do not get a more satisfactory statement from the Lord Advocate. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"]
There are many important parishes in my constituency which will be hit very severely by this Measure and I am afraid that this Amendment will not do them very much good. In one of the parishes I represent we have received a large amount of money and distributed it, and the banks refuse to allow them to draw any more. I suppose they can apply as a necessitous area to the Board of Health and they would probably get a loan, but I think the proper course is for the Government to make a grant to these parishes.
Although I represent an English constituency, I think I have a right to speak on this Amendment because I am a ratepayer in a Scottish parish, which is more than some hon. Members who have spoken can claim, and that already heavily burdened parish will be seriously affected by this Measure. I disagree with the Lord Advocate when he says that this Amendment will carry the matter no further. If the Amendment be carried it will be a statutory recognition of their inability to pay, and they will not be compelled to go beyond an amount which will cause 4s. in the £ to be levied. I think this amount would give very substantial protection to the rates in many parishes.
I speak from the point of view of an English taxpayer who may possibly be mulcted under this particular Amendment. As far as this Amendment goes, it lays down a very clear limit as to how far you can go in levying a poor rate, and beyond the 4s. it leaves the amount, so to speak, in the air, and it does not name anybody that will deal with it. I know that it would be entirely out of order to indulge in any kind of speculation as to where the money might come from, but when I see a combination of the kind that we have seen during the last few minutes of Scotsmen pressing for an Amendment which will relieve a portion of Scotland and leaves the question as to where the money has to come from unprovided for, I have a shrewd suspicion that the Chancellor of the Exchequer will be the next person who will be approached. For that reason I very strongly hope that the Secretary for Scotland and those in charge of the Bill will persist in keeping this Amendment out of the Bill.
Amendment negatived.
rose —
May I move to report progress?
Mr. Neil Maclean.
I beg to move in Sub-section (2) after the word "Act" ["The provisions of the principal Act"] to insert the words "except those relating to the recovery of expenses from the parish of settlement shall."
I have an Amendment on the Paper to leave out words in Sub-section (2), but I find that in order to give effect to these in the Bill I require to move an Amendment to words previous to them, and I have accordingly handed in this manuscript Amendment. The insertion of these words, coupled with the Amendment which I have further down on the Paper, gives to this particular class the effect of declining to allow the parish councils the right to search out the parish of settlement for the individual and charge the relief of that individual—an able-bodied unemployed person—against the parish settlement. The purpose of this Amendment is perfectly clear. Its effect is really a saving in the administration of this Bill now before the House. The amount of money that would naturally be expended, particularly by large industrial parish councils, in trying to search out the parish of settlement—
On a point of Order. I do not wish to interrupt my hon. Friend, but I understand that this Amendment has been handed in in manuscript. Can we have the exact words before we proceed.
The hon. Member read his Amendment. There is no point of order.
I was simply pointing out that the effect of its administration will be a considerable saving, as it will prevent the various parish councils in the large industrial areas from putting into operation investigation as to where the individual comes from and will enable the work of relief to start right away upon the application of the individual.
The effect of the Amendment which my hon. Friend has proposed is to limit the ordinary rate of relief which prevails under the Poor Law against the parish of the settlement of the pauper. The Secretary for Scotland recently met a deputation from Edinburgh, Glasgow and Govan and some other parish councils who strongly pressed the view that the ordinary law should not apply to this form of relief on the ground that the expense of making the inquiries would be far too great in relation to the relief that the ordinary law provides. The object which my hon. Friend had in view was to carry out that arrangement. Accordingly, with the consent of the Committee, I propose to accept the series of Amendments which he is to move to give effect to that proposal.
I beg to move, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."
This is really most important. It makes a fundamental change in the law of rating with regard to Scotland, and it is throwing an unforeseen and unprecedented burden upon the rates of Scotland. It is intolerable that after such short notice we should be asked to take so important a stage as the Committee stage of this Bill after eleven o'clock. The local authorities in Scotland have practically no notice of this. They have had no time to prepare their views. A few of them have come up hurriedly to-day, and have had an interview with a number of the Scottish Members. They endeavoured to lay their views before them, and we have had no time to consider them. There are other Bills which might be taken. Why not proceed with the other stages of the Bill dealing with Trade Credits? Why not deal with any of the other Bills which are before the House? Why should we select this Bill with which to proceed, especially after the discussion we have had to-day? I think the situation is intolerable. I know it is being resented by the local authorities in Scotland, who are having this fundamental change in their position sprung upon them at such short notice without any time to make repre- sentation to Parliament. There is no reason for haste. We have the whole year before us. It is not as if it were at the fag end of an Autumn Session. We are just beginning this Session, and if we desire to do our work properly we have plenty of time before us to do it properly, and to do it after full consultation with those whom we represent in Scotland. I am sure the Government are making a profound mistake in endeavouring to force it just now. I appeal to them to consent to report Progress.
May I support that motion for two reasons? The Second Reading of this Bill was taken after midnight on Thursday. We are now taking the Committee stage after midnight on Monday, when the Monday was originally devoted—apart from this Irish Debate which intervened—to the consideration of this Bill. I appeal to the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor-General that, from the point of view of Scotland and Scottish public opinion, it does not do this Parliament any good to take at this hour the only Bill which deals with Scotland specifically among the five which the Government have introduced. It is not fair that the Second Reading should be taken after midnight and the Committee stage after midnight. The next thing you will do, and from a communication it appears that it is contemplated, is to take the Report stage and the Third Reading to-night. That was hoped for. The Leader of the House has said that if the House was reasonable he was not prepared to ask Members to sit much beyond eleven o'clock. He is not here. The Leader of the House and the Chancellor of the Exchequer only come in here when the Division bell rings. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] The Chancellor of the Exchequer walked out during the discussion, and has not been in since. The Leader of the House only came back for the Division. Nobody can say the House has not been reasonable. In the circumstances of this Bill, I think it is unfair to ask Scottish Members to continue the discussion of this Bill. Members acutely divided in political views have got up to express their extreme doubt about the wisdom of what is proposed. In view of the little opportunity there has been for discussion, I ask the Lord Advocate to get a satisfactory result by agreeing to the Motion to report Progress.
May I join in that appeal? I am sometimes incorrectly accused of being a docile supporter of the Government, but there are occasions on which I do not think it is fair to Scotland that the Government should persistently, and consistently, bring on Scottish Bills at a late hour. It is all very well for some of the Sassenach Members who enjoy a Scottish debate from a remote point of view. But, seriously, such a Bill as we are discussing now has a very important bearing upon the communities we represent. It is impossible for us to do justice to the complications introduced by this Bill at this hour of the morning after the long sitting we have had already. I trust we shall have more consideration for such Measures as these, which are vastly important. We are only at the beginning of the Autumn Session. We can remain here indefinitely. I think time should be allowed, by those who arrange these Bills, for this Bill, which is of prime importance to Scotland. There is also the aspect that these questions have to be considered in Scotland, and looked at from the Scottish point of view. You cannot secure that if you have Debate at this time of the night.
I hope the Committee will proceed with the Bill. The important matters will be fully discussed. Although we had hoped to get all the stages of the Bill to-night, I shall undertake that an opportunity will be given to have the Bill discussed satisfactorily and at a reasonable hour on the Report stage.
What does the Leader of the House say about that?
I hope the hon. Member will remember that the principle of the Bill has been accepted, and that the only difficulty which has been raised is in regard to the finance.
That is the chief thing.
The Amendments put down raise only points of detail. I hope the hon. Member will withdraw the Motion.
May I ask the Lord Advocate whether he is aware that representatives of the parish councils waited upon the Scottish Members to-day, and we told them we could only afford them a very short time owing to the im- portance of the business in the House of Commons. They had to go away after a brief interview. I do not think they are satisfied with the Bill in any shape. They are against the whole principle of the Bill.
That is the first I have heard of that; I thought they unanimously supported the principle of the Bill.
The parish councils do not unanimously support this Bill. The fact that we have had to meet a deputation from Scotland is evidence of that. They view it with the gravest concern, which is shown by their being seated in the Gallery at this late hour, although they are not legislators and are not compelled to be here. I think I have a right to support this Motion, for as Mover of the first Amendment I protested against Scottish business being dragged at the heels of everything else. If we had better legislation for Scotland, England and Ireland would be able to get better legislation. I trust that as the Leader of the House is here now he will agree to report Progress, and that he will consider the views expressed by Scottish Members. We had the Second Reading of the Bill taken after 11 o'clock on Thursday night. The question was not fully debated, for few Scottish Members knew that this Bill, important as it is for Scotland, was coming on. Few knew of it to-night. It was a hurried call sent round to the Scottish Members acquainting them with the fact that it was being taken after the Irish business. Very few of the Scottish Members knew earlier than six o'clock that this Bill was going through the Committee stage. I appeal to the Leader of the House that, as this Bill is imposing very heavy financial burdens in some cases, he will take into consideration the importance of this matter to Scottish Members and will agree to report Progress and bring on the business of the Committee stage at a more reasonable hour on another day this week.
The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has made an appeal to me as Leader of the House. I do not wish to appear unreasonable, and I do not think that the request of the Government is unreasonable. The hon. Gentleman is mistaken about the Second Reading of the Bill. It was taken before half-past nine. True it continued after 11 o'clock, but it was begun before half-past nine, and I think, with the zeal of the Scottish Members, that, but for the presence—though I know nothing of it on that occasion—of gentlemen from Scotland outside the House but within the area—it might have been concluded a little earlier than it was. Let me say about the Bill that it was introduced by His Majesty's Government because it was represented to them by Scottish authorities that the law in Scotland is not the same as in England, and that in dealing with the present crisis Scottish authorities were at a disadvantage as compared with English. It is not, therefore, one of the new Measures introduced by the Government to deal with the very peculiar, indeed, an unexampled crisis of unemployment with which we are confronted. It is a Bill to assimilate in a particular respect the powers of the Scottish authorities to those of the English authorities under the existing English law. It is introduced at the request of Scottish authorities, and I hope that the hon. Gentleman, having regard to the circumstances in which we are met and to the general desire which is common to all sides and has been expressed by Members of all parties, would not object to taking this stage of the Bill, at any rate, on the present occasion. I am quite sure that those listeners to whose presence the hon. Gentleman has called attention would be disappointed if, having sat up till nearly one o'clock—
You said yourself that you would not ask the House to sit late.
Would the hon. Gentleman let me finish my sentence before I turn aside to reply to his observations?
Get on with it.
I say that I thought that the gentlemen whose zeal and interest in this question is shown would be disappointed if they did not hear the conclusion of the Debate in which they have shown so great an interest. My hon. Friend the Joint Parliamentary Secretary (Colonel Leslie Wilson) gave notice last week of our intention to take this Bill. He repeated that notice at three o'clock this afternoon.
I never got it.
I am sorry if that communication did not reach the hon. Gentleman.
It did not.
The hon. Member for East Edinburgh must not continually interrupt. I must call on him to cease interrupting.
The right hon. Gentleman has no business to say that.
My hon. Friend did carefully give notice of his intention. It was not challenged, and I hope the hon. Gentleman opposite, even if the notice did not reach him personally, will not make that a reason for objecting to our progress. The hon. Gentleman, I think, was inclined, in a moment perhaps of heat, to impute to me that I was not fulfilling the statements which I made to the House as to our intentions with regard to the business. I do not think he would seriously repeat that charge. I said it was certainly not our intention to sit late, but I carefully guarded myself so that it should not be said on any particular occasion that I betrayed a pledge, or broke a promise, if we had to ask the House to sit a little longer than usual. I am not going, even now, to insist on the House sitting if hon. Members from Scotland think that it is unfair to their country or to themselves; but I shall regret, and deeply regret, if they take that line. I appeal to them to accept the promise of my hon. Friend the Lord Advocate, that a suitable occasion shall be found for discussing the Bill at the next stage, and to let us finish this stage before we separate.
I am sure there is no desire on the part of the Scottish Members to do anything but help the Government. We do realise that this emergency legislation sometimes leads to a crisis in point of time and that therefore we have got to pull together and try and do the best we can. But my right hon. Friend has made this statement that this legislation had been requested by the local authorities of Scotland. That is true only in this sense, that the Government asked the parish councils to take steps which were illegal under the existing law, and for that reason the authorities desired that their action should be legalised. It does not go farther than that, and I think that this observation, made by my hon. Friend the Member for Montrose (Mr. Sturrock), ought to be repeated. May I inform the Lord Advocate that it was a great surprise to Scottish Members to learn this afternoon that the parish councils of Scotland, who were represented as a body by the Parish Councils' Association, objected to the principle of the Bill. We were so surprised that our Chairman and other Members, including the hon. Member for Renfrew, put questions about it—
Will my hon. Friend forgive me. If the conclusion of his speech is that he does not wish us to proceed, I would accept the Motion to report Progress at once. It is obvious that we cannot now discuss the merits on the Motion to report Progress. If really Scottish Members feel that the circumstances are such that we ought not to proceed with the Bill, I shall accept the Motion, as I said, with regret, but the fortunes of the Bill must be in doubt. I can give no promise.
1.0 A.M.
I wished simply to say that it was a great surprise to us to learn that the principle of the Bill, namely, the putting of this additional burden of debt on the parish councils had not their support. I think it right that that point should be made perfectly clear in order that it should be submitted to my right hon. Friend. If the Government think it is worth while going on, we are at their disposal, but the question is one that should be considered.
The Lord Advocate will be happy to see these gentlemen to-morrow if they will make an appointment.
Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again," put, and agreed to.
Committee report Progress; to sit again to-morrow (Tuesday).
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed .
It being after half-past Eleven of the clock upon Monday evening, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER (Sir E. Cornwall) adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Two minutes after One o'clock.